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War On Terror
War On Terror
In fighting radical Islam, the focus of political administrations has been to target
geographic battlefields. However, the real battlefield is in the mind. The only way we
can win the war on terror is by fighting radical Islamic ideology. Islamic ideology (as
presently perceived) is comparable to a factory producing militant followers. It is only
through challenging this nucleus that we have any hope of winning the struggle against
extremism in Islam.
The previously applied label “War on Terror” focused on militant Islam and terrorist
organizations such as Al-Qaeda. Though the label has changed, it remains that there are a
growing number of radical Islamic terror networks. Al-Qaeda remains an easily
recognized front runner; however, it is accompanied by dozens of other groups, some of
which include Hamas, Hezbollah, the Taliban, the Muslims Brotherhood, and Jama’at-
ud-Da’wah. While some of these groups are political and state-specific, the fact remains
that they are each active sponsors of terrorism.
Changing the label hasn’t changed the war. In fact, the war on terror has spread past
identifiable targets and into the sociopolitical sphere, where Muslim lobbyists and social
groups push to pass legislation favoring an Islamic agenda that conflicts with our
constitutional foundation – an act commonly referred to as Islamism. Moreover, a
number of non-militant and non-Islamist Muslims tacitly support the propagandist views
that favor misinterpretations of Islamic faith.
The core of Islamic faith plays a critical role in understanding the issues since Islam is a
faith that dictates a central political and social structure for its followers.
I execute this method in my manuscript, which is one third complete at this point. I
petition your assistance and ask you to help me to complete the manuscript within a 6
month time frame.
BACKGROUND
Since its conception, Islam has been a highly political religion. Its tenets do not stop at
communicating a connection between man and God; they dictate how a society should be
constructed, including a complete sociopolitical system. Islam creates a very specific
psyche in its followers. 1 The psychological framework is why despite the radical activity,
the open heresy against humanity, we still do not witness Muslims protesting radicalism
in its many forms with the same enthusiasm and effort that is placed into protests against
free speech.2
As warned by myself and a number of scholars in the field, this is a crippling move with
absolutely no merit to a society that wishes to remain free. The increased number of
Islamist movements is an unseen aspect of the “War on Terror”; it can be argued that
these ‘back door’ attempts at subverting Western ideals are more damaging than outright
attacks.
The target is a hydra, a folkloric beast with multiple heads. As in mythology, removal of
one of its heads would result in the immediate growth of another or another pair in its
place. It was impossible to defeat through removing the heads alone; rather, one wishing
to defeat a hydra would have to strike at its heart.
Similarly the “War on Terror” is not defined by one geographical region, one ethnic
group or one political movement. It is a theological ideology manifest in multiple groups
worldwide – a powerful bridge that links millions of people who otherwise may appear
very different from one another. With this in mind, the war against Islamic extremism
cannot and will not be won in the long term based on a conventional understanding of
war.
Continuing to treat this war as a literal war, even to point of seeing it as contained within
a literal battle field, ensures that we will lose it. At present, it is costing us far more than
the sum of billions. We’re losing resources daily, including credibility, authority, the will
of the American public and the respect of the international arena; these are problems that
are not exclusive to America, but include Europe and other foreign states.4 As predicted,
the war is already causing cracks within our own system, as most recently evidenced in
the backlash against our own intelligence community.
This sum of losses here does not include what we will be made to forfeit if we lose this
war.
The alternative front is in the sociopolitical sphere where excessively liberal shows of
‘tolerance’ continue being made to accommodate Muslim preferences and cater to
Muslim sensitivities. These efforts are counter
productive to a larger democratic state. The More and more of a Muslim
efforts are not seen as a measure of good will and
tolerance by the recipients, but as weaknesses. demographic will depend on
And the measure will not be reciprocated, but special treatment
rather taken advantage off as more and more of a
Muslim demographic will depend on special …guaranteeing an inevitable
treatment. and direct clash between
Such treatment creates hostility and animosity Muslims and non-Muslims
within non-Muslim groups, thus guaranteeing an
inevitable and direct clash between Muslims and non-Muslims civilians within a state.
Such a confrontation will trigger increased riots, hate crimes, tensions between ethnic and
religious groups; the conflict will also guarantee increased pressure on elected officials to
provide a quick solution in favor of nationalism and against religious and ethnic groups.
I) Military Initiatives
Military operations, while necessary in certain instances, cannot strike at the root of the
problem. Direct combat depletes resources, costs lives, and reaffirms militant jihadi
rhetoric against the West; it strengthens their cause and feeds into their propaganda.
Recognition of only a geographic struggle or an effort to combat only radical extremists
with known terrorist affiliations, also handicaps a far reaching understanding of the
situation.
These groups then narrowly navigate the discussion on Islam and set the platform for
what is and isn’t acceptable – an approach that is not in the best interest of a free society.
The resulting censorship and assault on free speech has clearly been effective considering
the mass incline of reverse discrimination against non-Muslim citizens in Europe and
America, as well as the increasing number of steps taken by officials to prove themselves
as “tolerant and accepting”.
Since 9-11, an increasing number of Muslim narratives have hit the shelves in the form of
memoirs or autobiographies. While they are of use in one sense, they are still personal
and isolated experiences that unfortunately often result in glorification of the author,
rather than shifting the reader’s attention to the issues.
Watchdog groups have gained considerable ground on the issues, and do an excellent job
of raising awareness. While there are both benefits and drawbacks to these groups, the
major issue here is that no matter what truths are presented by them, they will not be
accepted by Muslims – particularly if the findings are presented by apostates or Jews.
Muslims are highly skeptical of these groups and as such anything that is presented by
them is left unaccepted or unconsidered by the very audience that needs to be targeted the
most.
Muslims do not welcome criticism, and (in their current state) will certainly never accept
criticism by a non-Muslim – especially if the critics are Jews or former Muslims.
If we view this issue in a pyramid illustration targeting what groups play a part in the
“War on Terror”, we would see a world-wide Muslim population forming the base of this
structure. The core problem is not with extremist groups but with the 1.5 billion Muslims
who (with minimal exception) are not truthfully questioning any of it. For reasons
discussed in the manuscript, Muslims question neither the political/social climate, their
faith, culture, nor their own preconceived notions. With little exception, their opinions
are premised on bias views and they have been left thoroughly unchallenged in a manner
that has potential of truly grasping their attention.
The next step in understanding the problem is by targeting politicians and law makers
who 1) genuinely do not understand the problem or 2) are pressured into being soft on
how they deal with the issues.
The manuscript uses an organic method that understands academic discourse and uses it
as a tool to serve a larger objective to target a key audience: 1.5 billion Muslims. The
work is also of benefit to non-Muslims, NGOs, analysts, militaries, lawmakers and
elected officials, academics and scholars.
The manuscript, (with a working title of “The Book of the Believers”) is different from
any other work on the subject. It does not lecture. It is not a memoir. It neither apologizes
for Islam nor does it attack blindly. It places unapologetic truth as the highest priority,
weaves story telling with analysis and ultimately uses the most fundamental psychology
to crack the barriers in the Muslim psyche.
“Book of the Believers” is a call to action; it demands accountability and uses the very
tools employed by fundamentalism to destroy radicalism. The goal is not to simply end
the war on terror, but to go beyond it to the source, to the ideology that implants the seed
for extremism in both thought and action. 6
What potential would 1.5 billion people have if they were truly free?
What would we do if we were freed from this war, if we were no longer trapped
between two impossible positions – for at the moment we can neither win, nor can we
give in.
The manuscript is about 6 months away from completion - if and only if those six months
are spent in complete dedication to the work. It has been impossible to carve time away
to isolate oneself completely to this end and with a recent decision to include a review of
other authors and earlier theories, it is clear that even a mere 15 hours a week are not near
enough to complete the work within a reasonable time.7 At this time, I am actively
seeking grants that will allow me to focus exclusively on completing the manuscript.
I have made the introduction and first chapter available online for your viewing. You are
free to read it and judge it for yourself – and from there decide if this is something you
want to be a part of. I would like to remind you that the first chapter is not indicative of
how the rest of the work will be presented and argued; however, it is an accurate
reflection of its tone. If you feel moved by it, I invite you to get in touch with me. I also
request you to forward this proposal to others who may be interested. As a gesture of
thanks, and with your permission, I’ll be including your name in a special
“Acknowledgement” section of the final published work.
Islamic radicalism is one of the most widespread problems of the 21st century – and what
is more worthwhile than working towards successfully eradicating radical Islam?
Perhaps the real question here is:
What potential would 1.5 billion people have if they were truly free?
What would we do if we were freed from this war, if we were no longer trapped between
two impossible positions – for at the moment we can neither win, nor can we give in.
The manuscript is expected to be positively received by outside groups. However, the key
response being sought is that of a larger Muslim population.
To test the approach and theories presented in the manuscript, discussions were carried
out with Muslims of varied backgrounds, some secular and some zealous in their
position. In some cases, samples of the work were distributed to gauge the reader’s
reaction.
While not all subjects were openly accepting of the ideas presented, the key is that after
some time they did come back to discuss what was initially offered. They also carried the
discussion forward; a critical move showing thought and a willingness to engage in
dialogue.
While in some cases, the acceptance of new findings and theories were immediate; in
other cases, individuals took up to one to two years to be open to the ideas. But again, the
key is that shifts in perceptions were clearly visible.
The ideology that created our presented dilemma did not happen overnight. The
indoctrination into culture and religion took years to instill, and have been practiced by
individuals for decades; clearly, changes are not going to take place over night. The key
is to foster (and provoke) a dialogue, an argument – a truthful exchange of ideas, within
Muslims by Muslims in an intelligent and precise manner that makes them impossible to
refute.
When some of the issues explored in the manuscript were discussed with Muslims,
without fail I witnessed every single individual reveal a crack in the rigidity of their
thoughts. While they may not walk away agreeing with me, the key is they walked away
thinking about it.
And though logic is difficult to disagree with, truth is impossible to ignore. The solution
is to present truth in a way that makes it impossible for Muslims to turn away from it.
“It’s honest, thoughtful and interesting. Two criticisms: it's best not to start anew but
immerse yourself in those who came before and their thoughts; and blaming Muslims for
Islam's ills reminds me of blaming Russians and Cubans for Communism's ills - an
avoidance of the elephant in the room.” 8
Daniel Pipes
Professor, Author, and Political Commentator
Executive Director of The Middle East Forum
Personal Statement
What began as a curious interest in 2003 has now fleshed into a full-time passion.
Working in any capacity to further help both Muslims and non-Muslims understand Islam
became a resolute goal soon after reading the Quran for myself, at a time where
beheadings seemed a near weekly occurrence. Partly due to my Eastern heritage and
Western education, I was and continue to be fascinated by the psychology the faith
instills within its followers - a psychology that fails to be scrutinized truthfully by them.
In 2004-2005, I worked with local community and regional Muslim groups to understand
the structures and initiatives that were already in place.
In 2006-2007, I traveled to Tokyo and had the opportunity to study migrant Muslim
communities, with a particular interest in the psychology of reversion among Japanese
women.
In 2008 I took an interest in comparative studies between the Quran and the Bible.
In 2010, I plan to further develop the Chronicles, work toward further research and
writing to complete the Book of the Believers, and place a core emphasis on tracking
Islamist activity in Southern California. I also hope to allocate time to studying aspects of
Judaism.
When it comes to Islam, the issues and sub-issues are endless. But what I can tell you is
it's near impossible to find a Muslim who doesn't peddle the status quo in one way or
another. I personally don't care for allegiances that are forced upon us at birth. As such, I
have no problem speaking without bias or predisposed notions of loyalty to culture and
religion.
Published with:
Articles:
Speech Transcript
"Caliphate or Republic"
A Global President?
2 A growing number of protests against free speech include opposition to Danish cartoons
depicting Prophet Muhammad, murder of Theo Van Gogh, death threats against a number writers
and speakers who express an unfavorable view of Islam, violence against publications and editors
running such content, protests against academic institutions featuring critical writers/speakers,
and protests against lawmakers and religious figures who have made remarks on Islam and the
prophet, which could have (and thus were) interpreted as unfavorable.
3 Some examples include the inclusion of Sharia law in any context, UN resolutions against
“blasphemous speech”, the increased legislation against free speech in the name of religious
tolerance, as well as the use of cultural relativism as a justification for violating state/national
laws.
4 Recent examples include Scotland’s release of the Lockerbie bomber and his subsequent
return to a cheering Libya, a move supported by the UK (though denied by officials until
proven). The United Nations is also perceived as increasingly ineffective – a view made concrete
courtesy of appearances by Gaddafi and Ahmadinejad (or lack thereof during Netanyahu’s
September 2009 speech).
5. Law makers and politicians include elected city/state officials who allow Saudi money
and regulate how they conduct business. Case and point, approval of the Islamic Saudi Academy
in Virginia.
6 According to Daniel Pipes, moderate Muslims "constitute a very small movement", but a
"brave" one, which the U.S. government should "give priority to locating, meeting with, funding,
forwarding, empowering, and celebrating”. He suggests that "radical Islam is the problem and
moderate Islam the solution". [New York Sun, 2007]
If adequate resources are gained, I also plan on increasing the frequency of attending events,
networking in the field, including travel and discussion with select Muslims groups (at least on a
domestic level) in order to have more thorough research available to the reader.
8 Were the work to start with outright attacks and accusations, we would immediately lose
our core audience and the larger effort would be ineffective. In a subsequent email, Pipes did
suggest the work offer a familiarization of previous works. I believe he may be right in this
regard and the suggestion has been taken into consideration and will be put into effect. Outside
thinkers and theories will be introduced and applied to the situation at hand.