BC NDP

Following the failed 2013 BC NDP election campaign, many Party activists and leaders
who questioned the flawed strategy pointed to a narrow campaign team with little input
beyond paid staff and the Leaders' office, with most major campaign decisions made
directly by the Leader. Although the Provincial Executive was in name the Election
Planning Committee, in practice a small coterie of people made key campaign
decisions. Nor was there an effective feedback loop or measurements to determine if it
was in fact working.
Learning From Our past
While others, in reviewing the last election loss also pointed out the "likability" issues
faced by the past Leader, a larger concern was identified, over the Party's inability to
communicate a message/vision on jobs and the economy and similarly prosecute a
case against the failings of the incumbent government. While traditionally the NDP
relies on the support of women, moved more by social issues, health care and
education, that combination is not enough to win. To ensure voters give the NDP fair
consideration, it is critical we at least pass a "nod" test on economic issues. This may
not be the driver that convinces voters to mark their ballot for the NDP, but the absence
of a cogent message leaves too many unwilling to even consider the NDP as a ballot
choice.
The absence of a message on jobs was also ignorant of BC's diversity, both of the
province's diversity with respect to its populace, and its regions. By pursuing a "green"
agenda in the absence of a jobs plan, areas outside of Metro Vancouver that are
dependent on BC's resource sectors heard little from the NDP to ensure their jobs were
secure and that their local economies would grow; let alone fight the outright lies that
the NDP planned to drive mining and other resource jobs out of the province. This
sentiment was given further flight by the then Leader's decision to stake out a position
on controversial pipeline development.
This economic issue is particularly exacerbated in BC's immigrant communities. Over
its history, the NDP's progressive stance on issues of equity, human rights and social
justice allowed it to build a strong base of support among immigrant communities.
Today that support is waning as the communities are more aspirational in their
economic outlook and don't see the NDP as reflecting that value and their ability to get
ahead in economic terms. The last campaign also demonstrated the BC NDP had lost
its effectiveness at communicating and organizing in immigrant communities, often in
the face of hostile ethnic language media. Perhaps this is reflected by the lack of
campaign staff and leaders who come from these communities and are able to
effectively communicate in other languages. Where staff does exist, they are often
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relegated to narrow language roles and no outlook is provided to the larger campaign.
The panoply of issues and tactics required to effectively campaign in these communities
has withered inside the NDP, and presents an ongoing challenge in Metro Vancouver,
which is set to become one of Canada's largest "majority-minority" areas.
This brief review is not an effort to document all of the failings and achievements of the
last campaign but is to provide context to the discussion of The Path Forward. The
Path Forward is a resolution (attached) drafted, primarily by the NDP's labour affiliates
after the 2013 campaign and recently adopted at the provincial convention, to offer a
guidepost to ensure lessons learned from our most recent campaign loss are not
forgotten. This resolution offers comment on a shared vision and message labour
affiliates believe is necessary to win over members to support the NDP.
New Leader, New Outlook?
Following the resignation of Adrian Dix, the Party conducted a leadership race. Entry
fees were kept high to discourage single issue candidates and ensure prospective
leaders had the organizational and fundraising capacity to do the job. As the race
began, divisions inside the Party (green vs. brown, urban vs. rural, past leaders' friends
vs outsiders) threatened to become lasting. As well, conducting an expensive race
while the Party faced significant election debt, and the continued presence of a failed
leader viewed as a drag on Party support, did not bode well. Steelworkers initiated
discussions that led to the unanimous support from Caucus and Party affiliates for a
new leader. Those discussions not only ensured roles for the senior prospective
leadership candidates, but also ensured incoming leader John Horgan had the ability to
shape, hire, and fire caucus and provincial office staff.
While faces changed in senior staff roles, little structural change was made to caucus
staffing: provincial office staff was already winnowed post-election with only temporary
staff in leadership positions, allowing easy room for new faces. A large concern given
our Party's history and very public in-fighting, was ensuring Caucus members
functioned well together. While no group loves each other and there are certain to be
tactical and strategic disagreements; the group is working well together and the Caucus
has notched several good sessions of the legislature. However, few of those legislative
efforts are marked by disciplined messaging and efforts to connect work in the
Legislature with the larger political conversation in the province.
This is reflected as an inability to brand the government, in a political environment
where there is ostensibly less anger at the incumbent government than in the last
election, and an inability to brand ourselves, while successfully being labelled as the
Party that says no to economic development. It remains unclear who leads message
development and strategic planning: Caucus/Leader's office or Provincial Office. Too
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often staff in each office point in the other direction, resulting in inaction and missed
opportunity. Despite technological advances that should bridge physical distance the
BC NDP has always struggled to address the regional challenge created by the location
of our province's capital on Vancouver Island. Victoria is not only the location of our
legislature but also the largest cohort of political staff and leaders. Victoria is a beautiful
city, but it is unlike anywhere else in BC. Whether its lack of diversity, or its economic
reliance on the provincial government as the largest local employer, conversations in
the capital do not necessarily reflect the rest of BC. Inside the NDP caucus with its
large presence of lower island MLAs, (the leader is also from the area, as are all of his
senior staff); this is an ongoing challenge.
Political staff and elected leaders engage with visiting "stakeholders" but do little to build
relationships with allies. Notably, the staff cohort, including senior and otherwise, while
they are long and loyal New Democrats few have any history or experience inside the
Party; including as organizers, campaign staff, executive members etc., and in particular
working with Party allies in the labour movement. In fact, there is too large a sentiment
that "big P" partisan political work is solely the function of a less-resourced Provincial
Office. Most often this leaves both sides criticizing the other.
Similarly, provincial office staff doesn't have experience planning and executing a large
province-wide campaign. Planning and setting goals appears to be an aspirational
exercise at best, or pie in the sky dreaming, that is impossible to achieve without greater
fundraising. \/\lith close to a year before the next provincial writ is dropped, realistic
campaign planning and consultation only appears to be inching forward now.
Meanwhile the Party's financial health is of great concern.
Where We Are today
Ultimately, one takes their lead from the Leader. But the lack of a hands-on approach by
the Leader and his staff to Party affairs is not only troubling but has led to a critical
situation with a growing lack of confidence from the Party's closest and largest labour
funders. Despite the presence of many elected labour activists inside the BC NDP
there does not seem to be a real appreciation/understanding of the labour movement.
Yes, we have a set of fundamental shared values, but we are not a monolith that
marches to one beat.
From the perspective of the NDP the labour movement in BC can be described in the
following terms:

Could care Jess (mostly private sector, want an aggressive jobs agenda, only
motivated to give and encourage members to vote if they hear progress on
economic issues or public opinion indicates an NDP win.)

Non-partisan (mostly public sector, will never encourage members to vote for a
party, may run third party ads on shared issues, won't donate to the NDP.)
Partisan (public and private, mostly directly affiliated to NDP, encourages
members to vote NDP and are the Party's largest donors, financial backers.)

Understanding the labour movement has been an ongoing challenge for the Party
(arguably, when we reviewed the Party's history, they functioned best when there was
an identified labour contact serving in a senior role in the Leaders' office). It is
understood that the labour movement can be frustrating to engage and work with. In
particular the Leader was promised support that has been underwhelming (mostly
financial). However, when the Leader ran for the job, he staked out positions that are at
odds with subsequent action, leaving mostly private sector unions bewildered at not
only the lack of progress on a vigorous jobs agenda, but frustrated at the ease which
the governing party has labeled the NDP as saying no to economic progress.
When the Party takes positions on issues of importance to labour unions and does not
consult with allies while in Opposition, it is fair to ask if they would in government. More
importantly, it adds to the perception that the Party only views the labour unions as an
ATM; the only time our views are heard is when they are attached to a cheque. Worse
when pushed to demonstrate consultation with the labour movement, the Party/Caucus
rely on platform wish list development as the tool. This allows those with no skin in the
game to help develop a list (labour code, public sector funding and programs, etc.) that
the Party can never achieve; (with input mostly from the non-partisan element of the
labour movement,) while avoiding the one challenge-economic issues-labour allies
set out.
Steelworkers are generous to the BC NDP in both in-kind and direct financial support as
well as political support. However, efforts to assist the Party have been met with little
engagement. Relieving the party of $300,000 of debt while working to develop further
assistance should be positive developments in our relationship. Yet, it was a frustrating,
bureaucratic exercise that extended months. Let alone the full-time staff provided to do
South Asian outreach that is only engaged in a limited way. Suffice it to, say the
growing level of frustration at providing financial and other support, with the lack of a
message we believe our members need to hear to be successful in target ridings, has
allowed us to join those who have or are losing confidence the NDP can win the next
election.
We view the challenges the Party faces as structural, not necessarily one of changing
and replacing staff. We tend to be alone in that view, with others viewing the major
obstacle as replacing senior staff with more experienced people. Regardless of one's
views, this has now become a point of contention that requires the Leader to be firm in

defending current occupants or making changes necessary to build confidence as we

move forward.
Our concern at the lack of a cohesive Provincial Office and Leaders' office and the lack
of campaign planning has culminated in our advising that there will be no more financial
and in-kind assistance until a plan is developed. Further support will be based on the
plan's effectiveness and measured against performance outcomes. It may be the case
that the Party staff find that a difficult arrangement. In that scenario we will not stop
being loyal New Democrat members, activists and funders. However our role in working
with and resourcing central party structures will likely stop, and instead we will support
local NDP candidates who best share our values.
Our preferred option is to move forward together. What that mean for Steelworkers:

Eliminate the daylight between provincial office/caucus; make necessary staffing

changes/additions;
Campaign planning that is inclusive (and while built with expertise, not a
collection of apparatchiks), guided by the lessons learned of the past campaign,
and the one document that set guidelines on how the Party should approach the
election, The Path Forward;
Set short/medium term, realistic, measurable goals (and achieve them;)
Utilize in- kind resources in a planned way; and
Engage us without asking for money.