Antiziganism Anti-Gypsy Racism and The Press in Hungary: János DÉSI, Budapest 2009

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ANTIZIGANISM

ANTI-GYPSY RACISM AND THE PRESS IN HUNGARY

János DÉSI, Budapest 2009.


ANTIZIGANISM
ANTI-GYPSY RACISM AND THE PRESS IN HUNGARY
In present day Hungary all kinds of racist, anti-Gypsy opinions can be published without any
difficulty. Dozens of newspapers, websites, and periodicals put out long and expressive
articles about so-called crimes of Gypsies. Online discussion sites are flooded by openly
instigative writings about Gypsies (and Jews, gays, lesbians). An extremely far right party,
Jobbik, won three seats in the European Parliament, even though the strategic message of its
programme is the fight against ‘Gypsy crime’. The other party of the Right, the one that –
according to the polls – next year will be able to form a government, has been quite
permissive about racist acts of the radical right so far. The governing socialists do not have a
straightforward policy to handle this problem either, and they do not dare to stand up
explicitly in defence of human rights and Hungarian Gypsies. The liberal party – that has a
history of speaking out on minority rights – has left the government and practically ceased to
exist. The president of the republic had not issued a statement for quite a long time about the
series of killing Gypsies[1]. He gave a very fair speech on this issue only after the sixth
victim had been killed – when visiting a survivor of the attack in hospital. However, his
words seem far from being enough to change the trend.
Before 1990 in Hungary, freedom of expression was oppressed, so no racist or radical views
could find their way into the public domain. After the overthrow of the system, the new elite
– learning from the past – made the freedom of expression practically limitless. It became
practically impossible to stop legally, or outlaw, hate speech and the spreading of Nazi ideas.
Despite the fact that quite a few Nazi books and magazines were regularly published, for a
long period of time these all stayed marginal and were consumed by a limited number of
people.
In 1998 a little, extreme right party (Hungarian Justice and Life Party – MIÉP[2]) led by
István Csurka – first a group within the governing Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) –
made its way to Parliament. This party was openly racist and used the old fashioned rhetoric
of anti-Semitism. Although it was not formally part of the coalition, in certain cases the
leading party of the government, the Alliance of Young Democrats (Fidesz) co-operated with
it and party leaders made no secret of trying to lure MIÉP voters to their own side. For this
reason, politicians of Fidesz, when trying to attract new voters, always talked rather
cautiously about MIÉP, and never categorically denied its opinions.
In this way, more and more extreme and rancorous ideas emerged without being reviewed or
criticized on their merits. The openly racist voice of articles (first radio, later television
shows) became commonly accepted. With the spread of the Internet, racist instigation won
endless possibilities. Hungarian right-wingers are keen to use this tool, and with it they found
the perfect way to reach out to university students and the younger generation.
Anti-Semitic press has a long history in pre-war Hungary – and today there is no dispute over
the fact that it played a major role in creating the climate of opinion that made Hungarian
citizens silently tolerate the deportation and killing of almost 600,000 compatriots labelled
Jew. Obviously the situation in Hungary today is completely different from the one before
1945. Hungary is a committed member of the European Union. We must be very cautious
with historical comparisons.
Even so, racist, anti-Gypsy and prejudicial judgment became an everyday phenomenon in a
part of the mainstream press, and I strongly believe that it has its serious risks. It obviously
invigorates already existing preconceptions. An interesting detail is that these preconceptions
(‘these people are dirty, they steal, and they have far too many children’) were terms used in
the late 19th and early 20th century for the Jews. Does this mean that we have the same
description for any foreign, unknown or different people?
A long line of researches and everyday experience both prove that anti-Gypsy sentiments – a
system of prejudices that can be easily defined – are not new and have a history. From casual
talk, to football hooliganism - anti-Gypsy expressions are most common and this vocabulary
has been utilised in recent years by a certain segment of the press; which again reinforces
everyday racism.
Today, mostly the media of the right and the extreme right – I will come back to these later –
are proud to publish racist opinions. A segment of these publications is the part of a media
empire that is connected to the largest opposition party of the last three years, Fidesz.
Some articles published in the daily newspaper, Magyar Hírlap, read very much like those
from the Nazi age. Echo TV, a nationwide cable channel, regularly airs extreme opinions.
Both of these companies are owned by entrepreneur Gábor Széles, who made the Top 100 list
of the richest Hungarians, former president (and now honorary president) of the
Confederation of Hungarian Employers and Industrialists. He does not even conceal the fact
that, in return for his political activities, he expects to become the Minister of Economy in the
government to be formed by Fidesz. The media organisations he founded and controls often
propagate prejudice and extreme views about Jews and Gypsies, but their owner is still a
renowned public figure. Society has not developed a self-defence mechanism to exclude
those who help to propagate certain ideas. And, of course, there is always a demand for these
concepts; the circulation and viewership results may be seen as positive feedback.
The other pro-Fidesz daily newspaper, Magyar Nemzet, or the television channel Hír TV (a
24-hour news channel) often include articles and programmes that are packed with
anti-Gypsy prejudices. A couple of years ago Viktor Orbán, opposition leader, former (and
quite possibly upcoming) prime minister, called upon his followers to subscribe to
Demokrata, a radical right weekly magazine.
In today’s Hungary, politics are extremely divided; the camps of Left and Right stand face to
face, ready to fight. Any kind of discussion or criticism regarding racism is seen by the right
press as part of the political debate and a general attack on the Right (naturally by the Left).
Therefore, not even the basic principles are agreed on with regard to the dangers of prejudice,
racism and provoking people. The full truth includes that a number of politicians of the Left
are not happy to speak out for Gypsy – or simply human – rights.[3]
Apparently, the press not only creates but mirrors public attitudes. The competition for
circulation or viewership calls for using partly racist opinions: it seems evident that the public
needs or at least tolerates it.
Racist ideas do not only appear in the news: entertainment programmes use them too. One of
the most popular television talk/comedy shows (Fábry-Show) regularly makes fun of ‘Gypsy
habits’ or ‘features’, ending with the moral that Gypsies are illiterate, violent and steal.
Though the National Television Commission reprehended RTL Klub, the commercial
channel that broadcast the show a few times, it still seems to be rewarding to make jokes
about Gypsies. Viewership numbers prove this. The showman Fábry is a well-known and
committed supporter of Fidesz.
The other nationwide commercial TV channel, TV2 – which is largely owned by
ProSiebenSat/Germany – aired a comedy show some years ago called: ‘My Big Fat Gipsy
Wedding’ picturing Gypsies as immoral, oversexed, lazy and hesitant to learn. In the scandal
which followed, the channel argued that one of the performers was a very well-known
television celebrity, Győző Gáspár. Roma himself, he had been the protagonist of a reality
television show presenting his everyday life and that of his family. The secret of the success
of this long-lasting series may be that Győző Gáspár and his relatives are surprisingly
(stereo)typical: they live as prejudiced viewers may think the daily lives of Gypsies are.
The extremist István Csurka and the leader of the extreme right wing party, Jobbik, Gábor
Vona, are regular guests on the morning news programme of the Hungarian Public
Television. The latter – when asked about his opinion on the planned demonstration to
commemorate Rudolf Hess, lieutenant of Hitler – simply answered: “you should move to
Israel.”
Many examples could be added to this short list and they all point to the fact that, in the last
couple of years, inhibitions ceased to exist. Barriers - that did not permit racism to reach the
wider public and into the mainstream press - disappeared. For a long time, public speech and
everyday communication were strictly separated. What was natural and accepted in common
speech, could not reach the mainstream press; it was used only by the marginal press and its
makers.
Now, racist talk has penetrated the mainstream media and gathers ground for itself within
serious and popular newspapers, television and radio channels.
There is an old Hungarian joke in which pollsters arrive at a small village and ask an old
man: “Is there anti-Semitism here?” “No,” the old man answers, “though it is in demand.”
Well, it seems racism is still in demand in Hungary.

*
Henceforth I attempt to outline the types of prejudiced remarks and opinions that appear in
the mainstream media.
I can not prove my theory – it would be an academic task to approve or disapprove it – but, as
a journalist and editor, I experience that a segment of the news and the public eagerly waits
for a chance to express racism. Once a crime is committed by someone of Gypsy origin,
dozens of articles are written, demonstrations are organised and so on – suggesting that all
Roma are the same. Much less interest is shown in the cases when the culprit is of another
origin.
Opinions published mostly in Right newspapers often include the words, “we have the right
to talk about this”, and in the name of political correctness the Left can not silence them.
The radical right wing party, Jobbik, based its programme on the simple suggestion that
Gypsies are criminals. Even though statistics show that crime rates go down in Hungary, they
managed to create a public belief that we have to be afraid of the Gypsies, and the police of
the socialist government are not able to help – therefore self-defence is needed.
This kind of reasoning appears in the news too. A special variation even asserts that Gypsies
are mere tools of the Jews in their secret war against Hungarian people.
A lengthy discussion unfolded in newspapers after a farmer had powered his fence to save his
garden and a young man died of an electric shock. The farmer – who had been arrested for a
short period of time – was seen as a national hero in a segment of the press. He was presented
as the living proof of the ways officials humiliate those who try to save their property against
Gypsies. A small town mayor – who was already known in connection with some other
anti-Gypsy arrangements – offered him financial, legal and moral help. The simple argument
that you cannot kill someone for stealing cucumber just did not get through to these
newspapers – mostly on the Right. Their interpretation of this reasoning was that the left
press tries to defend crime and Gypsies instead of the real victims: Hungarians. This criticism
misinterpreted the original articles that never tried to palliate stealing, just stressed the
insanity of disproportion between human life and vegetables. And even if it had happened
once, the worst that could be done was setting the culprit (the farmer) as an example to
follow.
It may be worth mentioning that, soon after this incident, penal law was modified to give
more liberty in self-defence: those who defend their properties have now a wider variety of
possibilities of counteraction than before
The next bigger topic should be education, which is closely linked to populism in the press
too. Roma segregation in education is not new in Hungary – children finishing their studies in
low quality classes have no real chance to go on to higher education. Integrated education
(which would mean mixed race classrooms) is strongly opposed by a segment of teachers and
parents who resist any kind of rational reasoning. The newspapers that are always happy to
practise their racism deliver horror stories of young Gypsies hurting their classmates or even
teachers. In the last couple of years, a number of cases of this kind came to light. They are
mostly presented as “everyday cases” because “this is what Gypsies normally do”, even if
these cases were regrettable but exceptional.
Magyar Nemzet placed one of these cases on the cover, stating: “Gypsies beat up and
strangled a kindergarten teacher.”[4] In general again, Gypsies as such: it is their fault if
integrated education is impossible and set to fail. The middle classes usually would not let
their children go to school with Gypsies, and these news reports confirm such
misconceptions.
The cliché that classmates can be hurt by Gypsies only is so widespread that in one case the
tabloids used a story that had originally appeared on extremist websites. Later, a mobile
phone recording of the affair was uploaded to the net too, which showed that the wrongdoers
were not Roma – still, this is how the affair is remembered now.
The mayor of a suburban town in the vicinity of Budapest – earlier a well-known extreme
right journalist – practically banned Gypsy children from going to the local school, and
forced them into private education. Authorities imposed a fine on the school and the radical
journals unequivocally condemned the action as stealing money from Hungarian children,
while Gypsies can not be taught, disciplined educated in mixed classes .
Obviously, I can not tell which groups of children were involved in this special case. Still, the
image of Gypsy kids beyond control hit the public with such a force that it backed up the
mayor. The notion of modern pedagogy offering several ways to handle difficult or different
children – which is not simply banning them from going to school – simply never emerged.
Government support. The opinion that Gypsies are mere parasites, happy to live
unemployed (‘on the dole’) also frequently returns to the pages of newspapers.
It made the internet first, then reached print newspapers too, that Gypsies evade the law and
gain illegal subsidies by giving their children into state care, and then their neighbours
formally adopt them. So, in reality, children go home, and adults can share the government
grant intended for foster parents. The press that wished to prove the greediness and
uninhibitedness of Gypsies found such a case. Many articles mentioned the responsibility of
government that is weak or unable to stop this kind of frauds, and therefore wastes the
taxpayers’ money on Gypsies. The story was not checked for quite a while, and by the time it
was and it turned out that the whole story had been fabricated, it was strongly engraved into
the public mind.
Radical press warmly welcomed another, similar story about a county where pregnant
mothers beat the head of the foetus (or according to another version, strangled the newborns
with nylon shopping sacks) to make them handicapped and receive higher government
support. Not even one case of this nature has been found, but articles on the internet and in
the press have been published and were never yet disclaimed.
It is hard to say if prejudiced journalists are quicker to believe and reluctant to check the
facts, or whether it was an intentionally designed act of scare mongering.
Typically the denial of lies would be published in other newspapers (or on other websites)
than the lies themselves and would thus reach a different layer of readers (or internet users).
As I already mentioned, politics in Hungary (and the press) is rather divided; members of the
competing camps read their own newspapers, and watch only their own news programmes.
Findings of investigative journalism have no real chance to reach those who are led astray by
lies.
For a long time the press conducted serious discussions as to whether government subsidies
should be given out without any additional condition, or with restrictions such as community
work.
A mayor passed a local law that allows payments only for those who undertake community
work. Educated arguments were soon replaced by racist discussions about Gypsies being lazy
by nature and, thus, they should be forced to work.
An example of biased writing: “Today two teachers with two children earn less than an
unemployed Gypsy family with four children, which makes money from subsidies, grants and
shady business. Still Gypsies ruin whole villages, tear down forests and meadows and
massacre those who try to stop them. Where they become the majority they openly terrorize
locals.”[5] Magyar Nemzet labels itself as ‘civil’ and it is read by the middle class, but its
journalist still takes for granted that ‘Gypsy’ equals ‘criminal’ and deserves no subsidies.
A well-known columnist of Magyar Hírlap writes: “It is not right to bear too many children,
then simply sit around in pubs all day, and on the first day of the month walk in to grab the
subsidies which are more than the stupid Hungarian gets by working all month like a dog.”[6]
The cover photograph of this issue depicts two well-built young Roma sitting at a table,
playing cards. The caption reinforces prejudice: “government subsidies are easily spent on
card games, gambling machines and drinking.”
One returning topic is the incompetence and immorality of Gypsy leaders. Again, specific
cases are reported as generally characteristic, suggesting that the writer sticks to the facts and
the article is unbiased.
Disappeared government money. The PR-mechanism of the Right opposition tries to prove
how incompetent and corrupt the governing socialist party is. The suggestion that billions
have been spent on integration programmes without real results perfectly fits in, meaning
billions have been wasted. To evaluate the government’s policies on Gypsies would need
another article, even though I partly see the policies as problematic also. My main issue now
is the reports seen in certain newspapers that suggest that taxpayers’ money is spent on
unemployed, slothful Gypsies.
Hostility. Gypsies and Roma organisations are very often pictured – and not only in the
heavily biased press – as being in constant discordance. They keep fighting amongst
themselves, so they can only blame themselves for their bad situation. They should not argue;
they should solve their problems. All this adds up as a special Roma quality and no
‘Hungarian’ organisation is mentioned that can not stop its membership’s persistent quarrels,
and can not even come to an agreement on the basics.
The prejudiced press that intends to represent the Roma community as a homogeneous nation
often demands that they exclude their criminals so the rest deserve the chance to become
accepted. Even Gyula Horn – then prime minister – said this. The impossibility of this idea is
easily proven by suggesting that the Hungarians might exclude their own perpetrators.
In an interview made with the president of the Roma self-government, a journalist of Magyar
Nemzet asks, “you have mentioned crimes committed against Gypsies, but we hear a lot more
about crimes committed by Gypsies against Hungarians. What can you do to stop these?”[7]
The conviction of a ‘Hungarian’ criminal leads the press to no general conclusions, unlike
with Gypsy culprits; their criminal disposition or their upbringing in crime is seen as fact.
A recurring claim is that Roma leaders (vajdas) should keep order among their own people. It
is never asked if the institution of the vajdas is alive at all among Hungarian Roma. “It is
their own business.” This claim reinforces the old picture of an archaic society, with different
rules, different institutions. The public does not know too much about the culture of the
Gypsies and it is even more perplexed by self-styled vajdas, who are happy to make the news.
To achieve notoriety self-made vajdas often choose to fit the biased picture and say what the
majority wants to hear: they talk about Roma crime etc. This helps them to some kind of
fame, and they are interviewed and invited by the segment of the press that tries to fend off
accusations of racism, while still being not far from it.

Criminals. A couple of shocking crimes in recent years give the chance to present Gypsies
as violent and incapable of co-operation. In the village Olaszliszka, Eastern Hungary, a driver
knocked over a little girl. Her enraged relatives beat the driver to death in front of his own
daughters – though the girl who had been knocked over had hardly been injured. The case,
the investigation and the trial was covered extensively by the press. The brutality of the case
shocked the nation, and Gypsies as such were blamed many times.
The cover headline of Magyar Nemzet went: “Lynching by Gypsies in Olaszliszka”[8] –
which made it obvious that Gypsies in general are ready to kill. A couple of years earlier in a
small town eight people were killed in a bank robbery; now headlines mentioned killings by
‘Hungarians’. The word Gypsy was played out consciously in this unsettling case.
Another cover headline of Magyar Nemzet may prove that it was not a solitary mistake on the
part of the editor: “Szátok is terrorized by Gypsies”[9] – the article reports on the life of a
little village where life is ruined by Gypsies.
Olaszliszka set a turning point for the Hungarian press in the tone that can be used regarding
Roma. From this time on, more and more journalists and editors found it politically correct to
identify Gypsies as violent criminals. Reasonable discussion on the situation of Roma
became impossible for a long time. More and more, the answer given was that people who
lynch must not be defended.
A couple of months later a popular sportsman of Romanian origin was stabbed to death in a
pub fight. The name of the culprits made obvious their Gypsy roots. A national outcry
followed, ten thousands demonstrated, hundreds of interviews were made, and thousands of
articles were written. A producer of blockbuster comedies made a documentary/half-
documentary film about the victim and the case with openly anti-Gypsy scenes. It can not be
proven if this overwhelming reaction was provoked by the fact that the killer and his partners
in crime were Gypsies, but it clearly can be seen that this case was used many times as a
pretext for explicating racist views. So it is not a far guess that if the killer had not been
Gypsy, his deed would have drawn a smaller response.
The cover headline of Magyar Hírlap said: “Gypsies killed in Veszprém”[10] and a radical
columnist adds: “Unfortunately many members of the Gypsy community say no to humanity,
say no to co-existence. Unfortunately they are animals, dangerous animals and we should
approach them with this in mind.” The journalist links criminal tendencies to the Gypsy race.
Another typical case is the raping and murder of a teenage girl in a small town in the vicinity
of Budapest. The local, right wing mayor organised a demonstration after this shocking event
where he held a speech and among others said: “we are fed up with Roma violence.”
Instigation against Roma went on for months; the Gypsy and non Gypsy community of the
town turned against each other; and the mayor, who had great communication skills, kept the
case alive with the help of the press. A memorial was made, which quickly became the focal
point of anti-Gypsy sentiments. A radical right wing organisation called Goy Bikers
organised further demonstrations – and created the basis of a constant flow of articles on the
subject packed with anti-Gypsy stereotypes.
In an interview, the mayor tried to justify anti-Gypsy sentiments with the following: “Groups
of Roma people commit crimes every day and not only here. These crimes may be smaller or
bigger, but they are enough to keep the majority perpetually terrorised.” The journalist
interfered, saying that politically correct people would call him racist, so he went on saying:
“If I am racist just because I say, it was enough, than the whole public is racist, because they
think the same. Being afraid of the Gypsies is not racism. Why would the fear of a Hungarian
be racism?”[11]
Let us remember that all this was said after a really unsettling crime had been committed, a
girl had been brutally murdered, and many thought – backed by local politicians – that it
meant: Roma people are fearsome.
The killer was later found and he was not Roma, but it never bothered those who wanted to
see a Gypsy crime in this case too. According to many opinions, police made the mistake of
arresting an innocent man, or if he was not innocent, he must have had partners in crime and
they surely were Gypsies. The mayor himself clung to his innuendo, and declared that
coexistence with Gypsies was still impossible.
The spiral of hatred had started, offending the Roma and non-Roma communities likewise. It
turned out that many votes can be gained by openly anti-Gypsy statements, even if they prove
to be fictitious later.
Comparing Hungarian and Roma felons is quite customary: “Hungarians never set Roma
girls on fire, never hit the face of Roma boys with an axe, never rape 80 year old Roma
women, never lynch Roma teachers and never stab to death Roma sportsman peacefully
having a good time. The usual reply that Hungarians commit crimes too is false. Yes, they
commit crimes, but in vastly different manner and in vastly different proportions.”[12]
The idea of a little girl raped and killed by the Gypsies easily became one of the running
clichés, even if in real life Roma had nothing to do with the actual felony.
The opposition leader Viktor Orbán reinforced these sentiments and made the headlines of
Magyar Nemzet (his keen supporter): “Orbán says, day by day there are more criminals of
Gypsy origin.”[13]
Surprisingly enough, even the parliamentary commissioner for civil rights said in an
interview that society must be warned about Gypsy Crime.[14]
Singing and Winning. The two main commercial channels of Hungary both aired a series of
talent shows like Britain’s Got Talent or American Idol. Young Gypsies were helped to gain
better positions by audience votes and the right wing press grabbed the opportunity to prove
that there is no racism in Hungary: hard working, talented Gypsies have a chance and the
public helps them. They forgot that these cases do not prove too much. One of the most
prevailing clichés is that “Roma people are born with music in their veins.” The votes fit the
system of prejudices therefore they can not change them. Still, when the participants use their
growing popularity to talk about their lives, they can show the viewers a world they hardly
know.
The appearance of political racism. At the latest European Elections, out of the 22 seats
allocated for Hungary three seats were won by Jobbik, the party that does not even hide its
radical racism, anti-Semitism and antiziganism. This was the third best result of the elections.
The pivotal point of Jobbik’s policies is standing up against Roma people and Roma crime.
As Gábor Vona, party leader, put it at a rally: “Gypsy crime is backed by politics.”[15]
Needless to say, the county’s daily reporting about the party gathering did not comment on
this, or other remarks of this kind, in its long and detailed article.
The right side of the politically divided Hungarian press reported on the party leaders’
comments with more or less sympathy, and watched with malicious glee how the left press
struggles with racist statements. When the paramilitary organisation, Magyar Gárda
(Hungarian Guard) created by Jobbik marched to shock Gypsies, Roma organisations
arranged counter-demonstrations. The images of these events on television showed that
producers either do not understand that they play with fire if they go for polarizing ethnic
differences or they do understand it and provoke it on purpose. The pictures usually showed
members of the Magyar Gárda marching in disciplined lines and were opposed to the
unorganised, motley groups of Gypsies shouting and shaking their fists. Photographers
eagerly took pictures of suspicious or dangerous looking men – suggesting that the Guard has
a reason to march. It would be wrong to jump to conclusions, many fair and unbiased reports
were also made but – without knowing if any systematic research was made – my everyday
experience shows that provocation reached its aim. We could see again that violence creates
violence, and many people were frightened by the recurring picture of Gypsy demonstrators
who were portrayed with very little sympathy.
Lately a court decision banned the Guard. Still, the quick emergence of Jobbik made the
discussion on Gypsy crime a part of the political scene. But the constant debate about Gypsy
crime made us forget an essential issue of our society: Roma.
On the other hand, the surprise success of Jobbik created an uninvited competitor for the
largest opposition party, Fidesz. This has recently made the right media – which is mostly
pro-Fidesz – criticise Jobbik and blame it for its racism.[16]
Roma murders. In recent months, houses of Roma situated on the edge of villages were
attacked several times and six people (among them two children) were killed. After a long
and widespread search, police have arrested the culprits – from my point of view now the
relevance of this tragic case is only in its representation in the press.
A segment of the press suggested at once, when the series of killings began that these acts
had racial motivation.
Media that have racist tendencies approached the case in different ways. Many of them
suggested that these are merely internal affairs of Roma people: Gypsy usurers who exploit
the poor kill to revenge late instalments; personal revenge or jealousy were also mentioned.
Even the centre right press tried to avoid the notion of racist motives. They said as long as the
criminals are not found, it is not fair to talk about motives, including racism.
An article, beginning on the cover page of Magyar Nemzet, was entitled: “ Tatárszentgyörgy:
more and more question marks.”
In Tatárszentgyörgy a house was put on fire and an escaping man and his son were shot dead
– initially officials did not even identify the case as murder, and Magyar Nemzet based its
article on this. “Though there is no proof whatsoever, leading Roma politicians and justice
minister Tibor Draskovics see racist motives behind this night’s double murder in
Tatárszentgyörgy.” [17] In the same issue a column is entitled, “Racist Gypsy leaders.”
And the summary of Magyar Hírlap was: “A mysterious gang is attacking Gypsy settlements;
they brutally murder a teenager in Kiskunlacháza and a top sportsman in Veszprém.” Even
the wording is characteristic: Gypsies are only attacked – though in reality victims were shot
dead – and Hungarians are brutally murdered: this phrase is more emphatic and emotionally
involving. Again, Roma had nothing to do with the killing in Kiskunlacháza. One of the
subtitles shows the real goal of the article: “There are connections. There are no signs of
racism” – meaning the serial killing.[18]
It took time for the police to realise what these cases were about. As I mentioned earlier, a
house was set on fire by Molotov cocktails and two members of the house were shot dead by
hunting rifles when trying to flee, but police stated that the fire must have been caused by a
short circuit and victims died of smoke poisoning. Roma civil rights activists tried to
convince authorities that this incident is much more than meets their eyes, but they were
simply seen as trouble-makers, who create conflicts themselves and try to generate anti-
Hungarian sentiments. Another far-fetched version even talked about the work of foreign
secret agencies too.
The Sunday Times saw something other than the Hungarian press. Its headline said: “Boy, 4,
murdered in hate war against Hungarian Gypsies” and went on to state there is a “right-wing
hate campaign against Hungary’s Roma minority.” [19]
After the first killings, local Gypsies organised their own patrol units in some villages. It was
gossiped that the murderers use big black SUVs. It would be an interesting topic for research
of social psychology how people came to this idea. Subsequently, civil guardsmen armed
with scythes and hoes stopped such cars. There is no excuse for taking the law into one’s own
hands. Still, it seems obvious that the far right Magyar Hírlap was the one that made a real
cover story of this with titles saying: “Gypsy Guardsmen infect Szabolcs County/Roma
taking the law into their own hands in Gávavencsellő but police says it is only a minor
offence.”[20] The article discusses in detail the serious crimes that take place while
authorities do not respond. They bring up the tragic Olaszliszka incident (the senseless
murder of a non-Gypsy by Roma people as mentioned above), and show the similarities;
adding that hunters using black SUVs are afraid. It is hardly mentioned that serial killers had
been hunting for a well defined group of people for months – thus members of this group
may feel that society is not willing to help them.
The far right Magyar Hírlap – owned by business magnate Gábor Széles – put Roma private
defence on the cover page in huge red letters, while the statement of the President of the
Hungarian Republic and the Commissioner for National and Ethnic Minority Rights was
hidden on the last page of the newspaper, even though they straightforwardly declared that
there is a series of attacks against Roma people, condemned these kind of acts, asked the
whole nation for solidarity and declined the attempts to diminish the cruelty of what
happened. As I mentioned earlier, politicians – especially of the Right – are reluctant to stand
up against racism in such an uncompromising manner. Furthermore, it took a long time for
the president himself to speak up in this case. All this made the statement very important and
it became the number one news item for most news programmes. The president also made the
cover pages by visiting a young girl - one of the surviving victims of an attack. Magyar
Hírlap banished the news onto the back page again.
“They should talk about Gypsies killing Hungarians – there are a hell of a lot of cases like
that– this is more or less the summary of the comments on the community sites after attacks
ending with deaths of Gypsies” – says the renowned weekly paper, HVG.[21]
Gypsy minority leader, Orbán Kolompár commented on the responsibility of the media at the
funeral of the victims of the killings in Tatárszentgyörgy “Politicians and the politics are
responsible for these cases and murders, but journalists instigating against Roma are even
more responsible.”[22]
Summary. The number of racist, anti-Gypsy articles has certainly grown in the mainstream
press recently. What earlier was cautious, sly and awkward has now become open or even
proud.
It is easy to identify the publications that are happy to publish this kind of opinion, and they
are mostly linked to the political Right.
The openly racist views that appeared on the political scene worsen the scenario, and the
press quite often gives room to this kind of view without any comments.
All this makes it difficult to achieve clear and reasonable dialogue. Aggression brings
aggression – verbally too. Roma communities are not ready to respond adequately either.
A thin layer of Roma intellectuals gradually – and very slowly – emerges and makes its way
into the press. They can vastly help to change the situation.
Hurting or biased opinions do not necessarily stem from deliberate racism; ignorance is also
widespread. The numerous university departments of Journalism do not prepare their students
to handle these conflicts.
The radical right wing knowingly and unscrupulously uses the Internet. The racism of the
mainstream media verifies their views and makes it look more acceptable.
Currently, I do not see any likelihood of real improvement in the foreseeable future.

18

[1] The culprits have since been arrested.


[2] This name refers to an extreme right wing party that operated before World War II in
Hungary.
[3] The police chief of Miskolc, a North-Hungarian city, said at a press conference that all
robberies are committed in the city by Gypsies. Though there was a wave of outcry,
politicians of the right and left all defended the police officer. By law, the race of criminals
can not be officially registered in Hungary.
[4] Magyar Nemzet, 3/10/2008
[5] Magyar Nemzet. 10/11/2008
[6] Magyar Hírlap, 21/6/2008

[7] Magyar Nemzet, 9/9/2008


[8] Magyar Nemzet, 16/10/2006
[9] Magyar Nemzet, 4/7/2009
[10] Magyar Hírlap, 9/2/2009
[11] Magyar Nemzet, 4/12/2008
[12] Magyar Nemzet, 12/12/2009

[13] Magyar Nemzet, 12/12/2009


[14] Originally published on fn.hu, summarised by MTI news 4/4/2009

[15] Somogy Megyei Hírlap, 24/5/2009


[16] The birth and first steps of Jobbik were watched with sympathy: “A stately ceremony of
initiation – counter demonstrators gone wild – accusations from the left” said the cover story
of Magyar Nemzet reporting on the first demonstration of Magyar Gárda (Magyar Nemzet,
27/08/2007)
[17] Magyar Nemzet, 25/2/2009
[18] Magyar Hírlap, 28/2/2009
[19] The Sunday Times, 1/3/2009
[20] Magyar Hírlap, 17/8/2009
[21] HVG, 31/10/2009
[22] MTI, 23/02/2009

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