State of White America 2007

The State of White America–2007
Release Date: April 5, 2007
Prepared by and for the National Policy Institute by Nicholas Stix, Project Director
The National Policy Institute

P. O. Box 3465
Augusta, GA 30914
The State of White America-2007
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. A Statistical Review of the Condition of Whites in the United States
3. Education: Pseudo-Pedagogy, Real Hatred
4. On the Job: No White Americans Need Apply?
5. Crime: One Thing White Americans are Lousy at
April 5, 2007
To the reader:
We at the National Policy Institute are pleased to release The State of White America–2007. Our thanks
goes to Nicholas Stix, project director, for his production of this original work, as well as to the other authors
and researchers, some named, some not, who participated in this lengthy project.
If you find this publication useful, please consider a donation to the National Policy Institute (a 501(c)3
organization) at P. O. Box 3465, Augusta, GA 30914 so that we may continue this and similar valuable
work.
Bound printed copies of this report are available from the above address for $10.00 each.
Sincerely,
Louis R. Andrews
President
The State of White America-2007
Introduction
The past 53 years have not been kind to white America. And as white America goes, so goes America.
The following report gives in concentrated form, a statistical and narrative portrait of the war on white
America, and thus, on America herself. We at NPI were fortunate in being able to benefit from the con-
tributions of one of today’s most rigorous quantitative researchers, Edwin S. Rubenstein, the president of
Indianapolis-based ESR Research Economic Consultants, and one of the most brilliant and elegant writers
presently working in the English language, Melbourne, Australia-based historian R. J. Stove (The Unsleeping
Eye: Secret Police and Their Victims). The State of White America blends journalism and social science, in
analyzing and criticizing developments, taking the present day as its point of departure, and reaching back
over the past couple of years and the past fifty-odd years.
On May 17, 1954, in the case of Brown v. Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court delivered its 9–0
decision outlawing racial school segregation. In the Warren Court’s contempt for constitutional precedent,
embrace of fraudulent social science, and casually dismissive attitude towards common sense and tradition,
Brown was arguably the worst decision in the Court’s 216-year history.
And things have only gotten worse since. Brown was followed by the 1964 U.S. Civil Rights Act, another
unconstitutional action, which was supposed to bring about racial comity and equality. Instead, it immedi-
ately inspired race rioting by blacks, and soon enough, quota systems privileging unqualified blacks (and later,
Hispanics, and today even illegal immigrants!), at the expense of qualified whites.
The next year saw the enactment of the Voting Rights Act and the Immigration Act, respectively, and Pres.
Johnson’s signing of Executive Order 11246, which began affirmative action. The Voting Rights Act was yet
another federal usurpation of states’ rights, whose immediate result was yet more black race riots, and whose
long-term result was to initiate a regime of federal mischief-making, in rigging elections for the benefit of
black, and later Hispanic, candidates.
And then came forced busing.
As terrible as Brown, the U.S. Civil Rights Act, affirmative action, and forced busing were, they wreaked
havoc in a nation that was still almost 90 percent white. Thus, although integration and the civil rights
movement led directly to the destruction of great cities; and to millions of whites suffering terrible injustices,
including assault, robbery, rape and murder, and losing everything they had through the ensuing destruction
of their neighborhoods and their property values; the majority of whites were able to escape ascendant black
supremacy.
But on October 3, 1965, the Immigration Act changed all that. Although its floor manager, Sen. Ted
Kennedy (D-MA), assured voters that the bill would not change America’s ethnic balance, it has in fact brought
about the biggest ethnic upheaval in American history, and threatens to abolish America. At the time, Kennedy
guaranteed the American people,
First, our cities will not be flooded with a million immigrants annually. Under the proposed bill, the
present level of immigration remains substantially the same.... Secondly, the ethnic mix will not be
upset…. Contrary to the charges in some quarters, [the bill] will not inundate America with immi-
The State of White America - 2007
grants from any one country or area.

Sen. Kennedy now seeks to finish what he began in 1965. Instead of apologizing to the American people
for his deception of 41 years ago, his response to opposition to his new plan for a massive amnesty of as many
as 20 million predominantly Hispanic illegal immigrants already in the U.S., plus tens of millions of their
overseas relatives, is to damn his critics as “racists” and to play demagogue to illegal aliens.
And so, a nation that was almost 90 percent white in 1960, is now only 67 percent white, with that per-
centage decreasing a little each day. The now dwindling white majority cannot escape both black and mestizo
supremacy.
Perhaps the oddest thing about the movement to make America a majority non-white nation, is the glee
with which non-whites and their white supporters, such as Sen. Kennedy, go about their business. Were they
really so concerned with helping Hispanics and blacks exploit the American welfare state, they would want
to limit Hispanic and black immigration. For it is only within the framework of a predominantly white
nation, that America can be economically, legally, and culturally exploited by blacks and Hispanics. (But then,
how supportive of blacks and Hispanics can community “leaders” and “educators” be, that prevent minority
children from learning English, and who encourage them to lead lives of crime?)
Welfare programs are expensive in both their direct and indirect costs; they can only be supported by a
thriving, modern economy in which almost everyone works. And that economy can only thrive if the society is
dominated by people who respect the rule of law, have a strong work ethic, a certain level of intelligence, and
maintain assorted cultural and political traditions (respecting their neighbors’ property, speaking a common
language, having a sense of national loyalty, and thus of common citizenship, etc.).
Should America’s borders be abolished, at the same time that lawless foreigners, whose loyalty is to foreign
flags, are granted privileges superior to those of loyal Americans, the ensuing economic, legal, and cultural
collapse would cost blacks and Hispanics all of the wonderful things they now routinely demand of whites,
and which brought most Hispanics here in the first place. They will have killed the goose that laid the golden
egg.
But not all developments currently hurting whites spring from an explicitly racial animus. The outsourcing
and insourcing of jobs previously done by Americans was done out of the profit motive, but it also dispropor-
tionately hurt whites.
The only change in the economic landscape benefiting foreigners which some observers claim has largely
harmed American blacks is the increasing use of illegal immigrant labor for low-skilled and unskilled work,
and even that claim is debatable. In many cases, illegal immigrants are doing work that whites still did, but
that most blacks in the meantime came to consider beneath them.
In the cases of insourcing and outsourcing, American firms are also killing the goose that laid the golden
egg. As Paul Craig Roberts has observed, by seeking “absolute” rather than “comparative advantage,” and
thus increasingly refusing to hire Americans for millions of jobs serving the American market, American firms
are contributing to a situation in which that market will eventually no longer be able to support their products
and services. Such firms have already largely destroyed the value of American engineering degrees. And as
Roberts has warned, by forsaking manufacturing and even research and development in favor of simply
slapping American labels on outsourced foreign goods, American firms are hastening the day when the foreign
companies that today do those jobs for them simply cut out the American middle man, slap their own labels
on their goods, and export them to America. That would spell the end of many American high-tech firms.
Meanwhile, Americans may not even publicly complain about the impending destruction of their nation.
The entertainment and news media, the public (and in many cases, private) schools, the private and public
universities, social work agencies, and increasingly, even police agencies, have been taken over variously by
proponents of multiculturalism, or by cynical managers who appease them.
Multiculturalism is an explicitly anti-white, racist movement that was created by Marxists during the
late 1950s, when they saw that the white American working class was not fulfilling its “historical role,” in
bringing about the socialist revolution. The Marxists conscripted the Third World, in the place of working-
class whites.
Anyone questioning anti-white dogma in the aforementioned institutions is variously fired and blacklisted;
Introduction
given terrible grades or expelled, if they are students; or forced into sensitivity training, until, sufficiently
chastened, they give the “correct” answers, and stop ever challenging the anti-white creed. These institutions
teach Middle Americans to live in fear, while emboldening blacks, Hispanics, and white “anti-racists” in their
attacks on them. Some whites have even landed in jail, simply for using language unacceptable to multicultural
sheriff’s deputies and jurists.
The late Sam Francis coined the concept of “anarcho-tyranny,” to describe the novel situation in which
some groups (Middle Americans) are tyrannically oppressed, while other groups (blacks, Hispanics, and espe-
cially, illegal immigrants) are above the law. In a related vein, Paul Craig Roberts has spoken of the return of
a “feudal” legal order.
While some whites are standing up to such racism, the white majority’s yielding to it is one of the saddest,
and most maddening sights in contemporary American life.
During the late 1980s, in what would later prove to be the last days of the Iron Curtain, socialist British
historian Timothy Garton Ash would travel about the East Bloc. In Ash’s reportages, which would later be
collected in book form as The Uses of Adversity, he spoke of the difference between “private” and “public”
opinion. “Public” opinion consisted of the lies that comprised Communist Party propaganda, which ordinary
people had to repeat, if they didn’t want to land in the gulag or starve. “Private” opinion consisted of the
truths that people could speak only behind closed doors or which hardy samizdat journalists risked their lives
to publish.
Things aren’t as dramatic in the U.S. as they were behind the Iron Curtain—yet. But life in America is
heading inexorably in a totalitarian direction. While I doubt that an American dictatorship would necessarily
be communist, whether a dictatorship arises indirectly from anarchy or directly via tyranny, a liberal society
cannot long endure multiculturalism. However, rather than resembling Soviet Russia or Red China, America
is heading for a reality that more likely will look like a cross between Zimbabwe and Mexico, but with
Hispanics holding the whip hand.
As the late Christopher Lasch (in The Revolt of the Elites), Samuel Huntington (in Who are We?), and
other critics have noted, America is today ruled by “transnational elites,” who have no loyalty to nation, race,
or ethny. The elites in question run the gamut politically from Marxism to neoconservatism to libertarianism.
And yet, these elites have for over forty years promoted policies and practices supporting the rise of blacks and
Hispanics with intense loyalties to “blood and soil.”
White elites and those successfully indoctrinated by them seek constantly to minimize the role of race in
human affairs, while blacks and Hispanics insist that everything is racial. This comical disjunction even affects
relations between allies. White Marxists who support black supremacy deny the very reality of race, while the
black supremacists they support insist that race isn’t everything, race is the only thing. Thus it was that during
the 1996–1997 debate over so-called Ebonics, Marxist professors of linguistics could not even understand
what the Oakland Ebonics Resolution was saying, when it claimed that ebonics is “genetically based.” The
linguistics professors insisted that in the resolution, “genetic” meant “historical.”
For a more recent example, some whites have sought to explain to blacks calling for the railroading of
three innocent white men in the Duke Rape Hoax, that “This isn’t about race.”
Whites have been so cowed out of speaking in explicitly racial terms, except to grovel at the feet of minori-
ties or to support the latter’s hoaxes, that when something is as obviously racial as the attempt to imprison
three innocent men in the absence of any crime, basely solely on the color of their skin, they seek to translate
the incident into non-racial terms.
When white writers who oppose multiculturalism write on race, they must adopt rhetorical strategies that
can undermine their works, if they are to be published.
For one thing, they must say nice things about famous black scoundrels whom they rightly, if only privately,
hold in contempt.
Another strategy is to throw in platitudes saying that blacks still suffer from racial discrimination, as
neoconservatives Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom (not the author to whom I was just referring) did in their
magisterial work criticizing affirmative action, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible: Race in
Modern America. A lot of good that did the Thernstroms. One influential critic (Nicholas Lemann) threw the
platitudes back in their faces, arguing that such an admission undermined their entire critique of affirmative
The State of White America - 2007
action, while another prominent critic (Philip Klinkner) asserted, in what amounted to a political-intellectual
death warrant, that the Thernstroms were indistinguishable from white supremacists.
In Coloring the News: How Crusading for Diversity Has Corrupted American Journalism, author William
McGowan felt so constrained to emphasize the benefits of a more “diverse” newsroom, that he gave the lie to
his entire book, which otherwise consists of showing, in case after case after case, how affirmative action and
multiculturalism have resulted in fraudulent reporting.
Most talented political writers simply avoid race, if at all possible.
And yet, if someone doesn’t show some courage, all will be lost. America wasn’t founded by weaklings,
and she won’t be saved by weaklings.
The founders of the National Policy Institute have the requisite courage. They speak for us. And in the
irony of ironies, they speak for blacks and Hispanics, too. For it will only be via a reassertion of white pre-
rogatives, that the social order which once helped so many blacks and Hispanics to overcome their “commu-
nities,” and which once redeemed those communities from their own baser instincts, that black and Hispanic
Americans will be able to enjoy the fruits of American civilization.
Nicholas Stix
A Statistical Review of the Condition of Whites in the United
States
Edwin S. Rubenstein
Demographics
Population
Whites are the largest racial group in the country, but their grip on that status is at historically low levels
and is declining rapidly. Of the nearly 294 million people in the country in 2004 about 198 million, or 67.4
percent, identified themselves as white and non-Hispanic. As recently as 1990, 76 percent of Americans called
themselves non-Hispanic white.
It’s not that whites are fewer in number, but that minority groups are increasing rapidly due mainly to a
surge in immigration. While the white population grew by 9.5 million since 1990, or about 5 percent, all other
categories grew by 35.3 million, about 58 percent. Since 1990, non-white minorities have accounted for nearly
80 percent of U.S. population growth, according to Census data.
The Census Bureau projects that minorities will account for nearly 90 percent of the total growth in the
U.S. population over the 2000 to 2050 period, and that by 2050 the non-Hispanic whites share of the U.S.
population will drop to 50.1 percent.1 Most troubling is the decade-to-decade decline in white population
growth. By the 2040s the number of non-Hispanic whites will actually start to decline, according to Census
Bureau projections.
Comparisons with previous census counts are not exact because the methods of counting different races
have changed significantly throughout the years. But it is clear that for most of our history whites were a
dominant and growing share of our nation’s population. The first census, in 1790, for example found that
almost 81 percent of the country considered itself white. That number had risen to 89 percent by 1950.2
From a global perspective the U.S. is still an oasis of “whiteness.” By 2010, whites will account for only
about 9 percent of the world’s population, compared with 17 percent in 1997, according to demographer
Harold Hodgkinson; whites will then be the world’s smallest racial minority.3
[For the 1990 Census the Census Bureau established the “white, non-Hispanic” category, recognizing that
Hispanic was an ethnic rather than a racial category. In the 2000 Census, for the first time, people had the
option to identify themselves as being of more than one race. Accordingly we focus on the “white alone, non-
Hispanic” segment of the population in this report, while often using “white” as a shorthand term for this
segment of the population.]
10 The State of White America - 2007
non-Hispanic White Population, 2000-2050

(Census Bureau Projections; <http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/usinterimproj/>)
250,000 80.0%
70.0%
200,000
60.0%
Population ( thousands)
50.0%
150,000
Population (left axis) 40.0%
100,000
Population share (%) (right axis)
30.0%
20.0%
50,000
10.0%
0 0.0%
2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
Geographic Dispersion
Whites are more widely dispersed geographically than most minorities. California, for example, is home
to about 16 million whites, more than any state. Yet only 8 percent of the nation’s white population lives
there, compared to 30 percent of Hispanics and 36 percent of Asians. Seventy percent of Hispanics live in five
states—California, Texas, New York, New Mexico, and Illinois. Those states are home to only 29 percent of
the nation’s non-Hispanic white population. Blacks are also more concentrated than whites, with 36 percent
living in five states.4
What looks like a dispersed population nationally takes on a very different look when you zoom down to
the local level. Whites are more likely to live in racially segregated neighborhoods than other races, according
to an analysis of the 2000 Census by the Lewis Mumford Center at the State University of New York at
Albany.
The average white person lives in a neighborhood that is 83 percent white, 7 percent black, 6 percent
Hispanic, and 3 percent Asian. The average black lives in a neighborhood that is 54 percent black, and the
average Hispanic lives in a neighborhood that is 42 percent Hispanic.5
Whites are more concentrated in the northern half of the country. The region with the highest proportion
of people reporting as non-Hispanic white was the Midwest with 80 percent. It was followed by the Northeast
with 72 percent, the South with 64 percent, and the West with 57 percent.6
The regional pattern is seen in the following table, which ranks states on their non-Hispanic white popula-
tion shares:
There are fourteen states in which whites account for more than 85 percent of the population. All but two
of them are in the Midwest or Northeast. The two “whitest” states are Maine (96.1 percent) and Vermont
(96.0 percent).
At the other extreme are the four states—Texas, New Mexico, California, and Hawaii—in which non-
Hispanic whites are already a minority. Hawaii, 23 percent non-Hispanic white, is the least white state.
Immigration and domestic migration trends are increasing the regional disparities in white population
densities. Newly arrived immigrants tend to cluster in long established ethnic enclaves, where their native
Statistics/Rubenstein 11
Table 1 States Ranked by White, Non-Hispanic

Population Share, 2004
Rank State Total Population Non-Hispanic White Population % non-Hispanic White
1 .Maine 1,317,253 1,266,068 96.1%
2 .Vermont 621,394 596,514 96.0%
3 .West Virginia 1,815,354 1,714,473 94.4%
4 .New Hampshire 1,299,500 1,225,145 94.3%
5 .Iowa 2,954,451 2,709,712 91.7%
6 .North Dakota 634,366 577,639 91.1%
7 .Montana 926,865 825,827 89.1%
8 .Kentucky 4,145,922 3,677,961 88.7%
9 .Wyoming 506,529 448,694 88.6%
10 .Idaho 1,393,262 1,214,571 87.2%
11 .South Dakota 770,883 671,072 87.1%
12 .Minnesota 5,100,958 4,420,829 86.7%
13 .Wisconsin 5,509,026 4,748,917 86.2%
14 .Nebraska 1,747,214 1,496,640 85.7%
15 .Indiana 6,237,569 5,279,777 84.6%
16 .Utah 2,389,039 2,002,538 83.8%
17 .Ohio 11,459,011 9,547,385 83.3%
18 .Missouri 5,754,618 4,781,115 83.1%
19 .Pennsylvania 12,406,292 10,288,227 82.9%
20 .Oregon 3,594,586 2,948,024 82.0%
21 .Kansas 2,735,502 2,239,170 81.9%
22 .Massachusetts 6,416,505 5,181,427 80.8%
23 .Rhode Island 1,080,632 870,209 80.5%
24 .Tennessee 5,900,962 4,610,827 78.1%
25 .Michigan 10,112,620 7,895,516 78.1%
26 .Washington 6,203,788 4,808,520 77.5%
27 .Arkansas 2,752,629 2,126,382 77.2%
28 .Connecticut 3,503,604 2,657,671 75.9%
29 .Oklahoma 3,523,553 2,569,827 72.9%
30 .Colorado 4,601,403 3,334,447 72.5%
31 .Delaware 830,364 583,119 70.2%
32 .Alabama 4,530,182 3,147,620 69.5%
33 .Virginia 7,459,827 5,121,944 68.7%
34 .North Carolina 8,541,221 5,860,777 68.6%
United States 293,655,404 197,840,821 67.4%
35 .Alaska 655,435 438,177 66.9%
36 .Illinois 12,713,634 8,414,026 66.2%
37 .South Carolina 4,198,068 2,753,295 65.6%
38 .New Jersey 8,698,879 5,549,273 63.8%
39 .Florida 17,397,161 10,919,745 62.8%
40 .Louisiana 4,515,770 2,788,717 61.8%
41 .Nevada 2,334,771 1,429,272 61.2%
42 .Arizona 5,743,834 3,509,599 61.1%
43 .New York 19,227,088 11,745,589 61.1%
44 .Georgia 8,829,383 5,318,847 60.2%
45 .Mississippi 2,902,966 1,739,026 59.9%
46 .Maryland 5,558,058 3,324,989 59.8%
47 .Texas 22,490,022 11,190,222 49.8%
48 .California 35,893,799 15,982,109 44.5%
49 .New Mexico 1,903,289 827,230 43.5%
50 .District of Columbia 553,523 167,563 30.3%
51 .Hawaii 1,262,840 294,558 23.3%
Source: Census Bureau, “Annual Estimates of the Population by Race Alone and Hispanic or Latino Origin for the United States
and States,” July 1, 2004. Released August 11, 2005.
www.mdp.state.md.us/msdc/Pop_estimate/estimate_00to04/CensPopEst00_04.htm
language is spoken and community institutions are run by earlier immigrant cohorts. Immigration laws also
foster clustering, since family reunification is a priority in legal immigration.
Places that attract immigrants have the opposite effect on people who can afford to move out—mainly
non-immigrant whites. Whites are moving out of California. Seven of the nine leading immigrant metro-
politan destinations saw more non-immigrants move out than move in over the past decade. Race is not
the reason for this white flight: “Domestic migrants are leaving immigrant magnets, not as a response to
immigrants per se, but because of the increasing congestion and high costs of living in highly urbanized
metro areas.”7
At the same time, blacks are reversing the South-to-North migration of earlier decades.
Thus, while immigration and minority birth rates are the major factors, domestic migration also plays
a role in pushing whites toward minority status in states where they are a slim majority. How many more
minority white states can we expect? To estimate this we have projected white and non-white populations
of each state for 2025 and 2050. Our technique is simple: extrapolate the average annual growth rates that
obtained over the 2000 to 2004 period for whites and non-whites in each state.
Our projections indicate a steady rise in the number of states in which non-Hispanic whites account for
less than half of the population, as follows:
States Where Whites are/will be

a Minority, 2004–2050
(non-Hispanic white percentage in parenthesis)
2004 (actual) 2025 (projection) 2050 (projection)
Texas (49.8%) Texas (36.1%) Texas (22.4%)
California (44.5%) California (33.6%) California (22.7%)
New Mexico (43.5%) New Mexico (37.2%) New Mexico (30.3%)
Hawaii (23.3%) Hawaii (25.9) Hawaii (29.2)
Florida (47.8%) Florida (30.7%)
Maryland (47.6%) Maryland (33.5%)
Georgia (47.0%) Georgia (32.0%)
Arizona (46.1%) Arizona (29.4%)
Nevada (39.0%) Nevada (19.9%)
Mississippi (50.0%)
Virginia (49.4%)
North Carolina (48.7%)
Illinois (45.3%)
Colorado (44.7%
Delaware (40.7%)
New Jersey (36.1%)
Note: Projections were derived by extrapolating each state’s 2000 to 2004 average annual growth rates.
Age Distribution
The white population is significantly older than the non-white population. In 2003 the median age of non-
Hispanic whites was 39.6 years, or about 13 years above that of Hispanics and 9 years above blacks.
Fifteen percent of non-Hispanic whites were over age 65 in 2003 compared to just 5.5 percent of Hispanics
and 8.1 percent of individuals who classified themselves as black alone. Conversely, about 31 percent of
Hispanics were under 18 compared to just 22 percent of non-Hispanic whites.
Below average fertility and relatively high life expectancy will widen the white-non-white age gap in the
future. By 2010 the median age for non-Hispanic whites is projected to be 40.3 years, or 1.7 years above that
of 2000. The median age gap between whites and Hispanics will grow to 13.2 years in 2010 from 12.9 in
2003.8
Median Age by Race/Ethnicity, 2003

Total, all races 35.9 years
White alone, non-Hispanic 39.6
Hispanic 26.7
Asian alone 33.7
Black alone 30.6
SOURCE: Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract: 2004-05, Tables 14 and 16. www.census.gov/prod/2004pubs/04statab/
pop.pdf
Fertility Rates
Non-Hispanic white women gave birth to 2,321,904 babies in 2003, up 1 percent from the prior year.
Births to Hispanic women rose 4 percent, to 912,329.
The propensity of women to have children is best captured by the fertility rate, defined as the number of
live births per 1,000 women of childbearing age (15 to 44 years). In 2003 the fertility rate ranged from 58.5
for non-Hispanic white women to 96.9 for Hispanic women. Fertility rates have declined for all groups since
1990, with the greatest declines reported for non-Hispanic black women.
Fertility Rates by Ethnic Group

(Births per 1,000 women aged 15–44 years in each group)
Non-Hispanic White Non-Hispanic Black Asian Hispanic
1990 62.8 89.0 69.5 107.7
2000 58.5 71.4 65.8 95.9
2001 57.7 69.1 64.2 96.0
2002 57.4 67.4 64.1 94.4
2003 58.5 67.1 66.3 96.9
Percent Change:
1990-2000 -6.8% -19.8% -5.3% -11.0%
2000-2003 0.0% -6.0% 0.8% 1.0%
Source: Centers For Disease Control, “Births: Final Data for 2003,” National
Vital Statistics Reports, Vol. 54, No.2, September 8, 2005. Tables 1 and 6.
www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr54/nvsr54_02.pdf
Another measure of fertility is the hypothetical number of births a woman would have over her childbear-
ing years if she experienced the age-specific birthrates for her group. Based on 2003 fertility rates, the estimated
number of lifetime births per woman in specific groups are: Non-Hispanic white, 1.86; non-Hispanic black,
2.03; Hispanics, 2.79.9
The “replacement” rate—2.1 births per women—is considered the value at which a group can exactly
replace itself over the course of a generation. Fertility rates of non-Hispanic whites were 11 percent below the
replacement rate in 2003, and are expected to remain low in future decades, eventually shrinking the white
population.
Within the Hispanic community, Mexican-American women are expected to average 2.96 births over their
lifetime, compared, for example, to 2.07 births for Cuban-American women and 1.84 births for Puerto Rican
women, birth rates that are comparable to those of black and non-Hispanic white women. The figures are
further evidence that people of Mexican origin will have an increasing demographic significance in American
society. Their birth rates are increasing, while the birth rates of blacks and whites have declined. As a result,
even if immigration were suddenly to stop, Hispanics will continue to represent an ever-larger share of the
U.S. population.
Nativity
The number of foreign-born residents reached an all time high of 34.2 million in 2004, equal to 11.9
percent of the population. Whites are far less likely to be foreign born than other groups, with just 7 million, or
3.5 percent, of non-Hispanic whites reporting a foreign nativity in the 2000 Census. Hispanics are the largest
foreign born group, while Asians have the largest foreign born share, as seen below:
Foreign Born Population by Race, 2000

Foreign Born Percentage of Foreign Percentage of Group’s
(Millions) Born Total Population
White, non-Hispanic 7.0 22.5% 3.5%
Hispanic 14.2 45.7% 40.2%
Asian alone 6.9 22.2% 68.9%
Black alone 2.1 6.7% 6.1%
Total (a) 31.1 100.0% 11.1%
Source: Census Bureau, “The Foreign-Born Population: 2000,” December 2003.
Figure 5. www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/c2kbr-34.pdf
a. The four racial categories shown are not a mutually exclusive group and do not add to the total.
The white immigrant population has been here longer than other immigrant groups. In 2000, the median
length of residence in the United States of foreign-born whites was 21.2 years. By contrast, the median length
of residence for foreign-born Hispanics and Asians was, respectively, 13.2 years and 13.6 years.10
Canada was cited by 8 percent of white immigrants as their country of origin, more than any other country.
As seen in the following table, the lion’s share of today’s white immigrants are from northern Europe, just as
was the case during the Great Wave. Their cultures and languages are similar to or compatible with ours, and
they have assimilated successfully.
Unfortunately, most of today’s immigrants are from cultures and languages radically dissimilar to ours.
Many are not committed to Americanizing.
The contrast between white and non-white immigrant origins is striking. For example, Mexico, China, and
the Philippines are the top three countries of origin for immigrants in the U.S. These countries do not appear
among the top 20 countries of origin of non-Hispanic white immigrants.
Teen Pregnancy
Overall birth rates for teenagers have declined for a decade, and were at historic low levels in 2003.
Throughout this period white, non-Hispanic teenage girls have been far less likely to become pregnant than
those of other groups. In 2003, teen pregnancy rates for non-Hispanic whites were less than half that of blacks,
and only one-third that of Hispanics:
In recent years the birth rate for Hispanic teenagers has not declined as rapidly as that of other ethnic
groups. Thus, while a decade ago black teenagers were more likely to give birth than Hispanic teenagers,
the situation is reversed today. There were 64.7 births per 1,000 non-Hispanic black teenage girls in 2003
compared to 82.3 births for Hispanic teenagers.
Research shows that teenagers who have children are less likely to complete high school than those who
postpone childbearing until adulthood. This may explain, at least in part, the lower high school dropout rates
observed for non-Hispanic whites.
Illegitimacy
Illegitimacy rates—births per 1,000 unmarried women of childbearing age—are far lower for non-Hispanic
whites than for blacks and Hispanics. The chance of an unmarried white woman having a baby in 2003 was
less than half that of unmarried Black woman, and less than one-third that of an unmarried Hispanic.
Nationality of Foreign-Born Non-Hispanic Whites, 2004

(16 years and older)
Country of Origin Number Percentage of Foreign-born
1 Canada 571,634 8.0%
2 U.K. 544,298 7.6%
3 Germany 506,695 7.1%
4 Poland 452,375 6.3%
5 Russia 445,666 6.2%
6 Italy 410,381 5.7%
7 Iran 275,369 3.9%
8 Ukraine 221,162 3.1%
9 Brazil 217,476 3.0%
10 India 168,534 2.4%
11 Portugal 163,039 2.3%
12 Ireland/Eire 138,923 1.9%
13 Greece 121,296 1.7%
14 Yugoslavia 118,349 1.7%
15 France 115,815 1.6%
16 Lebanon 104,459 1.5%
17 Romania 98,034 1.4%
18 Israel 94,567 1.3%
19 Egypt 94,012 1.3%
20 Armenia 91,868 1.3%
21 Other 2,185,654 30.6%
Total, foreign born 7,139,606 100.0%
Note: The data are annual averages for 2004 and are from the Current Population Survey (CPS).
The CPS is a nationwide, monthly sample survey of some 60,000 households conducted
for the Bureau of Labor Statistics by the Census Bureau. The main purpose of the survey
is to collect information about the employment status of persons 16 years old and over.
Because of its sample size, there are often differences between CPS and Census Bureau figures.
For additional information about the CPS, see stats.bls.gov/cps/cps_htgm.htm
In illegitimacy, as with teenage births, Hispanics have traded places with blacks as the worst performing
group:
Illegitimacy has declined for all groups except Hispanics since the mid-1990s. Thus in 1990 the illegiti-
macy rate for blacks was above the rate for Hispanics, but by 1995 Hispanic rates were above those of blacks.
During the 2000–2003 period illegitimacy increased for whites and Hispanics and declined for blacks. White
rates remain far below the others.
Teen Birth Rates by Race, 1990–2003

(Births per 1,000 women 15–19 years of age)
White, non Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic Hispanic
1990 42.5 116.2 100.3
2000 32.6 79.2 87.3
2001 30.3 73.5 86.4
2002 28.5 68.3 83.4
2003 27.4 64.7 82.3
Percent Change:
1990-2000 -23.3% -31.8% 13.0%
2000-2003 -16.0% -18.3% -5.7%
Source: Centers For Disease Control, “Births: Final Data for 2003,” National Vital
Statistics Reports, Vol. 54, No. 2, September 8, 2005. Table 9. www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/
nvsr/nvsr54/nvsr54_02.pdf
Illegitimacy Rates by Race and Ethnicity, 1990–2003

(Live births per 1,000 unmarried women 15–44 years old)
Year All Races White, Non-Hispanic Black Hispanic
1990 43.8 24.4 90.5 89.6
1995 45.1 28.2 75.9 88.8
2000 44.0 28.0 70.5 87.3
2001 43.8 27.8 68.1 87.8
2002 43.7 27.8 66.2 87.9
2003 44.9 28.6 66.3 92.2
Percent change:
1990-2000 0.0% 13.9% -24.6% -2.6%
2000-2003 -2.0% +2.1% -6.0% +5.6%
Source: Centers For Disease Control, “Births: Final Data for 2003,” National Vital Statistics Reports,
Vol. 54, No.2, September 8, 2005. Table 18. www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr54/nvsr54_02.pdf
It has been said that many, if not most, illegitimate births are followed shortly thereafter by marriage,
obviating any problems associated with single parent households. And yet, while the share of Hispanic
children living in single-parent families is considerably less than the fraction of out-of-wedlock births.
But the numbers are still daunting: 4.7 million, or 35 percent of Hispanic children under 18, live in
single-parent families. The comparable rates are 64 percent for black children and 22 percent for non-
Hispanic white children, virtually identical to the percentage of illegitimate births for whites.11
Does it matter? In a lecture to the American Enterprise Institute, Professor James Q. Wilson said
that the empirical data regarding the importance of family structure is “so strong that even some
sociologists believe it.” For instance: Children in one-parent families are twice as likely to drop out
of school as children in two-parent families. Boys in one-parent families are much more likely to be
both out of school and out of work. Girls in one-parent families are twice as likely to have an out-of-
wedlock birth. 12
Professor Wilson cites a Department of Health and Human Services study of 30,000 American
households, which found that for whites, blacks and Hispanics at every income level except for the very
highest, children raised in single-parent homes are much more likely to be suspended from school, to
have emotional problems, and to behave badly.
Abortion
White women are about one-quarter as likely to have abortions as black women, and about one-third as
likely as Hispanic women.
Abortion rates have been declining for more than a decade. Experts have attributed this trend to many
factors- fear of contracting AIDS, abstinence education, increased use of contraceptives, a strong economy,
and delayed childbearing.
But when you analyze the data by income, abortions are found to be increasingly common among poor
women. In fact, the rate of abortions among poor Hispanic women—68 per 1,000 women—exceeds the com-
parable rate for poor blacks.
Poor white women are nearly twice as likely to have an abortion as the average white woman. Relative to
black and Hispanic poor, however, white women, are far less abortion prone.
Experts are not sure why abortion rates for poor Hispanics increased, and is now so dramatically higher
than that of other groups. Some say that welfare reform may have reduced the number of Hispanic women
receiving Medicaid, which covers family planning services. The data we have presented earlier on welfare
recipiency among Hispanics show no sign of such a decline, however.
Abortion Rate by Race and Poverty Status, 2000

(Abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44)
White, non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic Hispanic
Total (All Women) 13 49 33
Poor Women 23 62 68
Source: Guttmacher Institute, Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, Volume 34, Number
5, September/October 2002. Table 1. www.guttmacher.org/pubs/journals/3422602.pdf
Income/Employment/Poverty
Economic well being is best measured by the income brought home by all members of a household.
Average income of white, non-Hispanic households reached $66,317 in 2004, up slightly from the prior year.
In 2004, income of the average white household was 1.63 times that of the average black household and 1.45-
times that of the average Hispanic household:
Average Household Income by Race and Hispanic

Ethnicity, 1975–2004
(2004 dollars)
White income as multiple of:
Year White, non- Hispanic Black Hispanic Black Hispanic
1975 $44,746 $28,615 $32,566 1.56 1.37
1980 $48,202 $30,333 $32,604 1.59 1.48
1990 $55,735 $34,775 $39,201 1.60 1.42
2000 $66,973 $42,974 $48,239 1.56 1.39
2001 $66,634 $41,882 $47,361 1.59 1.41
2002 $65,346 $42,028 $47,149 1.55 1.39
2003 $65,604 $41,210 $45,663 1.59 1.44
2004 $66,317 $40,685 $45,871 1.63 1.45
Source: Census Bureau, “Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage: 2004,” August 2005. Table
A-1. www.census.gov/prod/2005pubs/p60-229.pdf
Since 1975 real (inflation adjusted) income has risen by about 48 percent for white households, compared
to 42 percent for blacks and 41 percent for Hispanics. This has not been a smooth ride up, however. Peak
incomes for all racial groups were reached in 2000. Following the bursting of the stock market bubble that
year, real household income declined, hitting bottom in 2002. During the subsequent recovery (2002 to 2004)
white household income rose 1.5 percent, while the same measure for Hispanics and blacks declined by 2.8
percent and 3.2 percent, respectively.
White households have maintained, and even extended, their income lead over blacks and Hispanics
during the Bush recovery.
Income per worker is another important measure of economic well being. It reflects the education, skills,
and work ethic of the typical worker. Median income of white workers exceeds that of black and Hispanic
workers, but lags that of Asians by a considerable margin.
Asian men had the highest earnings of any group in 2004. Non-Hispanic white males were the second
highest earners (earning 3 percent less than Asian males), followed by black and Hispanic men. The median
white male worker earned 39 percent more than his black counterpart, and 70 percent more than his Hispanic
counterpart.
The figures pertain to year-round, full time workers 16 or older.
The pattern observed for men was similar for women, although, in percentage terms, the earnings advantage
of white women over black and Hispanic women appears to be less. This may reflect the impact of affirmative
action on the earnings of minority female workers.
Median Earnings of Workers by

Race/Ethnicity, 2004
Race/ethnicity Men Women
All full-time workers $41,194 $31,374
White alone, non-Hispanic $45,573 $32,678
Black alone $32,686 $28,581
Asian alone $46,888 $36,137
Hispanic $26,749 $24,030
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, “Income, Earnings, and Poverty from
the 2004 American Community Survey,” August 2005. Table 5. www.
census.gov/prod/2005pubs/acs-01.pdf
Wages are another widely cited measure of economic well being. There is good news and
bad news for white workers in this regard. The good news: the median weekly wage for white, non-
Hispanic production workers is about 25 percent above that of blacks and 50 percent above that
of Hispanics. The bad news: white wages have stagnated, rising by less than 1 percent in 2003 and
falling by 1.8 percent in 2004:
Median Weekly Earnings by

Race/Ethnicity, 2002–2004
White, non-Hispanics Black, non-Hispanics Hispanics Asian, non- Hispanics
Median wage (2004 dollars)
2002 $606 $479 $420 $606
2003 $611 $485 $411 $616
2004 $600 $480 $400 $623
Percent change in wage over previous year:
2002-03 0.9% 1.3% -2.2% 1.7%
2003-04 -1.8% -1.0% -2.6% 1.2%
Source: Pew Hispanic Center, “Latino Labor Report, 2004,” May 2005.Table 8.
pewhispanic.org/files/reports/45.pdf
The wages of black workers also fell in 2004, but by less than the decline in white wages. Hispanics are
the only group of workers in the economy whose wages have fallen for two consecutive years. Lower Hispanic
wages, however, have been accompanied by a rapid increase in Hispanic employment—much of it driven by
legal and illegal immigration. Asian workers were the only group to have increased their earnings in both 2003
and 2004.
But averages and medians are deceptive. They often obscure wide variations in income growth at the
extremes of the income distribution. Thus, while the “average” white household is doing well, the gap between
haves and have-nots is greater for whites than for any other group:
The richest 5 percent of white households earned an average $272,772 in 2003—23.6-times the average
received by the poorest 20 percent of whites ($11,556). Twenty years earlier this gap was 14.6-times. Over
this period the income gap between rich and poor has expanded more rapidly for whites than for blacks or
Hispanics.
Large income gains among rich whites are not the whole explanation. There has also been income stagnation
among poor white households. Poor, uneducated whites increasingly find themselves competing for jobs with
Hispanic immigrants and black welfare moms. As a result, more whites than minorities are being thrown into
poverty.
Average Income Received by the Richest and

Poorest Households, by Race/Ethnicity
(2003 dollars)
All Households Poorest 20% Richest 20% Richest 5%
White, non-Hispanic
1983 $47,946 $10,262 $103,048 $150,544
2003 $63,887 $11,556 $157,061 $272,772
% change: 33.2% 12.6% 52.4% 81.2%
Black, non-Hispanic
1983 $28,964 $5,171 $69,538 $98,233
2003 $40,131 $5,822 $100,704 $162,357
% change: 38.6% 12.6% 44.8% 65.3%
Hispanic
1983 $33,937 $7,107 $76,173 $108,262
2003 $44,468 $8,588 $108,126 $181,430
% change: 31.0% 20.8% 41.9% 67.6%
Source: Census Bureau, Historical Income Tables-Households. Tables H-3 and H-5.
www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/histinc/inchhtoc.html
Poverty
One of the best kept secrets of recent years is the stubborn rise of poverty among non-Hispanic whites.
Census Bureau data show that whites, for the first time, appeared to feel the pain of an economic downturn
more sharply than minorities.
Poverty Status by Race/Ethnicity, 2000–2004

2000 2004 Increase/Decrease Percentage Change
Poverty Population (1,000s)
White, non-Hispanic 14,366 16,870 2,504 17.4%
Black alone 7,982 9,000 1,018 12.8%
Hispanic 7,747 9,132 1,385 17.9%
Asian Alone 1,258 1,209 -49 -3.9%
Poverty Rate (%)
White, non-Hispanic 7.4% 8.6% 1.2 % points 14.0%
Black alone 22.5% 24.7% 2.2 % points 8.9%
Hispanic 21.5% 21.9% 0.4 % points 1.8%
Asian Alone 9.9% 9.8% (0.1) % points -1.0%
Source: Census Bureau, “Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the
United States,” August 2005. Table B-1. www.census.gov/prod/2005pubs/p60-229.pdf
The 2001–2002 recession and its jobless recovery aftermath threw more whites into poverty than other
racial and ethnic groups.
To be sure, all major racial and ethnic groups except Asians experienced rising poverty during the 2000–
2004 period. Nearly 22 percent of the Hispanic population had incomes below the poverty line in 2004. That
compares to poverty rates of 8.6 percent for non-Hispanic whites and about 24 percent for blacks.
Yet the percentage of blacks and Hispanics living below the poverty line did not rise nearly as much as it
did for whites. The poverty rate of non-Hispanic whites rose 14 percent, versus an increase of 8.9 percent for
blacks and 1.8 percent for Hispanics.
The number of whites added to the poverty rolls—2.5 million—exceeded that of all minority groups
combined.
Many analysts are puzzled that these poverty trends are occurring at a time when median household
incomes for minorities are falling behind that of whites. The apparent conundrum reflects the increasingly
skewed white income distribution, with the median white household pulling ever further ahead of the poorest
fifth of whites.
Unemployment
White are less likely to be unemployed than Hispanics or blacks. Hispanics are more likely to be unem-
ployed than whites, but far less likely than blacks.
In November 2005 the white unemployment rate was 4.3 percent; Hispanic and black unemployment
rates were 6.0 percent and 10.6 percent, respectively.
Minority unemployment fell sharply during the boom years of the 1990s. The unemployment rate advantage
of whites vis a vis minorities shrunk noticeably during that period:
Unemployment Rates by Race/ethnicity,

1990-November 2005
16.0%
14.0%
White
12.0% Black
Hispanic
10.0%
8.0%
6.0%
4.0%
2.0%
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In 1992 the white unemployment rate was 7.6 points below the black rate and 5 points below that of
Hispanics. In November 2005 these differentials were 5 and 1.7 points, respectively.
Minority unemployment usually responds to changing economic conditions more than white unemploy-
ment, reflecting the over-representation of blacks in manufacturing and other highly cyclical sectors of the
economy. The trend held in the early 1990s; it abruptly ended with Bush II’s recovery. Indeed, the black
unemployment rate is higher today than it was when the current economic recovery started thirteen quarters
ago.13
Why the persistently high black unemployment rate? Discrimination may be the best explanation—but
not the sort of discrimination affirmative action is designed to combat. The most racist policy in this country
for the past quarter century has been immigration policy. U.S. companies knowingly employ millions of illegal
immigrants while the government looks the other way. The illegals are paid less than comparable native
minorities, but they obviously cannot sue their employers.
The onslaught of poorly educated, mainly Hispanic, immigrants has stymied good faith efforts of low
income Americans—minority and white alike—to climb up the economic ladder.
Unemployment rates do not tell the entire story. Part of the reason white unemployment is down is that
whites are increasingly discouraged with their job prospects, and are therefore less likely to be in the labor
force.
White labor force participation barely budged during Clinton boom. Indeed, whites are the only group
whose labor force participation rate is lower today than it was in the early 1990s.14
Millions of potential white workers who dropped out of the labor force during the recession four years
ago have not returned as expected and are therefore not counted in the official unemployment statistics.
Labor Force Participation Rates by

Race/ethnicity, 1990-November 2005
70.0
69.0
68.0
67.0
66.0
65.0
White
64.0
Black
63.0 Hispanic
62.0
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
2005-November
Welfare Recipiency
White, non-Hispanic households account for more than half of all U.S. households receiving means-
tested non-cash welfare benefits. In 2001 (the latest year of available data) 11.3 million white households
received either Medicaid, Food Stamps, subsidized housing, or school lunch benefits for at least one month.
By comparison, 5.2 million black, and 4.4 million Hispanic households received benefits that year.15
The percent of white households receiving benefits is significantly below that of other groups,
however:
The welfare recipiency rate for white households (14 percent) is about one-third that of Hispanic house-
holds (41.8 percent) and nearly as low relative to black households (39.0 percent.)
Differences among racial groups in program participation are primarily explainable by differences in
poverty rates. In 2001, the poverty rate for blacks (22.7 percent) and for people of Hispanic origin (21.9
percent) was nearly three-times the poverty rate for non-Hispanic whites (7.8 percent.)16
Every year the Census Bureau surveys a sample of U.S. households to determine the amount and type
of income received. The 2004 survey shows whites less likely to receive two major cash benefits—public
assistance and Supplemental Security Income (SSI):
At a 2.48 percent recipiency rate, whites are even less likely than Asians to receive cash benefits.
A broader measure of welfare recipiency—one which includes both cash and non-cash means-tested
Welfare Recipiency Rates by Race/Ethnicity, 2001

Program All Races White non-Hispanic Black Hispanic
(Percentage of households receiving benefits)
Any Means-Tested Non-Cash Benefit 20.0% 14.0% 39.0% 41.8%
Medicaid 14.5% 10.4% 27.3% 28.6%
Food Stamps 5.4% 3.6% 13.5% 9.5%
Subsidized Housing 4.6% 3.0% 12.9% 6.2%
School Lunch 7.3% 3.8% 16.5% 22.7%
Source: U.S. Census, Current Population Survey (CPS), Annual Demographic Survey, 2001.
ferret.bls.census.gov/macro/032002/noncash/nc1_000.htm
benefits—is tracked in a recent Census Bureau analysis of the 1996 welfare reform legislation. The data
cover calendar years 1996 through 1999, a time just before and just after federal welfare reform was
enacted.
Welfare recipiency rates fell for all races after the enactment of the 1996 welfare reform.
As with non-cash benefits, the broader measure shows Hispanic and black households are roughly three-
times more likely to receive benefits than white, non-Hispanic households. Moreover, white recipiency rates
declined by more than the comparable rate for blacks—but by less than the decline for Hispanics—during
the years following welfare reform.
Blacks and Hispanics are far more likely than whites to be chronic welfare participants—receiving
welfare every month—than the “at least one month per year” recipiency rates in the above table would
indicate. Only 3.5 percent of white, non-Hispanics received welfare in all 48 months between January 1996
and December 1999, compared to 11.9 percent of Hispanics and 18.4 percent of blacks.17 Blacks are thus
more than 5-times as likely to be long-term welfare recipients as whites, white Hispanics are 3.4-times more
likely.
The dollar value of benefits received by white families is also significantly below that of black and
Hispanic families. Moreover, as is seen in the following table, whites are the only racial group for which
median benefits declined in the years following welfare reform:
Educational Achievement
Americans are better educated than ever. But according to recent Census Bureau data, whites are far more
likely than either blacks or Hispanics to have advanced degrees, and less likely to drop our of high school.
More than 30 percent of whites have a BA or a higher degree, compared to 18 percent of blacks and 12
percent of Hispanics. At the other extreme, less than one-half of one percent of adult whites had less than 5
Cash Benefit Dependency Rate

by Race/Ethnicity, 2004
(numbers in 1000s except percents)
Population 15 years Recipients of Public Dependency
and Older Assistance, SSI, or Both Rate (%)
White, non-Hispanic 147,578 3,660 2.48%
Black alone 22,695 1,930 8.50%
Hispanic 23,644 1,189 5.03%
Asian alone 8,208 234 2.85%
Source: Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 2005 Annual Social and Economic
Supplement. Table PINC-08.
pubdb3.census.gov/macro/032005/perinc/new08_000.htm
Welfare Recipency Rates by Race/Ethnicity, 1996–1999

(Percentage of households receiving any means-tested program)
White, non-Hispanic Black Hispanic
1996 12.3% 40.8% 34.5%
1997 11.7 40.0 32.9
1998 10.9 37.7 30.4
1999 10.6 36.4 29.2
% pt. change -1.7 % pts. -4.4% pts. -5.3 % pts.
% change -13.2% -10.3% -17.0%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, “Dynamics of Economic Well-Being, 1996 to 1999. Who Gets
Assistance?,” Current Population Reports, P70-94, September 2004. Figure 9. www.census.gov/prod/
2003pubs/p70-94.pdf
Rates reflect percent in each group participating in a means-tested program for at least one month
during the year.
years of schooling, compared to 8 percent of Hispanics and 1.3 percent of blacks.

Hispanics appear to lag the other groups. Hispanics have lower high school graduation rates than whites
or blacks and substantially lower college attendance and graduation rates. In March 2004 only 58.4 percent
of adult Hispanics were High School graduates. By comparison, 90.0 percent of non-Hispanic whites and 81.1
percent of non-Hispanic blacks were high school graduates.
Highest Level of Education Attained by Persons

25 Years and Older, by Race/Ethnicity, March 2004
(Percentage of Population)
White, non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic Hispanic
Less than 5 yrs. schooling 0.4% 1.3% 8.1%
High School Graduate+ 90.0% 81.1% 58.4%
BA or higher degree 30.6% 17.7% 12.1%
Source: Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Digest of Education
Statistics Tables and Figures, 2004 Table 8. nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d04/tables/dt04_008.asp
While blacks and whites graduate from high school at nearly the same rate, on average they are not equally
educated. That is, the cognitive skills gap between white and black HS graduates, as reflected in standardized
test score differentials, is far larger than would be predicted based on differences in HS graduation rates. (See
below.)
Similarly, these statistics don’t tell the whole story of sub-par educational achievement among Hispanics.
Unlike the overwhelming majority of both whites and blacks, a huge portion of Hispanics are born—and
educated—abroad. Among adults over 25, foreign-born Hispanics actually outnumber the U.S.-born by 8.9
million to 7.5 million. To lump foreign-educated Hispanics with their American born and educated counter-
parts is to overstate Hispanic educational achievement.
High School Dropout Rates

The percentage of 16 to 24 year olds who are out of school and who have not earned a high school cre-
dential, such as a General Educational Degree (GED), is called the “status dropout rate.” Status dropout rates
are a “leading indicator” of future trends in educational achievement levels. Over the past 30 years dropout
rates have fallen for all races and ethnicities. While the gap between whites and other groups has declined, it
remains disturbingly large:
Percent of High School Dropouts Among Persons 16 to

24 Years Old, by Race/Ethnicity, 1970–2003
All Races White, non Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic Hispanic
1970 15.0% 13.2% 27.9% NA
1980 14.1 11.4 19.1 35.2%
1990 12.1 9.0 13.2 32.4
1995 12.0 8.6 12.1 30.0
2000 10.9 6.9 13.1 27.8
2001 10.7 7.3 10.9 27.0
2002 10.5 6.5 11.3 25.7
2003 9.9 6.3 10.9 23.5
Statistics Tables and Figures, 2004. Table 107. nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d04/tables/dt04_107.asp
Note: Dropouts are 16 to 24 year olds who are not enrolled in school and who have not completed a
high school program regardless of when they left school.
In 2003 the status dropout rate for whites (6.3%) was about half that of blacks and one-quarter that of
Hispanics. Since 2000 Hispanic dropout rates have declined 4.3 percentage points—more than that of any
other race.
As stated above, these figures understate the education gap between whites and other groups. More than
half of Hispanic immigrants never enrolled in a U.S. school but are counted as high school graduates if they
completed high school in their country of origin. The quality of high school education in many of these
countries is inferior to that available in inner-city districts in the U.S.
Problems learning the English language, often made worse by their mandatory enrollment in bi-lingual
education programs, have discouraged many Hispanic students from staying in school. Language is not the
only barrier, however. Instead of encouraging their kids to continue their education, many Hispanic parents
pressure their children to become self-supporting and to contribute to the family income.
Instead of continuing their education, many young Hispanics get jobs immediately after graduating high
school, or drop out of school to help support their family. The different attitudes toward work are reflected
in labor force participation rates:
Labor Force Participation Rates by

Race/Ethnicity and Education Level, 2004
(25 years and older)
Race/Ethnicity High School Dropouts High School Graduates Some College BA or higher degree
White, non-Hispanic 35.8% 60.9% 68.6% 77.3%
Black, non-Hispanic 38.5% 67.5% 73.8% 83.0%
Hispanic 62.3% 74.0% 79.1% 82.1%
Source: Dept. of Education, “Digest of Education Statistics, 2004,” Table 376. nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/
d04/tables/dt04_376.asp
More than 60 percent of Hispanic dropouts are in the labor force, and 55 percent of them are employed.
Immigrant “dropouts” (not shown separately) are far more likely to be in the labor force than their U.S.-born
counterparts. By comparison, less than 40 percent of black and white dropouts are in the labor force.
The Hispanic work ethic is also apparent among high school graduates. Nearly three-quarters of Hispanics
who completed high school (and did not go to college) were in the labor force in 2004. Comparable rates for
non-Hispanic whites and blacks: 60.9 percent and 67.5 percent.
The strong work ethic explains much of the low educational attainment in the Hispanic population.
SAT Scores
The Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) measures student academic preparation for college by measuring verbal
and mathematical skills, and is used as a predictor to success in college. Whites accounted for 62 percent all
SAT test takers in 2005, blacks 12 percent, Hispanics and Asians 10 percent each.
In 2005 whites outscored blacks, Hispanics, and Asians in the verbal section of the SAT test, but lagged
Asians on the math section. The gap between white and non-Asian minorities’ SAT scores has widened over
the past decade:
Average SAT Scores of College-Bound Seniors by Race/

Ethnicity, 1995–2005
SAT-Verbal
1995 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 10 year change
White, non-Hispanic 525 528 529 527 529 528 532 7
Black, non-Hispanic 432 434 433 430 431 430 433 1
Mexican American 453 453 451 446 448 451 453 0
Puerto Rican 448 456 457 455 456 457 460 12
Asian American 492 499 501 501 508 507 511 19
SAT-Math
1995 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 10 year change
White, non-Hispanic 521 530 531 533 534 531 536 15
Black, non-Hispanic 422 426 426 427 426 427 431 9
Mexican American 458 460 458 457 457 458 463 5
Puerto Rican 444 451 451 451 453 452 457 13
Asian American 555 565 566 569 575 577 580 25
Statistics Tables and Figures, 2004. Table 128. nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d04/tables/dt04_128.asp
College Board (2005 Scores). www.collegeboard.com/prod_downloads/about/news_info/cbsenior/
yr2005/table7-SAT-score-gains.pdf
As seen in the table, the pattern varies greatly among Hispanic subgroups. Verbal scores rose by 12 points
for Puerto Ricans, but were unchanged for Mexican-Americans. Similarly, Puerto Rican math scores rose by
13 points while Mexican-Americans recorded gains of just 5. White math scores rose by 15 points, surpassed
only by the 25 point increase in Asian Americans scores.
NAEP Test Scores

A broader measure of academic achievement is provided by the congressionally mandated National
Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). It looks at the performance of the average—as opposed to the
college-bound—student, using a number of tests in different subject areas. As with SAT scores, whites sys-
tematically score above blacks and Hispanics on NAEP tests. Unlike the SAT, however, the performance gap
between whites and other NAEP test takers seems to be fairly stable:
Average NAEP scores do not tell the whole story. They conceal large interracial differences in the distribu-
tion of test scores. For example, while the average white score in mathematics was 13 percent above that of
blacks and 9 percent above the Hispanic average, the share of whites scoring at or above “proficient” in the
test was more than four-times that of blacks and three-times that of Hispanics:
Average NAEP Scores in 8th Grade

Mathematics, by Race/Ethnicity, 1990–2005
White, non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic Hispanic Asian
1990 270 237 246 NA
1996 281 240 251 290
2000 284 244 253 288
2003 288 252 259 291
2005 289 255 264 295
% pt. chg.,
1990–2005 +19 +18 +18 NA
Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), Mathematics 2005,
National Center for Educational Statistics, October 2005. Figure 3. nces.ed.gov/
nationsreportcard/pdf/main2005/2006453.pdf
Percent of Students Performing at or

above Proficient in Mathematics, 2005
(8th Grade NAEP test)
White, non-Hispanic 39%
Black, non-Hispanic 9%
Hispanic 13%
Asian 47%
Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP),
Mathematics 2005, National Center for Educational Statistics, October
2005. Figure 3. nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/pdf/main2005/2006453.
pdf
Note: Proficient denotes a “demonstrated competency over challenging
subject matter.”
“Proficient” is as “solid academic performance.”18 Students at this level “have demonstrated competency
over challenging material.” In terms of the NAEP scale, any score above 280 is deemed “proficient.” The
highest score possible is 500.
Why is it that 91 percent of blacks and 87 percent of Hispanics cannot perform at this level?
Apologists say that the higher-scoring students are likely to be from wealthier, suburban districts with
better-trained teachers, more academically challenging courses, better opportunities, etc., etc. Others insist
that location and per pupil spending differences do not matter much.
Resolving this issue is beyond the scope of this project. We merely present the following data, showing that
interracial gaps in reading proficiency are no larger in urban districts than in the nation as a whole:
Nearly three-quarters of all federal spending on K–12 education goes to the lowest performing students—
including the disadvantaged and handicapped. A disproportionate fraction of this goes to urban districts. By
contrast, expenditures targeting gifted and talented students amount to 0.02 percent—that’s 2 cents, not 2
percent—of every $100 spent.19
Given the test score results, this seems like a very inefficient allocation of scarce education resources.
Adult Literacy
The National Adult Literacy Survey, conducted in 1992, is the largest literacy assessment ever conducted in
the United States, surveying over 26,000 adults 16 and older. In addition to assessing literacy skills, the NALS
gathered data on participants’ demographic and socioeconomic status.
NALS defined literacy as:
Percent of Students Performing at or above

Proficient in Reading, 2005
(8th Grade NAEP test)
Nation Large Urban Districts
White, non-Hispanic 37% 38%
Black, non-Hispanic 11% 10%
Hispanic 14% 13%
Asian 39% 35%
Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), Trial Urban
Assessment Reading 2005, National Center for Educational Statistics, December
2005. Table 4. nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/pdf/dst2005/2006455.pdf
“Using printed and written information to function in society, to achieve one’s goals, and to
develop one’s knowledge and potential.”20
In operationalizing this definition, NALS measured proficiencies along three literacy scales: prose,
document, and quantitative. Each scale was constructed to range from 0 to 500. The tasks and skills
underlying each of the scales are described by the survey report as follows:
• Prose literacy: knowledge and skills needed to use and understand information from texts that
include editorials, news stories, poems, and fiction. For example: finding a piece of information in
a newspaper article or interpreting instructions from a warranty.
• Document literacy: knowledge and skills required to locate and use information contained in
materials such as job applications, payroll forms, bus schedules, maps, tables, and graphs. For
example, using a schedule to choose the appropriate bus.
• Quantitative literacy: knowledge and skills required to apply arithmetic operations, either alone or
sequentially, using numbers embedded in printed materials. For example, balancing a checkbook,
figuring out a tip.
NALS results revealed large gaps between the average prose, document, and quantitative scores of white,
non-Hispanic adults and those of blacks and Hispanics:
The scores of blacks were 43 to 63 points below those of whites, while the white-Hispanic gaps were even
larger, ranging from 67 to 75 points. By comparison, the gap between all U.S. men and women ranged from 2
on the document scale (in favor of women) to 9 on the quantitative scale (in favor of men.)
The mediocre performance of immigrants, native blacks, and native Hispanics is the major reason why the
U.S. consistently ranks in the bottom half of international literacy rankings:
If we adjust the mean NALS scores for U.S. adults under age 65 to exclude all foreign-born adults as well as
native-born blacks and Hispanics, then the mean prose and quantitative scores of the remaining U.S. adults
(Asian and white, native-born) would rise to 288, ranking the U.S. second highest—tied with Finland and
Norway—on the prose scale and fifth highest on the quantitative scale….The findings clearly suggest that
future gains in the comparative, international literacy standing of U.S. adults will require substantial improve-
ments in the literary proficiencies of blacks, Hispanics, and the foreign born from all racial/ethnic groups.21
Unfortunately, the large test score gaps between white students and their black and Hispanic counterparts
portend continued low average literacy scores for U.S. adults.
Education and Income

There is a positive correlation between education and income for all racial/ethnic groups. Even after
adjusting for education levels, however, white workers are still at an advantage:
Mean Literacy Scores of Adults

16 and over by Race/Ethnicity
Literacy Scale:
Prose Document Quantitative
White, non-Hispanic 280 280 287
Black, non-Hispanic 237 230 224
Hispanic 208 213 212
Difference:
White-Black +43 +50 +63
White-Hispanic +72 +67 +75
Source: Educational Testing Service (ETS), “The Twin Challenges of Mediocrity and
Inequality: Literacy in the U.S. From an International Perspective,” February 2002.
Table 13. www.ets.org/Media/Research/pdf/PICTWIN.pdf
Note: Data are from the National Adult Literacy Survey (NALS) survey conducted in
1992.
Median Annual Earnings of Workers Ages 25–34

By Race/Ethnicity and Educational Attainment, 2003
Highest Level Attained White Black Hispanic
Grades 9-11 $23,100 $17,900 $21,100
High school $29,100 $25,500 $24,000
Some college $31,900 $27,300 $30,600
BA or higher $43,400 $40,900 $37,600
Source: Department of Education, “The Condition of Education 2005,” 2005. Table 16-2.
nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/2005/pdf/16_2005.pdf
The earnings gap between young white and black high school graduates is $3,600, or 14 percent; at the
BA or higher level, it falls to $2,500, or 6 percent. Among high school dropouts (9 to11 years of education)
the black-white earnings differential balloons to $5,200, or 29 percent.
Hispanics are at an even greater income disadvantage vis-à-vis whites. White HS graduates make $5,100,
or 21 percent more than Hispanic HS graduates, while whites with a BA or higher degree earn $6,200, or 15
percent, more than comparably educated Hispanics.
At the college level, the income gap may reflect the fact that many Hispanics were awarded BAs in their
native country or at inferior institutions in the United States. Or there may be another factor—English
language proficiency, for example—that prevents highly educated Hispanics from earning as much as compa-
rably educated whites and blacks.
Between 1977 and 2003 the earnings gap between blacks and whites decreased among HS graduates and
HS dropouts. No change in the white-black earnings gap was detected at higher levels of educational attain-
ment—a result probably related to the increase in Black college enrollment and the easing of their admission
requirements due to affirmative action programs.22
Crime, Incarceration, and Victimization

At midyear 2004 the nation’s prisons and jails held 2,131,180 persons. White non-Hispanics accounted
for 777,500, or 36.4 percent of the total inmate population; black, non-Hispanics accounted for 910,200, or
42.7 percent; and there were 395,000 Hispanics, representing 18.5 percent of the total inmate population.23
American Indians, Asians, and Pacific Islanders accounted for the remaining 2.4 percent of inmates.
Among the more than 2.1 million offenders incarcerated on June 30, 2004, an estimated 576,600 were
black males between ages 20 and 39.24

Whites are far less likely to be incarcerated than members of other races. Here are the incarceration rates
at mid-year 2004:
• White non-Hispanics: 717 prisoners per 100,000 population (0.717 percent)
• Black non-Hispanics: 4,919 prisoners per 100,000 population ( 4.919 percent)
• Hispanics: 1,717 prisoners per 100,000 population (1.717 percent)

Whites are thus about one-seventh as likely to be incarcerated as blacks, and one-third as likely as
Hispanics.
When total incarceration rates are estimated separately by age group, white males of all ages are still found
to have lower rates than other groups, while blacks have the highest rates:
Male Inmates in State or Federal Prisons and Local Jails,

By Race/Ethnicity and Age, June 30, 2004
(Number of inmates per 100,000 residents of each group)
Age Total White (a) Black (a) Hispanic
Total 1,348 717 4,919 1,717
18–19 1,727 911 5,473 1,957
20–24 3,255 1,641 11,054 3,577
25–29 3,300 1,666 12,603 3,606
30–34 3,060 1,691 10,979 3,438
35–39 2,756 1,607 10,036 2,866
40–44 2,187 1,314 7,993 2,403
45–54 1,162 664 4,546 1,652
55 + 247 170 898 473
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, “Prison and Jail Statistics at Midyear 2004,” April 2005. Table
14. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/pjim04.pdf
a. Excludes Hispanics.
As seen in the table, among males age 25 to 29, 12.6 percent of blacks were in prison or jail, compared
to 3.6 percent of Hispanics and only 1.7 percent of whites. Although incarceration rates drop with age, the
percentage of black males age 45 to 54 in prison or jail in 2004 was an estimated 4.5 percent, or more than
twice the highest rate (1.7 percent) among white males (age 30 to 34).
Female incarceration rates, though significantly lower than male rates at every age, reveal similar racial
and ethnic differences. Black females (with a prison and jail rate of 359 per 100,000) were 2½ times more
likely than Hispanic females (143 per 100,000) and nearly 4½ times more likely than white females (81 per
Distribution of Local Jail Inmates by Race/

Ethnicity, 1995, 2000, 2003–2004
1995 2000 2003 2004
White, non-Hispanic 40.1% 41.9% 43.6% 44.4%
Black, non-Hispanic 43.5% 41.3% 39.2% 38.6%
Hispanic 14.7% 15.1% 15.4% 15.2%
Other 1.7% 1.6% 1.8% 1.8%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, “Prison and Jail Statistics at Midyear 2004,”
April 2005. Table 10. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/pjim04.pdf
100,000) to be incarcerated in 2004. These differences among white, black, and Hispanic females were consis-
tent across all age groups. Among black females, the rate was highest (993 per 100,000) among those in ages
35 to 39. This rate was more than 4 times higher than the rate among white females in this age group (238
per 100,000).
Whites appear to be a growing fraction of local jail inmates, although this trend may reflect changes in the
racial definitions:
About half of white, black, and Hispanic state prison inmates were violent offenders. Black incarceration
rates are higher than those of whites or Hispanics for most types of crime—most notably robbery, for which
they are nearly 14-times more likely to be incarcerated than whites, and drug offenses, for which they are
nearly 11-times more likely to be jailed than whites.
Fraud—often a white-collar crime—is the only offense for which whites are not the least likely to be
jailed. Their incarceration rate for fraud exceeds that of Hispanics, but is less than one-third the black rate,
however.
Racial Bias in the Criminal Justice System?

The enormous increase in minority prison population has attracted the attention of liberal groups. In 2001
the National Center on Institutions and Alternatives (NCIA), a liberal think tank advocating less imprison-
ment, released a report arguing that “The overuse of incarceration is causing severe and irreparable divisions
in society.” It urges society to “turn the justice system off its racist path and begin to repair the damage it is
causing.”25
As evidence for “overuse” the NCIA cited statistics: “During the twelve years we examined (1985 to
1997), the U.S. prisoner population more than doubled from 502,376 to 1,240,962. Nationally, non-whites
accounted for 70% of this growth in state and federal prisons.”
Data in the NCIA report show that Hispanics accounted for 19.2 percent of the growth in national inmate
population during this period:
In three states with large Hispanic populations, Hispanics accounted for more than one-third of total
inmate growth: New York (38.2 percent), California (37.6 percent), and Arizona (37.2 percent). Hispanics
accounted for a whopping 62.3 percent of new prison inmates in New Mexico, but just 9.6 percent in Florida,
possibly because Florida is home to a large middle-class, primarily white Cuban population.
In most states incarceration rates for Hispanics and blacks grew faster than those of whites:
Prison Population Increase Accounted

for by Hispanics, 1985–1997
Jurisdiction Change Percent
U.S. Total 144,001 19.5%
New Mexico 1,479 62.3%
New York 13,148 38.2%
California 39,787 37.6%
Arizona 5,568 37.2%
Massachusetts 2,092 31.9%
Connecticut 3,309 29.8%
Colorado 2,898 28.7%
Illinois 2,804 12.7%
Florida 3,454 9.6%
Source: National Center on Institutions and Alternatives (NCIA),
“Masking the Divide: How Officially Reported Prison Statistics
Distort the Racial and Ethnic Realities of Prison Growth,” May
2001. Appendix 3. 66.165.94.98/stories/maskdiv0501.pdf
Incarceration Rates by Race/ethnicity and Offense, 2002

Prisoners per 100,000 population: Multiple of white rate:
Offense White(a) Black(a) Hispanic Black(a) Hispanic
Total (All Offenses) 220.5 1,409.5 563.9 6.39 2.56
Violent offenses 108.3 722.9 282.0 6.67 2.60
Murder 22.7 177.6 77.2 7.84 3.41
Manslaughter 3.6 18.5 5.3 5.15 1.46
Rape 15.9 55.9 17.3 3.52 1.09
Other sexual assault 22.7 46.9 30.8 2.07 1.36
Robbery 19.3 266.3 71.7 13.79 3.71
Assault 18.4 127.8 63.9 6.95 3.47
Other violent 5.8 29.8 16.0 5.11 2.75
Property offenses 58.2 248.4 88.5 4.27 1.52
Burglary 29.4 129.8 45.4 4.42 1.54
Larceny 10.6 51.4 16.8 4.83 1.58
Motor vehicle theft 3.6 15.2 12.3 4.22 3.41
Fraud 8.5 30.1 5.0 3.55 0.59
Other property 6.1 21.9 9.0 3.60 1.48
Drug offenses 32.7 354.0 154.6 10.83 4.73
Public-order offenses 19.7 78.4 34.8 3.99 1.77
Other/unspecified 1.6 6.2 4.0 3.93 2.55
Note: Figures reflect prisoners under state jurisdiction.
a. Excludes Hispanics.
Sources: Paige Harrison and Allen J. Beck, “Prisoners in 2004,” Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin,
October 2005. Table 12. (Prisoners) www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/p04.pdf; Census Bureau,
“Statistical Abstract of the U.S. 2004-2005,” Table 13, page 14.
www.census.gov/prod/2004pubs/04statab/pop.pdf (Population).
The NCIA claims that this high minority imprisonment rate is unfair: “Whites seen to go to jail in smaller
numbers than their share of serious crimes would indicate. During the 1990s, whites committed 66 percent of
violent crimes and 62 percent of felonies in the United States according to Justice Department Statistics.”
In fact, the crime statistics cited by NCIA are notoriously misleading. What the FBI calls “Whites” is really
a conglomeration of whites, Hispanics, and other arrestees. So comparing prison statistics, in which white
non-Hispanics are a separate category, with arrest statistics, where they are lumped together with Hispanics,
gives the impression that whites are less likely to be incarcerated.
The best test of bias in the criminal justice system is to compare the racial distribution of criminals with the
racial distribution of arrested suspects. If they are about the same—if, for example, it is determined that half
the robbers are black and about half the robbery suspects arrested by the police are black—we can conclude
that police are not targeting blacks unfairly.
Racial data on criminals is available from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) reports, which
ask victims about the race of the perpetrators. By comparing NCVS information with racial percentages in
arrest data from the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), we can determine if the proportion of criminals the police
arrest who are black is equivalent to the proportion of criminals the victims say were black.
Racial data in these two reports are analyzed in The Color of Crime, a recent study of the criminal justice
system:
For most crimes, police are arresting fewer blacks than would be expected from the percentage of
criminals the victims tell us are black (rape/sexual assault is the only exception). In the most extreme
case, burglary, victims tell police that 45 percent of the perpetrators were black, but only 28 percent
of the people arrested for that crime were black. If all the NCVS crimes are taken together, blacks
who committed crimes that were reported to the police were 26 percent less likely to be arrested than
people of other races who committed the same crimes.
Incarceration Rate Growth by Race/Ethnicity

(Prisoners per 100,000 Adult Residents in Each Group)
Non-Hispanic Whites Non-Hispanic Blacks Hispanics
Jurisdiction 1997 1985 percent change 1997 1985 Percent change 1997 1985 % change
U.S. Total 289 151 91.4% 2,629 1,221 115.3% 1,058 471 124.6%
New Mexico 209 138 51.4% 2,166 1,356 59.7% 589 342 72.2%
New York 136 94 44.7% 1,739 946 83.8% 1,294 725 78.5%
California 366 138 165.2% 3,128 1,266 147.1% 865 372 132.5%
Arizona 473 261 81.2% 3,510 2,300 52.6% 1,281 657 95.0%
Texas 467 181 158.0% 4,115 1,226 235.6% 1,045 340 207.4%
Massachusetts 137 75 82.7% 1,652 1,039 59.0% 1,187 429 176.7%
Connecticut 224 104 115.4% 4.240 1,780 138.2% 2,697 1,157 133.1%
Colorado 259 91 184.6% 3,067 857 257.9% 1,062 341 211.4%
Illinois 151 90 67.8% 2,220 1,028 116.0% 561 284 97.5%
Florida 289 179 61.5% 2,610 1,476 76.8% 350 234 49.6%
Source: National Center on Institutions and Alternatives (NCIA), “Masking the Divide: How Officially
Reported Prison Statistics Distort the Racial and Ethnic Realities of Prison Growth,” May 2001. Appendix 4.
66.165.94.98/stories/maskdiv0501.pdf
These figures lend no support to the charge that police arrest innocent blacks, or at least pursue them
with excessive zeal. In fact, they suggest the opposite, that police are more determined to arrest non-
black rather than black criminals.26
Interracial Crime
Media coverage of interracial crimes highlights violence committed by whites against non-whites, suggest-
ing that whites are more likely than nonwhites to commit interracial violence and more likely be motivated by
race hatred. In fact, blacks are vastly more likely to commit crimes against whites than the reverse.
The propensity of black criminals to prey on white victims is brought out in The Color of Crime:27 The
National Crime Victimization Survey can be used to determine how much violent crime blacks commit against
whites. Unfortunately, although it has clear racial categories for victims, NCVS classifications for perpetrators
are vague.
Therefore, for the purposes of interracial crime only, we must refer to a “white” (with quotation marks)
perpetrator category that includes some but not all Hispanics. Because the victim categories are better defined,
we can still refer to white (without quotation marks) victims of interracial crime. Because the “white” perpe-
trator category for interracial crime includes some Hispanics, the result is an inflated measure of what we will
have to call “white”-on-black crime.
Even so, the differences between black and “white” rates of interracial crime are enormous. As Figure 18
shows, between 2001 and 2003, blacks were 39 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites
than the reverse, and 136 times more likely to commit robbery. There were an average of 15,400 black-on-
white rapes every year during this period, 139,000 robberies, 489,000 assaults, and 12,762 sexual assaults.
By contrast, there were only 900 “white”-on-black rapes every year, 7,600 robberies, 101,000 assaults, and
3,217 sexual assaults. Of all 768,879 violent interracial crimes involving blacks and whites, blacks committed
85 percent and “whites” 15 percent.28
Black criminals are more disposed to commit crimes against whites than white criminals are against
blacks. This conclusion holds even after adjusting for the fact that there are more whites—and hence more
potential white victims—than blacks.29
Assimilation
Political Participation
In democratic societies, political participation is a key indicator of social integration and influence. Voter
registration and turnout rates have long been regarded as valid measures of a group’s engagement in civil
society and its perceived stake in the future of the nation.
In the November 2004 general election whites registered and voted at rates significantly above those of
other races and ethnicities:
Voting and Registration Rates by Race/

Ethnicity, November 2004
Percent of voting-age citizens:
Registered to Vote Reported Voting
White alone, non-Hispanic 75.1% 67.2%
Black alone 68.7% 60.0%
Hispanic 57.9% 47.2%
Asian alone 51.8% 44.2%
All Races 72.1% 63.8%
Source: Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2004.
Internet Release Date: May 25, 2005. Table13. www.census.gov/
population/www/socdemo/voting/cps2004.html
More than two-thirds of voting age white citizens—67.2 percent—voted in the 2004 election. By compari-
son, less than half of their Hispanic and Asian counterparts voted, as did 60 percent of blacks.
Although voting rates increased for all groups since the 2000 election, the rise was greatest for white
voters:
Voting Rates by Race, 2000 and 2004

(Percent of Voting-Age Citizens Voting)
Race/Ethnicity 2000 2004 Percent pt. change
White, non-Hispanic 61.8% 67.1% 5.3
Black 56.8% 60.0% 3.2
Hispanic 45.1% 47.2% 2.1
Asian 43.3% 44.2% 0.9
Total-18 years and older 59.5% 63.8% 4.3
Sources: U.S. Census Bureau, Voting and Registration in the Election of November 2000,” February
2002. Table A.(2000) www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/p20-542.pdf
Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2004. Internet Release Date: May 25, 2005.
Table 13. (2004) www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/voting/cps2004.html
Between 2000 and 2004 voting rates for white non-Hispanics increased by 5.3 percentage points while
voting rates for blacks rose by 3.2 percentage points, increasing the gap between the two groups by about 2
percentage points. Voting rates for Hispanics and Asians are lower and increased by less than those of whites
and blacks.
Low levels of education and a relatively young voting age population account for some of the low black
and Hispanic voting rate—but even these factors are not decisive. For example, looking at just young voting-
age citizens, Hispanics lag other ethnic groups in voter participation.
Nearly half (49.8 percent) of young non-Hispanic whites voted in the 2004 general election. These young
white citizens are about 50 percent more likely to vote than their Hispanic and Asian counterparts, and
slightly more likely to vote than blacks of the same age bracket. This means that age differences alone cannot
not explain—or excuse—the poor voting record of the Asians and Hispanics.
Education is another variable which experts have used to explain differences in electoral participation. Yet
here too, when you compare voting rates of similarly educated individuals, large differences remain:
In all groups—whites, blacks, and Hispanics—completion of higher levels of education is associated with
more active voting behavior. For example, the voting rate among Hispanics who had a BA degree or higher
was 69.7 percent, or more than two times the voting rate for Hispanics with a 9th to 12th grade education (30.5
percent). At all levels of education, however, voting rates for Hispanics are below those for similarly educated
whites and blacks. This implies that bringing the educational level of Hispanics up to that of other groups
would not close the white-Hispanic political participation gap.
Place of birth is another powerful determinant of voting participation. Studies have consistently found that
U.S.-born registrants participate at higher rates than foreign-born voters. Whites and blacks fit this traditional
model, as their U.S.-born voters vote at rates higher than or equal to their foreign born counterparts.
Voting Rates of 18- to 24-Year-Olds, 2004

Race/Ethnicity U.S. Citizens (1,000s) Reported Voted (1,000s) Percent voted
White, non-Hispanic 16,809 8,368 49.8%
Black 3,692 1,738 47.1%
Hispanic 3,038 1,003 33.0%
Asian 765 262 34.2%
Total- 18 to 24 years 24,898 11,639 46.7%
Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2004. Internet Release Date: May 25, 2005.
Table 2. Calculations by author. www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/voting/cps2004.html
Voting Rates by Race/Ethnicity and Education,

November 2004
(Percent of Voting-Age Citizens Voting)
9th to 12th grade, no diploma High School Graduate BA degree or higher
White, non-Hispanic 40.6% 58.3% 82.7%
Black 45.4% 56.3% 74.4%
Hispanic 30.5% 56.1% 69.7%
Source: Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, November 2004. Internet Release Date: May
25, 2005. Table 6. Calculations by author. http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/voting/
cps2004.html
Voting Rates by Race/Ethnicity and Place of Birth, 2004

Race/Ethnicity Native-Born Citizens Naturalized Citizens
All Races 64.5% 53.7%
White alone, Non-Hispanic 67.3% 61.8%
Black alone 60.4% 54.4%
Hispanic 45.5% 52.1%
Asian alone 40.5% 46.4%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, “Reported Voting and Registration Among Native and Naturalized
Citizens, by Race, and Region of Origin, November 2000,” February 27, 2002. Table 13. www.census.
gov/population/socdemo/voting/p20-542/tab13.pdf
In the 2004 election, U.S.-born Hispanics and Asians voted at much lower rates than U.S.-born whites
and blacks. In fact, native-born Hispanics and Asians voted at significantly lower rates than their foreign-born
peers. This pattern may reflect different age distributions among U.S.-born and naturalized Hispanics.
English Proficiency
Inability to speak proper English is often associated with poverty, inadequate health care, depression,
and—most obviously—alienation from the mainstream American culture. The economic penalty imposed by
poor English skills has been quantified: Immigrants who are not proficient in English earn 17 percent less than
immigrants of similar backgrounds, experience, and education, who are proficient in English.30
The Census has a term—“linguistic isolation” (LI)—to measure the failure of households to master basic
English skills. Its definition of “linguistic isolation”: households in which no adult speaks only English and no
adult speaks English “very well.” The Census Bureau counts all the members of such households as linguisti-
Linguistic Isolation by Language, 2000

(Percent of Households in which all members 14 years and older have difficulty with English)
Total Number of Linguistically Percent Linguistically
Language Spoken at Home: Households Isolated Households Isolated
Spanish 10,771,168 2,571,597 23.9%
Other Indo-European Languages 5,509,602 855,080 7.9%
Asian languages 2,755,826 804,731 29.2%
Other Languages 868,907 130,230 4.7%
All non-English Languages 19,905,503 4,361,638 21.9%
Source: Census Bureau, Census 2000, Detailed Tables, Table P20. factfinder.census.gov/servlet/
DTTable?_ts=81285087920
cally isolated. (This includes members under 14 years of age, although some may speak English.)
In 2000 4.4 million households, or 22 percent of all non-English speaking households, were classified LI:
Nearly one-quarter (23.9 percent) of Spanish speakers were LI, compared to just 7.9 percent of the (mainly
white) households, which speak other Indo-European languages (Italian, German, French, Portuguese, etc.).
Spanish speakers now form the largest LI community in the United States, comprising about 60 percent of
those who do not speak English well. In California alone 3.5 million persons—about 11 percent of the popu-
lation 5 years old and over—live in linguistically isolated households. In general, states with a large Hispanic
presence have experienced above-average growth in their linguistically isolated populations:
Persons in Linguistically Isolated Households, 1990–2000

(Population 5 Years Old and Over, in millions)
1990 2000 % Increase
United States 7,741,259 11,893,572 53.6%
California 2,680,665 3,472,270 29.5%
Texas 988,458 1,503,924 52.1%
New York 1,006,857 1,226,406 21.8%
Florida 547,169 892,295 63.1%
Illinois 370,081 603,221 63.0%
New Jersey 329,111 479,959 45.8%
Arizona 143,397 309,761 116.0%
Massachusetts 199,367 263,971 32.4%
Washington 89,268 206,283 131.1%
Pennsylvania 141,473 191,233 35.2%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, internet site: landview.census.gov/population/www/cen2000/phc-t20.html
Research shows Spanish language immigrants are slower at acquiring English language skills and the
intergenerational shift towards English proficiency is less intense among the Spanish speaking population.31
The sheer size of the Spanish speaking community, with its Spanish-language institutions and media (print
and electronic), obviates the need for English proficiency. Lower levels of schooling, bi-lingual education, and
a greater likelihood that Mexican immigrants view their stay in the U.S. as temporary or to be combined with
frequent return migrations to Mexico, are other factors.
Asians are the only group more linguistically isolated than Spanish speakers. The “linguistic distance”
between English, Chinese, Japanese, and Vietnamese languages hampers the acquisition of English language
English Language Proficiency of Persons Speaking a

Language Other than English at Home, by Spanish/
Non-Spanish Language and Nativity, 2000
U.S.-Born Foreign Born
Spanish Non-Spanish Spanish Non-Spanish
Speaks English Percent:
Very Well 71.8% 77.7% 28.1% 50.0%
Well 17.8% 14.9% 23.9% 28.9%
Not Well 8.9% 6.8% 28.6% 16.7%
Not at All 1.5% 0.5% 19.4% 4.4%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Note: Population 5 years and older.
Source: Census Bureau, Census 2000, Detailed Tables, Table PCT 12. factfinder.census.gov/servlet/
DTTable?_ts=81279693520
skills for many Asian immigrants. However the high economic mobility among second generation Asians
and increasing intermarriage rates reduce the likelihood that linguistic isolation will represent an increasing
problem for this group.
Nativity is another determinant of English proficiency. Not surprisingly, persons speaking a language other
than English at home are more likely to be proficient in English if they are born in the U.S.:
Among the native born there are minor differences between the Spanish language group and other language
groups. Thus, around 90 percent of the native born who speak a language other than English at home speak
English “very well” or “well.” Seven to ten percent speak English “not well” and about 1.5 percent or less
speak English “Not at all.”
Among the foreign-born, there are enormous differences among the Spanish and other language groups.
Among the foreign born: only 52 percent of the Spanish speakers are fluent in English (i.e., speak it “well” or
“very well”) compared to about 80 percent of the other language groups. Or to put it another way, 48 percent
of the Spanish language group lack English language fluency, as do only 20 percent of the other language
groups. Moreover, 19.4 percent of the group who speak Spanish at home reported that they could not speak
Spanish at all, compared to only 4.4 percent of the non-Spanish group.
The relative disadvantage of Spanish-speaking immigrants in speaking English is apparent even when the
data are adjusted for age and citizenship status.
Religion, Gender, Government, and the Future

In 2002 the Pew Hispanic Center published a comprehensive survey of attitudes and experiences of U.S.
Hispanics.32 Although the primary focus was on attitudes of immigrant and native-born Hispanics, there
were several questions in which the Hispanic response was compared to that of whites and blacks. From our
vantage point the survey is a useful reminder that the white population of the United States holds an array of
beliefs, attitudes and values that are distinct from those of Hispanics and blacks.
Here are the survey results in four areas:
Importance of Religion
Whites are less likely than blacks and Hispanics to indicate that religion is important to their everyday
33
life:
Question: How important is

Religion to your everyday life?
Whites Blacks Hispanics
The most important thing 20% 37% 21%
Very important 41% 37% 47%
Somewhat important 28% 20% 25%
Not at all important 11% 6% 6%
Similarly, whites are less likely to say they attend religious services on a weekly basis than blacks and
Hispanics, and more likely to say they seldom or never attend such services:
Question: Aside from weddings and funerals,

How often do you attend religious services?
Once a week or more 40% 54% 45%
A few times a year/one or two times a month 33% 24% 37%
Seldom/never 27% 22% 18%
Gender Roles and the importance of family

Whites are considerably less likely than Hispanics or blacks to feel that elderly parents should live with
their adult children:34
Elderly parents should live

with their adult children
(Percent who agree)
Whites 53%
Blacks 68%
Hispanics 73%
A majority of each of the groups surveyed agreed with the proposition that family is more important than
friends, although whites are slightly less attached to this view than blacks, and considerably less attached than
Hispanics:
“In general, the husband should

have the final say in family matters.”
(Percent who agree)
Whites 26%
Blacks 44%
Hispanics 36%
“Relatives are more

important than friends.”
(Percent who agree)
Whites 67%
Blacks 68%
Hispanics 89%
Most whites, blacks, and Hispanics disagree with the view that husbands should have the final say in
family matters. Hispanics and especially blacks are more likely to hold this view than whites:
Attitudes toward Government

Whites are sharply divided in their views of whether the Federal government can be trusted to do the right
thing. Their trust in government increased significantly during the early Bush years, however. For example, in
the 1999 survey a large majority (76 percent) expressed negative views, saying that the Federal government
could be trusted to do the right thing “only some of the time” or “never.” By 2002, the share of whites that
were skeptical about government shrank to 52 percent. This suggests that it’s not just “the economy, stupid,”
but other issues that influence white America’s perception of governmental competence and integrity.
By contrast, the views of blacks and Hispanics regarding government competency and trust did not change
much from the Clinton to the early Bush years. In 2002, blacks were less likely than Hispanics and whites to
trust Washington to do what is right, though historically whites and blacks held similar views:35
“How much of the time do you trust the

Federal Government to do what is right?”
(2002 Survey)
Just about always 8% 7% 14%
Most of the time 38% 24% 29%
Some of the time 48% 62% 47%
Never 4% 7% 4%
“How much of the time do you trust the Federal

Government to do what is right?”
(1999 Survey)
Just about always 4% 10% 19%
Most of the time 19% 26% 27%
Some of the time 71% 60% 51%
Never 5% 4% 2%
Whites are less likely than blacks or Hispanics to favor high taxes and large government. Income does not
seem to influence this view among Hispanics. By contrast, whites and blacks who earn high incomes are more
likely than those earning less than $30,000 a year to say they would rather pay lower taxes and have a smaller
government. (62 percent versus 51 percent):36
Bigger v. Smaller Government: Which of the

following statements do you agree with more?
I’d rather pay high taxes to I’d rather pay lower taxes to
support a larger government support a smaller government
that provides more services that provides fewer services
Whites 35% 59%
Blacks 43% 49%
Hispanics 60% 34%
Whites are more likely than other groups to feel that private charities and religious organizations can do
the best job or providing services for people in need. Most Hispanics disagree with that assessment, and prefer
that government be the provider to those in need:37
Privatization v. Government: Who can do the best

job of providing services to people in need?
Religious, charitable and
community organizations The government
Whites 61% 31%
Blacks 56% 36%
Hispanics 40% 52%
Fatalism: Planning for the Future

Fatalism, or the belief that it does no good to plan for the future because you do not have any control over
your fate, is a widely held belief among Hispanics (40 percent) and blacks (33 percent.) Only one in seven
whites agree with that view of the world:38
Do you agree or disagree that it doesn’t do any good to plan for the
Future because you don’t have any control over it?
Agree Disagree
Whites 15% 85%
Blacks 33% 67%
Hispanics 42% 57%
Endnotes
1. U.S. Census Bureau, “U.S. Interim Projections by Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin,” 2004. www.census.
gov/ipc/www/usinterimproj/ These shares reflect the population of individuals who categorize themselves as
“non-Hispanic white alone.” Multi-racial non-Hispanic whites are not included.
2. Sean Scully, “Minorities Gain Ground,” Insight on the News, May 28, 2001.
3. Nat Irwin II, “America’s Increasing Diversity,” Futurist, March/April 2004, page 21.
4. Patrick J. Kelly, “As America Becomes More Diverse: The Impact of State Higher Education Inequality,” National
Center for Higher Education Management Systems, November 2005. figure 4.
5. Alison Stein Wellner, “The Census Report,” American Demographics, January 2002.
6. The states in Census Bureau regions are listed on its website at www.census.gov/geo/www/us_regdiv.pdf
7. William H. Frey, “Zooming in on Diversity,” American Demographics, July/August 2004.
8. U.S. Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2004-2005, tables 14 and 16. www.census.gov/prod/
2004pubs/04statab/pop.pdf
9. Source: Centers For Disease Control, “Births: Final Data for 2003,” National Vital Statistics Reports, Vol. 54,
No.2, September 8, 2005, table 9. www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr54/nvsr54_02.pdf
10. Census Bureau, “Profile of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States: 2000,” December 2001, 25.
www.census.gov/prod/2002pubs/p23-206.pdf
11. Census Bureau, America’s Families and Living Arrangements: 2003, table C1. www.census.gov/population/
www/socdemo/hh-fam/cps2003.html
12. James Q. Wilson, “Human Remedies for Social Disorders,” Public Interest, Spring 1998. www.24hourscholar.
com/p/articles/mi_m0377/is_n131/ai_20632391
13. Edwin S. Rubenstein, “Why Has Black Unemployment Risen (Yes, Risen!) in the Bush Boom?,” V-Dare website,
posted May 5, 2005. www.vdare.com/rubenstein/050504_nd.htm
14. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Historical Statistics. www.bls.gov/cps/cpsatabs.htm
15. U.S. Census, Current Population Survey (CPS), Annual Demographic Survey, 2001, table NC1. ferret.bls.
census.gov/macro/032002/noncash/nc1_000.htm
16. Census Bureau, “Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States,” August 2005, table
B-1. www.census.gov/prod/2005pubs/p60-229.pdf
17. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, “Dynamics of Economic Well-Being, 1996 to 1999. Who Gets Assistance?,”
Current Population Reports, P70-94, September 2004, figure 11. www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/p70-
94.pdf
18. Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), Mathematics 2005, National Center for
Educational Statistics, October 2005, page 2. nces.ed.gov/nationsreportcard/pdf/main2005/2006453.pdf
19. Peter Brimelow, The Worm in the Apple: How the Teacher Unions are Destroying American Education. (New
York: Harper Collins, 2003, 20.
20. Educational Testing Service (ETS), “The Twin Challenges of Mediocrity and Inequality: Literacy in the U.S.
from an International Perspective,” February 2002, page 7. www.ets.org/Media/Research/pdf/PICTWIN.pdf
21. Educational Testing Service, op. cit.,22.
22. Department of Education, “The Condition of Education 2005,” 2005. 50. nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/2005/
pdf/16_2005.pdf
23. Paige M. Harrison and Allen J. Beck, “Prison and Jail Inmates at Midyear 2004,” Bureau of Justice Statistics
Bulletin, April 2005, table 13. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/pjim04.pdf
24. Harrison and Beck, table 13.
25. National Center on Institutions and Alternatives (NCIA), “Masking the Divide: How Officially Reported
Prison Statistics Distort the Racial and Ethnic Realities of Prison Growth,” May 2001. 66.165.94.98/stories/
maskdiv0501.pdf
26. The Color of Crime: Race, Crime, and Justice in America, New Century Foundation, September 2005, 2-3.
27. ibid.,12.
28. ibid., 12-13.
29. ibid.,14.
30. B.R. Chiswick and P.W. Miller, “Language in the Immigrant Labor Market,” Immigration, Language, and
Ethnicity: Canada and the United States, Washington D.C., American Enterprise Institute, 1992.
31. Edwin S. Rubenstein, “Figures Don’t Lie: Linguistic Isolation Balkanizes America,” National Data, July 16,
2003. www.vdare.com/rubenstein/isolation.htm
32. Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation, “2002 National Survey of Latinos,” December 2002. pewhis-
panic.org/files/reports/15.pdf
33. Ibid., 52.
34. Ibid.,56.
35. Ibid., 61.
36. Ibid., 62.
37. Ibid., 65.
38. Ibid.. 67.
Education: Pseudo-Pedagogy, Real Hatred
Nicholas Stix
T he most significant cognitive fact of education in a white-majority, multiracial society is that whites enjoy
an IQ edge of one standard deviation (15 points) over blacks,1 and of eleven points over Hispanics.2 The
IQ edge largely accounts for white eighth-graders outperforming black twelfth-graders by small margins in
reading and American history, and by much larger margins in mathematics and geography. “And Hispanics
only do a little better than African Americans.”3
For a generation now, American education has been characterized by the continual spread of (anti-white)
racism, violence, and corruption by blacks and Hispanics, and the contradictory denial of racial and ethnic dif-
ferences in intellectual ability and intellectual ambition. Rather than being a pedagogue’s story of the spreading
of knowledge, American education today is a field properly fit for criminologists, detectives, and prosecutors.
The past year or so saw the expansion of black supremacist propaganda and violence, and of mestizo
supremacist lawlessness and irredentism.
The Autum of White America?

On the last day of Black History Month 2006, 7-year-old “poet,” Autum Ashante, gave readings in the
public schools in Peekskill, New York. Little Autum was already celebrated, having appeared on the racist Def
Poetry Jam, at the racist-dominated Apollo Theater, and having reportedly made a spoken word recording,
which was produced by Melvin Bolden of Mel B Productions.
Autum was invited by her record producer to give readings at Peekskill’s public middle school and high
school, respectively. Melvin Bolden is a black Peekskill Middle School music teacher, adviser to the high
school’s Black Culture Club, Republican Peekskill councilman, and the Peekskill GOP district leader.4
Autum opened the reading by telling the students to stand. She then ordered the white students to sit,
telling them that what she was reading was for the black and Hispanic students. Having gone out of her way
to insult the white students, the seven-year-old then led the black and Hispanic students in the Black Panther
“Black Children’s Pledge.” (Why Hispanic students would want to join in a celebration of black supremacy is
a question beyond the limits of the present study.)
I pledge allegiance to my Black People.
I pledge to develop my mind and body to the greatest extent possible.
I will learn all that I can in order to give my best to my People in their struggle for liberation.
…I will discipline myself to direct my energies thoughtfully and constructively rather than
wasting them in idle hatred…

I will train myself never to hurt or allow others to harm my Black brothers and sisters…
These principles I pledge to practice daily and to teach them to others in order to unite my
People.5
Some translation is necessary: According to black supremacy, the most “thoughtful” and “constructive”
use of one’s energies involves murdering whites and Asians, or aiding and abetting those who do. “I will train
myself never to hurt or allow others to harm my Black brothers and sisters…” involves practices such as physi-
cally assaulting police officers who are attempting to arrest black criminals.
Autum then read the 161-word “poem.”
White Nationalism Put U In Bondage

White nationalism is what put you in bondage
Pirate and vampires like Columbus, Morgan, and Darwin...
Black lands taken from your hands, by vampires with no remorse
They took the gold, the wisdom and all of the storytellers
They took the black women, with the black man weak....
They killed the blind, they killed the lazy, they went
So far as to kill the unborn baby....
(The entire “poem” may be read here: http://www.vdare.com/malkin/060314_pledge.htm.)
Many white students and their parents were outraged. The school district reportedly played a recorded
apology, via automated telephone calls, to the district’s students and their families.
The official apology outraged Autum’s father, Batin Ashante.6
“When you throw a brick in a pack of dogs, the only one that yells out is the one that got hit,”
Ashante, 40, a member of the Nation of Islam, said quoting the slain civil rights leader Malcolm X.
“When you hit them with truth, brother, you’re naturally going to get this reaction.”7
“Calling district officials ‘racist crackers,’ he said his daughter is not prejudiced and was only trying
to promote unity among black youths by teaching them about their history.”
[Calling a white a “cracker” is the equivalent to calling a black the “n” word. Pot, kettle, anyone?]
“It was not about being disrespectful to anyone,” said Ashante, who brought attention to the conflict
by notifying news outlets. “It was the truth. There was not one line in the poem that was out of
turn.”
[It would be more accurate to say that not one line in the poem was true.]
[Autum said] “I’m confused about why they’re making a big fuss about it., It wasn’t really for white
people. It was for black people. Stop killing your brothers and sisters. We’re black people and we need
black love….”
[Note that she did not say, “Stop killing white people,” or “Stop killing” in general.]
Autum said she wrote the poem after watching “The Disasters Darwinism Brought to Humanity,” a
documentary that claims Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution is false and links it to the development
of fascism, communism and racism in the 19th century.8
“I think it’s terrible, but it’s what they do. So I shouldn’t be surprised about it,” she said, referring to
some of the white people discussed in the film. “All they do is just steal, rob and murder...that’s the
only thing they were raised to do.”
“Even the ones that try to fix up with us, they’re still devils,” she said. “I feel they’re devils and they
should be gone. We should be away from them and still be in Africa.”9
(When a black supremacist says “white devils” should be “gone,” that means as in dead.)
The issues raised by Autum Ashante’s performances in the Peekskill public schools are, in addition to her
Stix/Education 45
obvious racism and viciousness:

1. The roles of Melvin Bolden and Superintendent Judith Johnson, respectively, in orchestrating and
permitting a premeditated attempt to incite racial hatred;
2. The seven-year-old’s weaving, in practice and rhetoric, of two supposedly different black terrorist
traditions—the Nation of Islam, which has traditionally been depicted as religious and socially con-
servative, and the Black Panthers, which have traditionally been depicted as secular and Marxist;
3. The cowardice of white elites and of the white-owned mass media (as opposed to the relatively small
Journal News, which for the most part reported honestly on the Ashantes) in not only failing to
condemn Autum and her father, but in self-censoring their reports on them;
4. The rabid tactics adopted by Autum’s supporters, which left no doubt as to the racist double-
standard inherent in all talk of “racial insensitivity”;
5. The lack of criticism or investigation by the media or authorities, otherwise so intent on bashing
and terrorizing homeschooling white parents, of the dreadful job Autum Ashante’s father has done
home schooling her; and
6. The public presentation and celebration of black supremacist fantasy “knowledge” which has been
paraded by black “educators” in public and private schools for forty years, and in some segregated,
black colleges for over fifty years.
Melvin Bolden and Judith Johnson were neither scrutinized nor condemned following Autum Ashante’s
“performances.” Bolden had two glaring conflicts of interest: 1. He is a music teacher at Peekskill Middle
School and a Peekskill councilman; and 2. As the producer of Ashante’s spoken word recording, he was using
the public schools to promote someone in whom he had a commercial interest. Apparently, Peekskill school
officials have never met a conflict of interest they didn’t like.
The Nation of Islam and the Black Panthers are the most violent racial terrorist organizations in American
history, notwithstanding attempts variously to suppress or to revise their respective histories beyond recogni-
tion. The most notorious figure combining the two movements was the late Khalid Abdul Muhammad.
(The Black Panther Party was considered to have disbanded in the 1970s, but was reconstituted in the late
1990s as the New Black Panther Party by Muhammad, who had been thrown out of the NOI by Minister
Louis Farrakhan for publicly making the sort of genocidal statements against whites that NOI leaders have
traditionally made only in private. In 1998, during Muhammad’s Million Youth March in Harlem, he called
on his followers to murder police officers, for which he was not jailed.)10
The NOI and the Black Panthers (old and new) are both devoted to the racial annihilation of whites, and
both have carried out racial assassinations of whites.11
It may seem odd to some readers that someone should combine aspects of the “religious” Nation of Islam
and the “secular” Black Panthers, as Autum Ashante did. Actually, such combinations have become increas-
ingly common. One must keep in mind that both groups were founded as vehicles for the extermination of
whites. Their leaders’ and members’ “beliefs” and “statements” have no truth value; rather, they conceive and
say them solely as expressions of hatred, in order to elevate their own self-esteem, to denigrate whites, and to
serve the goal of uniting blacks—and any other groups, such as Hispanics, whom they can dupe into serving
them—to assault and murder whites.
When Autum Ashante speaks of the need for “black love,” one must understand that the black suprema-
cist notion of “black love” is inseparable from the practice of visiting violence upon whites. The two most
influential black supremacist writers, Washington, D.C.-based psychiatrist, Frances Cress Welsing, and the late
New York-based writer, Amos N. Wilson, have both depicted blacks as pitted in a racial war of annihilation
against whites (and in Wilson’s case, Asians, as well), in which blacks merely seek to defend themselves against
genocidal attack by whites. In a theme that urban blacks have commonly expressed going back to the 1960s
(and regarding Asians, since the 1980s), Wilson argued that blacks must refrain from harming each other, and
instead turn their fury on whites and Asians.12
Since February 28, Autum Ashante has routinely been referred to in the press as a “poet” and a “prodigy.”
Michelle Malkin quoted New York City Councilwoman Yvette Clarke as saying that Autum is “one of the
most precious young talents that this world has ever known.”13
The notion that a seven-year-old girl would come on her own to attack Charles Darwin and J. P. Morgan
beggars belief. Note that there is no historical connection between Columbus, Darwin, and Morgan, on the
one hand, and the racial oppression of blacks, on the other. Things become less mysterious when one learns
that that Autum is home-schooled by her single father, Batin Ashante, a member of the Nation of Islam.
Though Columbus had nothing to do with blacks, he is an old standby in the precincts of anti-white
racism; Morgan and Darwin require more explanation.
In opposition to Darwin, the NOI believes that an evil black scientist named “Yacub” created the white
race anywhere from 1,000–6,000 years ago.14
The attack on J. P. Morgan is likely an outgrowth of black supremacists’ campaign to extort “reparations”
from J. P. Morgan Chase bank. (Some observers believe that the “Morgan” in question was a pirate.)15
Early reports stating that Autum Ashante had been “unofficially banned” from the Peekskill schools, were
used by black supremacists such as her father and New York City councilman and former Black Panther
Charles Barron as a pretext to vent their rage. Ashante and Barron claimed the child was the victim of racist
“harassment” and the violation of her “First Amendment Rights.” However, the source for the story about
the “banning” was Batin Ashante, who in the best black supremacist tradition, used his own phony story—as
did Councilman Barron—as a pretext to curse whites. Batin Ashante also fabricated a story, claiming that
Councilman Bolden had been suspended from his teaching job at Peekskill Middle School.
It turned out that the Autum Ashante publicity stunt had been a non-story, ignored by the media, until
Batin Ashante began contacting them. Like most black racist outrages against whites, the media had initially
refused to report on it. But Batin Ashante and Melvin Bolden were not going to go quietly into the night. They
also needed to market their “brand” by any means necessary.
Far from having been harassed, Autum was initially ignored. Far from having had her First Amendment
rights violated, she was given carte blanche. Far from having been banned by the Peekskill public schools, she
had been showcased by them, and had not been punished in any way.
And contrary to Councilman Charles Barron’s fantasies, seven-year-old children have no First Amendment
rights.
The only reporter I know of who challenged Councilman Barron’s claim that Autum suffered “harass-
ment” was Marcus Franklin of the Associated Press. “Barron said he couldn’t cite specific incidents of harass-
ment of the girl since she read the poem.” Undeterred, Barron called on New York State Attorney General
Elliot Spitzer to investigate and prosecute anyone who had criticized Autum, claiming that such critics were
violating her freedom of speech. Apparently, the irony-deficient councilman does not believe that whites have
freedom of speech rights.16 Thus, it should come as no surprise that “Barron said he couldn’t understand why
anyone would be offended. He characterized the girl as ‘brave’ and ‘outspoken in telling the truth,’ and he
defended her 162-word poem, praising it as evoking ‘peace, power, and pride about her heritage.’”17
Rather than exposing the Ashante family’s racism, the mainstream media sought variously to cover it up,
or misrepresent it.18
ABC News reporter Adrienne Mand Lewin went so far as to take her lead entirely from black supremacist
talking points, in presenting Autum and Batin Ashante as misunderstood.19
“Inappropriate Actions?”
“The conflict began when the school district apologized for the performance in phone messages left for
parents, which upset others who believed Ashante had a right to express herself….”
“For her part, Ashante…said she would like to present her poems around the world, adding that she’s
concerned about the reaction to her work.
Stix/Education 47
“‘I feel confused and a little saddened about what it might do to my career,’ she said. ‘They are just making
a big fuss about a poem.’
“Her father, Batin Ashante, said he is ‘really, really proud of her.’
“‘I will encourage her to continue to do what she does and not to be offensive,’ he said, ‘not to be rude.’”
The conflict didn’t begin when the school district apologized; the conflict began when Autum Ashante
opened her mouth.
Contrast ABC News’ protective treatment of black supremacist Autum Ashante to its hostile treatment of
white supremacist twin singers, Lamb and Lynx Gaede, who perform as “Prussian Blue.”
Whereas the ABC News story on Autum Ashante was neutrally titled, “Poet, 7, Sets Off Racial Controversy,”
and never condemned Autum or Batin Ashante or Melvin Bolden, already the title of its story on the Gaede
sisters, Lynx and Lamb, waxed redundant in condemning them: “Young Singers Spread Racist Hate.”20
The ABC News report took as exact a parallel situation as can be imagined – white sisters home schooled
in racial supremacy—and portrayed it in as hostile a manner as can be imagined, in contrast to the sympa-
thetic portrayal of Autum Ashante. The story on the Gaede sisters portrayed white nationalism as synonymous
with neo-Nazism.
To return to Autum Ashante, black conservative Roy Innis weighed in that “Racism is racism. Racism
is not truth, and poetry is not the cure. Black leaders must not exploit this incident as a cause celebre. They
should recognize it for what it is—a case of intellectual child abuse.”21
But black leaders did exploit the incident. And black parents supported Autum Ashante.
Where’s the National Guard When You Need It?

The Autum Ashante incident is just the tip of the iceberg of black supremacy in education, in which blacks
daily harass, assault, rob, and on occasion, murder white students and personnel in thousands of American
public schools. Since school officials typically cover up in-school racial attacks, and black racial terror against
white youngsters is not limited to school grounds, to give an accurate picture of what white youngsters are
up against, it will be necessary to include attacks that have taken place off of school grounds. Let us look at
some representative cases.
Annapolis, Maryland. On June 17, 2005, The Capital newspaper reported on an unnamed 17-year-
old white student’s travails in Meade High School in Annapolis.22 On January 28, 2005, the boy had been
“ambushed” in the hall by 10–15 black boys, who took turns punching him in the head, while jumping up and
down and chanting, “White boy, white boy, I go!”
According to Circuit Court Master Erica Wolfe, in charge of juvenile and family cases, the black school
officials who investigated the case, Principal Joan A. Valentine and Assistant Principal Bonita Sims, provided
“virtually useless” witness statements that lacked witnesses’ names. Valentine refused to provide the names
until Wolfe ordered her to. One black student witness then committed “perjury” on the witness stand. Wolfe
said she had no alternative but to acquit the defendants.
Principal Valentine and Assistant Principal Sims were neither criminally prosecuted for obstruction of
justice nor were they so much as reprimanded by school officials. The student perjurer was also not charged.
New York, New York. On the afternoon of March 30, 2005, six white Catholic school girls who were
playing basketball in Marine Park, Brooklyn were assaulted by a mob of some 30 black teenagers who had just
been dismissed form Marine Park Middle School.23 The black mob shouted racial epithets—“black power!,”
“honky bitches!,” “white crackers!,” and sarcastic references to Rodney King, which the attackers mistakenly
attributed to Martin Luther King Jr. (“Martin Luther King said we should all get along”). Avoiding the larger
girls, the mob focused its energy on the tiniest white girl, who, when I later interviewed her, appeared to be
approximately 4’11” and 95 pounds, ripping chunks of hair out of her head, giving her head trauma, and
tearing her shoulder muscle.
None of New York’s daily newspapers saw the story as fit to print, and police ignored the victims’ recount-
ing of the racial epithets, although the circumstances were such that the taunts were merely the icing on the
cake. It took the perseverance of the victims’ parents, and the courageous reporting of journalist Marianna
Hernandez at the small, community newspaper, the Brooklyn Skyline, to make the NYPD, family court pros-
ecutors, and the New York media, take notice of the attack.24
Palmdale, California. Sometimes black racism turns deadly. On April 12, 2005, at a Palmdale concession
stand, white, 15-year-old baseball fan Jeremy Rourke “teased” black 13-year-old baseball pitcher Greg Harris,
whose team had just lost for the first time that season. Harris responded by grabbing a baseball bat, and
beating Rourke to death. As is usual in black-on-white attacks, baseball league officials insisted that race had
nothing to do with it.25
New York City. On a less dramatic note, in April 2005, white New York City sixth grader Aurora Heim-
Salgado and her parents filed a police report against an Asian boy who, according to her parents, “called her
a ‘white bitch’ and knocked her to the ground with a punch to the back.”
When the authorities at Heim-Salgado’s school, Wagner Junior High School, on Manhattan’s Upper East
Side, refused to take charges of anti-white racism seriously, the family filed a police report.
Aurora’s father, Gregory Salgado said, “If it was a black kid attacked by white students, it would be an
uproar. The school refused to accept that there is a reverse-racism problem.”
The New York Post reported, “Over the next 12 hours, the school suspended the Asian boy, cops gave him
a juvenile-delinquency ticket, and the district superintendent ordered the school on a fast track to becoming
a bully-free zone.”
The Salgados charged that Aurora was the frequent victim of racial attacks; however, it is highly unlikely
that school officials would have taken such quick action against a black or Hispanic boy.26
Jacksonville, Florida. On September 22, 2005, Florida TV station WJXT Jacksonville reported on a black-
on-white assault in the city’s Sandalwood High School.
According to the arrest report, Jean Belizaire, 18, struck a 17-year-old girl in the back of the head with
a rolled up package of papers with such force that she became dizzy and nauseous.
When questioned by police, Belizaire, who is black, admitted striking the girl because she was white.
Belizaire is charged with battery. While that charge is normally a misdemeanor, when the hate crime
notation is added it becomes a felony.
He is being held in jail with bond set at $1,000.
Police said at least 28 Sandalwood students have been arrested school began on Aug. 8. The school
was on lockdown most of last week and the school remains under a heightened state of security.27
New York City. Perhaps because 2005 was a mayoral election year, New York City saw an uptick in press
reports of violent attacks by black students on white children. Once the election was over, the reporting also
ended.
On September 24, 2005, the New York Post reported on the Staten Island bias attack by four black girls
and one black boy on white 13-year-old Christina Kenny. The black teenagers came up behind Kenny a block
away from her home. She reported one of the girls punched her in the face, and that one attacker held her
down while another girl smashed a bottle over her eye. The girls also ripped out her hair, stomped on her ribs,
and the boy kicked her in the head and the neck. Kenny recounted, “They kept kicking me and punching me
saying, ‘You’re a white bitch, you think you’re so pretty.’”28
At last report, Christina Kenny was in danger of losing the sight in her wounded eye, due to a detached
retina.
Only one day later, a group of three black and one Hispanic New York City public school girls was
arrested “for taking part in a racially charged attack on two [white] parochial-school students on a city bus.”
The black and Hispanic girls punched one of the white girls repeatedly in the face. According to police, one of
the attackers initially said, “Look at the f—ing white cracker b-----s,” and the girls continued “to rant racial
epithets and slurs” during the attack. The victim was left with a black eye and bruises on her lip.29 (There’s
that epithet “cracker” again, which black supremacist Councilman Charles Barron insists black children are
unfamiliar with.)
On October 3, four black Brooklyn middle school students, aged 11 to 15, followed a 12-year-old white
Stix/Education 49
boy out of school at dismissal time, and beat and robbed him of his cell phone, while calling him a “cracker.”30
(“Cracker,” yet again!)
And on October 10, the Daily News reported on Lisa Brown, who had moved her family from Oklahoma
to Brooklyn, NY, in order to help her Brooklyn-born, social worker husband find work and her 12- and 13-
year-old sons experience diversity. I kid you not. As the Daily News’ Kathleen Lucadamo reported,31
“Brown enrolled her sons, Sloan, 12, and J. T., 13, at Ebbets Field Middle School in Crown Heights. But
when the boys, who are white, showed up, their mom said, they got a chilling indication of what was to
come.
“‘Oh my gosh, we are going to have fun this year,’ a security guard muttered, according to Brown….
“Sloan was beaten mercilessly, called ‘cracker’ and ‘white boy,’ and chased into traffic by his new class-
mates, his family said.”
Lisa Brown reported that when she called Ebbets Field M.S. principal Marge Baker, “the principal refused
to take the calls,” and that the NYPD’s 71st Precinct also ignored her complaints.
Police denied the racial nature of the attacks, and none of the racist black students or administrators
responsible for the brutalizing of Lisa Brown’s sons was arrested, fired, or disciplined. Brown transferred her
sons to another public school.
Spokane, Washington. In mid-November 2005, Tyson Leroy Brown, a 21-year-old black, was arrested in
Spokane. Brown allegedly walked up to a 15-year-old white student on lunch break across the street from
Lewis and Clark High School, knocked him unconscious, and kicked him while he was on the ground. Brown
was arrested “on suspicion of malicious harassment, a Class C felony hate crime,” and had an unrelated out-
standing warrant for his arrest from Oregon. Brown reportedly said, “I want to beat up one of these white
boys,” and according to an affidavit from one of the arresting officers, “I should have kicked him until he’d
never get up…I’m a racist, and I hate all you white boys.”32
Davenport, Iowa. On March 2, 2006, Iowa’s Quad City Times reported on the arrest of Anthony Matthew
Hall-Clark, a 16-year-old black student, for allegedly walking up to a white student waiting at a bus stop,
punching him in the face, breaking his jaw, and running away. Hall-Clark was identified by a school official
who witnessed the attack and was charged with “felony willful injury causing serious injury.”
“Police said there has been an ongoing series of incidents at the bus stop in the 1700 block of Main Street,
a block south of Locust Street, and the incidents have escalated in their level of violence.
“According to a Davenport police report, school officials told police a group of black students has been
trying to make it a ‘black-only’ bus stop and has been picking on the ‘frailest’ white students.”
Oddly enough, Tim Wernentin, the principal of Davenport Central High School, claimed not to know
anything about the racial character of the attacks.33
Chicago, Illinois. On March 29, during an assembly in Chicago’s Kennedy High School, four black students
ganged up on a white honors student, broke his jaw, and threw feces at him. The black students were part of
a wave of recent black transfers to what had until then been a fine school.
Chicago Sun-Times reporter Rosalind Rossi uncritically repeated Chicago Police spokeswoman Monique
Bond’s claim that “there doesn’t appear to be any indication that this would be a hate crime,” and herself
covered up the racial aspects of the violence, by speaking of non-black “immigrant” students, while studiously
avoiding the school’s growing racial problem.
In a reprise of a forty-year-old song, rather than expel or transfer out the racist black attackers, the school
transferred out the white victim, who was one of the school’s star students.
But Kennedy’s students had not yet been properly socialized to accept black racial terror as their lot in
life. And so, the following week, in the face of administrators’ fecklessness, 150 Kennedy students went out
on strike and demonstrated opposite the school against the violence. Students carried signs saying, “Does
Someone Have to Die?”’ and “We’re Scared of School.” Students said “they’d even welcome cops in the
classroom to stem rising violence.”34
Peoria, Illinois. Only days after the demonstration at Kennedy, Jessica and Joe Sweeney transferred their
nine-year-old daughter and eight-year-old son out of Peoria’s Glen Oak Primary School, following a death
threat by a box cutter-wielding black girl against their nine-year-old daughter. The death threat followed
months of racial epithets and threats of violence.
That same day, the Sweeney’s eight-year-old son suffered “a large bruise on his arm from being shoved to
the ground and called a ‘stupid white boy.’”
“Jessica pulled both kids out of the school immediately.
“I’m done. I’m done putting her life at risk because you won’t do anything.”
The Sweeneys had repeatedly complained to school authorities at Glen Oak Primary and Peoria School
District 150 about the racial persecution their children were enduring; school officials did nothing.
Oddly enough, in writing about the Sweeneys, white Peoria Journal Star columnist Terry Bibo refused to
mention that the attackers were black, and felt the need to defend the Sweeneys in advance against charges
of racism, as if they were the perpetrators, rather than the victims of racism. Bibo emphasized out that the
Sweeneys’ half-black older son has “attended District 150 schools and thrived.” Apparently, the only whites
with moral standing are those who have mixed-race children.35
Newhall, California. On April 28, 2006, dozens of black and Hispanic students joined in a mob attack on
white students at Hart High School. Los Angeles Daily News reporter Sue Doyle refused to use the phrases
“ganged-up on” or “attacked,” instead using “teamed up” and “fought,” respectively, as in “Witnesses said
black and Latino classmates teamed up together and fought white students during lunch in retaliation for a
fight between two teens at the school on Thursday when racial names were called.”36
New York City, New York. In 2003, New York City schools were gripped in a wave of violence that was
carried out almost entirely by black and Hispanic students—the same black and Hispanic violence that has
oppressed New York schools for over forty years. Although the local news media usually refused to identify
racist attacks on whites, it was still extraordinary that they would publish the stories at all. Beach Channel
High School, in Rockaway Park, Queens, was cited in 170 official “occurrence reports” for violent incidents
from September through mid-December, 2003 alone. And Beach Channel was not even the most violent high
school in the area, a dubious honor held by Far Rockaway High School.37
The New York Times was so disturbed—not by the violent reality, but by local tabloids’ refusal to cover
it up—that in an attempt at spreading disinformation, the newspaper ran an article claiming that all over the
U.S., students were being improperly arrested by school authorities for misbehaviors that did not rise to the
level of a crime (e.g., violating school dress codes).38 Had the newspaper counterpoised such frivolous arrests
to the prevalence of violent school attacks that resulted in no arrests, it might have performed a public service.
Instead, its strategy was a case of, “a half-truth is a whole lie.” (The Times rarely if ever publishes stories of
racial attacks on white students, but given that the Daily News and New York Post were publishing such
accounts, Times staffers apparently felt they had to do something.)
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. On November 13, 2001, in George Washington High School, a gang of black
boys jumped one white boy and beat him so badly that he required brain surgery for a blood clot on the brain.
Seven suspects were arrested in the attack, whose obvious racial character was denied by authorities.
Although the assault was the third racial attack at the school in two weeks, the school district’s chief
safety executive Dexter Green says “there was no obvious motive.” Kathy Gremo, the victim’s mother,
thinks the attack was clearly racial. “He was on his way to the lunch room and eight or so black kids
jumped on him and beat him,” she says.39
Mount Morris Township, Michigan. The most notorious racial attack against a white child was undoubt-
edly the February 29, 2000 murder of white six-year-old Kayla Rolland, by her black six-year-old classmate,
Dedrick Owens, in their first-grade classroom at Theo J. Buell Elementary School. Dedrick, a sociopath who
already had a history of beating children and stabbing them with pencils, took out a gun he had brought,
loaded the weapon’s clip,40 aimed the gun at Kayla, with whom he had scuffled the day before, and said,
“I don’t like you.” The plucky little girl responded, “So what?” Dedrick shot her in the neck or the chest,
depending on the news account, killing her.
The young murderer even knew to run to the bathroom, and hide the murder weapon.
The media initially refused to so much as report on the respective races of the killer and his victim, and
refused ever to consider the racial aspect of the murder.
Some white victims have achieved a slight measure of justice, after years of pursuing redress. Or so it
would seem.
Stix/Education 51
Seattle, Washington. In 1995, when white student Rebecca Porcaro entered Seattle’s Rainier Beach High
School, she was greeted with “White slut. Stupid white girl. White bitch, go back to Bellevue. This is our
school.”41
After four years of racial terror in and out of class, Porcaro graduated and sued the Seattle Public Schools.
In 2001, the school district settled with Porcaro, paying her $40,000, agreeing to train all high school teachers
and administrators on “peer harassment, including race and gender harassment,” and formally apologizing to
her.
Incredibly, “District spokeswoman Lynn Steinberg said the complaint was the only one of its kind the
district’s deputy general counsel can remember in her 10 years with the district.”
Rebecca Porcaro’s victory proved, unfortunately, to be pyrrhic. In the fall of 2004, the Seattle Public
Schools hired Caprice Hollins to be its first “equity and race relations” director.42
Hollins, who is biracial (black and white), set up a Web page on “Equity and Race Relations,” replete with
“Definitions of Racism” which defined “racism” as something that only whites could be guilty of.
Racism:
The systematic subordination of members of targeted racial groups who have relatively little social
power in the United States (Blacks, Latino/as, Native Americans, and Asians), by the members of the
agent racial group who have relatively more social power (Whites). The subordination is supported
by the actions of individuals, cultural norms and values, and the institutional structures and practices
of society.43
The rest of the Web page continued along the same lines, even identifying “having a future time orienta-
tion,” “individualism,” and standard English as “racist.”
Hollins’ Web page also asserted that “race” is a “pseudo-biological category.” Thus, for Caprice Hollins,
training in “race harassment” could only be about harassment by one non-existent entity (whites) against
other non-existent entities (non-whites).
Andrew J. Coulson of the libertarian Cato Institute, publicized and ridiculed Hollins’ racism:44
See if this sounds familiar: a government agency redefining a highly charged word to advance a par-
ticular ideology.... Um, note to the Seattle School Board and administration: George Orwell’s novel
1984 was a cautionary tale, not a how-to book. And the folks trying to control people’s thoughts
through state manipulation of the language—they were the bad guys.
Acutely embarrassed, the Seattle Public Schools immediately pulled Hollins’ Web page,45 but without, as
of this writing, having pulled Caprice Hollins, whose anti-white racism presumably remains unchanged. And
sophistic statements by school district spokesman Peter Daniels left no doubt that he and the school system
share Hollins’ racism:
It did not have enough context for people not working on this issue, and it was poorly written.… It’s
about institutional racism, particularly in an educational setting. There are particular structures and
practices in place that disadvantage other students who are not of the Caucasian or white majority. It’s
really examining our own practices and education, but that wasn’t very clear.46
Actually, the problem was that Hollins’ statement was all too clear.
Coulson called school officials’ response to being exposed, “a non-apology apology…. My sense was that
the definition was extremely offensive, but there was not much sympathy for those who were offended.”47
The lack of racist attacks carried out by white students against blacks or Hispanics has frustrated anti-
white mainstream journalists. Associated Press reporter Erin Texeira dealt with this “problem” by perpetrat-
ing a soft hoax. In reporting on racial attacks on Asian students at Brooklyn, NY’s Lafayette High School,
Texeira never said outright that the attacks had been carried out by whites, but strongly suggested that such
was the case.
In the Bensonhurst neighborhood, historically home to Italian and Jewish families, more than 20
percent of residents now are Asian. Those changes have escalated ethnic tension on campuses such as
Lafayette High, according to Khin Mai Aung, staff attorney at the Asian-American Legal Defense and
Education Fund, which is advocating for Lafayette students.

Texeira was spreading hateful nonsense. The anti-Asian attacks had been carried on mercilessly for over
three years by black students who did not live in the neighborhood. There was no connection at all between
changing neighborhood demographics and the attacks; whites were not attacking Asian students. And yet,
nowhere in Texeira’s 1,253-word article about racial violence nationwide against Asian students—which,
again, is a black pastime—did she breathe a word about black attackers.48
The War on White Educators

If millions of white urban public school students must face a daily race war, they are not alone. For over
forty years, racist blacks (and more recently, racist Hispanics) have sought, using harassment and violence, to
run all white staffers, faculty, and administrators out of urban public schools.
Hartford, Conn. A July 17, 2005 Hartford Courant report on the Hartford public schools, told of one
white principal who was run out of her school by racist blacks before her first year was over. And a white
music teacher at Hartford’s Simpson-Waverly Classical Magnet School was terrorized by three black col-
leagues who encouraged black students to act out in her class, and was set up with an absurd racism charge
by black parents and students that claimed that she had said she despised “black music.”49
Although (or because) Hartford’s schools have long practiced affirmative action hiring,
Michael C. Williams, [black] vice chairman of the board of education, is pushing hard for an aggres-
sive affirmative action plan to drastically increase the number of minority teachers. The way he sees it,
the achievement gap is inherently a racial problem. “We need a race-based solution,” said Williams…
Williams is adamant that the education of Hartford children would improve if more teachers shared
their race and culture. He said that white teachers may have lower expectations for children of color
….
The fact of the matter is that, beginning in the 1960s, when urban blacks began violently running whites
out of public schools, black children’s achievement collapsed.
New York City, New York. During New York City’s Ocean-Hill Brownsville, Brooklyn “community
control” debacle (1967–1970), the black supremacists who took over the district claimed that once they had
run out the experienced white teachers, black students’ achievement soared. In fact, students’ achievement had
declined precipitously.
The black supremacists who took over Ocean Hill-Brownsville refused to give their charges reading tests.
At their racial stronghold, J.H.S. 271, when students were finally tested after the ouster of the nationalists,
“only 5.5 percent of students were reading at or above grade level. All eight district schools registered lower
reading scores in 1971 than in tests taken in 1967, before the experiment began.”50
No white teacher could possibly have lower expectations of black children than the typical black teacher.
And the more nationalistic the black teacher is, the lower his expectations of black children typically will be.
As Conor Cruise O’Brien has written, 1960s black leaders had to choose: Either improve black children’s
education using predominantly white educators or demand that their education be controlled by blacks, and
give up on academic improvement. They chose the latter.51 (Note, however, that black supremacists have no
problem with blacks controlling white children’s education.)
New York City, New York. In 1994, Michael Johnson, the founder and principal of Brooklyn’s Science
Skills Center, drove a white teacher off his predominantly black staff. While permitting black teachers to par-
ticipate in grading their black and Hispanic students’ state Regents exams, Johnson froze out the white teacher.
He then graded her students’ exams according to a much higher standard, in order to make the teacher—not
to mention her students—look bad.
In a 3,800-word puff piece on Johnson in the New York Times Magazine, writer Sara Mosle scrambled the
discrimination incident into a concoction that included, among other things, school officials’ forked-tongued
alibis for Johnson, which did not address his racial discrimination at all, and Mosle’s rationalization that
somehow Johnson’s faults can all be forgiven, because he cares so much about black and Hispanic kids.52
Stix/Education 53
Had Johnson been white, and his victim black or Hispanic, he would have been fired, and there would
have been no scrambled sophistry or puff pieces on his behalf.
Johnson’s racism is not surprising to those who know that his pedagogical heroine is black supremacist
educator Adelaide Sanford, who is now Vice President of the New York State Regents, who as a Brooklyn
principal during the 1960s and 1970s, routinely got away with running off white teachers,53 and who was
a staunch ally of black supremacist extortionist-kidnapper-murderer Sonny Carson aka Sonny Abubadika
Carson aka Mwlina Imiri Abubadika (1935?–2002).
St. Louis, Missouri. In 1992, when white, national award-winning, 20-year teaching veteran Cecilia Lacks
began teaching eleventh grade English and journalism in a new school in her St. Louis district, she “validated”
her students’ culture, as black educators and white progressives have for decades demanded. Like many of
her black colleagues, Lacks permitted her students at black-dominated Berkeley Senior High School to use
obscenities in plays they wrote, performed, and videotaped in class. In 1995, her black principal, Vernon
Mitchell, complained about Lacks to black district superintendent, Dr. Robert Fritz, who recommended that
the school board fire her for permitting students to use obscenities. The all-white board complied. Principal
Mitchell and Dr. Fritz had undertaken no action against black teachers who had permitted their students to
use obscenities in student plays.
Although Lacks won her federal lawsuit charging racial discrimination and violation of her First Amendment
rights, which gained her reinstatement to her job and cost the school board over $1 million in damages and
for Lacks’ attorney’s fees, the school board appealed, and won a reversal.54
New York City, New York. Five black parents and staffers in Jamaica, Queens’ P.S. 80—followers of black
supremacist extortionist-kidnapper-murderer Sonny Carson—perpetrated a race hoax, claiming that veteran
white teacher Rita Altman had called her students “a bunch of niggers.” In 1996, black supremacist Rev.
Charles Norris told Newsday reporter Merle English that it didn’t matter if the charges were true; Altman had
to go.55
In 1998, a mob of black parents marched into Bushwick Brooklyn’s P.S. 75, threatening to lynch a dedicated,
young, white teacher, Ruth Sherman, purportedly because she had used a black book, Nappy Hair. The real
reason was that Sherman was being paid to teach black children. The parents had had no objections, when
Sherman had worked in the school as an unpaid student-teacher.56
In the Rita Altman case, New York’s black schools chancellor, Rudy Crew, supported the racists, but was
successfully opposed by the majority-white school board; in the Ruth Sherman case, he did nothing to stop or
prosecute the racists. Both teachers were transferred.
Washington, D.C. In 2000, native Washingtonian Joshua Kaplowitz began teaching fifth grade in failing,
predominantly black, Emery Elementary School. As Kaplowitz later wrote in “How I Joined Teach for
America—and Got Sued for $20 Million,” black educators and parents alike agreed that as a white man, he
had no right to teach black children.57
In a race hoax recalling such stunts during the black supremacist Ocean Hill-Brownsville, Brooklyn
“community control” school debacle over thirty years earlier,58 the mother of one of Kaplowitz’ most violent
students had him arrested for assault and sued him and the school for $20 million. “Thus ended my first and
last year as a public school teacher.”
The discrimination is not limited to white educators, but extends to any whites working in black-dominated
public schools. On October 1, 2004, The Wave newspaper, which covers the Rockaway peninsula in Queens
NY, reported the charge by a source “who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retribution,” that Beach
Channel High School Principal Dr. David Morris “told NYPD personnel who are in charge of the department’s
School Security Officers that he wanted to ‘keep white cops out of his school,’ because ‘white cops harass our
black males.’”59
“He requested that only black cops be assigned to the building.”
Dr. Morris insisted that the story was “a total misunderstanding...”
The Wave reported further that NYPD sources corroborated its original source, who said “that the incident
‘is an indication of the way the school is being run.’”60
Officials of the New York City Department of Education reflexively took Dr. Morris’ side. Education
officials routinely investigate all charges, no matter how frivolous, made by minority group members against
white educators, while sweeping charges against black educators under the rug, refusing to punish guilty
blacks, or even rewarding them.
In a 2004 case from the Rockaways, a white teacher at Rockaway Beach’s Middle School 180, Melissa
Gianninoto, accused the school’s new black principal, John Comer, of assaulting her. Gianninoto said that
Comer came into her classroom, and in front of her (predominantly minority) students, dragged her into the
hall, and “flung her into a wall.”61
Colleagues and union representatives talked Gianninoto out of filing a police report, saying that Comer
would then have her terminated (she lacked tenure), but she did file an incident report with union officials.
The Wave reported that Gianninoto’s students told their other teachers that Comer had attacked her, reports
which the teachers then told The Wave about.
Predictably, school officials took the black principal’s side against the white teacher, ignoring the assault
allegations entirely.62
Chicago, Illinois. In February 2006, a white teacher at Chicago’s predominantly black Fenger High School
(aka Fenger Academy) was so disgusted with the school’s criminality, vice, and violence—including open drug
dealing in the halls, sex in stairwells, burglaries of teachers’ property, vandalism of teachers’ cars, gang fights
and assaults on staff by students and parents alike—that he began writing a blog, “Fast Times at Regnef
High.”63 As Chicago Tribune reporter Tracy Dell’angela noted, “He took swipes at his colleagues, too—
‘union-minimum’ teachers, literacy specialists who ‘decorate their office door with pro-black propaganda,’
and security officers whose ‘loyalty is to the hood, not the school.’”64
Although the teacher did not sign his entries, and reversed the school’s name, he told two colleagues, who
told their students, who began threatening him. The teacher-blogger emailed his principal that he “feared for
his safety,” stopped coming to work, and was fired.
The school’s black principal, William Johnson, denounced the unnamed teacher, saying “He’s lost his cred-
ibility. He lost the faith and trust of his students.”
And yet, the school then held meetings on how to improve Fenger, and students made statements about the
school that presupposed that the white teacher had indeed told the truth about the school.
Note that in 2004, when black parents had demonstrated against the violence that they said was pervasive
in Fenger, no school official said that by protesting, they had lost all credibility.65
In a well-worn ritual in America, whenever a white tells the truth about black social pathologies, he
is denounced as a “racist” who “lacks all credibility”; meanwhile, blacks grant whites who lie about such
pathologies, either romanticizing them as misunderstood strengths or blaming them on white “racism,” instant
credibility.66
Chicago-based education journalist Alexander Russo called on the Chicago Public Schools to close Fenger,
which he dubbed “One of Chicago’s worst schools.”
“[Fenger] is one of the least successful, most troubled schools you can imagine, even by Chicago standards.
Fewer than eight out of 100 students passed the state high school exam last year, one of the lowest rates
in the city. The school struggles to find and keep certified teachers—a problem that will no doubt get even
worse with all the negative press. Well over half of the neighborhood kids go to other high schools instead of
Fenger—making Fenger one of the least popular high schools in town.” 67
Russo also pointed out that the already violence-plagued Fenger had, under Principal Johnson, in just one
year suffered a 20 percent rise in violent incidents.
Jackson, Mississippi. In January, 2006, white former Jackson teacher Michael Herndon quit after almost
two years of teaching at Whitten Middle School. He told of black students showering him with racial epithets
his first week on the job.68
Herndon had worked for thirty years as an accountant, before deciding to embark on a new career. He had
spent $60,000 on tuition for a teacher education program.
“It began with the m-f, the cussing and, you just don’t need to be here you honkey.”
He was also assaulted.
“Knocked down on the concrete floors, children walk by and thump the back of your head, throw pennies
at you.”
He saw another teacher hit so hard she had a concussion.
Stix/Education 55
“That child, who was bigger than the teacher, just took this teacher and slung her down on the floor. She
lay unconscious for twenty minutes.”
Herndon said “the girl who knocked the teacher unconscious…was back in school the next day.”
The Jackson Public Schools’ “response” ignored Herndon’s charges.
New York City, New York. One white teacher found out too late that he was not safe from his black
students, even in the confines of his own home. On May 30, 1997, teacher Jonathan Levin’s former student,
19-year-old Corey Arthur, left a message on Levin’s answering machine saying that he desperately needed to
see him. Arthur visited Levin, accompanied by Montoun Hart. Arthur, who was armed with a gun, and Hart
tied up Levin with duct tape, and turning up the teacher’s stereo, so that the neighbors would not hear his
screams, proceeded to torture him by slashing and stabbing him with a kitchen knife, until Levin gave them
the code to his bank card.
When Hart returned from the bank with $800, Arthur killed Jonathan Levin by shooting him in the
head.
Corey Arthur was convicted and sentenced to 25-years-to-life in prison for robbing, torturing, and
murdering Jonathan Levin. Although Montoun Hart made an 11-page confession to detectives, including
information only the killer would know, and ATM witnesses identified him as having withdrawn $800 from
Levin’s bank account, incredibly, he was acquitted in a separate trial.69
Lake Worth, Florida. On May 26, 2000, the last day of school at Lake Worth Middle School, Nathaniel
Brazill, a black 13-year-old honor student, shot and killed his “favorite teacher,” Barry Grunow. Grunow, an
immensely popular, dedicated, white seventh-grade English teacher, had reportedly had a good relationship
with his killer…for all the good it did him.70
Brazill was sentenced to 28 years in prison, including time served. (The minimum possible sentence was 25
years without parole, the maximum was life.)71
None of the major media addressed the racial aspects of the Levin or the Grunow murder.
But all is not lost. White educators are increasingly fighting back with lawsuits, and some are winning.
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. In April 2000, the Oklahoma City School District paid a $277,000 settlement
to 16 white teachers who had taught at Telstar Elementary School during the 1995–1996 school year.72 If
the teachers’ charges are true, the school’s black principal, Dr. Doretha Colbert, ran a system resembling Jim
Crow, but with whites treated like second-class citizens by black personnel and students.
The 16 white teachers charged that Dr. Colbert had “harassed, intimidated, and treated them unfairly,”
racially discriminating against them by “assign[ing] more work and plac[ing] extra restrictions on white
teachers”; treating black teacher aides (i.e., the teachers’ subordinates), whom she permitted to insult the
white teachers, as if they were the teachers’ superiors; giving white teachers’ lesson plans to black teachers,
thus discriminatorily cutting down on the black teachers’ workloads; permitting black teachers to desert
their classes without penalty, while at times forcing white teachers to look after multiple classes; and that Dr.
Colbert supported children assaulting white teachers. The plaintiffs also suggested that Dr. Colbert was orga-
nizing violent felonies against the teachers in their homes.
“Teacher Tracy Heatley quoted Colbert as saying on Jan. 22, 1996: ‘You will have to be beaten to a pulp
before a student will be removed from your classroom.’”
Fifth-grade teacher Vickie Newcomb charged that due to violent students, she “went to the hospital with
numerous injuries.”
“The teachers worried that classroom vandalism, hang-up phone calls, a robbery at a teacher’s home and
a gunshot fired at another teacher’s home were related to complaints against Colbert.”
Once when a student brought a gun to school, teacher Kristin Dougherty charged, Dr. Colbert told black
teaching assistants but refused to tell white teaching assistants or teachers.
Things got so bad that the teacher’s union had to hire its own armed guard to provide security in the
school.
“‘It was the worst work environment I’ve ever seen in 30 years of public education,’ said Ted Metscher,
president of the Oklahoma City chapter of the American Federation of Teachers.”
Following pressure from parents, Dr. Colbert resigned in November 1996.
Mobile, Alabama. In the only case I could find of a white college instructor who was able to successfully
fight racial discrimination, in June 2005, a federal jury in Mobile awarded $100,000 for back wages and
$200,000 for emotional distress to Sarah E. Taylor, for having been fired by Bishop State Community College
because she was white.73
Augusta/Richmond County, Georgia. In March 2006, a federal jury found that Dr. Ellen Cauthen, a white
assistant principal, had been transferred illegally based on her race. The case cost the Richmond County
School Board a total of $435,000, not counting the Board’s legal fees. As part of her court victory Dr. Cauthen,
who had been demoted to teacher status, was retired as an assistant principal.74
At the center of the case was embattled black Richmond County schools superintendent, Dr. Charles
Larke. In spite of years of charges of incompetence, racial discrimination, sexual harassment, test, and grade
fraud,75 Dr. Larke, who proportionate to district size is possibly the highest paid superintendent in the state of
Georgia, seems to be invulnerable.76 And yet, local black activists insist that he is a victim of racism, and have
demonstrated on his behalf.
Charleston, South Carolina. Finally, the Charleston schools have been hit with racial discrimination
lawsuits by five white teachers in recent years, including four teachers from the same school, predominantly
black Brentwood Middle School, during the past two years alone. According to the plaintiffs, black principals
Dr. Wanda Marshall and her successor, Cassandra Jennings, at Brentwood Middle School have condoned
and encouraged black children who routinely shout racial epithets at, threaten, assault and steal from white
teachers, while not tolerating such behavior towards black teachers.
White former Brentwood Middle School teacher John Smith charged that he was “rendered totally inef-
fective in managing and instructing his classes” because the black principal, Dr. Wanda Marshall, “would not
allow students to be disciplined for racial slurs or other disruptive behavior towards white teachers.”77
Smith sued the district, Principal Marshall, and Associate Superintendent Darrell Johnson when he was
dismissed after one year on the job. The school district reportedly “admitted Marshall told Smith before he was
hired that ‘in the eyes of the students, he could have two strikes against him, because he was a white male,’”
while denying Smith’s claims of discrimination.78 Smith eventually settled with the district for $50,000.79
White former Brentwood Middle School teacher, Elizabeth Kandrac, “alleges she was not given a new
contract because she complained often that students frequently mistreated and cursed her because she is
white.” Kandrac’s suit will go before a jury later this year.80
White former Brentwood teacher, Brandy Stokes, seeks back pay, compensation, and reinstatement. Stokes
alleges that then-Principal Marshall “allowed students to harass her, causing the abuse to worsen and for her
to fear for her safety,” and that Marshall told her to “accept the students’ behavior because it was part of the
students’ culture and background. Ms. Marshall told me that the students did not have parental supervision
and that this is the way they were.”
On Nov. 13, 2002, after only three months on the job, one of Stokes’ eight-grade students punched her “in
the mouth when she tried to break up a fight. She said the blow broke a tooth, dislocated her jaw and caused
her to hit a chair, injuring her spine.” When Stokes sought to come back from medical leave for her injury, she
says “Marshall told her she could not come back.”81
In April 2004, then-Principal Marshall rejected charges that Brentwood had a discipline problem, saying
“We deal with discipline everyday, but it’s the typical discipline that takes place with any student in any school
U.S.A.”82
And yet, incredibly in a school of only 800-odd students, Principal Marshall had in that very school year
reportedly issued 1,315 suspensions and 38 expulsions.83 Apparently, Principal Marshall was as aggressive
in punishing black students on behalf of black teachers as she was negligent in punishing black students
for abusing white teachers. (The most recent figure for attendance at Brentwood Middle is 846 students in
the sixth through eighth grades.84 Attendance figures for the 2003–2004 school year were unavailable, but
WCBD-TV reporter Octavia Mitchell cited only “454” seventh and eight-grade students in the school.)
Elizabeth Kandrac’s lawyer, Larry Kobrovsky, discovered via subpoena that “Dr.” Marshall had not
completed South Carolina State University’s requirements, and had thus been unlawfully awarded her degree,
her job, and $2,000 per year in additional pay.85
Rather than Principal Marshall being fired for racial discrimination, incompetence, or fraud (much less
prosecuted), or being forced to pay back the money she had wrongfully been paid, after the 2003–2004 school
Stix/Education 57
year she was transferred to West Ashley High School as an assistant principal.
In February 2006, teacher Gail Auld, filed a racial discrimination lawsuit, saying “Principal Cassandra
Jennings knew students hit, threatened, stole from and racially cursed her and did little, if anything, in
response.”86
Auld, a 28-year teaching veteran with two master’s degrees who heads up Brentwood’s Social Studies
Department, and who was previously a renowned teacher at other local schools, is the first Brentwood teacher
to sue while still teaching at the school. She is presently out on medical leave.
Auld reported that on her first day on the job at Brentwood Middle, a black female student “screamed at
her, saying it was her job to get rid of all the (expletive) white teachers.”87
In another incident, a black student Auld did not know “hit her twice on the arm, causing her to drop her
papers, and ran away.” Auld observed, “If that had been a black teacher (hit), they would have found the kid
and had him arrested.”
Auld sought to have the students disciplined, but says that Jennings and her underlings protected them. She
said, “Kids got so empowered that first day that they can say anything and do anything.”
Across the country for over forty years, tens of thousands of white teachers have endured in silence the
same abuse, assaults, and destruction of their careers by minority students, parents, teachers, staffers and
administrators. At least the Brentwood teachers, like some other white educators cited above, have found
attorneys willing to take on their cases, local media outlets willing to report fairly on them, Web sites and
bloggers that have spread word of their travails, and in some cases, modest compensation. Thus are there
grounds for measured optimism.
Afrocentrism: The Pedagogy of Genocide
THE speech was grotesquely racist—littered with cracks about dead white people. And it featured an
insane call for blacks to outsmart the white man by ridding their bodies of all things white: white milk,
white sugar, white bread.
[He] suggested yesterday that white people conspired to ruin blacks’ health with inferior food—a ploy
to keep them going to doctors.
“My basic rule of thumb is to stay away from things white. Take the whiteness out of your minds, or
at least neutralize it with blackness.”
To do that, he urged people to “start the day with lemon water, not white sugar.”
“Some of you like coffee, too,” he said. “You should take it black….”
“If you talk about the Garden of Eden, you talk about the Garden of Eden in the sun, you’re not
talking about it in the ice.”88
Reasonable people reading utterances such as the foregoing would conclude that the speaker was a
psychotic who would presently be seized by psychiatric nurse aides, forced into a straitjacket, and committed.
They would be correct in their diagnosis, but sadly mistaken as to the expected consequences.
The speaker was Leonard Jeffries, aka “Dr. J,”89 who is revered by blacks in New York City and beyond.
The speech in question was paid for by New York City taxpayers and was given during work time at the city’s
black-dominated Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD). Black HPD workers had
personally chosen Jeffries to speak before the supportive, standing-room only audience of employees from
every level.
For 35 years, Jeffries has been a tenured, full professor of black studies at the City College of New York
(CCNY) campus of the City University of New York (CUNY). From 1971 until 1994, he was the chairman of
CCNY’s Black Studies Department.
In 1971, then-City College President Robert Marshak broke his own hiring rules in bringing Jeffries to
CCNY.90 Jeffries had no publications whatsoever, and a history of causing trouble wherever he had been.
Marshak made Jeffries a full, tenured professor, and the school got what it should have expected of such a
history.
Note that from circa 1915–1965, the City College of New York was the nation’s finest undergraduate
college, public or private. It had the highest standards for admission and graduation, the most brilliant student
body, and almost no blacks or Hispanics. Today, it is dominated by blacks, has almost no white students, and
is one of the nation’s worst undergraduate schools. Prof. Leonard Jeffries had a hand in destroying CCNY.91
According to published reports, Jeffries surrounds himself with (likely taxpayer-supported) goons who
physically intimidate students and faculty alike on the CCNY campus; once made death threats against a
Harvard University student journalist; and has caused students to fail his classes by missing deadlines for
handing in his grades. And his office once distributed fliers making terroristic threats against all Jews and
against staffers of the New York Post newspaper. And yet, he has never been arrested or formally charged with
professional misconduct.
Since at least the 1980s, Prof. Jeffries has reportedly taught his students that whites are the morally, intel-
lectually, and culturally inferior “ice people,” who for thousands of years dwelled in European caves, and that
blacks are the morally, intellectually, and culturally superior “sun people.”92
Dinesh D’Souza wrote in 1991, “Jeffries is no academic eccentric; he is chairman of the Afro-American
Studies Department at City College of New York (CCNY), and coauthor of a [1989] controversial multi-
cultural curriculum outline for all public schools in New York State. Moreover, such extreme views are now
frequently expressed by black scholars and activists.”93
The basis for Jeffries’ racial dichotomy is melanin. According to the Nazi-style pseudo-biology of black
supremacy aka Afrocentrism, provided by Washington, D.C.-based psychiatrist Dr. Frances Cress Welsing, all
good things flow from melanin; blacks have it, and whites (or as she calls them, “albino mutants”) don’t. Black
genes are dominant, while white genes are recessive. Thus, if a black and a white mate, the resulting child will
be genetically black. And blacks will eventually annihilate whites in a racial war of destruction that Welsing
claims whites are already waging against blacks.94
In fact, for what it’s worth, whites also have melanin, just not as much as blacks do. But one’s degree of
melanin has no moral or intellectual significance.
And there are no such things as “black” or “white” genes, much less that a race’s genes are all “dominant”
or “recessive.” Each race has a higher preponderance of certain genes, and each person is a mix of dominant
and recessive genetic traits. But then such voodoo science has no connection whatsoever to actual science;
Welsing simply made it up because it made blacks sound like the master race, which pleased her and her
audience, and used terms like “genetic,” “dominant,” and “recessive” to make it sound scientific.
One can only wonder what institution awarded Welsing her medical degree.
In black supremacy/Afrocentrism, the distinction between the “mainstream” and the lunatic fringe does
not hold; as with other genocidal movements, such as Nazism, communism, and Islamism, the “mainstream”
is peopled with lunatics.
As historian Fred Siegel observed, following the 1967–1970 “community control” school debacle in
Ocean Hill-Brownsville, Brooklyn, many black-dominated schools in New York became “de facto Afrocentric
schools.”95 And that is true for the entire country. Rather than try and determine what schools are “Afrocentric,”
it is easier to try and determine which are not. While a few times a year, there are local headlines about a
school formally seeking to impose an Afrocentric curriculum, most black-dominated public schools are black
supremacist as a matter of course.
Afrocentric pedagogy has four pillars:
1. The demand that all jobs relating to the education or care of black minors, from cafeteria lady to
principal, be reserved for blacks, no matter how unqualified or ethically questionable the black
eventually hired for the job is;
2. Linguistically and educationally isolating working-class and poor black children from other races,
by refusing to teach them English, and encouraging their use of street slang and dialect, and poor
diction, spelling, and grammar (so-called Ebonics);
3. The conjuring of a fantasy science and history. The history consists of telling black children that they
Stix/Education 59
are descended from “a race of kings”; stealing other people’s legacies, and claiming that blacks were
responsible for them; black persecution (both real and invented); and condemnation (both reality
and fraud-based) of whites. The science is fraudulent “biology,” in which blacks are the biological
master race, all other races, particularly whites are inferior, and blacks must annihilate whites before
whites annihilate them; and
4. The invention of a fantasy black nation separate from the United States of America, replete with its
own national anthem and flag, to which all black children owe their allegiance.
The common denominator to this pedagogy is that black children are taught to hate whites, and encour-
aged to harass, assault, rob, rape, and even murder them.
In Black Children: Their Roots, Culture, and Learning Styles, influential Wayne State University education
professor Janice Hale maintains that the number one component “for a curriculum for Black children” is
“political/cultural (ideology).”
“Education for struggle has a consciousness-raising function for Black people, instructing them concerning
the following realities:
• who they are
• who the enemy is
• what the enemy is doing to them
• what to struggle for
• what form the struggle must take.96
And Hale’s proposals were for educating pre-schoolers!
Note that Janice Hale’s books have been published by the respected, Johns Hopkins University Press,
and she is a tenured, full professor at one of Michigan’s largest public universities.97 From 1985–1992, the
Council for Economic Opportunities and the Cleveland Foundation funded a demonstration school, Visions
for Children, implementing her ideas.
A second common theme is of filling black children’s heads with so many lies that it becomes impossible
for any honest educator of any race to teach them, or for any honest white person even to have an intelligent
conversation with them. As a result, the students, of whatever age, become ineducable. And so we have stories
of black college students writing notes during lectures given by the occasional honest white professor, and
marking all the professor’s statements as lies in their notebooks.
The Afrocentric/black supremacist dispensation now includes both the schools and higher education. It
is institutionally anchored in school districts in which blacks are a minority (Portland and Seattle) and those
which are black-dominated (Detroit, Washington, D.C., Atlanta, etc.). Likewise, it prevails in black-dominated
colleges such as the City College of New York, Temple University, Chicago State University, and private Howard
University, but is also a powerful presence in predominantly white schools such as Wellesley College.98
Had the Afrocentrists promoting the 1996 Oakland (California) ebonics resolution succeeded, teachers of
black children would routinely be getting paid more than teachers of white children.
I wrote above of the abuse that black educators variously heap on or encourage others to heap on white
students and educators. Black educators also are much more likely to abuse black students.
Then-New York Newsday reporter Emily Sachar’s 1991 book, Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach: A Teacher’s
Year in a Public School,99 chronicled her experiences teaching math the previous year in Brooklyn’s predomi-
nantly black, Walt Whitman Intermediate School. Sachar observed many black teachers routinely beating
children, which was and still is illegal in New York State. A white colleague told Sachar, “[I]f a white teacher
did some of the things the black teachers do, he’d be hauled off in handcuffs or a straitjacket.”100
Hire Black
Black supremacists insist that it is essential that black children see black “role models.” However, the scan-
dalous lesson black educators have imparted is that one can be corrupt, semi-illiterate, and racist, and still get
an important job, as long as one is the correct color, and has the correct politics.
Ebonics. Central to the movement pushing for “Ebonics” is the “principle,” as enunciated by Afrocentric
educators such as Washington University professor Robert L. Williams, that it is immoral for white teachers
to correct black students’ English. And yet, black educators do not correct them, either. (Prof. Williams coined
the term “ebonics,” by combining “ebony” and “phonics.”)
In July 2005, the San Bernardino, CA school district revived the discredited practice of teaching English
through ebonics (underclass black dialect). California State University at San Bernardino sociology professor
Mary Texeira said, “‘Ebonics is a different language, it’s not slang as many believe…. These students should be
taught like other students who speak a foreign language….
“Texeira said research has shown that students learn better when they fully comprehend the language they
are being taught in.”
“Ebonics” is not a foreign language, and the “research” Prof. Texeira referred to does not exist. In fact,
in experiments carried out by ebonics enthusiast professors John and Angela Rickford on working-class and
poor East Palo Alto, California children, all of the groups of black children who used standard English (SE)
readers were reported to have scored higher, in one case, 94.4 percent higher on reading comprehension tests,
than black children who used “Ebonics” readers.101
Most Americans first heard of “Ebonics” via news reports on the resolution enacted on December 18,
1996, by the Oakland (California) Unified School District, 102 and which the San Bernardino program seeks
to repeat. “Ebonics” was earlier known as “black English”103 and is referred to by linguistics professors as
“African American Vernacular English” or “AAVE.”
The vast majority of Americans of all races consider so-called Ebonics slang or broken English. They have
been opposed by leftist and Afrocentric professors and educators, who torture logic, abuse arcane, academic
jargon, steadfastly refuse to publicly give examples of “Ebonics,” and who charge against any critic giving an
example of AAVE, that the example in question “isn’t Ebonics!” The leftists maintain that lower black dialect
is the equal of SE, while the Afrocentrists insist that the former is superior to the latter.
The Oakland plan ignited a national firestorm from whites and blacks alike, and eventually was officially
gutted, with its main proposal, to teach black children in lower class dialect, withdrawn.104 This time around,
In contrast, the national media have protected the proposed San Bernardino ebonics program behind a wall
of silence.
The original Oakland ebonics resolution spoke of black English as a “genetically based,” “African”
language. The revised resolution also removed the term “genetic.”105 that claim was false.
America’s white academic left, which uncritically supports Afrocentrism, including teaching in ebonics,
vehemently denies the reality of race, I.Q., and the effects of genetics on intelligence and behavior. Conversely,
for Afrocentrists, there is nothing to reality but race, and all things human, including intelligence and behavior,
are genetically determined by race.
The two passages that follow come from the readers used in the Rickfords’ experiments referred to above,
as reproduced in their article.
“Ebonics” Version
This here little Sister name Mae was most definitely untogether. I mean, like she didn’t act together. She
didn’t look together. She was just an untogether Sister.
Her teacher was always sounding on her ‘bout day dreaming in class. I mean, like, just ‘bout every day the
teacher would be getting on her case. But it didn’t seem to bother her none. She just kept on keeping on. Like,
I guess daydreaming was her groove. And you know what they say: “don’t knock your Sister’s groove.” But a
whole lotta people did knock it. But like I say, she just kept on keeping on.
One day Mae was taking [sic] to herself in the lunch room. She was having this righteous old conversation
with herself. She say, “I wanna be a princess with long golden hair.” Now can you get ready for that? Long
golden hair!
Well, anyway, Mae say, “If I can’t be a princess I’ll settle for some long golden hair. If I could just have me
some long golden hair, everything would be all right with me. Lord, if I could just have me some long golden
Stix/Education 61
hair.”
Standard English Version

“What is the capital of California, Mae?” asked Miss Carter.
Mae shook her hear, trying to wake up. She was off in another world. She shook her head again and said,
“I don’t know.”
“Dreaming again, Mae?” asked Miss Carter.
“Yes, I …” But before she could finish what she was saying, she was dreaming again. She dreamed that she
was a beautiful princess with golden hair. Men came from miles around to admire her beauty.
Ring! It was time for recess. The boys and girls ran outside to eat their snacks and talk and play ball. Mae
began unwrapping her peanut butter sandwich. It was the fourth time she’d had peanut butter this week. She
took one bite and dropped the rest into the garbage can. “I don’t need it anyway. I’ve got my dreams.”
Two girls ran by chanting, “Dreamy Mae! Dreamy Mae!” Mae didn’t hear them. She was dreaming that
she was a princess with beautiful golden hair.
The above materials were “designed for the seventh grade.” (The students on whom the Rickfords used
them were in the sixth grade.) While such material is inappropriate for children of any age, one wonders what
the students studying it did during their previous seven or eight years of schooling, and how a white teacher’s
expectations could be any lower than the Rickfords’.
The ebonics movement renews the tradition of slavery, in which it was illegal to teach blacks English—only
now, the slave masters are black!
Black Fantasy Science and History

Black “science,” as noted above, proposes a pseudo-biology, whose most influential proponent is Dr.
Frances Cress Welsing.106 The character of Afrocentric history is no less fictional or mendacious.
In Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach, Emily Sachar recounted the case—typical for that school—of a militant,
black social studies teacher in Brooklyn’s predominantly black, Walt Whitman Intermediate School, who told
her students, “I don’t know what those Italians in Howard Beach are so upset about. Don’t they know they’re
black? Don’t they know they’re descended from black people? The Italians came from Ethiopia.”107
Over the past forty years or so, thousands of black teachers have variously taught their students whatever
flew into their heads at the moment that made blacks sound superior and whites inferior, or more organized
fairy tales, such as those asserting that ancient Egyptians were “black,” piloted motorized “gliders,” invented
“electricity,” and had “extrasensory powers.”108
The aforementioned fantasies and others like them have spread via the writings and lectures given by
Afrocentric “melanin scholars,” long popular with black public school teachers. Such notions began spreading
beyond black-dominated schools in 1987, through the racist Portland African American Baseline Essays cur-
riculum published by the Portland, Washington schools.109
Afrocentrists have rewritten world history, stealing credit for most great cultural and intellectual achieve-
ments and scientific discoveries and technological innovations110 in Europe, India, China, and the Americas
from non-blacks, and giving it to blacks. And this fraudulent history is taught at every educational level, from
elementary school to Ph.D. programs. When Afrocentrists speak of a “stolen legacy,” they are projecting their
own thievery onto whites.111
Afrocentric “historians” have claimed variously that Cleopatra (J. A. Rogers, John Henrik Clarke112) and
Socrates (Martin Bernal113) were black; that black African explorers discovered the Americas before Columbus
did, and that the ancient civilizations of the Americas (e.g., the Aztecs, Mayans, and Olmecs) were actually
black achievements (Ivan Van Sertima114).
As classicist, Prof. Mary Lefkowitz, the greatest debunker of Afocentrism has observed,
In effect, Afrocentrists are demanding that ordinary historical methodology be discarded in favor of
a system of their own choosing. This system allows them to ignore chronology and facts if they are
inconvenient for their purposes. In other words, their historical methodology allows them to alter the
course of history to meet their own specific needs.115
In 1999 Dr. Jack Felder, a black self-described historian and New York City public school teacher, co-
hosted a forum at CUNY’s black supremacist Medgar Evers College discussing the PBS TV series, Wonders
of the African World. Dr. Felder said that Egypt was established by blacks; the first President of the United
States was not George Washington but a black man named John Hanson; blacks must be taught only by other
blacks; and “America is not going to encourage the development of an African historian because ‘to make a
true African historian is to make an enemy.’”116
Schools of Sedition
One might just as well say, ‘To make a true African is to make an enemy.’ And black-dominated public
schools are in the business of doing just that.
On January 14, 2002, someone found the Afrocentrist “Black Pledge of Allegiance” posted on Oklahoma
City’s Millwood School District website: “We pledge allegiance to the red black and green, our flag, our
symbol of eternal struggle, and to the land we must obtain, one nation of Black people with one God for us
all. Totally united in the struggle for Black love, Black freedom and Black determiniation [sic].”
The reader posted the “pledge” on the conservative Free Republic Web site,117 thus igniting a firestorm of
criticism among conservatives posting to Web sites and blogs, writing letters of protest to Millwood District
Superintendent Dr. Gloria Griffin,118 and articles in the conservative media variously exposing and criticizing
Millwood District school officials.119 Meanwhile, the socialist mainstream media largely ignored the matter.
Dr. Griffin was reportedly “dumbfounded” by complaints about the pledge, and despite admitting that it
was detrimental to students’ education, vowed to retain it.
“[Dr. Griffin] also agrees with critics who say featuring the black pledge on the Website is counterproduc-
tive to education, but she stands by the decision to post it nonetheless….
“‘Other than being the target of misinformation, I don’t know what to make of this,’ she says. ‘Something
has been taken out of context. As a result, it really borders on slander.’”120
Far from being fired or punished, in 2004, Dr. Griffin was rewarded by being elected to the board of
directors of the National Federation of State High School Associations.121
The black pledge was written by Ron Everett alias Maulana Karenga alias Ron Karenga, the founder of the
violent, black separatist group United Slaves, a violent rival of the murderous Black Panthers. Everett/Karenga
eventually served time in prison for kidnapping and torturing two of his female followers. Being convicted of
a violent felony did not stand in the way, however, of his being hired as a professor, given tenure, and made
the head of the Black Studies Department at California State University at Long Beach.122 Everett/Karenga
retired in 2002.
Note that the red, green, and black flag (“Red is for the Blood. Black is the Black People. Green is for
the Land.”123) cited in the pledge was designed by Jamaican-born black supremacist leader Marcus Garvey
(1887–1940), founder of the “Back-to-Africa” movement. Garvey sought to lead blacks in a worldwide racial
Armageddon, in which they would kill all whites, and take their place as the world’s dominant race.
Today, black supremacists all over America proudly wear black, red, and green clothing and accessories to
identify themselves as such, often with gold or yellow added, in reference to the “sun people,” and see in the
red, black, and green flag “the symbol of devotion for African people in America to establish an independent
African nation on the North American Continent.”124
The Kwanzaa Information Center proclaims,
“The Red, or the blood, stands as the top of all things. We lost our land through blood; and we cannot gain
it except through blood. We must redeem our lives through the blood. Without the shedding of blood there can
be no redemption of this race.” 125
Dr. Griffin must have forgotten the part about bloodshed.
In Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach, Emily Sachar recounts Walt Whitman Intermediate School’s principal,
a racist, black incompetent named Claude Winfield, who would read something to students every morning
“from our history and culture”—black history and culture.126
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Every year during Black History Month, Principal Winfield would play James Weldon Johnson’s black
separatist “national anthem,” “Lift Ev’ry Voice and Sing.”127 Years earlier an Irish Catholic teacher had refused
to stand up, in spite of Principal Winfield’s orders. “That is not my anthem and I will not stand up for it, any
more than I will stand for the playing of the French anthem or the Canadian anthem. Besides, what is this
Black Anthem? What country is it for?”128
What country, indeed?
And things have gotten much worse since 1990.
Bilingualism and Reconquista

On March 27, 2006, some 1,000 Hispanic students from El Rancho High School in Pico Rivera, California,
and the Whittier Union High School district committed truancy, marched over to nearby Montebello on their
way to demonstrations supporting illegal immigration, and trespassed on Montebello High School property.
At the school flagpole, they lowered the Stars and Stripes, inserted a Mexican national flag above it, turned the
American flag upside down, and stole the school’s California state flag. When most Montebello students did
not join the truants/trespassers/thieves, the latter reportedly vandalized the school with bottles.
According to a March 29 letter by El Rancho High Acting Superintendent Susanna Smith, “she and El
Rancho Board member Lupe Salas and several other administrators accompanied students who had left campus.
She said they went with the students ‘to promote responsible behavior and maintain student safety.’”129
In accompanying minors whom they knew were going to commit an illegal act or acts, and doing nothing
to stop them or to later aid in their capture, Smith, Salas, and the unnamed school officials were guilty of
acting as accomplices (to trespassing and theft), of obstruction of justice, and of one count each of contribut-
ing to the delinquency of a minor for every truant/trespasser/thief/vandal. However, neither Susanna Smith nor
Lupe Salas or any of the unnamed administrators cited by Smith has, to my knowledge, been arrested, fired, or
reprimanded. In fact, Lupe Salas currently serves as president of the El Rancho Unified School District Board
of Education.130
Some critics contend that far from merely being accomplices, Susanna Smith, Lupe Salas, and company
“incited” the students’ crimes.
Between late March and early May, school administrators across the country, white non-Hispanic and
Hispanic alike, supported tens of thousands of Hispanic students—many of them illegal immigrants or the
American-born “anchor babies” of illegal immigrants—who committed truancy by leaving classes for dem-
onstrations in support of illegal immigration and/or held such demonstrations at school during class time,
and who brought Mexican flags to school, and taunted loyal American students. In Los Angeles, many school
officials went so far as to provide school buses to ferry the truants to and from demonstrations. Many of
the aforementioned school officials then stepped in when patriotic white American students responded by
bringing American flags to school, and banned all flags.131
At the pro-illegal immigration demonstrations, Hispanic students waved Mexican flags, affirmed their
loyalty to a foreign power, called for the revanchist, “reconquista” (reconquest) agenda of violent, mestizo
supremacist groups such as La Raza (“the race”) and MEChA (“Movimiento Estudiantíl Chicano de Aztlán”—
Chicano Student Movement of Aztlan”), and for the expulsion of white Americans from their own country.
In Mira Loma, California, Jurupa Valley High School student Joshua Denhalter is suing school officials in
federal court, charging that they supported Hispanic students’ illegal walkout in support of illegal immigra-
tion during class time, while forbidding him from holding a counter-protesting against illegal immigration
during lunch break.132
“Aztlán” is a mythical, mestizo land comprising approximately forty percent of the contiguous 48 American
states, from Texas to Washington. The aforementioned irredentist groups seek to split off this area from
America, and join it to Mexico. MEChA’s slogan is, “Por La Raza todo. Fuera de La Raza nada”—“Everything
for the Race. Nothing outside the Race.” Mainstream media journalists have purposely misrepresented “la
raza,” by translating it as “the people,” instead of “the race.”
VDARE columnist Allan Wall has written of MEChA,
In fact, both the outlook and rhetoric of [MEChA and] the White Aryan Resistance are similar. The
White Aryan Resistance declares that “We do not recognize a border between White nations” while
MEChA declares “We do not recognize capricious frontiers on the bronze continent.” Same rhetoric—
only the race is different. Another difference is the fact that while the White Aryan Resistance is
deservedly shunned, MEChA is welcomed on tax-supported universities and high schools throughout
the Southwest and beyond.133
As Wall suggested, MEChA has used the tax base, from predominantly white taxpayers, and the public
schools and public higher education to develop its base of power.
The Mexican students would turn the American legal order on its head. They believe in a nation of men,
not laws.
Due to both legal and illegal immigration, and the much higher Hispanic birth rate, Hispanics are the
fastest-growing group of students in American public schools. The Hispanic students have lower IQs than
white American students, and are hostile towards academics. Hispanic 12th graders typically lag over three
years behind white American 12th graders. As Ed Rubenstein has reported, these students tend to be linguisti-
cally isolated, so that even under ideal circumstances they have a harder time learning English and assimilat-
ing. And at 65.7 percent, Hispanics also have by far the lowest status completion rate of any racial or ethnic
group in the U.S.
The status completion rate is the percentage of 18–24 year olds (excluding 18-year-olds who are still
enrolled in high school) who completed high school. Asians/Pacific Islanders have the highest rate, at 96.1
percent, followed by non-Hispanic whites, at 91.0 percent, with non-Hispanic blacks coming in at 85.6
percent.134
Three young Hispanic types have in recent years come to the fore:
1. A person who does not speak, read or write English or Spanish fluently, is not academically inclined,
and who is a member of one of the ultraviolent Hispanic street gangs who increasingly control
schools and neighborhoods with large Hispanic populations;
2. A person who does not speak, read or write English or Spanish fluently, is not academically inclined,
and who drops out of school, but who has a strong work ethic and supports his family at low-
paying, low-skilled jobs (some members of this type may end up in the first group); and
3. A person who does not speak, read or write English or Spanish fluently, and is not academically
inclined, yet who indignantly demands the rewards that come from academic accomplishments.
Journalist Heather Mac Donald has written extensively on the gang culture that dominates many schools
with large Hispanic populations. Little learning is accomplished in such schools, whose atmospheres are char-
acterized by constant disruptions, fights, and intimidation.135
Hispanic youths, whether recent arrivals or birthright American citizens, are developing an under-
class culture. (By “Hispanic” here, I mean the population originating in Latin America—above all,
in Mexico—as distinct from America’s much smaller Puerto Rican and Dominican communities of
Caribbean descent, which have themselves long shown elevated crime and welfare rates.) Hispanic
school dropout rates and teen birthrates are now the highest in the nation. Gang crime is exploding
nationally—rising 50 percent from 1999 to 2002—driven by the march of Hispanic immigration east
and north across the country. Most worrisome, underclass indicators like crime and single parenthood
do not improve over successive generations of Hispanics—they worsen.136
The second type is a quiet sort, and thus not likely to arouse much interest or sympathy of journalists. Even
so, this type is dragging down the nation’s skill and intellectual levels, and contributing to its rising illegitimacy
and poverty levels. And many members of this group are vulnerable to the overtures of groups one and three,
respectively.
Group three is embodied by Liliana Valenzuela. Valenzuela, the 18-year-old mother of a three-year-old
child, was a high school senior in the 2005–2006 academic year. She has sued the state of California to receive
Stix/Education 65
her high school diploma—in the case Valenzuela v. California—even though along with 42,000-47,000 other
California high school seniors, she failed the California High School Exit Exam (CHSEE), a diploma require-
ment, which was enforced for the first time in 2006. Valenzuela insists that she has earned the diploma, and
demands it. After Alameda County Superior Court Judge Robert Freedman ruled in Valenzuela’s favor in May,
“‘I feel very happy,’ she said later in Spanish. ‘Now I’ll be able to have my diploma and fulfill my desire to
become a nurse.’”137
Fortunately, later that month the California Supreme Court overruled Judge Freedman, and reinstated the
exam.138
The CHSEE requires only tenth-grade English and eighth-grade math and algebra skills. Valenzuela was an
“honor student,” and maintained a 3.84 grade point average at Richmond High, considered the most violent
in the state. 139 That someone who doesn’t know English and cannot pass an eighth-to-tenth-grade-level test
was an honor roll student, tells one everything one needs to know about academic standards at Richmond
High, and why the CHSEE is necessary.
Liliana Valenzuela and her supporters have contempt for the citizens of California, who through the state
imposed the graduation examination she failed; contempt for the laws and language of her adopted country;
and contempt for the patients whose lives would ultimately be put in her hands were she permitted to go on
to college and be issued a nursing license.
The reason for examinations such as the CHSEE, is to counteract the corruption of so many schools in
which students’ grades mean nothing, and are awarded based simply on one’s ethnicity or race.
With the racial politicization of a California high school degree, illiterate Hispanics will get to cut to the
front of the line for college admissions and jobs, ahead of competent, literate white Americans, whose public
high school diplomas will get them nothing.
Valenzuela and the other Hispanics demanding degrees they have not earned have an entitlement mentality,
whereby merely attending school guarantees one a diploma, which in turn guarantees one admission to a
college or university which guarantees one a college degree which entails a life-long guarantee of a well-paying
job. Concepts like ability, merit, and experience are foreign to their vocabulary. They plan on intimidating
and suing each educational and professional institution in turn, so that incompetent, illiterate Hispanics are
given preference over competent, literate white Americans, and are protected no matter how much havoc they
wreak. Any criticisms of their shortcomings will simply be denounced as “racism.”
In other words, Hispanics have simply recreated the civil rights/entitlement/race-baiting universe of
blacks.
But if they prevail, people will die. In Liliana Valenzuela’s case, the victims will be her patients
In Valenzuela v. California, the plaintiffs’ attorney, Arturo Gonzalez, argued that his clients had failed the
California High School Exit Exam because “many students have not had the opportunity to learn the material
on the exit exam because they went to substandard schools with unqualified teachers, insufficient textbooks
and squalid conditions.”140 (The foregoing is the standard talking point trotted out by minority advocates, even
when minority-dominated schools are funded at two-to-three times the level of white-and-Asian-dominated
public schools.) California Deputy Attorney General Douglas Press countered that Gonzalez’s charges were
not true, and that the problem was the plaintiffs’ failure to learn English.
I would say, the problem was their refusal to learn English.
The conditions that permitted the rise of the Liliana Valenzuelas to prominence were the 1965 Immigration
Act; the 1968 Bilingual Education Act; feckless leaders at the federal, state, and local level, who have refused
to enforce America’s immigration laws, and who in many municipalities known as “sanctuary cities” and
states141 (states include California, Maine, and Oregon; cities include Boston, Houston, Los Angeles, and New
York City, Austin, Texas, Anchorage, Baltimore, Durham, North Carolina, and Madison, Wisconsin), which
force civil servants to violate federal law; and the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1982 decision in Plyler v. Doe.142
The 1965 Immigration Act discriminated against legal European immigrants, and on behalf of legal immi-
grants from the Third World. The 1968 Bilingual Education Act, under the pretext of better helping Hispanic
students to learn English (even though all available evidence argued otherwise) created the bilingual education
bureaucracy and anti-pedagogy. The fecklessness of America’s leaders permitted tens of millions of illegal
immigrants to invade the country over the past forty years, at the expense of American citizens. And in Plyler v.
Doe, the one-vote majority decision (5-4) led by Justice William Brennan, did violence to the 14th Amendment,
projecting onto it a notion of American citizenship extended to every minor in the world, found nowhere in
the Bill of Rights. As Howard Sutherland has argued, Brennan
abandoned altogether the idea that legal admission to the United States, or even American citizenship,
should mean anything at all—in favor of a compulsory compassion for the illegal aliens he favors at
the expense of the Americans he clearly does not….
Without using the phrase, the Supreme Court here declared the U.S. a “universal nation,” one with no
borders—in effect, no nation at all. The only requirement for full participation in American life is to
get here—somehow, anyhow.143
“Bilingualism”
Years before most Americans ever heard of the “Reconquista,” they heard of “bilingual education.”
The first thing one must understand is that “bilingualism” is not about knowing or learning two languages.
Rather, it is a code word for “Hispanic.” “Monolingual,” meanwhile, is a code word for “white American.”
Thus, the only language one may know may be Spanish—or one may not be literate in any language,
including Spanish—and yet be counted by Hispanic nationalists as “bilingual.” Conversely, one may be mul-
tilingual, and even fluent in Spanish, and yet be counted by Hispanic nationalists as “monolingual.” Thus it is
that educational researcher, Dr. Sandra Stotsky quotes from a textbook in which a Hispanic boy disparages a
white peer as a “monolingual lout.”144
Although California voters passed Proposition 227 (“English for the Children”) in 1998, which largely
abolished so-called bilingual education in that state, and Arizona followed with Proposition 203 two years
later, which transferred two-thirds of its foreign language education students into structured English immersion
classes, in the rest of the country, this counter-pedagogy is as influential as ever. Indeed, while voters in California
and Arizona were fighting to abolish or limit “bilingual education,” radical multiculturalists within the U.S.
Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights (OCR) were fighting to expand it.145 Today, foreign-language
education is imposed on immigrant children and even on American-born children of immigrants, in over 100
different languages. However, since the vast majority of students in foreign-language classes are being taught
in Spanish, I will reserve my remarks for this group.
Bilingual education (BE) is the greatest method ever invented to arrest language acquisition. No research
has ever shown it to be superior or even close in efficacy to the traditional language pedagogy of structured
immersion. Everything about this anti-pedagogy is Orwellian. First, its name. Pupils in “bilingual” education
are usually not taught in two languages, but in one foreign language. Thus, while BE advocates call BE students
“English Language Learners,” the one thing these children are not learning is English.
The anti-English group the Washington-based Center for Applied Linguistics (CAL), claims that BE
students begin learning 10 percent in English the first year (and 90 percent Spanish), and then gradually
increase their English input until it takes up 50 percent of class time. BE advocates more typically claim that
students begin learning 10-20 percent of the time in English, eventually spending 100 percent of class time
working in English. In fact, no matter how many years students spend in “bilingual” education classes, they
typically spend 80-100 percent of class time being taught in Spanish.146
The term “bilingual teachers” is also dishonest. In New York City, Hispanic immigrant mothers—both
those speaking broken English, and those who were fluent—have complained to me that the “bilingual ed”
teachers typically do not know English.
Even the Spanish fluency and competency in teaching Spanish of the Hispanic teachers who are hired as
bilingual educators, at higher pay than “monolingual” educators, are dubious.
In a 1995 affidavit, Edwin Selzer, a then recently retired Brooklyn assistant principal from Brooklyn’s
Eastern District High School, one of New York City’s largest and most dysfunctional schools (which has since
been broken up into four smaller schools) wrote that “even the Spanish skills of students in bilingual programs
were poor—and many students graduating from Eastern District High School were illiterate in both English
and Spanish.”147
Stix/Education 67
Selzer also attested,

I attempted many times to withdraw students from the bilingual education program when I thought
that they no longer needed to be in all-Spanish classes [My emphasis – N.S.]…. Students who remained
in the bilingual education program were not being prepared to get jobs or to function in English-
speaking society.
I was never once successful at withdrawing a student from a bilingual education program. In my expe-
rience, once a child was in a bilingual education program, he remained in such program and was never
mainstreamed into regular English-speaking classes. Whenever I attempted to withdraw a child from
the bilingual education program, the teachers and other school officials refused to do so….148
Selzer observed that many of the students in question “developed schoolyard English and could converse
in the vernacular,” but “because they never received English instruction, they developed no grammar or written
skills.”
“The bilingual education program at Eastern District High School never professed to have as a goal the
mainstreaming of children into English-language classes.”149
During the mid-1990s, the New York City Board of Education (since renamed the Education Department)
conducted a study on the efficacy of bilingual education vs. that of structured immersion, in term so the exit
rates into normal classes for “LEP” (limited English proficiency) students. The study showed that between
1990 and 1994, for those who entered school in kindergarten, 79.3 percent of students who received ESL-only
instruction exited to normal classes after three years, vs. only 51.5 percent of those who received “bilingual”
classes. ESL thus had a 54.0 percent higher success rate for that cohort.
For students who entered in the second grade, students who received ESL-only instruction had a 205.4
percent higher success rate (67.5 vs. 22.1 percent) than students who received “bilingual” classes in exiting
LEP programs after three years.
Finally, among students who entered school in the sixth grade, students who received ESL-only instruction
had a 373.9 percent higher success rate (32.7 to 6.9 percent) than students who received “bilingual” classes in
exiting LEP programs after three years.150
Thereafter, New York City officials stopped comparing ESL and BE success rates, respectively.
Not only are illiterate (really non-lingual) immigrants routinely issued high school diplomas by New York
City high schools, they are also admitted to attend college at campuses of the City University of New York,
once America’s finest urban system of higher education. At different times over the course of four-and-one-
half years, I taught remedial, English as a Second Language (ESL), and “college-level” courses for matriculated
college students at two community colleges and two four-year colleges within the CUNY system.
The following, complete essay was written in 1995 by a high school graduate who had come from the
Dominican Republic some four years earlier, in a “college-level” Phonetics class I taught at CUNY’s Bronx
Community College.
I am going to college, to learn a profession for my future, My major is computer science.
In this moments is difficult, to someone get a good job.
it is important. you go to school to learn, because you finish major. After that you get a good job, in
Important company. they pay you a lot of money, do you could a position in the society and every do
you Want. for that I am going to college.
Education fraud is rampant at colleges with heavily Hispanic student bodies. At two colleges where I taught
during the 1990s, Hudson County Community College, in Jersey City, New Jersey, and CUNY’s “bilingual”
Hostos Community College, social science courses listed in the course catalogue in English were actually being
taught in Spanish. Transcripts from the aforementioned schools were thus fraudulent.
A full-time faculty colleague at Hostos, Rose Aruffat, distributed a page from an anonymous essay to all
colleagues, which argued that “bilingualism” was a political strategy for redistributing money from “monolin-
guals” (whites) to “bilinguals” (Hispanics).
Full-time instructors Sue Dicker and Mercedes Pujol wrote and privately distributed an unpublished article
explicitly opposing the idea that “language minority speakers” (foreign language speakers) should learn the
“majority language” (read: the national language). And Dicker was at the time the director of ESL placement
and an ESL instructor!
At the end of the academic year, each of the section heads for the dozens of ESL classes distributed copies
of the final exam in all instructors’ department mailboxes, with instructions to give them to all of our students,
and “explain” the exam to them.
Since the students had been given the exam in advance, the examination and the grades on it were fraudu-
lent. Students apparently paid people to write their exams, or wrote them in advance, brought the pre-written
essays to the examination, and copied them into their “blue books.” (This practice was not limited to Hostos
CC. Richard France wrote that when he taught at the CUNY City College Center for Worker Education,
English Composition students showed up for examinations with their essays-for-hire already written into their
blue books.151)
When I participated in the group grading session, in which exam booklets were divvied up and graded,
each by two readers, the adjunct who led the group was unconcerned by issues of fraud.
The exam sheet had two possible questions to interpret the essay; each group had been told to answer one
or the other question. One student had evidently paid someone to answer the wrong essay question; our group
leader said that the improper essay should nonetheless receive a passing grade.
Prof. Sue Dicker told me—without tongue-in-cheek—that 50 percent was a good passing rate for students
who had been thus “prepared.”
In 1997, Hostos sought to graduate (with a two-year associate’s degree) students who had not passed the
CUNY Writing Assessment Test (WAT), a CUNY community college graduation requirement.
Hostos simply violated the CUNY policy (which was also its own official policy), and substituted instead
an even more radically dumbed-down exam—which most students still couldn’t pass.
When the CUNY Board of Trustees caught wind of Hostos’ decision to award degrees to students who
had not passed the CUNY WAT, it stopped their graduation. The students sued, and won in the first round,
but lost on appeal.
In the spring of 1997, many Hostos students went on strike against the WAT, claiming that it was discrimi-
natory. Of those who took the WAT, 87.5 percent (91 out of 104) failed.
During the summer of 1997, Hostos provided intensive English tutoring. But in the fall, when the tutored
students took the WAT—many for the second time—95 percent (215 out of 226) failed! On May 21, 1997,
Ying Chan of the Daily News reported,
“You don’t pass that exam whether you know English or not,” said Luz Brand, 34, a full-time student
from the Dominican Republic. “That’s the only thing holding me back.”
Brand has failed the test three times; she said she understands English, but doesn’t speak or write it
well.
“What we’re fighting for is that they don’t just count the one test—count the whole semester,” she
said.152
The students insisted that they had received all As and Bs for their class work. No doubt they had.
Apparently, the school had not been able to rig the WAT. (The exam may have been under CUNY’s
control.)
Since there was no CUNY investigation into practices at Hostos, and no scandal over grade-and test-
rigging, there is no reason to believe that the school has been reformed.
A study by CUNY authorities of the entire system, published in 1999, showed that Hostos, a two-year
school, had a two-year graduation rate of 0.4 percent, meaning that only four out of one thousand students
would graduate in the normal two-year time span.153
I once had a long conversation in the Hostos English Department office with a charming coed who was
friends with an acquaintance of mine (who was also present)…in Spanish. The young woman, who was in her
seventh semester at Hostos—at taxpayer expense—could not speak a word of English.
My program director, Dr. Frances Singh, once observed that many of Hostos’s Hispanic immigrant students
were illiterate in Spanish, as well as in English.
Stix/Education 69
Scottsboro Boys II
The Duke Rape Hoax and the Demonization of White Heterosexual Men
Three white male Duke University students—Reade Seligmann, 20, Dave Evans, 23, and Collin Finnerty,
19—presently await trial on charges of first-degree forcible rape, first-degree sexual offense, and first-degree
kidnapping. The only problem is, no crime appears to have been committed—save for the false charges against
the men, that is. The only “crime” the three men are guilty of, is of being white.
The crimes are alleged to have taken place just after 12:30 a.m. on the morning of March 14, at a house
rented by the Duke lacrosse team in Durham, North Carolina. It was the beginning of spring break, and the
players had hired two “exotic dancers” from an “escort service” to perform for two hours, at an agreed on
price of $400 each.
(It is critical that this discussion avoid euphemism. The accuser and her colleague have consistently been
referred to in the mainstream media as “exotic dancers.” A belly dancer is an “exotic dancer”; there is nothing
exotic to being a stripper, which is what the two women were supposedly being paid for being that night.
Note too that they worked for an “escort service”; “escort” is a euphemism for prostitute. The reason strippers
might work for an “escort service” is because many strippers double as prostitutes.)
One of the women (hereafter, “the accuser”), later claimed that various players had locked her in a
bathroom and, without using condoms, raped, orally and anally sodomized, and “strangled” her over the
course of 30 minutes.
The women left the house around 1:07 a.m. Shortly thereafter, Durham police received a 911 call from a
black woman, saying now that she and her girlfriend had driven by, now that they had walked by the house
where the lacrosse players were, and that one of the players had called the women a racial epithet.
Unbeknownst to the public and the eventual suspects until June, the accuser’s story—or rather, stories—
began to unravel immediately.
The second woman, black-Asian Kim Roberts Pittman, drove the accuser to an all-night Kroger’s grocery,
where Roberts called 911, saying her colleague was unconscious. A police officer responding reportedly said
that the accuser appeared to be faking unconsciousness.154 At Kroger’s, the accuser then told police she’d been
raped.
In interviews with medical personnel over the next hour or so, the accuser at first said that she was
groped, but not raped. She then changed her story back to one in which she was raped. The number of
rapists then oscillated from twenty to two to three…and then five. The accuser also claimed in her March 14
police statement that she had gone to the players’ house not with one but three other “dancers”—“Nikki”
(Kim Roberts Pittman), “Angel,” and “Tammy.”155 The March 14 statement was not handed over to defense
attorneys until over three months later.
Although the accuser was supposedly vaginally, orally, and anally raped, there was no DNA evidence
from any of the lacrosse players: No semen, blood, saliva, mucus, urine or pubic hair. There was semen in her
vagina, but it wasn’t from any of the lacrosse players.
In April, it came out that both the accuser and Kim Roberts Pittman were convicted criminals.
The accuser is a 27-year-old, divorced mother of two and full-time student at black North Carolina
Central University, also in Durham. In 2002, the first time she supposedly worked as a stripper, she pickpock-
eted a taxi-driving customer’s car keys; stole his cab; drove while intoxicated; led police on a high-speed chase
seeking to flee arrest; and attempted to murder a policeman who had gotten out of his squad car to arrest her,
by trying to run him down.156 And yet, by the time the offender pleaded guilty, the charges had been so reduced
that she spent less than one week in jail, over the course of three weekends.
The accuser had earlier been married and served in the U.S. Navy. However, while in the Navy, she had
cuckolded her husband with another man, whose child she bore. Forced to separate from the service, she and
her husband divorced, after which she bore the other man a second child. The other man then deserted the
accuser and their children. She had to apply to family court to get his wages garnished, for child support.
In 1996, the accuser claimed that she had been gang raped by three men three years earlier. Her father has
disputed her claim.157 The accuser never pressed charges based on her earlier accusation.
As of March 13, the accuser was 27 years old, and was a full-time student, with a “B” average, at black
North Carolina Central University, also in Durham.
The second woman, Kim Roberts Pittman, had been convicted of embezzlement for stealing $25,000 from
a company where she had helped out with the payroll. She also did not serve time for her crimes, getting only
probation.
Days after the alleged crimes occurred, Roberts e-mailed a public relations firm, to see how she could spin
the situation to her advantage.
Critics have charged both Durham police and D.A. Mike Nifong with egregious misconduct, charges that
appear to be eminently justified.158
Nifong, appointed D.A. by his predecessor (who had been appointed to a judgeship), was running for district
attorney for the first time. And with blacks making up 45 percent of Durham’s residents, he was desperate for
black votes. Before any arrests had been made, Nifong condemned the lacrosse team, and emphasized that the
case would rise and fall on the DNA evidence. When no DNA evidence incriminating the lacrosse players was
forthcoming, D.A. Nifong stopped giving interviews, but pressed his case as aggressively as ever.
The Duke University administration and faculty, rather than respecting the presumption of innocence and
the suspects’ rights, did everything but organize a lynching party. President Richard Brodhead cancelled the
season of the nation’s number two-ranked lacrosse team, and forced Coach Mike Pressler to resign. President
Brodhead also suspended a lacrosse player who had sent an e-mail shortly a few hours after the two women
left the students’ house, in which he fantasized about skinning strippers alive.
On March 29, Prof. Houston Baker sent “Awaiting the Restoration of Confidence: A Letter to the Duke
University Administration,” to Duke administrators and to the media.
“How is a Duke community citizen to respond to such a national embarrassment from under the cloud
of a ‘culture of silence’ that seeks to protect white, male, athletic violence and which apparently prevents all
university citizens from even surveying the known facts?”
Prof. Baker spoke of “this horrific, racist incident.”
[T]here is a clear urgency about the erosion of any felt sense of confidence or safety for the rest of
us who live and work at Duke University. The lacrosse team—15 of whom have faced misdemeanor
charges for drunken misbehavior in the past three years—may well feel they can claim innocence and
sport their disgraced jerseys on campus, safe under the cover of silent whiteness. But where is the black
woman who their violence and raucous witness injured for life? Will she ever sleep well again? And
when will the others assaulted by racist epithets while passing 610 Buchanan ever forget that dark
moment brought on them by a group of drunken Duke boys? Young, white, violent, drunken men
among us—implicitly boasted by our athletic directors and administrators—have injured lives.159
In addition to being the George D. and Susan Fox Beischer Professor of English, Baker is also one of the
leading figures in African-American studies.160
On April 7, a full-page advertisement appeared in the student newspaper, The Chronicle, signed by 88 Duke
professors (including Prof. Baker),161 and supported by three academic departments and 13 programs, strongly
suggesting not only that then-unnamed white lacrosse players had committed a brutal, racially motivated rape
of a black woman, but that such was the character of the entire lacrosse team, and indeed, the Duke campus.
We are listening to our students. We’re also listening to the Durham community, to Duke staff, and to
each other. Regardless of the results of the police investigation, what is apparent everyday [sic] now
is the anger and fear of many students who know themselves to be objects of racism and sexism, who
see illuminated in this moment’s extraordinary spotlight what they live with everyday [sic]. They know
that it isn’t just Duke, it isn’t everybody, and it isn’t just individuals making this disaster.
But it is a disaster nonetheless.
These students are shouting and whispering about what happened to this woman and to them-
selves.162
The advertisement followed with eleven disembodied quotes supporting the notion that the Duke campus
was a cauldron of hatred against blacks and women, quotes which, as some critics noted, a reader could not
Stix/Education 71
be sure were even from students (as opposed to the activist professors themselves), and were certainly not rep-
resentative of the Duke campus.163 The professors were listening, if at all, to small cadres of activist students
who echoed them.
The signatories of the advertisement were playing out a script that one sees every time a new race hoax is
perpetrated. The supporters of the hoaxer immediately evoke a world of silent victims parallel to that of the
accuser. And they do constitute a parallel—parallel fictions! The activists seem to have an intuitive feel for
when someone has perpetrated a hoax, and always spontaneously run to support her.
D.A. Nifong so thoroughly misrepresented the evidence against the players in the case, that Prof. James
Coleman, a highly respected black professor of law at Duke who chaired an internal investigation of the
lacrosse team following March 14, has argued that Nifong should step aside on behalf of an independent
prosecutor. Prof. Coleman is the only faculty member, to my knowledge, who has publicly shown any respect
for the defendants’ due process rights. In mid-June, Prof. Coleman said of D.A. Nifong,
I don’t think he’s showing detached judgment. I personally have no confidence in him.164 Either he
knew what the facts were and misstated them, or he was making them up. Whether he acted knowing
they were false, or if he was reckless, it doesn’t matter in the long run. This is the kind of stuff that
causes the public to lose confidence in the justice system.165
Durham’s black community has remained united since the beginning behind the accuser, no matter how
discredited her charges have been. Blacks in Durham and elsewhere have suggested (and in one case said
outright) that it would be a good thing for innocent white men to be convicted, as a matter of historical
revenge.166
Black journalists, both those working at racist, black-owned and those working for white-owned main-
stream media outlets, misrepresented the case. Cash Michaels, of the black-owned Wilmington Journal, spoke
of a “High-Tech Lynching”—of the accuser, not the suspects, and implied that discredited D.A. Nifong was
withholding evidence that would convict the three white defendants.167 Michaels, an experienced journalist,
has to know that it is illegal for a prosecutor to hold incriminating evidence secret until trial, and in the case
of a conviction, having done so would be grounds for reversal on appeal.
In one column, Jesse Jackson Sr. started with opportunistic nostalgia,
The history of white men and black women—the special fantasies and realities of exploitation—goes
back to the nation’s beginning and the arrival of slaves from Africa. The patterns associated with this
history arouse fears and evoke too many bad memories,
Before seguing to contemporary fiction,
“In the wake of the Duke scandal, black women across the country report on how often they are harassed
or treated as simply objects available to hit on by white men.”168
Pulitzer Prize-winning, black syndicated Miami Herald/Knight Ridder columnist Leonard Pitts, wrote
“imagine the response if the woman were white and reported being raped by three black members of the bas-
ketball team. You’d have to call out the National Guard.”169
And yet, less than two months before the Duke case, a coed attending the University of Richmond in
Virginia, apparently really was gang raped by student athletes. However, she was white, and the suspects were
four black students (including a former star quarterback from the school team) from the nearby black school,
Virginia Union University, and so the national media ignored the case, no professors called for railroading
their own students, and no coaches were forced to resign. Even Richmond’s local media initially refused to
report the respective races of the alleged victim and the alleged rapists.170
But then, neither the national nor the local media would report honestly on the reality of race and rape,
either at Duke or nationally.
At Duke University in recent years, the majority-white coeds cannot walk safely across their own campus
at night, and that is not due to the predations of white lacrosse players. In recent years, black Durhamites,
including students at NCCU, have made a sport of targeting white Duke coeds for rape. Thus has the rage
of Durham’s black community against the white lacrosse players been misplaced, to say the least. If anyone
should be in a state of rage, it is Durham’s whites, and particularly its white women.
That feminists at Duke rose up in support of the hoaxer, and against the white lacrosse players, and white
men in general at Duke, was an expression of the morally depraved deal white feminists have made for them-
selves. Although they are scared to death of black men—and with good reason—and have less to fear from
white men, white feminists have politically prostituted themselves, in exchange for power. Thus do they reflex-
ively condemn “white males” while refraining from any criticism of black men. And yet, feminists’ black allies
do not return the favor, by showing a like protectiveness towards white women.
Once the Duke case had caught fire, journalist Steve Sailer found several other cases in which minority
college athletes were charged with violent crimes, including rape, which were similarly ignored by the national
media.171
No mainstream journalist would mention the extraordinary character of the crime being alleged. As the
U.S. Department of Justice’s National Crime Victimization Study has shown, between 2001 and 2003, there
were, on average, 15,400 black-on-white rapes per year, while whites averaged only 900 white-on-black rapes
per year (a black-white ratio of 17.1:1).172 Since there are five-and-one-half times as many whites as blacks
in America, that means that blacks rape whites over ninety times as frequently as whites rape blacks. Except
that the black-white interracial gap is actually much higher. The “white” figure (900) is inflated by Hispanic
offenders being counted as white. And no reliable statistics for interracial prison rape were included in the
NCVS. Thus, the real black-white ratio is likely 200:1 or higher.
But the Duke case was an allegation of white-on-black gang rape. As no mainstream journalist would
report, but as Roy Sievers alone showed, quoting The Color of Crime, that is a virtually non-existent crime:
On page 17 of The Color of Crime we find facts about multiple-offender interracial rape that no one else
has cited:
“The NCVS tells us that interracial multiple-offender offenses are even more lopsidedly black than
interracial crime as a whole. In fact, whereas blacks committed 10,000 gang-rapes against whites
between 2001 and 2003, the NCVS samples did not pick up a single ‘white’ [including Hispanic]-on-
black gang rape.”
In other words, the Duke lacrosse players are being accused of a crime that almost never happens.
There are undoubtedly more black-on-white hate crime hoaxes than white-on-black gang rapes.
Even if the Duke allegations were true, that would be one actual case of white-on-black gang rape
against 10,000 black-on-white rapes. Needless to say, this huge disparity provokes no protests, no
front-page headlines, and no “Take Back the Night” marches.173
***
The Duke Rape Hoax has historic ties to the two most notorious racial rape hoaxes in American history.
In 1931, in what would come to be known as the “Scottsboro Boys” case, two white prostitutes named
Victoria Price and Ruby Bates falsely accused nine black boys and young men of gang-raping them on a
train. The Scottsboro Boys—Haywood Patterson, Clarence Norris, the brothers Andy and Roy Wright, Willie
Roberson, Charles Weems, Ozie Powell, Olen Montgomery and Eugene Williams—were railroaded by a racist
white Alabama juries, and sentenced to die. It was not until 1950, after years of trials and retrials, unjust prison
sentences, and in one case, a daring jail break, that all of the Scottsboro Boys had regained their freedom. But
their lives had been shattered.174
When young white men are imprisoned in today’s black supremacist-dominated prisons, it is often tanta-
mount to a death sentence from gang rape and AIDS.175 And that’s without being convicted of gang-raping a
black woman.
The other notorious racial rape hoax was perpetrated by a then-15-year-old black girl named Tawana
Brawley in Wappingers Falls, New York in November 1987.176 Brawley said she had been abducted and
gang-raped over the course of four days by “white cops.” And yet, a neighbor had seen the girl, all alone in
a vacant lot, climb into the garbage bag in which she was found, and the rape technician who examined her
reported that she had not been raped, and was doing a poor job at faking rape trauma. Indeed, it is unlikely
that Brawley had had any sex, consensual or forced,177 during the four days she had run away from home. But
the media and black surpremacist activists conspired to keep hoax alive, and white people who knew better
were too cowardly to state the obvious.
The history of black campus race hoaxes goes back over twenty years, but has no cases to compare with
Stix/Education 73
the Tawana Brawley Hoax. Or rather, prior to March 14, 2006, it didn’t.
Each new campus race hoax follows a by now dog-eared, 20-year-old script. University administrators,
campus and “civilian” activists, and journalists all act as if the incredible charges must be true, even though
they fly in the face of a campus that appears to be the safest place in the world for black folks. When the
charges are inevitably proven false, the journalists become all of a sudden very quiet. But no one demands
justice for the falsely accused victims, including the vigorous prosecution and imprisonment of the black racist
malefactors. Meanwhile, the activists proceed as if their charges had been proven true, and continue with their
demands, which the administrators duly accede to.
The reason for refusing to learn from each race hoax is not that the activists and administrators are
somehow ignorant or deluded. It is that they are so powerful, that they can continue with business as usual,
until the next hoax. Thus, it is not enough to scramble around disproving each hoax as it comes—race hustlers
can invent hoaxes too rapidly for anyone to ever catch up with them. What is required is that those who would
live in freedom take the offensive—demanding vigorous prosecution of hoaxers, and undertaking civil suits
against them—but even more importantly, engaging in the same tactics against the administrators, activists,
and journalists without whom the hoaxers would never get a hearing, in the first place.
Every time a black initiates a race hoax—and Hispanics will be matching them soon enough, hoax for
hoax—he makes extraordinary claims. Such claims are all the more extraordinary, for having so many times
been proved fraudulent. After so many hoaxes, whites are, if anything justified in assuming that a hoax is at
work, until it is proven otherwise. But even if such charges were being made for the first time, extraordinary
claims require extraordinary evidence. But black hoaxers and their supporters demand that whites take their
word on faith. (In this, they resemble Afrocentric intellectual frauds.) For a person to have to take ridiculous
claims on faith is a form of spiritual and political slavery. And that is exactly the point.
***
In American public life, people of all demographic groups and of all political persuasions wring their
hands over the “plight” of minority children and college students; no “respectable” person shows the slightest
concern for young whites. But in the face of the Melvin Boldens, the Joan A. Valentines, the “Dr.” Wanda
Marshalls, the Cassandra Jenningses, the Liliana Valenzuelas, the Leonard Jeffrieses, and the rape hoaxers,
whites have the choice of standing together in protection of their children, or of seeing them get picked off,
one at a time. Hiding is nolonger an option.
Endnotes
1. Richard Lynn, Race differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis (Augusta, Georgia: Washington Summit
Publishers, 2006), 44.
2. Ibid., 163.
3. Abigail Thernstrom and Stephan Thernstrom, No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning (New York: Simon
& Schuster Paperbacks, 2003), 13.
4. Apparently, Peekskill has no rules barring Bolden’s blatant conflicts of interest. As for a black supremacist rising
within the Republican Party ranks, this is surely an example of the practice that William F. Buckley Jr. has spoken of
as “co-opting,” which Buckley praised Richard Nixon for having institutionalized, and which, Buckley has assured
us, has greatly helped to defuse black racial animosity. “Peekskill Republican Party Officials” Peekskill GOP Web
Site. www.peekskillgop.com/Officials.htm
5. Michelle Malkin, “‘I Pledge Allegiance To My Black People’—But Not America?” VDARE.com, 14 March 2006.
www.vdare.com/malkin/060314_pledge.htm
6. Dwight R. Worley, “Father of young poet says Peekskill school officials are racist,” The Journal News, 13 March
2006. Dwight R. Worley, “Racial Poem Causes Flap in Peekskill,” The Journal News, 14 March 2006.
7. Ibid.
8. “The Disasters Darwinism Brought to Humanity” is listed at amazon.com as a five-page pamphlet: www.amazon.com/
gp/product/1894264444/sr=8-1/qid=1143786511/ref=pd_bbs_1/102-1648815-0342559?%5Fencoding=UTF8
A 192-page book version, with 211 photographs, is also listed at www.bookglobal.net/xcart/cus tomer/product.
php?productid=529, but no copies were available for purchase at the site when I visited it at the end of March.
However, Harun Yahya permits anyone to read his book for free at the following Web site: www.harunyahya.com/
disaster1.php. Although I could find no listing of a documentary film with this title, that does not mean that no
such film exists. However, author Harun Yahya’s work is an attack not on whites, but on materialism as embodied
in Darwinism. Yahya believes that “fascism” (read: Nazism) and communism were the twin spawns of Darwinian
materialism. He is not a racist. The anti-white racial message of Autum Ashante’s rant came not from the source she
claims it came from, but more likely from her father’s black supremacist teachings.
The following passage is from Yahya’s “Introduction: The Bringers of Pain to the 20th Century.”
“Fascism and Communism come at the head of the ideologies that caused mankind to suffer those dark days. These
are seen as enemies, as ideas that tried to destroy each other. In actual fact, there is a most interesting truth here:
for these ideologies were nourished by a single ideological source, drew strength and support from that source,
and, thanks to that source, were able to draw societies to their side. At first sight, this source has never drawn any
attention, has always remained behind the scenes up until now, and has always shown people its innocent-looking
face. That source is the materialist philosophy, and DARWINISM, the state of that philosophy as adapted to
nature.
“Darwinism emerged in the 19th century as the restating of a myth, dating back to the Sumerians and Ancient
Greece, by the amateur biologist Charles Darwin, and has since then formed the fundamental idea behind all the
ideologies that have been harmful to mankind. Wearing a so-called scientific mask, it allowed these ideologies and
their supporters’ practical measures to win a false legitimacy.”
Yahya sees his job as disproving Darwin and other false beliefs, and thereby bringing his readers rationally to a
belief in Islam.
9. Ibid.
10. “Among other directives, Muhammad told marchers, ‘And if you don’t have a gun, every one of them [New York
City cops] has one gun, two guns, three guns.... In self-defense, if they attack you, take their guns from them and
use their guns on them.... Don’t let nobody be arrested.’” Nicholas Stix, “New York Mayor Giuliani preempts riot
threat by policy of strength,” Insight on the News, 12 October 1998.
11. One of the Panthers’ 1960s’ tactics for rallying blacks was its practice of assassinating white policemen (“Off the
pigs!,” was the favorite phrase of Chicago Panther leader Fred Hampton); they carried out several such murders in
New York, Chicago, and California.. In 1967, Black Panther leader Huey Newton murdered white Oakland, CA
policeman John Frey. And in 1969, two of Fred Hampton’s henchmen, Spurgeon Winters and Lance Bell, assassi-
nated white Chicago policemen Frank G. Rappaport and John Gilhooly, who were lured into an ambush by a false
call to police of a man with a gun. Exactly three weeks later, local and federal officers shot Hampton dead during a
raid in his apartment, which stilled much of the Panthers’ lust for murdering white policemen.
Fran Spielman, “Foes of Hampton sign cite cops’ slaying,” Chicago Sun-Times, 3 March 2006.
In Hugh Pearson’s history of the Black Panthers, he refers to Fred Hampton’s death as a “murder,” and claims that
the support by wealthy white radicals of the Panthers “derived at least as much from the notorious brutality used
by police in clamping down on the Panthers in the shooting death of Fred Hampton …”
Pearson also writes that “… the Panthers’ stature in the eyes of the rest of black America was helped after the
shooting deaths of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark…” [Clark was an associate of Hampton’s, who was killed at the
same time.]
Pearson writes as if Hampton were a pacifist, and the authorities would have done much better, to simply leave the
Panthers alone. Nowhere in Pearson’s book will one learn of officers Frank G. Rappaport and John Gilhooly, much
less of Hampton’s responsibility for their murders.
Hugh Pearson, The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America (Cambridge,
MA: Perseus, 1996), 210, 214.
While the NOI was not known for murdering police officers, in 1972, Louis Farrakhan’s followers carried out the
execution-style murder of NYPD Patrolman Philip Cardillo in the Manhattan mosque Farrakhan ran.
Vincent J. Cannato, The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York (New York: Basic
Books, 2001), 484ff.
From circa 1970-1974, the NOI undertook a mass murder campaign against whites in California in which NOI
murder squads called “the Death Angels,” using pistols and machetes murdered, maimed, and raped whites across
the state. The NOI murdered anywhere from 71 (according to Dick Walley of the California Department of Justice’s
Intelligence Analysis Unit) to “just under 270” California whites (according to Zebra author Clark Howard).
At the time, the general public knew only of the Death Angels squad that between October 1973 and April 1974
Stix/Education 75
murdered 15 whites and wounded nine in San Francisco, in what became known as “the Zebra killings” (because
the SFPD allocated radio frequency “Z” (“Zebra”) for all calls related to the killings). In the almost 32 years since
the NOI mass murders presumably ended in California, leftwing journalists and professors have embarked on a
campaign to “disappear” the murders through variously refusing to mention their racial character or who carried
them out, diminishing the number of killings almost to zero, and persecuting any educator who would inform his
students of the killings.
Clark Howard, Zebra: The true account of the 179 days of terror in San Francisco (New York: Richard Marek
Publishers, 1979).
Alison Soltau and J.K. Dineen, “Sanders retires,” San Francisco Examiner, 12 August 2003.
Thomas Ryan, “Academic Witch-Hunt,” Front Page Magazine, 27 April 2005. www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/
ReadArticle.asp?ID=17861
12. Amos N. Wilson, Black-on-Black Violence: The Psychodynamics of Black Self-Annihilation in Service of White
Domination (New York: Afrikan World InfoSystems, 1990).
13. Michelle Malkin, “‘I Pledge Allegiance To My Black People’—But Not America?,” op. cit.
Yvette Clarke inherited her council seat from her mother, Una Clarke, after the city’s 1992 term limits law passed
in a referendum. That Yvette Clarke should gush about a racist monstrosity is not surprising, given the Clarke
family’s black supremacist tradition. In 1992, when a black police officer was assaulted in Brooklyn outside of
Medgar Evers College (itself a black supremacist stronghold) by a group of black students, when he sought to
write a summons for a black male he had caught smoking marijuana, Councilwoman Una Clarke interceded and
committed obstruction of justice. She not only got the violation for smoking marijuana voided, but also got the
felony counts of assaulting a police officer voided, furnishing the officer’s attackers with a get-out-of-jail-free card.
During the 1993 mayoral campaign, when police officers were demonstrating in lower Manhattan against black
Mayor David Dinkins, Councilwoman Una Clarke claimed that she was harassed on the street near the demonstra-
tion by out-of-uniform police officers who called her a “nigger.” That NYPD officers, in the year 1993, would say
such a thing, was about as likely as Tawana Brawley being abducted and gang-raped in 1987 by a bunch of “white
cops.”
Councilwoman Yvette Clarke has proved herself cut from the same cloth as her mother, in charging white city
leaders with “racism” in advance, whenever she wants something done for her district. In 2005, Brooklyn political
reporter Erik Engquist wrote of her, “We got the impression Clarke believes DOT Commissioner Iris Weinshall
(wife of Senator Chuck Schumer), a Park Slope resident, sits around a table with her deputies and says, ‘No need to
fix Linden Boulevard—it’s mostly black people who live there.’” “Brooklyn Politics by Erik Engquist,” 9 May 2005.
mysite.verizon.net/vze4mzty/id26.html
14. I believe that the NOI stole its “Myth of Yacub” from journalist George S. Schuyler’s 1931 racial/science fiction
satire, Black No More. In Black No More, black scientist Dr. Junius Crookman devises a treatment for turning blacks
white. Carleton College historian and Schuyler-biographer Prof. Harry McKinley Williams apparently agrees, as
he has listed my theory in the syllabus of his survey course in African-American History, and assigned his students
to read my biographical essay on Schuyler. I do not know whether Williams got his notion regarding Schuyler’s
influence on the NOI from me, or independently came to the same conclusion. George S. Schuyler, Black No More:
Being an Account of the Strange and Wonderful Workings of Science in the Land of the Free, A.D. 1933-1940,
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1989), foreword by James A. Miller. Nicholas Stix, “Forgotten One: The
Story of George S. Schuyler,” National Review Online, 3 February 2001. www.nationalreview.com/weekend/books/
books-stix020301.shtml Nicholas Stix, “George S. Schuyler, All-American,” Intellectual Conservative, 15 March
2004. www.intellectualconservative.com/article3220.html
15. N’COBRA, National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America, National Office, Press Statement, “J.P. Morgan
Acknowledge Debt for Slavery,” 27 January 2005. www.ncobra.org/events.htm
16. Marcus Franklin, “NYC leaders support black girl who read white nationalism poem,” Newsday, 15 March 2006.
Note that in 1997, before getting elected to the New York City Council, Charles Barron, a former member of the
black racial terrorist organization, the Black Panthers, called himself the leader of the “Brooklyn Ebonics Movement.”
In 2002, Councilman Barron achieved notoriety when he said in a speech at a “Millions for Reparations” rally in
Washington, D.C., “You know, some days I get so frustrated I just want to go up to the closest white person and
say, ‘You can’t understand this, it’s a black thing,’ and then slap him, just for my mental health.” Clarence Page,
“Reparations Movement Gaining Cult Status,” Chicago Tribune, 28 August 2002.
17. Marcus Franklin, “NYC leaders support black girl who read white nationalism poem,” op. cit.
18. David Andreatta, “Better or Verse,” New York Post, 13 March 2006.
19. Adrienne Mand Lewin, “Poet, 7, Sets Off Racial Controversy: Performance Upsets Adults and Students -- for
Different Reasons,” ABC News, 14 March 2006. abcnews.go.com/US/print?id=1723616
20. “Young Singers Spread Racist Hate: Duo Considered the Olsen Twins of the White Nationalist Movement,” ABC
News, 20 October 2005. abcnews.go.com/Primetime/print?id=1231684
21. “Roy Innis Asks, ‘Autum Ashante: A Cause Celebre Or An Intelligent But Misguided Child?’” Newsreleasewire.
com, 17 March 2006. www.expertclick.com/NewsReleaseWire/default.cfm?Action=ReleaseDetail&ID=12025
22. Eric Hartley, “Court Master Blasts Meade Principal’s Handling of Fight,” The Capital, 17 June 2005.
23. Nicholas Stix, “Six Little Girls,” Middle American News, July 2005.
24. Marianna Hernandez, “Non-Bias Attack,” Brooklyn Skyline, 11 April 2005. Black journalists at two major New
York newspapers were angrier at Marianna Hernandez for reporting on the attack, than at the attackers. Leonard
Greene of the allegedly conservative New York Post, called the reporting of the crime a “bias crime” on a par
with the attack, and Aina Hunter of the radical leftist Village Voice, felt such racial loyalty to the attackers, that
in addition to misrepresenting and condemning Marianna Hernandez for reporting the story, she thoroughly mis-
represented the story and the neighborhood, depicting the attack as a “girl fight” between equally matched sides
(she mentioned only “five or six” black girls, rather than the mob of approximately 30 black boys and girls); never
mentioned the attackers’ three return trips to the basketball court, each time with additional reinforcements; insisted
that the white victims had fabricated their charges of racial epithets sometime after police initially responded to the
attack; and surreally presented the victims’ own neighborhood as being hostile towards them. Hunter went so far
as to present outraged whites as the only “racists” in the story, to depict the attackers as fearing for their safety, and
to deny that black New York teenagers would ever call a white a “cracker.” As her expert witness on the matter of
racial epithets, Hunter cited none other than an “incredulous” Councilman Charles Barron. That would be the same
Charles Barron whose ally Batin Ashante would later call Peekskill school officials “racist crackers.”
During a March 2006 interview, some of the victims’ parents told me that during Aina Hunter’s occasional visits to
family court hearings, she would always go supportively straight to the attackers and their parents, as if they were
the victims.)
Leonard Greene, VILE OUTBURSTS ARE FANNING FLAMES OF HATRED, New York Post, 25 April 2005.
Aina Hunter, “Girl Fight: Students say a Marine Park brawl was kid stuff. Prosecutors are calling it race rage,”
Village Voice, 28 June 2005.
25. “Teen Killed In Baseball Bat Attack,” Associated Press, 13 April 2005. Jacqueline Kallas, “Victim ‘blamed’ in ball
bat murder trial,” Antelope Valley Press, 8 July 2005.
A Web site, “Justice for Greg Harris,” was put together in defense of Jeremy Rourke’s killer that is an unwitting self-
parody of black racist rationalizations. The family and supporters of the murderer, Greg Harris, insist that he was
an “honor student”; that he was the real victim, who had been “violated and assaulted” by the dead boy—“[Harris]
was defending himself…”; and that the white victim had called his killer the “n” word just before the “tragedy.”
(Witnesses refuted the last claim.) “Justice for Greg Harris.” www.justiceforgregharrisjr.org/
On November 18, 2005, Oprah Winfrey had the murderer’s parents as guests on her TV show, where they were
permitted to give the story their own spin, insisting that it was an “accident” that Harris, after hitting the nine-inch
taller boy in the knee with a baseball bat, hit him full force in the jaw.
“Behind the Headlines: Tragedy at the Little League Park,” The Oprah Winfrey Show (Web site), 18 November
2005. www.oprah.com/tows/slide/200511/20051118/slide_20051118_284_101.jhtml
26. David Andreatta, “School on Bias Alert,” New York Post, 25 April 2005.
27. “Latest Student Arrested At Sandalwood Charged With Hate Crime,” WJXT Jacksonville, 22 September 2005.
www.news4jax.com/news/5006757/detail.html
28. Angelina Cappiello and John Mazor, “Gal Battered in S.I. ‘Bias’ Assault,” New York Post, September 24.
29. Murray Weiss and John Doyle, “She-Wolf Pack,” New York Post, 24 September 2005.
30. Joe McGurk and Murray Weiss, “Kids in ‘hate’ attack on white student,” New York Post, 4 October 2005.
31. Kathleen Lucadamo, “Ed Dept. eyes charge kids bullied, 1 beaten,” Daily News, 10 October 2005.
32. Rob McDonald, “Cops say student attacked because of color: Police say alleged attacker called himself a racist,”
The Spokesman-Review, 19 November, 2005.
33. Dustin Lemmon, “Davenport police say they are keeping eyes on problem area,” Quad City Times, 2 March
2006.
34. Rosalind Rossi, “Kids want cops in class,” Chicago Sun-Times, 5 April 2006.
35. Terry Bibo, “Family dismayed by public schools,” Peoria Journal Star, 16 April 2006.
Stix/Education 77
36. Translated into English, the story means that the previous day a white and a non-white had fought one-on-one.
Dissatisfied with that result, racist black and Hispanic students decided to commit a mob attack on white students.
Note too Doyle’s use of the passive voice: “racial names were called.” Had a white student taken the initiative in
calling a black or Hispanic student a racial epithet, Doyle would surely have said so. Based on common, politi-
cally correct newspaper etiquette, that she used the passive voice suggests that a non-white student called a white
student a racial epithet; the white student may also have responded in kind. Doyle provided no evidence, not even
by implication, that any whites had done anything justifying “retaliation.” Note however, that in anti-white racial
strongholds, rules similar to those under Jim Crow operate, whereby anything can be used as a pretext for the most
brutal “retaliation” against whites. Sue Doyle, “Latinos, blacks fight whites at Hart High; 4 students arrested,” Los
Angeles Daily News, 29 April 2006.
37. Howard Schwach, “Local High Schools Under Siege: BCHS Principal To Students: ‘I’m Disgusted With Your
Behavior,’” The Wave, 26 December 2003.
38. Sara Rimer, “Unruly Students Facing Arrest, Not Detention,” New York Times, 4 January 2004.
39. “‘No Obvious Motive,’” American Renaissance, January 2002.
40. Note that teacher Alicia Judd had left Dedrick Owens in a room with Kayla Rolland and two other children unsu-
pervised. Benjamin Dowling-Sendor, “When Child’s Play Turns Tragic: A troubling school shooting case raises ‘what
if …’ questions about the need for adult supervision of young students,” American School Board Journal, June
2006.
41. Rebekah Denn, “White woman settles school reverse-bias suit: Apology, staff training, $40,000 won by Rainier
Beach graduate,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 14 August 2001.
42. Deborah Bach, “Seattle Public Schools’ first race relations chief hopes for ‘real change,’” Seattle Post-Intelligencer,
19 October 2004.
43. Seattle Public Schools, Equity and Race Relations, “Definitions of Racism.” Downloaded on 16 May 2006. www.
seattleschools.org/area/equityandrace/definitionofrace.xml
44. Andrew J. Coulson, “Planning ahead is considered racist?,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 1 June 2006.
45. Debera Carlton Harrell, “School district pulls Web site after examples of racism spark controversy,” Seattle Post-
Intelligencer, 2 June 2006.
46. Ibid.
47. Ibid.
48. Erin Texeira, “Asian Youths Suffer Harassment in Schools: Asian Youth Say They’re Persistently Harassed in
Schools; Data Suggests Problem Worsening, ABC News/Associated Press, 13 November 2005. abcnews.go.com/
US/wireStory?id=1308263
49. Rachel Gottlieb, “Can Whites Teach Blacks? Teachers’ Racial Makeup In Hartford Spurs Debate,” Hartford
Courant, 17 July 2005.
50. Vincent J. Cannato, The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York (New York: Basic
Books, 2001), 347. Fred Siegel, The Future Once Happened Here: New York, D.C., L.A., and the Fate of America’s
Cities (New York: Free Press, 1997), 44.
51. Conor Cruise O’Brien, “In Defense of Academic Freedom,” Academic Questions, Winter 2000-2001, Vol. 14, No.
1.
52. Sara Mosle, “Scores Count,” New York Times Magazine, 8 September 1996.
53. Jim Sleeper, The Closest of Strangers: Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York (New York: W.W. Norton,
1990), 219.
54. United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit, No. 97-1859EM, filed 22 June 1998. www.ca8.uscourts.
gov/opndir/98/06/971859P.pdf David Hudson, “Teacher fired for allowing profanity says she will appeal,” Freedom
Forum, 30 June 1998. www.freedomforum.org/templates/document.asp?documentID=9775 Charles J. Muhl, “The
Law at Work; Student profanity,” Monthly Labor Review Online, April 1999, Vol. 122, No. 4. www.bls.gov/opub/
mlr/1999/04/tlaw.htm
55. Nicholas Stix, “The War on White Teachers,” Chronicles, March 1997: 39-41.
56. Liz Leyden, “N.Y. Teacher Runs Into a Racial Divide,” Washington Post, 3 December 1998.
57. Joshua Kaplowitz, “How I Joined Teach for America—and Got Sued for $20 Million,” City Journal, Winter 2003.
58. Vincent J. Cannato, The Ungovernable City: John Lindsey and His Struggle to Save New York (New York: Basic
Books, 2001), 334.
59. Howard Schwach, “BCHS Principal Accused Of ‘Racist’ Request,” The Wave, 1 October 2004.
60. Ibid.
61. Howard Schwach, “MS 180 Principal Accused Of Manhandling Teacher,” The Wave, 19 November 2004.
62. Untitled Document (East Meadow School District News), Fall 2005. eastmeadow.k12.ny.us/news/pdf/steps_
fall2005.pdf John Comer was not disciplined or even formally investigated, but chose to leave MS 180 at the end
of the school year. He is currently employed as an assistant principal in East Meadow’s McVey Elementary School,
as of fall, 2005. The East Meadow Schools newsletter introduced Comer as follows:
John Comer, Assistant Principal, McVey Elementary School McVey Elementary School is pleased to announce the
appointment of John Comer as their new Assistant Principal. Mr. Comer comes to the district from Far Rockaway,
where he served as Assistant Principal for two years in the elementary and middle schools. Prior to his position as
Assistant Principal, Mr. Comer taught middle school social studies in Ridgewood. Mr. Comer holds a Bachelor’s
degree in History from St. Francis College, a Master’s degree in History from Queen’s College, and an Administration
Certificate from the College of St. Rose.
As far as I could determine, John Comer had actually served for one year as an acting assistant principal, and for one
year as a principal. The newsletter made no mention of Comer’s having served as a principal. Melissa Gianninoto
is no longer employed at MS 180.
63. “Fast times at regnef high.” regnef.blogspot.com/ The author has since removed all blog entries, and although the
controversy only blew up in early May, even the caches have been deleted. In May I was, however, able to download
Google’s caches of five entries. Tracy Dell’Angela, “Teacher’s biting blog stirs storm: Fenger High chaos target of
postings, Chicago Tribune, April 22, 2006.
64. Tracy Dell’angela, “Chicago teacher’s blog outrages students,” Duluth News Tribune, 21 April 2006.
65. Theresa Gutierrez, “Parents storm Fenger High School protesting violence,” ABC7 Chicago, 21 January 2004.
abclocal.go.com/wls/story?section=News&id=1106811&ft=exLg
66. The attacks on the white teacher-blogger followed an at least 41-year-old, racist black script. In 1965, when Johnson
administration official, social scientist, and future U.S. senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan wrote his report, The
Negro Family: The Case for National Action (since known as The Moynihan Report), warning that due to illegiti-
macy and related social pathologies, the negro American family was in danger of disintegrating, Moynihan was
almost universally denounced by negro leaders. And yet, as Moynihan’s warnings went unheeded, and as “Negro”
leaders gave way to “black” and then “African-American” leaders, the 1960 black illegitimacy rate (21.7 percent),
which Moynihan and other honest social scientists considered catastrophic, more than tripled. Meanwhile, as black
sociologist William Julius Wilson reported in 1987, shortly after Moynihan wrote his report, some black leaders
and academics would at times repeat as their own certain of his findings to black audiences, to thunderous applause.
During the same period, as Kay Hymowitz recently wrote, most white and black academic social scientists entered
into a phase in which illegitimacy, female-headed households, welfare dependence and related pathologies were
romanticized as signs of strength and morality, not weakness and moral collapse.
The Negro Family: The Case For National Action, Office of Policy Planning and Research, United States Department
of Labor, March 1965. [Note that the Department of Labor has disabled the direct link to the report’s introduction
and table of contents.] www.google.com/search?q=cache:sddgFUATVscJ:dol.gov/oasam/programs/history/webid-
meynihan.htm+%22The+Negro+Family+:+The+Case+for+National+Action%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=1
&client=firefox-a
Kay Hymowitz, “The Black Family: 40 Years of Lies,” City Journal, Summer 2005. www.city-journal.org/html/15_
3_black_family.html
William Julius Wilson, et al., The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1987).
67. Alexander Russo, “Why is Fenger High still in businsess? [sic],” Chicago Sun-Times, 14 May 2006.
68. Maggie Wade, “Former Teacher Recalls Harsh Conditions,” WLBT, 18 May 2006. www.wlbt.com/global/story.
asp?s=4924692&ClientType=Printable
69. “Killer of Time Warner chief’s son gets 25 years to life,” CNN, 11 December 1998. www.cnn.com/US/9812/11/
levin.slaying/index.html Tammy Bruce, The Death of Right and Wrong: Exposing the Left’s Assault on Our Culture
and Values (Roseville, CA: Prima Lifestyles, 2003), 9ff.
70. “Honor Student Kills Teacher: Case Chronology,” Court TV, undated. www.courttv.com/trials/brazill/chronology.
html
71. Sam Handlin, “Nathaniel Brazill sentenced to 28 years,” Court TV, updated 27 July 2001. www.courttv.com/trials/
brazill/sentencing_ctv.html
72. Randy Ellis and Christy Watson, “School district settles discrimination lawsuit,” The Oklahoman, 13 April 2000: 1, 9.
Stix/Education 79
The $277,000 settlement was paid out to Vonda Baranski, Stella Bass, Vicki Brinson, Connie Burnett, Kristin
Dougherty, Mollie Effland, Tracy Heatley, Martha Hull, Becky Lindsey, Jamie Miller, Edith Morales, Vickie
Newcomb, Anita Schroeder, Janine Shanabarger, Shirley Stucks and the estate of the late Connie Corder.
73. Rhoda A. Pickett, “Teacher wins discrimination case,” Mobile Register, 8 June 2005.
74. Greg Gelpi, “Deal gets OK’d: Total for taxpayers comes to $435,000,” Augusta Chronicle, 31 May 2006.
75. Brad Schrade, “Josey test probe extends to teacher: Students cleared of cheating charges after investigation revealed
they were unknowingly supplied test answers,” Augusta Chronicle, 19 April 1997.
76. Dr. Larke is paid more than superintendents of districts three to four times the size of Richmond County. Jonathan
Martin, “Annuities in Larke’s contract push his salary past most other superintendents in Georgia,” WRDW-TV, 28
March 2006.
77. “School District Denies Racial Discrimination,” Charlotte Observer, 30 July 2004.
78. Ibid.
79. “White Former Teacher Settles Racial Discrimination Lawsuit,” Tuscaloosa News, 5 November 2005.
80. Schuyler Kropf, “Former Brentwood teacher’s lawsuit will go before jury,” The Post and Courier, 7 June 2006.
81. “Third Teacher Files Discrimination Suit,” TheState.com, 28 August 2005.
82. Octavia Mitchell, “Brentwood Discipline Allegations,” WCBD-TV, 27 April 2004.
83. Ibid.
84. Schools in Charleston County, South Carolina Web site, 27 May 2006. south-carolina.schooltree.org/Charleston-
County-Schools.html
85. Seanna Adcox, “S.C. State reviewing educator’s doctorate,” The Post and Courier, 27 April 2005.
86. Diette Courr, “4th Brentwood teacher files racial complaint,” The Post and Courier, 16 February 2006.
87. Ibid.
88. Andrea Peyser, “SPEWING RACISM ON THE CITY DIME: MORE ANTI-WHITE RANTS FROM CUNY PROF,”
New York Post, 15 June 2006.
89. Daa’iya Lomax Sanusi, “No Paralysis of Analysis from Dr. Leonard Jeffries,” The Black World Today, last updated
14 June 2006. 72.14.209.104/search?q=cache:tqal_-L7GU8J:tbwt.org/index2.php%3Foption%3Dcontent%26do
_pdf%3D1%26id%3D757+%22Dr+J%22+%22Leonard+Jeffries%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=1&client=fir
efox-a
90. James Traub, City on a Hill: Testing the American Dream at City College (Reading, Mass.: Addison Wesley, 1994),
244.
91. Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers: The Journey of the East European Jews to America and the Life They Found
and Made (Galahad Books, 1994), 280-286. Nicholas Stix, “Experiment of Open Admissions Comes Back to Haunt
CUNY,” Insight on the News, 16 August 1999. James Traub, City on a Hill: Testing the American Dream at City
College, op. cit., 21-41.
92. Joseph Berger, “Professors’ Theories on Race Stir Turmoil at City College,” New York Times, 20 April 1990.
Like Louis Farrakhan and other leaders of black terrorist groups, such as the late Sonny Carson, Prof. Leonard
Jeffries does not read exhaustively researched, closely argued academic papers, but rather gives rambling speeches
without notes in which he staggers from one hate-and-fantasy-filled obsession to another. Although Jeffries claimed
that he was going to write a book about his legal case, he has to my knowledge never published so much as a book
review or op-ed essay, since being granted a Ph.D. in political science from Columbia University during the late
1960s, for an as yet unpublished dissertation on the politics of the Ivory Coast. Records and recordings of some of
his speeches give no evidence of his being conversant in black American or African history.
Leonard Jeffries lives in such an upside-down moral and cognitive world, that according to a black supremacist
Web site, he and his wife are proud to have helped the late Alex Haley do “research” in the writing of Haley’s
book, Roots, for which Haley thanked them in a reprinted note. Roots, which Haley claimed to be the true history
of his family, going back to Africa, was exposed as a mix of massive plagiarisms from two other authors’ novels,
and original fabrications by Haley, whom liberal journalist Philip Nobile helped to expose, and whom Nobile
dubbed “the greatest literary scoundrel of the 20th century.” (According to Nobile, Haley was caught perjuring
himself on the stand, and had to pay white novelist Harold Courlander $650,000 for plagiarizing Courlander’s
novel, The African.) Given Roots’ discredited status, one wonders wherein the Jeffrieses’ contribution consisted.
“Leonard Jeffries Biographical Information,” Africa Within, viewed 19 June 2006. According to the Web site, the
material is “Taken from the ‘Meet the NEWARKERS’ article from The NEWARKERS.” www.africawithin.com/
jeffries/jeffries_bioinfo.htm Philip Nobile, “FOR HISTORY’S SAKE: THREE PULITZERS THAT SHOULD BE
REVOKED: A talk given at the Columbian University graduate student conference, ‘History of Activism – History
as Activism,’” Moby Lives, 5 April 2002. www.mobylives.com/Nobile_Pulitzer_speech.html
93. Dinesh D’Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus, (New York: Vintage Books, 1992),
7.
94. “The Cress Theory of Color-Confrontation and Racism (White Supremacy),” in Frances Cress Welsing, The Isis
Papers: The Keys to the Colors (Chicago: Third World Press, 1991), 1-16.
95. Fred Siegel, The Future Once Happened Here: New York, D.C., L.A., and the Fate of America’s Big Cities, op. cit.,
44.
96. Janice Hale-Benson, Black Children: Their Roots, Culture, and Learning Styles (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1986, rev. ed.), 154.
97. Teacher Education Division, faculty, Wayne State University. ted.coe.wayne.edu/ted/faculty/hale.html
98. Mary Lefkowitz, Not Out of Africa: How Afrocentrism Became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History (New York:
Basic Books, 1996), 2-4. The main promoter of Afrocentrism at Wellesley College has been a black supremacist
professor named Tony Martin.
99. Emily Sachar, Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach: A Teacher’s Year in a Public School (New York: Poseidon Press,
1991).
100. Ibid., 183.
101. John R. Rickford and Angela A. Rickford, “Dialect Readers Revisited,” Linguistics and Education, Volume 7, Issue
2, 1995: 107-128.
102. “The Oakland Ebonics Resolution,” in Lisa Delpit and Theresa Perry, eds., The Real Ebonics Debate: Power,
Language, and the Education of African-American Children (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998), 143-145.
103. J.L. Dillard, Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States (New York: Vintage Books, 1973). Nicholas
Stix, “Black English,” Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture, August 1995. Nicholas Stix, “Students Hooked
on ‘Ebonics’ Are Being Groomed for Failure,” Insight on the News, 3 June 2002.
104. Ibid., 146-147.
105. Nicholas Stix, “Ebonics: Bridge to Illiteracy,” Liberty, July 1997: 46-50.
106. However, it is not Dr. Welsing, but an American black calling himself Jawanza Kunjufu, who has most successfully
promoted Welsing’s ideas, in the first of a wildly profitable series of four pamphlets (later reprinted as a book),
all entitled Countering the Conspiracy to Destroy Black Boys. (On occasion, Kunjufu refers to himself as “Dr.,”
though he has never said who awarded him his degree. It is a custom among black supremacists of dubious learning
to refer to themselves or other respected but modestly educated members of their ilk as “Dr.”) Jawanza Kunjufu
has crisscrossed the country for years, giving talks—at taxpayer expense—at black-dominated public schools,
and has appeared as a guest on The Oprah Winfrey Show. Though there are no public statistics, Countering the
Conspiracy to Destroy Black Boys has surely sold hundreds of thousands of copies. Jawanza Kunjufu, Countering
the Conspiracy to Destroy Black Boys (Chicago: African American Images, 1985, rev. ed.).
107. Emily Sachar, Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach: A Teacher’s Year in a Public School (New York: Poseidon Press,
1991), 180.
108. Bernard Ortiz De Montellano, “Multicultural Pseudoscience: Spreading Scientific Illiteracy Among Minorities,”
Skeptical Inquirer, Fall 1991.
109. Ibid.
110. William J. Blasi, “Blacking the Profession: When History goes Afro-centric,” American Renaissance, Vol. 11, No. 7,
July 2000.
11.1 George G.M. James, Stolen Legacy: Greek Philosophy is Stolen Egyptian Philosophy, foreword and study questions
by Molefi Kete Asante (African American Images, 2001).
112. Ibid., 36-42.
113. Ibid.
114. Ivan Van Sertima, They Came Before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America (New York: Random
House, 1976).
115. Mary Lefkowitz, Not Out of Africa: How Afrocentrism Became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History, op cit., 7.
116. William J. Blasi, “Blacking the Profession: When History goes Afro-centric,” op. cit.
117. “Oklahoma City School Children Pledge Allegence [sic] To BLACK Flag!,” freerepublic.com, 16 January 2002. www.
freerepublic.com/focus/fr/607942/posts The link to the “black pledge” has since been disabled (www.millwood.
k12.ok.us/ Students.htm).
Stix/Education 81
118. www.millwood.k12.ok.us/Leadership.htm
119. Rod Dreher, “Losing Our History: Ideology trumps truth,” National Review Online, 17 January 2002. www.
nationalreview.com/dreher/dreherprint011702.html Ellen Sorokin, “Pledge politics: ‘black pledge of allegiance’ on
a school Website riles critics, who call it divisive,” Insight on the News, 4 March 2002.
120. Ibid. Apparently, Dr. Griffin did not understand that the truth is an absolute defense against the charge of “slander,”
or that slander applies only to defamatory spoken statements.
121. “Gloria Griffin – Honors,” School Administrator, February, 2004.
122. William Norman Grigg, “The True Spirit of Kwanzaa,” The New American, Vol. 15, No. 26, December 20, 1999.
123. “Feel Good,” Kwanzaa Information Center. melanet.com/kwanzaa/feelgood.html#redblackgreen
124. Ibid.
125. Ibid.
126. Emily Sachar, Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach: A Teacher’s Year in a Public School, op. cit., 191.
127. James Weldon Johnson, “Lift Ev’ry Voice and Sing,” Black Web Portal. www.blackwebportal.com/wire/
DA.cfm?ArticleID=1852
128. Emily Sachar, Shut Up and Let the Lady Teach: A Teacher’s Year in a Public School, op. cit., 185-186.
129. “Student protests handled well,” Whittier Daily News, 26 April 2006.
130. El Rancho Unified School District, Pico Rivera, California Board of Education, 15 June 2006. www.erusd.k12.
ca.us/agenda/6-15-06agenda.pdf
131. Dave Kitchell, “Flagging controversy,” Pharos-Tribune, 9 May 2006. Eric Louie, “Students’ displaying of flags fuels
Castro Valley confrontation,” Contra Costa Times, 10 May 2006.
132. “Student barred from counter-protesting illegals: Files suit noting school ignored truancy of open-borders demon-
strators,” World Net Daily, 2 June 2006.
133. Allan Wall, “MEChA, Villaraigosa And The June 5 LA Mayoral Election,” VDARE, 1 June 2001. www.vdare.com/
awall/la_mayor.htm
134. “Dropout Rates in the United States: 2001,” National Center for Education Statistics, October 2001, Table A. nces.
ed.gov/pubs2005/dropout2001/tab_fig.asp
135. Heather Mac Donald, “The Immigrant Gang Plague,” City Journal, Summer 2004.
136. Ibid.
137. Nanette Asimov and Bob Egelko, “Judge blocks exit exam for state’s high schools: Students who failed may now
graduate; educators hope to reverse ruling on appeal,” San Francisco Chronicle, 13 May 2006.
138. David Kravets, “Supreme Court reinstates exit exam for Class of 2006,” San Francisco Chronicle, 24 May 2006.
139. Ibid.
140. Nanette Asimov and Bob Egelko, “Exit exam in California high schools overturned: Ruling would allow students
who failed test to graduate, but educators say they’ll appeal,” San Francisco Chronicle 13 May 2006.
141. James Walsh, “Sanctuary Cities and States -- Undermining the American Republic,” The Social Contract, Spring
2005.
142. U.S. SUPREME COURT, PLYLER v. DOE, 457 U.S. 202 (1982), 457 U.S. 202. www.tourolaw.edu/patch/Plyler/
143. Howard Sutherland, “Plyler vs. Doe: The Solution,” VDARE, 13 February 2003. vdare.com/sutherland/the_solution.
htm
144. Sandra Stotsky, Losing Our Language: How Multicultural Classroom Instruction Is Undermining Our Children’s
Ability to Read, Write, and Reason (New York: The Free Press, 1999), 103-104.
145. Jim Littlejohn, “FEDERAL CONTROL OUT OF CONTROL: The Office for Civil Rights’ Hidden Policies on
Bilingual Education,” Center for Equal Opportunity, November 1998. www.englishfirst.org/be/ceoocr.htm
146. In 2000, when I asked U.S. Department of Education spokeswoman Melinda Ulloa for research showing the efficacy
of bilingual instruction, she referred me to the Center for Applied Linguistics. While aggressively supporting BE,
CAL has never provided any proof that it works. Nicholas Stix, “Washington’s Nod to Bilingual-Ed Will Handicap
More Hispanic Pupils,” Insight on the News, 12 June 2000.
147. Edwin Selzer, “Affidavit of 17 November 1995, in the Matter of the Application of the Bushwick Parents Organization,
Petitioner, Against Richard P. Mills, Commissioner of Education of the State of New York, Respondent, for a
Judgment Pursuant to CPLR Article 78,” in Jorge Amselle, ed., Linda Chavez, introd., The Failure of Bilingual
Education (Washington DC: Center for Equal Opportunity, 1996), 106.
148. Ibid., 105.
149. Ibid., 106.
150. “Three-Year Exit Rates for LEP Students by Program,” from New York City Board of Education, Educational
Progress of Students in Bilingual and ESL Programs: A Longitudinal Study, 1990-1994,” Ibid., 121.
151. Richard France, “A glimpse of CUNY’S folly,” Daily News, 15 July 1999. Nicholas Stix, “The Great Grade Inflation
Non-Debate Part V: Smoking Guns,” Toogood Reports, 26 June 2001. www.geocities.com/nstix/current.html
152. Ibid.Ying Chan, Daily News, 21 May 1997.
153. The City University of New York: An Institution Adrift, The Mayor’s Advisory Task Force on the City of New York,
7 June 1999.
154. Darla Miles, “Police Report: Alleged Victim Changed Story,” ABC11TV, 26 May 2006. abclocal.go.com/wtvd/
story?section=local&id=4208878
155. Page from victim’s statement, “Forcible Rape,” Durham Police Department, 14 March 2006. www.wral.com/
slideshow/news/9417089/detail.html?qs=;s=3;w=800
156. “Alleged Rape Victim Had Past Brush With Law,” WRAL, 6 April 2006. www.wral.com/news/8513890/detail.
html?rss=ral&psp=news
157. Jared Mueller and Emily Rotberg, “Dancer made prior allegation,” The Chronicle, 1 May 2006.
158. Police had given the accuser a photo lineup consisting exclusively of Duke lacrosse players (instead of the customary
mix of six non-suspects for every suspect), and sought to interview the players in their dorm without legal counsel
present.
D.A. Nifong has been charged with either having lied about how much evidence he had on the players, or for not
being familiar with his own case files; with illegally withholding exculpatory evidence from the court; for violating
state ethics rules by giving over 70 media interviews before completing his investigation or indicting anyone; for
making highly prejudicial statements against the lacrosse team in said interviews before charging anyone in the
case; with inducing witness Kim Roberts to change her opinion from denying that a rape could have taken place
to saying she believed a rape had taken place, through intervening on her behalf regarding a March 22 charge
of violating her probation; and for responding to taxi-driver Moez Mostafa’s statement that he drove defendant
Reade Seligmann away from the house at 12:19 a.m. (i.e., at least eleven minutes before the alleged rape took place)
by having Mostafa arrested on a highly dubious charge regarding a case from three years earlier. Nifong has also
has been charged with withholding from the court exculpatory evidence in his possession, early in the case, and
early on refusing to accept exculpatory evidence form defense attorneys, who then passed along the evidence to
news organizations. Aaron Beard, “Court documents: 2nd dancer said Duke rape allegations were a ‘crock,’” San
Diego Union-Tribune, 8 June 2006. “Police Arrest Witness In Duke Lacrosse Case On Old Warrant,” CSTV, 12
May 2006. On prosecutorial and police misconduct: K.C. Johnson, “Disgrace in Durham,” NAS Online Forum,
13 June 2006. www.nas.org/forum.html On the accuser’s changing story: WRAL.com Slideshow www.wral.com/
slideshow/news/9417089/detail.html?qs=;s=3;w=800 The best work I have seen covering this case has been by
history professor K.C. Johnson of Brooklyn College, and by black journalist/blogger, LaShawn Barber. Johnson’s
columns are archived at the following site: academic.brooklyn.cuny.edu/history/johnson/duke.htm Barber’s blog,
La Shawn Barber’s Corner: www.lashawnbarber.com/
159. “Text Of Professor Baker’s Letter To Duke Administrators,” NBC17, 3 April 2006. www.nbc17.com/
education/8438390/detail.html
160. Prof. Houston Baker’s scholarly writings are no better than his freelance propagandizing. He is a prime example,
with the likes of Langston Hughes and James Baldwin, of the black American school of empty bombast. Thus, it
is fit and proper that he should have quoted Baldwin in his letter. Terry Teachout, “Houston Baker, Jr.: Another
sun person heard from,” The New Criterion, September 1993. Langston Hughes, “The Negro Artist and the Racial
Mountain,” The Nation, 23 June 1926. www.thenation.com/doc/19260623/hughes James Baldwin, “If Black English
Isn’t a Language, Then Tell Me, What Is?,” News York Times, July 29, 1979. www.nytimes.com/books/98/03/29/
specials/baldwin-english.html?_r=1&oref=slogin
161. www.duke.edu/web/africanameric/supporters.pdf
162. “We are listening …”advertisement, The Chronicle, 7 April 2006. 64.233.161.104/search?q=cache:OMEDQyRLyJwJ:
www.duke.edu/web/africanameric/listening.pdf+%22We+are+listening+to+our+students%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=
clnk&cd=1&client=firefox-a
163. “Methinks thou doth protest-too much?,” The Chronicle, 3 April 2006. www.dukechronicle.com/media/storage/
paper884/news/2006/04/03/StaffEditorials/Methinks.Thou.Doth.ProtestToo.Much-1777297.shtml?norewrite200
607052339&sourcedomain=www.dukechronicle.com
Stix/Education 83
164. Anne Blythe and Joseph Neff, “Duke prof: Rape case needs new prosecutor: He says Nifong should step aside,” The
News & Observer, 13 June 2006.
165. “A comparison of his words with documents that Nifong gave defense lawyers show that Nifong made what appear
to be misstatements about condom use, a purported struggle and a 911 call made by a second dancer, among other
things. Nifong said the assailants might have used condoms; the accuser told an emergency-room nurse none were
used, according to a defense filing. Nifong described a violent attack in which the accuser was choked and struggled
to breathe; the accuser told a nurse she wasn’t choked, the filing said.” Joseph Neff, “DA’s statements, record at
odds: Facts appear to contradict some of Nifong’s words in the Duke lacrosse case,” The News Observer, 15 June
2006. Immediately after going public with the case, Nifong also claimed that the alleged attackers might have given
the alleged victim a date-rape drug, but had in fact never had the accuser undergo a drug toxicology screening.
166. One black student at the accuser’s school, North Carolina Central University, said openly what many blacks
surely feel. “Chan Hall, 22, said, ‘It’s the same old story. Duke up, Central down.’ Hall said he wanted to see the
Duke students prosecuted ‘whether it happened or not. It would be justice for things that happened in the past.’”
Susannah Meadows and Evan Thomas, “What Happened at Duke?,” Newsweek, 1 May 2006. A black newspaper,
the Wilmington Journal, ran a June 22 front page headline, “Believe Her.” Black journalists in the college, profes-
sional black press, and at white-owned newspapers misrepresented the story, by variously suppressing negative facts
about the accuser, and evidence exculpating the defendants. The Wilmington Journal staffer covering the Duke case,
Cash Michaels, has been able to skew reporting to black readers through the national black syndicate, the National
Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA). National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) www.nnpa.org/
news/article/article.asp?sID=54 “[The accuser’s] family says she is so frightened, she screams when he sees white
males, and has threatened to withdraw her complaint so she can go on with her life.” Cash Michaels, “‘High-tech
lynching’ of alleged rape victim intensifies,” Special from The Wilmington Journal to the NNPA, 27 April 2006.
www.google.com/search?q=cache:ac_bjvxj2mQJ:www.amsterdamnews.com/News/article/article.asp%3FNewsID
%3D68874%26sID%3D4+%22CASH+MICHAELS%22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=5&client=firefox-a
167. Ibid.
168. Reverend Jesse L. Jackson, Sr., “Duke: Horror and Truth,” BlackNews.com, undated. (The column was presumably
published in late March or early April 2006, since it was quoted by white journalists mid-April. www.blacknews.
com/pr/duke301.html
169. Leonard Pitts Jr., “Race only fuels a story that is all too common: Rape,” Detroit Free Press, 22 April 2006.
170. Mark Holmberg, “What propels rape stories to wide attention?,” Times-Dispatch, 14 May 2006.
171. Steve Sailer, “Unequal Justice: Duke Lacrosse Team vs. Three (!) Minority Football Heroes,” VDARE, 30 April
2006. www.vdare.com/sailer/060430_unequal_justice.htm
172. Ian Jobling, et al., The Color of Crime: Race, Crime, and Justice in America (Oakton, VA: New Century Foundation,
1995), 12.
173 ay Sievers,“Duke, Race, and Rape,” American Renaissance, 24 April 2006. www.amren.com/mtnews/archives/2006/04/
duke_race_and_r.php
174. James Goodman, Stories of Scottsboro (New York: Vintage Books, 1995).
175. “Predators and Victims,” in Human Rights Watch, No Escape: Male Rape in U.S. Prisons, 2001. www.hrw.org/
reports/2001/prison/report4.html
176. Ralph Blumenthal, M.A. Farber, Robert D. McFadden, E.R. Shipp, Charles Strum, and Craig Wolff, Outrage: The
Story Behind the Tawana Brawley Hoax (New York: Bantam Books, 1990).
177. Ibid., 349-351.
On the Job: No White Americans Need Apply?
R. J. STOVE
Would it not be easier ... for the government to dissolve the people and appoint a new people?
—Bertolt Brecht, 1953
S ometimes a long-neglected bestseller can give us greater understanding of what the United States used to
be, than we will derive from many a more pretentious method. Exhibit A, in this connection, is Vance
Packard’s 1959 hit, The Status Seekers.1 Packard, largely forgotten by the time of his death in 1996 (even
though he had inspired a 1994 biography),2 possessed something of a genius for reporting, which at first
seems superficial yet which carries a substantial depth-charge. To read The Status Seekers these days is to be
transported to an America which in a few respects does vaguely resemble the eponymous nation we know—
Packard’s observations of American drinking habits, for instance, continue to be valid almost half a century
afterwards—but which for the most part might as well be Mongolia, so foreign is it to the experience of
anyone born since the book appeared.
The essential foreignness of The Status Seekers’ America is particularly evident in Packard’s discussions
of American workplaces. Sometimes this foreignness takes specifically race-related forms. It would now, for
instance, be impossible for any author with a major publisher’s contract to mention approvingly—as Packard
did in 1959—advice from veteran semanticist S. I. Hayakawa, assuring blacks that “the secret of acting naturally
[is to] forget as far as possible that one is Negro.”3 Nevertheless, such throwbacks to an older and more
courageous time are almost the least important of The Status Seekers’ oddities in a 2006 context. Much more
consistently striking are the three employment assumptions held automatically by everyone whom Packard
cites, from tough union leaders like Walter Reuther to empty-headed plutocrats like Gloria Vanderbilt:
• That those born in America (particularly if they spoke recognizable English) had a greater claim on
American jobs than non-Americans did;
• That a college degree was, and would remain, the chief factor differentiating America’s social elites
from what Packard called “the limited-success class”;4 and:
• That “work,” in whatever sphere, would consist of regular hours in a clearly defined setting.
These three assumptions could also be defined negatively rather than positively. In other words:
• Neither Packard nor his subjects ever predicted an army of illegal immigrants from south of the Rio
Grande (or from anywhere else);
• Neither Packard nor his subjects ever imagined an underclass of casually-laboring, or simply unem-
ployed, university graduates; and:
• Neither Packard nor his subjects ever supposed that the whole concept of regular work hours in
regular work environments would come to be an object of fashionable derision.
Having been born in 1914, Packard entered the labor force at the very time when the Great Depression
hurt most. It is therefore permissible to read a personal cri de coeur, as much as a dispassionate historical
comment, into one particular passage early in his book:
The Depression threw a scare into the really rich, and they have learned to be discreet, almost reticent,
in exhibiting their wealth. They have learned that in modern America you can exert power only by
denying that you have it.5
To which one might now be permitted to respond: those were the days! “Denying that you have [power]”
is hardly the expression that first leaps to mind when one contemplates 2006’s American pressure groups: in
particular the leftist-neoconservative-ecclesiastical alliance championing “undocumented workers,” and also
championing the demonization of white-collar and blue-collar whites more generally.
In the late-1950s economic situation (almost idyllic as it now seems) that Packard describes, two particularly
notable factors operated. One of them Packard touches on briefly; the other remained so well known to his
original readers that touching on it would have been redundant.
The former is America’s brief but nasty 1957–58 recession, which helped ensure the loss of forty-nine
Republican seats in 1958’s congressional elections, and which sent unemployment rates to levels not seen since
World War II: 7.1 percent for white males, 12.2 percent for nonwhite males.6 This downturn, seldom recalled
today (Wikipedia’s “List of Recessions” refuses even to mention it), left considerable scars at the time, and
should have silenced—although it failed to silence—subsequent journalistic delusions about the Eisenhower
era’s unremitting domestic blandness. Leon H. Keyserling, President of the Conference on Economic Progress,
had the 1957–58 slump very much in mind when he warned in a 1962 speech of the next recession possibly
pushing jobless rates to 10 percent.7
The other factor, the one on which Packard is silent, concerns an occasion (itself inadequately remembered
at present) where the Eisenhower Administration abandoned all Mr. Nice Guy platitudes. It occurred in 1954:
the wholesale deportation of illegal immigrants, in the procedure tactlessly but vividly known as Operation
Wetback.8 Thanks to Washington’s Good Neighbor Policy during the 1920s and 1930s—an outbreak of
indiscriminate Mexicanophilia such as American presidents have periodically exhibited—a guest-worker
program of Mexican farm-laborers had been inaugurated: the so-called Bracero agreement. By the early 1950s
it was obvious that whatever the requirements of America’s wartime labor markets had been, they made no
sense in peacetime circumstances. Several hundred thousand illegal aliens were simply staying in California
and (especially) Texas, invariably undercutting minimum wage rates. In July 1954, General Joseph Swing,
the Immigration and Naturalization Service’s commissioner, commanded that these illegals be repatriated en
masse. They were. The results of this purge soon became evident. America in 1954 had more than 1,089,000
illegals in its midst; but by 1959, five years after Wetback, the number of illegals had sunk to under 100,000.9
Patrick Buchanan bluntly summed up the issues involved, pointing out the painful contrast between on the one
hand Ike’s determination, and on the other hand the sheer spinelessness of Ike’s Republican successors:
In the 1950s, Eisenhower sent illegal aliens packing in Operation Wetback and apologized to no
one for defending U. S. borders and ordering intruders to go home. Republicans today will not even
demand that we seal a border that 1.5 million aliens attempt to breach every year. No one wants to
be called a nativist.10
Notorious though George W. Bush’s behavior (above all his appeasement of Vicente Fox’s Mexico City
apparat) has been in this regard,11 there is plenty of guilt to go around within the GOP leadership over the
last two decades. Reagan, it is true, talked a great game about the threats which illegal immigration posed.
“This country,” he said in 1983, “has lost control of its borders. And no country can sustain that kind of
position.”12 Yet only three years later Reagan had conveniently abandoned such sentiments, as shown by the
Employment/Stove 87
1986 amnesty. Under the impressively tough-sounding name of the “Immigration and Reform Control Act,”
this amnesty granted resident status to three million illegals.13
Operation Wetback sprang from a different civilization indeed. Its aims met with enthusiastic endorsement
from union officials, principally the Texas State Federation of Labor, which collaborated with the American
G.I. Forum to produce an anti-illegal survey called What Price Wetbacks?. This approach fully accorded with
the philosophy of America’s organized labor as a whole, which retained the quaint notion that American
unions should exist mainly for the benefit of Americans.14 No less a figure than Samuel Gompers (himself a
Jewish immigrant of Dutch-English background) spelled out this doctrine in robust terms. A letter that he
wrote to Congress, dated March 19, 1924, earnestly endorsed the immigration restrictions which became law
later that year. “Every effort,” Gompers wrote with uncanny prescience,
to enact [restrictive] immigration legislation must expect to meet a number of hostile forces and,
in particular, two hostile forces of considerable strength. One of these is composed of corporation
employers who desire to employ physical strength (broad backs) at the lowest possible wage and who
prefer a rapidly revolving labor supply at low wages to a regular supply of American wage earners
at fair wages. The other is composed of racial groups in the United States who oppose all restrictive
legislation because they want the doors left open for an influx of their countrymen regardless of the
menace to the people of their adopted country.15
As recently as the 1970s, United Farm Workers boss Cesar Chávez offered aid to Immigration and
Naturalization Service staff in their activities to keep illegals out.16 He furiously condemned blackleg
illegals driving down fruit-picking union members’ wages, and at times reproached the I.N.S. for not
punishing illegals harder.17
What is possibly more surprising than such displays of enlightened self-interest on pre-modern unionists’
part, is the acclaim which anti-illegal policies received from pre-modern businessmen: in particular those of
McAllen, Texas, a city dangerously close to the Mexican border. McAllen’s newspaper denounced illegals’
criminal activities fully a year before Wetback took place, and retailers there were singled out by What Price
Wetbacks? for their opposition to illegals. Compare this principled stance with the antics of today’s Wal-Mart,
which has famously seen nothing wrong with hiring hundreds of illegals at no fewer than sixty-one of its stores
in twenty-one states.18
***
Happily for mankind, and for the American workforce above all, the Internet has propagated truths about
America’s job situation that most pundits in the mainstream media are innately incapable of grasping, let alone
of honestly recounting. And, to be fair, some pundits were never taken in by mainstream happy-talk about the
joys of a borderless economy. (Surely the most spectacular single venue for such happy-talk has been The Wall
Street Journal, which under the late Robert L. Bartley’s editorship urged that the U.S. Constitution be amended
to include the words “There shall be open borders.”19 Bartley—who, predictably, belonged to the Council on
Foreign Relations—epitomized his wider agenda in a still more incautious remark: “I think the nation-state is
finished.”20)
Among the most incisive debunkers of open-borders Panglossianism has been Paul Craig Roberts, who
spent part of the Reagan Administration as Assistant Treasury Secretary. Roberts has demonstrated, in analysis
after analysis, the gulf between conventional economic wisdom and the United States’ existing economic
reality. The evisceration of American manufacturing; the consequent de facto abolition of the middle class in
those American cities dependent on such manufacturing; the dangers of ever more frequent calls for more and
yet more “outsourcing”: these Roberts has repeatedly deplored. In Business Week, as establishmentarian an
economic periodical as can be imagined, Roberts pointed out why the menace of indiscriminate globalization
to American wage-earners cannot be explained away by mere pious invocations of David Ricardo’s “compara-
tive advantage” dogma:
For comparative advantage to work, a country’s labor, capital, and technology must not move offshore.
This international immobility is necessary to prevent a business from seeking an absolute advantage
by going abroad.… This is what is wrong with today’s debate about outsourcing and offshore produc-
tion. It’s not really about trade but about labor arbitrage. Companies producing for U.S. markets are
substituting cheap labor for expensive U.S. labor. The U.S. loses jobs and also the capital and technol-
ogy that move offshore to employ the cheaper foreign labor.…
Until recently, First World countries retained their capital, labor, and technology. Foreign investment
occurred, but it worked differently from outsourcing. Foreign investment was confined mainly to the
First World. Its purpose was to avoid shipping costs, tariffs, and quotas, and thus sell more cheaply
in the foreign market. The purpose of foreign investment was not offshore production with cheap
foreign labor for the home market.…
Outsourcing is driven by absolute advantage. Asia has an absolute advantage because of its vast excess
supply of skilled and educated labor. With First World capital, technology, and business know-how,
this labor can be just as productive as First World labor, but workers can be hired for much less money.
Thus, the capitalist incentive to seek the lowest cost and most profit will seek to substitute cheap labor
for expensive labor. India and China are gaining, and the First World is losing.21
Just over a year afterwards, Roberts was still more outspoken. Reviewing Ron and Anil Hira’s book
Outsourcing America: What’s Behind Our National Crisis And How We Can Reclaim American Jobs,22 he
observed:
The Hira brothers succeed in their task of interjecting harsh reality where delusion has ruled. In what
might be an underestimate, a University of California study concludes that 14 million white-collar
jobs are vulnerable to being outsourced offshore. These are not only call-center operators, customer
service and back-office jobs, but also information technology, accounting, architecture, advanced engi-
neering design, news reporting, stock analysis, and medical and legal services.
The authors note that these are the jobs of the American Dream, the jobs of upward mobility that
generate the bulk of the tax revenues that fund our education, health, infrastructure, and social security
systems.… No-think economists assume that new, better jobs are on the way for displaced Americans,
but no economists can identify these jobs.…
American economists are so inattentive to outsourcing’s perils that they fail to realize that the same incentive
that leads to the outsourcing of one tradable good or service holds for all tradable goods and services. In the
21st century, the US economy has only been able to create jobs in nontradable domestic services—the hallmark
of a Third World labor force.23
How can a middle-class white American compete against those who, connected to the world via their
“electronic sweatshops” in Bangalore or Mumbai or Dhaka, can do the same work for one-quarter or one-fifth
of the expense? Clearly, he cannot. What benefit (or, if you will, “comparative advantage”) can he conceivably
offer employers, which would compensate in their eyes for his dreadful arrogance in craving a reasonably
consistent white-collar income—let alone, horror of horrors, some halfway adequate health insurance and
schooling for his children—in a Western polity? Clearly, he can offer no such benefit. But to outsourcing’s
defenders, such outcomes appear either harmless or actively meritorious. Not to mention “inevitable,” a catch-
cry to whose Marxist origins Roberts is thoroughly alive:
Free traders are resurrecting class war…. Committed to a 200-year-old theory that they no longer
understand, free traders are cheering on the destruction of middle-class jobs and the dismantling of
the ladders of upward mobility that make large income disparities politically acceptable.24
No amount of cultural dislocation, however literally lethal in practice, seems to deter outsourcing’s
advocates. Britain’s Daily Telegraph newspaper reported, two years ago, the problems resulting from the fact
that approximately seven thousand dictated letters and reports per month, by doctors at eighteen London
hospitals, were being sent—on cost-cutting grounds, pure and simple—to India-based typists. Given that not
all of these typists had English as their first (or, for that matter, their second) language, the consequences peri-
odically bordered on surrealism, even when crucial errors in drug amounts (“15 milligrams” being acciden-
tally misheard as “50 milligrams,” for instance) were not involved:
The Association of Medical Secretaries has been keeping a log of some of the most glaring mistakes.
A drug for stomach ulcers called Lansoprazole was transcribed as the much more familiar holiday
destination of Lanzarote.
Employment/Stove 89
Information about a patient’s ‘phlebitis [vein inflammation] left leg’ was typed out as ‘flea bite his left
leg.’ A ‘below knee amputation’ was transcribed as ‘baloney amputation’ and ‘Eustachian tube [in the
ear] malfunction’ was given as ‘Euston Station tube malfunction.’25
Are we to conclude, from such examples, that there is no area of employment where white Americans
dominate? Certainly not. Indeed, the mainstream media themselves, particularly their magazine manifesta-
tions, are among the whitest workplaces in the whole country. (This hypocrisy, however paradoxical, should
not be surprising. Immigration and “civil rights” have historically been championed loudest in those neighbor-
hoods least likely to be affected by either.) The New York Observer recently revealed that:
• Condé Nast’s publishing empire includes precisely one non-white among its twenty-nine principal
editors;
• Condé Nast Traveler’s masthead includes just eleven non-whites among its eighty-five contribu-
tors;
• The 90-person editorial staff at New York Magazine includes a mere six non-whites;
• The 99-person editorial staff at Nation, that fearless opponent of “racism” in all its forms, includes
only eight non-whites; and:
• The 73-person editorial staff at Rolling Stone has found room for a mere four non-whites.26
These statistics cannot even be ascribed to fear of nonwhite swindlers à la Jayson Blair, since such swindlers
have traditionally infested newspapers rather than magazines. (The one notable journalistic fraud in recent
years who concentrated on magazines, Stephen Glass, was himself an American-born white).
***
Then again, mere numerical information has never been the open-borders brigade’s chief priority. Nor has
any attempt to differentiate between legal and illegal immigration. The central immigration-related fact to
retain at the forefront of one’s consciousness is this: as Peter Brimelow observed more than a decade back, “The
current immigration to the United States is not an economic phenomenon: it is a political phenomenon.”27
For those whose main concern is honest statistical reportage rather than mere hatred of white America,
the statistical evidence in the immigration field is so damning that its partial or, frequently, total neglect by
immigration’s apologists should astonish no one.28
Cuban-born George J. Borjas has specialized in puncturing fashionable myths about immigration’s overall
cost benefits to the host country. To substantiate his findings, he has actually looked in detail at different
sorts of job, different sorts of education level, and (shock!) different sorts of immigrant. In one of his more
remarkable 1999 discoveries, he showed precisely how misguided hopes of linguistic assimilation among
immigrants often were. He reported that in 1990, among immigrants who had already lived in America for
at least a decade—factoring out of the equation, therefore, those immigrants who had just “walked off the
boat”—the proportion unable to speak fluent English was a shockingly high 37 percent.29 (One wonders what
the New York Jewish immigrants immortalized in the 1930s by Leo Rosten would have made of such sloth.
Or of the 1993 finding that approximately 10 percent of Mexican illegals cannot read or write in any tongue
whatsoever.30)
More recently, Borjas concluded31 that between 1980 and 2000, mass immigration reduced the average
wage levels of American-born college graduates by 4.9 percent (5.9 percent for older graduates, those with
between eleven and fifteen years’ total work experience.) Not as severe a fall as the 8.9 percent average wage
drop sustained during the same period by American-born high school dropouts, but quite enough to raise
alarm, one would have thought, for any college student wondering how he would ever pay off his student loan.
(Borjas found the average wage drop for the American-born, across all work fields and educational levels, to
be 3.2 percent.)32 Discussing Borjas’ researches in this area, Brimelow noted:
The beauty of Borjas’ new analysis is that he has disaggregated census data both by education level
and…by work experience. It turns out that the impact of immigration influx on the native-born varies
a great deal.
In particular, because a lot of immigrants are relatively unskilled, but a significant minority are highly-
educated, the wage impact is most intense at both ends of the native-born education range. Previously,
immigration’s impact had been thought to be felt only by the unskilled.33
Is Borjas alone in his findings? Once again, certainly not. Statisticians involved in researching immigra-
tion’s impact on native-born workers include Rob Sanchez, whose newsletters chronicle employers’ overuse—
and often the downright abuse—of the H-1B guest worker visa. Alas, it is no longer any use pretending that
“family reunion” immigration programs, which the 1965 immigration laws spurred on, are the sole form of
damage which mass immigration does to America. “Skills-based” immigration (such as the H-1B, H-2A, H-2B,
J-1, L-1, and TN visas, all of them involving company sponsorship) has, since 1985, accounted for no fewer
than seventeen million persons. In various fields of employment the figures for such visa-holders are almost
unbelievably high. Sanchez found in 2002 that of the 96,700 computer / IT jobs created the previous year,
86,390—or more than 90 percent—went to H-1B-holding foreigners.34 Injuring locals’ chances still more was
the fact that in twenty American states, the numbers of such jobs declined in absolute terms (though they did
increase in California).35
America witnessed, in other words, more and more local IT specialists chasing fewer and fewer available
positions. The preferred solution of employers? Making an already tight labor market still tighter by doling
out work visas. (More than a million H-1Bs—though not all of them IT-related—had been issued by 2002. Of
the beneficiaries from these, almost half—46 percent—were from India, according to the I.N.S.’s own data.
The country second on the list was China, at 10 percent.)36
All this might be funny if it were not so sad, whether at the national level, or at the personal level. The
case of Kevin Flanagan, an IT programmer at the Bank of America in Danville, California, who shot himself
after being told that he would lose his job and being compelled to train the Indian-born employee who would
succeed him,37 is an extreme one. It is, unfortunately, no less grim, and no less instructive, for that. As the
Contra Costa Times said when reporting Flanagan’s suicide, he was merely one more casualty of a system
whereby between 2003 and 2010, “3.3 million service jobs and $136 billion in wages will move from the
United States to such countries as India and Russia.”38
Then we have to consider, however reluctantly, the attitude towards America of H-1B beneficiaries them-
selves. We are indeed far removed from the cheerful, naïve deference of Hyman Kaplan at the American Night
Preparatory School for Adults. Witness the brouhaha (fueled partly by a 60 Minutes special aired during
January 2003 on CBS television) over graduates from the Indian Institute of Technology, two-thirds of whom
end up in the States. Sun Microsystem’s co-founder Vinod Khosla, an I.I.T. graduate himself and an inter-
viewee on the 60 Minutes segment, exhibited an attitude which might well be described as imperious. “When
I finished I.I.T.-Delhi,” he boasted, “and went to Carnegie Mellon for my Masters, I thought I was cruising
all the way through Carnegie-Mellon because it was so easy relative to the education I had gotten at I.I.T.-
Delhi.”39 No dissenting voices were allowed on-camera to sully 60 Minutes’ open-borders spin-doctoring,
despite protests from computer scientists and self-confessed liberal Democrat Norman Matloff.40
Of course, personal arrogance towards the host country that alone sustains you is one thing; rather
different is racial supremacism, particularly among representatives of a communistic nuclear power. New York
writer John Derbyshire, whose own aversion to racial supremacism is well known—one of his most celebrated
articles was a 2003 onslaught upon Kevin MacDonald in The American Conservative41—once signed up to an
E-mailing list for American-based software professionals of Chinese origin. On this list, he admitted to having
a mainland-Chinese wife.
Now the floodgates of race hatred opened. One of the subsequent E-mails addressed me as: ‘England
Big Nose.’ Another offered, as part of a long, labored attempt at sarcasm, to ‘kiss my hairy hand.’
Yet a third laid out a very complicated psychological theory trying to demonstrate (if I have under-
stood it correctly) that for a white man to wish to marry a Chinese woman was a form of mental
illness, dooming both partners to misery and their offspring to madness. Hardly any of these charming
epistles failed to remind me that the British were notorious imperialists, of infamous rapacity and
Employment/Stove 91
cruelty, whose dream of everlasting world domination now lay in ashes. There was a general opinion
that we British must be fuming with rage at the impudence of our once-subject peoples in throwing us
out, and that this impotent fury was what accounted for our willingness to say such incomprehensibly
shocking things as that Tibetans might prefer to be ruled by other Tibetans rather than by Chinese.
Bear in mind, please, that the writers of these E-mails are the intellectual cream of mainland China.
Few do not have Master’s degrees; many have PhDs. The average age is around thirty, I suppose.
Their academic and professional qualifications, and their command of English, are sufficient to have
impressed an American consul into awarding them a visa.… Yet for all this, their notions about
national sovereignty were essentially those of the Ming dynasty mandarinate, and their knowledge of
history a collection of false and preposterous clichés.
Underneath all this were some even more disturbing currents: a deep, atavistic hatred of the West and
all its works; a profound scorn for Western ‘civilization’ and ‘democracy’—the quotation marks seem
to be obligatory. Also, a rooted conviction that China had never done anything wrong, and never
could.42
It would, nevertheless, be unfair to imply that arrogance and contempt towards native-born Americans
were the domain of hi-tech Indians and Chinese alone. Defenders of Hispanic illegals put on a pretty good show
of hubris in their own right, as is displayed by the following reminder that any American problem, however
bad, can always be made worse by Hurricane Katrina fallout. Possibly one may be permitted to conclude with
observations from Gregory Rodriguez, contributing editor at The Los Angeles Times. Contemplating the ease
with which illegals will dominate what he is pleased to call “La Nueva Orleans,” Rodriguez gloated so much
as to resemble Star Trek’s Borgs, with their robotic refrain of “Resistance is futile”:
No matter what all the politicians and activists want, African Americans and impoverished white
Cajuns will not be first in line to rebuild the Katrina-ravaged Gulf Coast and New Orleans. Latino
immigrants, many of them undocumented, will. And when they’re done, they’re going to stay, making
New Orleans look like Los Angeles.
Last week, the White House said it will push its plan to allow illegal immigrants already in the U.S. to
become legal guest workers. Good. Hurricane Katrina exposed the nation’s black-white divide. Post-
Katrina reconstruction will soon spotlight the hypocrisy of refusing to grant legal status to those who
will rebuild the Gulf Coast and New Orleans.43
For the open-borders lobby, as for Pogo Possum, the only enemy is…us.
Endnotes
1. Vance Packard, The Status Seekers (New York City: David McKay, 1959; reprint, Pocket Books, New York, 1964).
Subsequent citations are from the Pocket Books edition.
2. Daniel Horowitz, Vance Packard and American Social Criticism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1994).
3. Packard, 295-296.
4. Ibid, 35-36.
5. Ibid, 9.
6. Charles L. Betsey, Robinson G. Hollister, and Mary R. Papageorgiou (eds.) Youth Employment and Training Programs:
The YEDPA Years (Washington D.C.: National Academy Press, 1985), 34.
7. Leon H. Keyserling, The Potential of the American Economy (Industrial College of the Armed Forces, Washington
D.C., 1962), 10. www.ndu.edu/library/ic4/L62-118.pdf
8. Juan Ramon Garcia, Operation Wetback: The Mass Deportation of Mexican Undocumented Workers in 1954
(Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1980).
9. Peter Brimelow, Alien Nation: Common Sense About America’s Immigration Disaster (New York: Random House,
1995), 34.
10. Patrick J. Buchanan, The Death Of The West: How Dying Populations and Immigrant Invasions Imperil Our Country
and Civilization, (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2002), 208.
11. A good introduction to Bush-facilitated Mexican irredentism is Howard Sutherland, “Mexico’s Northern Strategy,”
The American Conservative, 2003.
12. Wayne Lutton and Palmer Stacey, The Immigration Timebomb (Monterey, Virginia: American Immigration Control
Foundation, 1985), p. vii.
13. Brimelow, 28.
14. And often enough, in practice, white Americans at that. Reuther, far from advocating union support of illegals, had
a distinct queasiness even about union support of native-born American blacks. For his (and Hubert Humphrey’s)
hard-nosed bargaining with Martin Luther King’s entourage, see Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King
Years, 1963-65 (New York City: Simon & Schuster, 1999), 468-470.
15. J. A. D’Agostino, “Project USA,” Human Events, 19 January, 2004.
16. Ruben Navarette, “Constitutional Slights,” Arizona Republic,31 August, 1997.
17. Steve Sailer, “La Causa or La Raza,” VDARE, 10 May, 2000.
18. Anon., “Wal-Mart Special: Feds Bust 300 Illegal Aliens,” NewsMax.com, 23 October, 2003.
19. Robert L. Bartley, “Open Nafta Borders? Why Not?,” The Wall Street Journal, 2 July, 2001.
20. William F. Jasper, “The War on Sovereignty,” The New American, 17 May, 2004.
21. Paul Craig Roberts, “The Harsh Truth About Outsourcing,” Business Week, 22 March 2004.
22. Ron and Anil Hira, Outsourcing America: What’s Behind Our National Crisis And How We Can Reclaim American
Jobs (New York City: AMACOM Books, 2005).
23. Paul Craig Roberts, “Outsourcing – A Greater Threat Than Terrorism?,” VDARE,18 April, 2005.
24. Paul Craig Roberts, “Thought For Labor Day: Conservative Dogma Pulling Marx Out of His Grave,” VDARE, 4
September, 2005.
25. Celia Hall, “Howlers by Indian Typists Could Put Patients in Danger,” The Daily Telegraph, 19 August, 2004.
26. Lizzy Ratner, “Vanilla Ceiling: Magazines Still Shade of White,” New York Observer, 16 January, 2006.
27. Brimelow, 33.
28. For instance, Tamar Jacoby’s attack (“Too Many Immigrants?,” Commentary, April 2002) on restrictionists in general
and George J. Borjas in particular largely ignores distasteful statistical questions, preferring to concentrate on (a) the
alleged necessity for importing immigrants so as to keep America’s welfare state intact (why America should even
have a welfare state she does not bother to enquire); (b) mere baseless assertions of conscientiousness (“immigrants
[are] by and large harder working than the native-born”); (c) the self-evidently bad motives of anyone who, like
Borjas, concerns himself with the native-born black population’s financial disadvantages. “Even if Borjas is right,”
Jacoby insists, “that a native-born black worker may take home $300 a year less as a result of immigration, this is
a fairly small amount of money in the overall scheme of things.” Is it altogether paranoid to detect in this remark a
subtext of annoyance at “uppity blacks”?
29. George J. Borjas, Heaven’s Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1999), 33.
30. Stephen Moore, “Give Us Your Best, Your Brightest,” Insight on the News, 22 November, 1993.
31. George J. Borgas, The Labor Demand Curve Is Downward Sloping: Re-Examining The Impact Of Immigration On
The Labor Market (Cambridge, Massachusets: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2003). ksghome.harvard.
edu/~GBorjas/Papers/w9755.pdf
32. Borjas, Labor Demand Curve, 36.
33. Peter Brimelow, “New Borjas Bombshell: Immigration Now Impacting College Grads’ Incomes,” VDARE, 29 August,
2003.
34. Rob Sanchez, H-1B Newsletter, 28 June, 2002.
35. Ibid.
36. N. I. V. Information Website www.zazona.com/ShameH1B/Demographics.htm , accessed 20 January, 2006.
37. Ben Worthen, “No Americans Need Apply,” CIO Magazine, September, 2003.
38. Ellen Lee, “Job Losses Sap Morale of Workers,” The Contra Costa Times, 13 May, 2003.
39. Joe Guzzardi, “CBS’ 60 Minutes Fires First Shot In New H-1B Battle,” VDARE, 12 January, 2003.
40. Joe Guzzardi, “CBS’ 60 Minutes Hangs Tough On Dispossessing Americans,” VDARE, 15 March, 2003.
41. John Derbyshire, “The Marx of the Anti-Semites,” The American Conservative, 10 March, 2003.
42. John Derbyshire, “Importing Sino-Fascism?,” VDARE, 13 September, 2000.
43. Gregory Rodriguez, “La Nueva Orleans,” 25 September, 2005.
Crime: One Thing White Americans are Lousy at
By Nicholas Stix
I n the period from January 2005 through February 2006, the most dramatic events expressing the nexus of
crime and race in the United States of America were the Brian Nichols murder spree in Atlanta in March,
and the anarchy that reigned in New Orleans just before and for over one week after Hurricane Katrina made
landfall on August 29.
In early September, the year’s biggest event in the study of crime occurred, the release of the second, revised
edition of The Color of Crime: Race, Crime, and Justice in America,1 a report first published in 1999 by the
New Century Foundation, which publishes American Renaissance magazine. Let us begin with The Color of
Crime, which will give national background illuminating the particulars of Atlanta and New Orleans.
The Color of Crime

The New Century Foundation report shatters many myths about race and crime, particularly the racial
profiling myth and the myth that blacks are the majority of the victims of black criminals.
The Color of Crime shows with a methodological precision and ruthless honesty that tenured professors
of criminology typically eschew, that the stereotype foisted on the public by leftwing journalists and academics
of law enforcement officers seeking out and stopping, arresting, brutalizing and murdering innocent blacks
is fraudulent. In fact, based on victims’ description of attackers’ races, police arrest a disproportionately low
number of black suspects. And refuting a second fraud of public and academic discourse, the report shows that
whites constitute the plurality of the victims of black criminals. Black criminals clearly seek out—i.e., racially
profile—whites, based on the color of the latter’s skin.
[B]etween 2001 and 2003, blacks were 39 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites
than the reverse, and 136 times more likely to commit robbery.
Between 2001 and 2003, blacks committed, on average, 15,400 black-on-white rapes per year, while
whites averaged only 900 white-on-black rapes per year.
Of the nearly 770,000 violent interracial crimes committed every year involving blacks and whites,
blacks commit 85 percent and whites commit 15 percent.
Since there are five-and-one-half times as many whites as blacks, if anything, the numbers should be
reversed. After all, as leftists always tell us, all groups are supposed to be equally represented in all categories,
for good or ill.
Meanwhile nationally, youth gangs are 90 percent non-white. “Hispanics are 19 times more likely than
whites to be members of youth gangs. Blacks are 15 times more likely, and Asians are nine times more likely.
Blacks commit more violent crime against whites than against blacks. Forty-five percent of their
victims are white, 43 percent are black, and 10 percent are Hispanic. When whites commit violent
crime, only three percent of their victims are black.
For years, commentators on the political Left and Right alike have insisted (and many still do) that the
majority of the victims of black crime are themselves black. But in fact, it has been known since the late 1980s
by those who study crime, that black criminals victimize whites more frequently than they do blacks. Note that
while the difference between black-on-white and black-on-black crime is only two points, since most black
criminals live in urban areas where most of the people are black, or at least, non-white, for black criminals to
victimize more whites than blacks requires a major effort.
Black-on-White Crime
It was only in 1989, after it had became known by criminologists in the late 1980s that black criminals
preferred targeting whites rather than blacks, that the Rev. Jesse Jackson brought the movement protesting
“black-on-black crime” to the mainstream media. In fact, that concern had been popular among blacks for a
number of years. Black supremacist writers and many ordinary blacks alike shared the sentiment that blacks
needed to refrain from harming other blacks, and instead focus all of their fury on whites and Asians.2 The
Rev. Jackson did not mention that notion to the general public.
To my knowledge, no critics in the mainstream media pointed out (or were permitted by their editors to
point out), contra Jackson, that blacks targeted whites more than other blacks, or observed that Jackson &
Co.’s single-minded concern with black-on-black crime implied that there was nothing wrong with black-
on-white crime or with violent crime as such. (While the rare white-on-black attack was given saturation
coverage, the media and the Rev. Jackson both implicitly granted that such crime was not a problem.)
Racial Profiling
Since the 1960s, countless black “activists,” white leftists, media outlets and prominent academics have
claimed that innocent blacks are constantly rounded up and variously arrested, brutalized and murdered by
the police—“racially profiled.” If such critics were correct, one could safely ignore the statistics contained in
The Color of Crime.3
By the time the charge that police racially target black males started to be thrown around in the 1960s, it
has virtually never had any basis in reality. Instead, such charges have been central to a politically opportu-
nistic strategy to intimidate police out of doing their job, and thus give cover to black criminals. The strategy
has been remarkably effective.
That is not to say that no white-dominated police department ever harassed black males in the past, or
that in a nation presently of almost 300 million citizens and residents, no individual white police officer ever
harasses an innocent black. However, in the history of the “racial profiling” charge (though the phrase “racial
profiling” stems from the late 1990s), to my knowledge the charge has been publicly used almost exclusively
as a weapon in cases where there was no evidence that a police department targeted innocent black males.
Charges of “racial profiling” have typically stood in an inverse relation to the reality of police departments’
treatment of black males.
As journalist Heather Mac Donald wrote in 2001, “Without question, there are obnoxious officers out
there, and some officers may ignore their training and target minorities. But since the advent of video cameras
in patrol cars, installed in the wake of the racial profiling controversy, most charges of police racism, testified
to under oath, have been disproved as lies.”4
Indeed, The Color of Crime found that police have been exercising racial bias on behalf of blacks, arresting
fewer blacks than their proportion of criminals, as identified by crime victims:
[B]lacks who committed crimes that were reported to the police were 26 percent less likely to be
arrested than people of other races who committed the same crimes.
[P]olice are determined to arrest non-black rather than black criminals.” [I have seen this practice in
operation on the streets and subways of New York City. N. S.]
Crime /Stix 95
[Blacks] are eight times more likely than people of other races to rob someone, for example, and 5.5
times more likely to steal a car.
Claims of racial profiling have repeatedly been refuted.5
The Color of Crime recounts that a 2002 study by Maryland’s Public Service Research Institute found that
police were stopping too few black speeders (23 percent), compared to their proportion of actual speeders
(25%). In fact, “blacks were twice as likely to speed as whites” in general, and there was an even higher
frequency of black speeders in the 90-mph and higher range.
Again, the numbers gap above may seem very small, but it is huge, when weighed against the charges by
anti-police activists that black drivers are being stopped by police in radically disproportionate numbers.
“[T]he only evidence for police bias is disproportionate arrest rates for those groups police critics say are
the targets of bias. High black arrest rates appear to reflect high crime rates, not police misconduct.”
In 1997 in Race, Crime, and the Law, Randall Kennedy, a black liberal professor at Harvard Law School,
observed that historically, the problem in black communities has been too little, not too much policing.
An important theme of this book is that blacks have suffered more from being left unprotected or
underprotected by law enforcement authorities than from being mistreated as suspects or defendants,
although it is allegations of the latter that now typically receive the most attention.6
The above-quoted facts and historical observations, however, will not impress anti-police activists on the
street, or in the mainstream media, non-profits, or government. The activists demand that the percentage of
police stops of, and arrests of blacks, not exceed the percentage of blacks in the local population or of the
national population, whichever is lower. Otherwise, activists claim that the “disparate impact” upon blacks
is proof that blacks are being singled out for discrimination.7 However, since in a given locality, according to
victim descriptions, crimes committed by blacks may comprise from twice to several times the proportion of
the black population, for police to engage only the number of blacks matching their proportion of the popula-
tion, would be to give carte blanche to the majority of black criminals, and to tempt into criminal behavior
blacks who may otherwise have avoided crime. And that is exactly the point.
Fraudulent charges of “racial profiling” have brought about a cycle of “de-policing”:8 As police became
less aggressive in their handling of black males, blacks and their white leftist allies made ever more exagger-
ated claims of racial profiling, and police authorities have continued their retreat.
The most dramatic year for the racial profiling hoax was 1999. Although the New York City Police
Department had the lowest frequency of police shootings of any major force in the nation, a number that was
half as high under Mayor Giuliani than it had been under his black predecessor, Mayor David Dinkins,9 the
anti-police alliance engineered a campaign claiming that the NYPD was murdering black men. (In contrast to
the majority-white NYPD, the police departments then with the highest frequency of police shootings were
all black-dominated: The District of Columbia, Baltimore, Detroit, New Orleans and Prince George’s County,
MD departments.10)
The racial profiling myth was institutionalized during the 1960s. Only days after the federal government
enacted the 1964 U.S. Civil Rights Act, America’s cities exploded in black race riots. Days after President
Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act the following year, the black riots spread, ultimately engulfing
over 100 American cities.11
The riots were due not to white oppression, but to white concessions.
Following the riots, a mythology was invented to rationalize them, and turn the rioters into heroes, and
the police (“pigs”) into criminals. First, racist black nationalists and white Marxists claimed that the police
were “an occupying army” in black slums. Second, in 1968, radical leftist (though a nominal Republican
until switching to the Democratic Party in 1972) New York City Mayor John V. Lindsay dominated the
Kerner Commission, which had been empaneled by President Johnson to study the riots. Lindsay aides Peter
Goldmark and Jay Kriegel wrote the report’s introduction, the only part that is generally read, maintaining,
“Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal.”12
The phrasing was plucked from a parallel universe. Never mind the black racist character of the riots.
Never mind that between 1940 and 1960, blacks had made more economic progress than they ever had
before, and as time would tell, more than they ever would. Lindsay and his aides weren’t concerned with the
truth, but with political advantage. John Lindsay sought to leverage the riots into election as President.
Social Democratic historian Fred Siegel has recounted how at the time of the black urban race riots, many
blacks and their leftwing supporters said that the riots were not a response to racial oppression or poverty,
but an expression of racial power.13 In many large cities, the rioters were themselves largely employed and
even middle-class. Siegel speaks of a “riot ideology,” in which riots and the threat of riots are used to extort
concessions out of white elites, and calls the explosion of urban crime that followed on the heels of the riots
a case of “rolling riots.”
Today’s “anti-racial profiling campaign” has a similar black power, extortionary character. Because millions
of blacks of all social classes now refuse to recognize American laws, or to obey white authority figures, they
are outraged not at the thought of being victimized based on their race, but rather at the thought of permitting
white police officers do their job. Thus, getting pulled over by a white officer for driving 80 MPH in a 55 MPH
zone becomes for them a case of “racial profiling.” Getting arrested automatically becomes a case of police
using “excessive force.” One’s refusal to submit to a policeman’s orders (as in, for example, the Rodney King
case), and thus forcing him to use physical force, becomes a case of “police brutality.”
Increasingly, black authority figures present the black criminals who society sees as normal or even as
victims, but talk about (white) police with youngsters in a manner (called “the talk”) more fitting to a discus-
sion about dealing with criminals. Thus do racial solidarity and racial hatred trump reality and morality.
White leftists have quoted the Lindsay aides’ words from the Kerner Report introduction ever since, as
if they were Gospel truth. In the meantime, urban police have switched from fighting crime to managing it.
Police find themselves in a Catch-22: The public demands that they reduce urban crime, but since urban crime
is the virtual monopoly of blacks and Hispanics, doing their job aggressively may cost white police officers
their badges, and even their freedom. And so, they cheat. Police engage in de-policing, avoiding confrontations
with minority males, and increasingly, minority females, too. They “disappear” crime, fudging crime reports
so that felonies are reduced to misdemeanors or non-crimes; refuse to take reports from crime victims, or
threaten the crime victims, to intimidate them out of reporting crimes; keep two sets of precinct books, etc.14
Thus did the “racial profiling” campaign respond not to police abuses, but police restraint. It was a rhetori-
cal campaign meant to further weaken the authority of law enforcement, and strengthen black nationalism.
And it succeeded gloriously.
***
The Color of Crime shows that not only do blacks commit violent crimes at far higher rates than non-
blacks, but their crimes are more violent than those of whites. Blacks are three times as likely as non-blacks to
commit assault with guns, and twice as likely as non-blacks to commit assault with knives.
The report shows, as well, that contrary to another false stereotype, which holds that whites are much
more prone than blacks to commit “white-collar” crimes, blacks also commit such offenses—fraud, bribery,
racketeering and embezzlement, respectively—at two to five times the white rate.
The single greatest indicator of an area’s crime rate is not poverty or education, but race and ethnicity.
Even when one controls for income and education, the black crime rate is much higher than the white rate. So
much for the media and academia talking point that crime is merely a function of poverty.
Due to a federal double-standard in record-keeping, things are much worse than the above notes suggest.
As The Color of Crime reports, federal authorities inflate white crime statistics by counting Hispanic offenders
as white, while deflating the number of white crime (and hate crime) victims, by breaking out Hispanics as a
separate victim category.
Hispanics are a [hate crime] victim category but not a perpetrator category. If someone attacks a Mexican
for racial reason s, he becomes a Hispanic victim of a hate crime. However, if the same Mexican commits
a hate crime against a black, he is classified as a ‘white’ perpetrator. Even more absurdly, if a Mexican
commits a hate crime against a white, both victim and perpetrator are reported as white.
But things are yet worse. The study fails to note that with black-on-white male prison rape an institution-
alized sport among black inmates, hundreds of thousands of white men have thus been victimized but never
counted by the government. Meanwhile, white-on-black male prison rape is virtually non-existent. (What
Crime /Stix 97
is true of black-on-white male prison rape is, to a lesser degree, also true of Hispanic-on-white male prison
rape.)15
While the contents of The Color of Crime may be news to America’s ruling elites, they merely give in
precise numbers what any aware adult living in the United States has long known.
White police officials across the U.S. have sought increasingly to handcuff their officers from vigorously
pursuing minority offenders. Today, Los Angeles Police Chief William Bratton, who for years, first as New
York City police commissioner and then as a highly paid private crime guru, publicly championed the aggres-
sive “broken windows” school of policing, now promotes ever more passive policing methods.
Although ever greater swaths of Los Angeles are now controlled by MS-13 (Mara Salvatrucha), the
Salvadoran-founded, illegal alien street gang which with an estimated 8,000–10,000 members in 33 states, is
America’s most violent and powerful gang,16 Chief Bratton, who has headed the LAPD since October 2002,
forces his officers to wait until an MS-13 member is suspected of having committed a felony, before permitting
them to inquire about the gangster’s immigration status. Were LAPD officers not forbidden from enforcing
U.S. immigration law, as soon as they identified someone as a member of MS-13 (e.g., through his gang signs
and/or gang tattoos), they could approach him, demand that he show legal identification, and if he failed to
comply, take him into custody as a suspected illegal alien.
Chief Bratton habitually trots out incredible rationalizations for his increasingly feckless management style:
That if he enforces immigration law, it will intimidate witnesses and victims of MS-13’s crimes from coming
forward. But as Bratton well knows, those people aren’t coming forward out of fear of MS-13. Bratton’s negli-
gence has amounted to a tacit granting of sovereignty to MS-13 over Los Angeles’ immigrant neighborhoods.
No wonder, the LAPD has a backlog of over 8,000 unsolved murders.
And the gang has reacted to such obvious weakness with strength: Gang members have engaged in role
reversals, in which they keep police officers under surveillance, and even follow officers home.
Bratton’s hands may well be tied by the illegal Special Order 40 enacted by the Los Angeles city council in
1979, but he should simply cite S.O. 40, rather than lying and rationalizing bad police work.17
Chief Bratton now pursues ever more passive methods, in his flight from policing. In response to anti-
policing groups’ call for banning police chases of suspects, Bratton is exploring shooting a projectile contain-
ing a global positioning system that would adhere to a fleeing automobile. Such a method might be useful for
eventually recovering stolen automobiles, but it would represent a “get-out-of jail free” card for criminals.
***
While black offenders’ role in America’s crime problem has long been known, if suppressed, a different
racial factor has been largely ignored: The role of black police officers. The reign of affirmative action has
brought with it the widespread hiring of black officer candidates who are variously cognitively and/or morally
unfit for the job.
John Lott’s Research

While The Color of Crime provides a general survey of crime in America, other research has examined
and continues to examine the role of affirmative action hiring in urban police forces in facilitating increases
in crime.
In a 2000 study, economist John Lott Jr. (author of More Guns, Less Crime) examined the consequences
of affirmative action hiring by 329 urban police departments. Lott found that,
With the exception of manslaughter, aggravated assault, and motor vehicle theft, an increase in the
percentage of a police force that is black is consistently associated with significant increases in crime.
The effect is so large that 18 of the specifications imply that a one standard deviation change in the
percent of the police force that is black increases the corresponding crime rates by at least 5% of its
mean value…. The effects are dramatic no matter how one examines these estimates. For example,
increasing black officers’ share by one percentage point increases property crimes by 4%, and the
same increases raises the murder rate by 1.9% and overall violent crime by 4.8%.18
Lott also found that “[T]he increase in crime from hiring black officers is greatest in communities with
the most blacks”(Italics by Lott)19 and “[L]ower hiring standards involved in recruiting more minority officers
reduces the quality of both new minority and new nonminority officers.”20
Indeed, some shocking reports have been made about the importance of cognitive skills. Expressing
concerns about the poor English skills of new police recruits, a Washington Post editorial [1993]
claimed that ‘between 1986 and 1990, 311 of the 938 murder cases the D.C. police brought to the
U.S. attorney’s office—roughly a third—were dismissed…. One local prosecutor says many D.C. cases
were thrown out because prosecutors couldn’t read or understand the arrest reports [written by the
police].’21
In a footnote, Lott notes
The Washington Post editorial went on to claim that: ‘Of the murder suspects who are indicted,
many end up being acquitted because of weak cases prepared by police. Washington’s Pretrial Services
Agency reports that only 44 percent of the murder cases filed in 1990 and closed by the first part of
1992 resulted in convictions.’22
Affirmative action has resulted in police departments around the country hiring black candidates in
spite of their intellectual inferiority and/or moral depravity. As a result, urban police departments around
the country—New York, Philadelphia, Washington, DC, Miami, Los Angeles, New Orleans, etc.—have been
intermittently plagued by crime waves committed by minority police officers, and persistently plagued by
police incompetence.23
Atlanta: The Brian Nichols Rampage

On March 11, 2005, while black Fulton County Sheriff’s Deputy Cynthia Ann Hall was transporting black
accused rapist and kidnapper Brian Nichols from Fulton County Jail to Fulton County Superior Court within
Atlanta for his retrial, Nichols allegedly beat Deputy Hall almost to death, and took her service weapon.24
Instead of fleeing, Nichols allegedly went out of his way to go to the chambers of the white judge presiding
over his trial, Rowland Barnes, abducted four court officers, seized yet another deputy’s weapon, and while
sparing his black abductees, shot Judge Barnes and white court reporter Julie Ann Brandau to death in Barnes’
courtroom. Nichols would later grant that Judge Barnes had been scrupulously fair to him.
Then, when Nichols was fleeing the courthouse, with black Sheriff’s Deputy Sergeant Hoyt Teasley in
pursuit, Nichols allegedly shot Sgt. Teasley dead. That night, Nichols allegedly also murdered white Immigration
and Customs Enforcement Agent David Wilhelm.
(Note that while Sgt. Teasley was black, he was collateral damage. Nichols had not gone out of his way
to murder him.)
Immediately after leaving the courthouse, Nichols proceeded to a downtown Atlanta parking garage,
where he allegedly pistol-whipped and carjacked Atlanta Journal-Constitution reporter Don O’Briant, and
parked O’Briant’s car on a different level, to throw off authorities. Seeing Nichols on closed-circuit TV, parking
attendants alerted Atlanta police. Officers showed up in three squad cars and on a motorcycle, but ignoring
basic police procedure and the attendants’ pleas to leave an officer to guard the only exit at street-level, sped
up the ramp. Moments later, Nichols sauntered down the stairs and out to freedom.25
After Nichols’ eventual surrender, he would reportedly confess to the murders (notwithstanding that he
has since pleaded not guilty to the killings), stating that he was a “soldier on a mission.”
On March 15, Atlanta Journal-Constitution reporter Beth Warren wrote,
Brian G. Nichols considered himself a ‘soldier on a mission’ the day he terrorized a courthouse and
a city with a gun, according to a law enforcement official who witnessed Nichols’ first statement to
authorities.
The official said Nichols, who was being tried in a rape case when Friday’s deadly shooting spree occurred,
considered himself a wrongly accused man in a legal system unfair to African-Americans….
Crime /Stix 99
[T]he official said Nichols described how he had been stewing in jail while awaiting retrial on charges
that he held his ex-girlfriend hostage and sexually assaulted her. The first jury couldn’t agree and the
judge declared a mistrial.
Nichols said he was angry that many of the inmates around him were also black and he wondered
how many were innocent.
‘He called it systematic slavery,’ the law enforcement official said.
Nichols didn’t feel he was mistreated by deputies at the jail or courthouse, the official said….26
Warren listed one instance after another of Nichols’ racial motivation, only to take at face value his claim
that his crimes were not racially motivated.
In truth, far from Atlanta law enforcement being a case of “systematic slavery,” the Atlanta Police
Department, Fulton County District Attorney’s office, and Fulton County Sheriff’s Department are all black-
run.
Atlanta has been black-run since the 1973 election of Maynard Jackson as the city’s first black mayor. In
1974, Jackson named A. Reginald “Reg” Eaves as the city’s first black public safety commissioner. As Chet
Dettlinger, who had worked as Eaves’ assistant, and Los Angeles Times reporter Jeff Prugh wrote on the serial
killings of children and young men in Atlanta,
Eaves told me—in one of the few personal conversations I ever had with him—that he had once been
run out of town by a white cop and that he’d never forgotten it. He vowed that he’d be sure that white
cops remembered it, too.27
“Keystone Cops”
Reginald Eaves made it his business to discriminate against all qualified, experienced white officers, run
them off, and discriminate on behalf of unqualified, incompetent black officers.
Dettlinger and Prugh report that in 1978, Eaves was at the center of a test fraud scandal. A black subordi-
nate, Bill Taylor, testified that in 1975, Eaves had ordered him to provide the answers to the sergeant’s exam in
advance to 19 black officers. Eaves was “forced from office,” but later elected a county commissioner.28
The Atlanta Police Department never recovered from Eaves’ gutting of it. Consider a 1980 murder case
Dettlinger and Prugh cite. (Atlanta straddles Fulton and DeKalb counties, whose respective prosecutors handle
Atlanta’s criminal cases.)
A Fulton County prosecutor convinced a judge to drop charges in the August, 1980 murder of a
16-year-old girl, alleging that the Atlanta police had, among other things, lost the case file and the
evidence, which had been stapled to the file. When asked by a reporter how such a mistake could
happen, the prosecutor shrugged and said, ‘Keystone Cops.’29
Dettlinger and Prugh also detail early 1980s’ Atlanta police officers’ negligence at evidence gathering and
“ignorance about valid cause-and-effect relationships.”30
Today things are, if anything, worse.
A study commissioned by black Atlanta Police Chief Richard Pennington, released on February 20, 2004,
determined that in 2002 alone, the records from 22,000 911 calls (in a city of only 416,000) were lost or
destroyed. Some of the study’s findings were:
Thousands of fugitives, including murderers, wander streets with little worry that they’ll be tracked
down…until picked up on a traffic stop or another new crime.
A revolving-door justice system in Fulton County Superior Court ensures that many burglars, drug
dealers, car thieves and snatch thieves—even if caught—spend little time in jail.
The department has been corrupted by a culture that has made some cops more loyal to outside jobs
than to their sworn duties as police officers.
‘When they came to work, they are too tired to work,’ Pennington said. ‘They came to work to
relax.’31
In the wake of Nichols’ murders, Chief Pennington’s idea of reform was to call for eliminating the system
of numbered codes police and dispatchers have used (e.g., “10-13” for “officer down”) for generations, saving
time and lives, and replace it with worded statements. Real reform would require, among other things, hiring
only officer and dispatcher applicants intelligent enough to understand police shorthand. But that would entail
hiring fewer blacks and more whites.
Following Nichols’ alleged rampage, two separate investigations into the Fulton County Sheriff’s
Department, one commissioned by black Sheriff Myron Freeman and the other carried out by the Atlanta
Journal-Constitution, found it to be rife with corruption, malingering, lax security, rampant absenteeism,
tardiness, incompetence, and dishonesty.32
Atlanta’s crime problem has two main sources: A city that is 62 percent black, and institutions dominated
by blacks who see well-paying public service jobs and roles as authority figures as entitlements, but who have
little interest or aptitude for fulfilling the duties such jobs require.
New Orleans
The anarchy that gripped New Orleans already before Hurricane Katrina made landfall on August 29,
exposed more starkly even than the Brian Nichols case the shortcomings of affirmative action and black-
dominated apartheid, of the white elites who support them, and the strengths of Middle Americans – working
and middle-class whites who are not part of the elites, and who carry on, in spite of them and in spite of blacks.
Almost all of the rampaging, pillaging, raping, carjacking, and murdering was carried out by blacks; most of
the rescue work was performed by, and almost all of the hundreds of millions of dollars in charity came from
whites.
The two most influential stories on post-Katrina New Orleans were both by reporters at the Times-
Picayune, the city’s only major newspaper.
In the September 6 article, “Bodies found piled in freezer at Convention Center,” Times-Picayune reporter
Brian Thevenot wrote of visiting a room containing four corpses covered in sheets, and of the Guardsmen
who accompanied him, reporting that 30–40 additional corpses were warehoused in the Ernest N. Morial
Convention Center’s blacked-out freezer.33
[Mikel] Brooks and several other Guardsmen said they had seen between 30 and 40 more bodies in
the Convention Center’s freezer. ‘It’s not on, but at least you can shut the door,’ said fellow Guardsman
Phillip Thompson.
Thevenot’s article caused a national sensation.
Apparently realizing after the September 6 story that they had violated the taboo against presenting black
folks behaving badly, the folks at the Times-Picayune reversed course. In a September 26 story, “Rumors of
deaths greatly exaggerated; Widely reported attacks false or unsubstantiated; 6 bodies found at Dome; 4 at
Convention Center,” four Times-Picayune reporters claimed to have followed up on the most dramatic stories,
including Thevenot’s September 6 story, and shown them all to be based on wild “rumors.”34 This story caused
a new, reverse national sensation, with the mainstream media slavishly promoting it.
Contrary to the claims of the September 26 story, a great many of the reports of violence were based on
eyewitness and victim reports.35
Nowhere in the September 26 story did the reporters admit that it was their own colleague, Brian Thevenot,
who had written the Convention Center corpse story (or that it was a Times-Picayune story at all), or that
Thevenot had written that the National Guard troops he had interviewed in the Convention Center had said
they had seen the dozens of corpses they spoke of. Indeed, had anyone spoken of merely having “heard of”
mountains of corpses, the story would not have had the power to shock.
The September 26 story was reported by none other than Brian Thevenot and co-written by Gordon
Russell, with contributions from staffers Jeff Duncan and Gwen Filosa.
The September 26 story claimed, among other things, to be rebutting a “rumor” that 200 corpses were
piled up at the Convention Center. I believe that that example functioned as a straw man for Thevenot, et al.,
to “debunk” the truth about the New Orleans violence.36
Crime /Stix 101
Socialists, libertarians, and neo-conservatives, albeit for different reasons, all found the new Times-Picayune
story useful.37
For his efforts, Thevenot recieved the 2006 “Award of Valor Courageous Deeds” from NAMME, the
National Association of Minority Media Executives, at NAMME’s April 27, 2006 “Celebration of Diversity”
Awards Banquet.
Writing in the Autumn 2005 issue of City Journal, Nicole Gelinas provided, to my knowledge, the most
comprehensive refutation of the Times-Picayune’s new, official story.38
The New York Times’s own Dan Barry, a longtime metro columnist with no history of lying, hallu-
cinating, or repeating tall tales, witnessed the corpse of a murder victim that had been lying out for
days smack in the middle of New Orleans’s central business district. ‘A Louisiana state trooper around
the corner knew all about it: murder victim, bludgeoned, one of several in that area,’ Barry wrote on
September 8.
Gelinas also cited and quoted from stories from the Associated Press, New York Times, Weekly Standard,
and, again and again, the Times-Picayune (August 30 and 31, and September 1, 7, and 8).
The stories detailed corpses seen by reporters in the streets of New Orleans from shootings and bludgeon-
ings; people shot dead by police officers; one policeman who survived being shot in the head by a looter; a gang
rape witnessed by Jake Staples, an official of the National D-Day Museum; of gunmen who randomly shot at
displaced families trudging across town; the experiences of Vinnie Pervel, who was assaulted with a sledge-
hammer and carjacked one day, and who watched as two neighbors shot two looters the next (as reported in
the September 7 Times-Picayune) afternoon; of civilians and police alike facing or hearing constant gunfire.
Thevenot & Co. have claimed that the widely reported stories of shots being fired at rescue workers, which
hogtied rescue efforts, were also based on mere rumors,39 but his own newspaper had reported on September
7 that a man was arrested for “shooting at a relief helicopter from an apartment window.” First-responders
Dr. Charles Burnell and paramedic Toby Bergeron, who were “tending to the sick and wounded” inside the
Superdome, were reported by the Los Angeles Times as having said “several gunshots were fired at helicopters
- military and commercial - during the 24 hours they spent treating refugees at the Superdome,” before fleeing
for their lives. The Los Angeles Times also reported,
Stray gunshots and threats from evacuees led some rescuers to suspend boat searches along New
Orleans’ swollen waterways. ‘In areas where our employees have been determined to potentially
be in danger, we have pulled back,’ confirmed Russ Knocke, Department of Homeland Security
spokesman.40
Considering the many eyewitness reports by first-responders, journalists on the scene, and officials of
snipers firing on the predominantly white folks who sought to help the people left behind – doctors, nurses,
and medics; rescue workers in helicopters and boats; contractors visiting the levee to survey the damage; and
National Guard troops—the Times-Picayune’s attempt to rewrite history is obscene. One recalls the comedy
routine by the late Richard Pryor, who when his wife had caught him in bed with another woman, shouted,
“Who are you gonna believe, me or your lyin’ eyes?!” At least, Pryor was funny.
The more decent and honest thing for the newspaper to do would have been to disprove the real lies spread
by racist blacks who have charged whites with “genocide.”
As Nicole Gelinas wrote in the Fall 2005 City Journal,
The coroner’s early report implies that the murder rate among those stranded in Katrina’s aftermath
was at least five times New Orleans’s normal murder rate [i.e., fifty times the national rate]. This real,
not imagined, violence prevented New Orleans from getting the level of volunteer and professional
help it needed after Katrina.
Since the Times-Picayune’s September 26 article was published, ever more outraged New Orleans crime
victims and witnesses have come forward from all over the country, to denounce the published crime numbers,
as have first-responders who treated some victims in the Superdome, but were forced to flee. By mid-December,
even NOPD officials were forced to back down from the phony crime numbers (e.g., only four rapes!) they
had brazenly peddled following the anarchy, as dozens of since displaced women reported from around the
country having been raped in New Orleans and environs in the days immediately following Katrina.41
Another blow to the mainstream media’s revisionism came on November 14, when reports on New Orleans’
dead were published by the State of Louisiana. The mainstream media had promoted the notion that those
who suffered in the Hurricane’s aftermath were almost exclusively black. After all, over 90 percent of those
stuck in the city were reportedly black, with the blacks predominantly stuck in the Ninth Ward and environs,
where the levees had been breached. Meanwhile, the whites who had remained reportedly lived above sea
level on dry land, in the city’s tonier precincts. One was given to expect that the dead would be virtually all
black. But in fact, of the 562 bodies (out of 883) that had so far been identified by race, 48 percent (267) were “African
American,” 41 percent (230) were “Caucasian,” eight percent (48) were “unknown,” 2 percent (13) were “Hispanic,” 1
percent (3) were “Native American,” and zero percent (1) was “other.”42
If some 90 percent of the people left in the city when Katrina made landfall actually were, according to
mainstream media reports, black, and thus ten percent or less were white, a 41 percent figure for white deaths
is over 300 percent higher than what one would expect, without even factoring in that most whites reportedly
lived farther away from the most dangerous sites. Meanwhile, blacks’ proportion of the dead is 46.7 percent
lower than what one would expect, without factoring in that most blacks reportedly lived at or near the most
dangerous sites. The anomalous numbers make black-on-white search-and-destroy operations much more
likely. If genocide was afoot, it was certainly not the sort of genocide that black activists and leaders such as
Nation of Islam leader, Min. Louis Farrakhan, have claimed.
After the Louisiana death figures were released, the mainstream media suppressed the story of the issue of
the proportion of whites who met their end in New Orleans, and suppressed reporting on pre-Katrina crimi-
nality, while uncritically reporting scurrilous black charges of anti-black genocide.43
When some cities conducted background checks of New Orleans refugees, as many as 54.7 percent of
them, men and women alike, had criminal records. But when cities requested criminal background checks
from the federal Department of Homeland Security, DHS refused to provide the checks. DHS was more
concerned with being condemned by black leaders as racist (guilty of “racial profiling”), than with protecting
the communities that had rescued the refugees. For but one example, Houston has suffered a crime explosion
at the hands of Katrina refugees.
During the anarchy, the town of Gretna, LA sought to help some New Orleans refugees. For their trouble,
the good people of Gretna had to watch as black New Orleanians pillaged their town. And so, when another
wave of refugees sought to overwhelm Gretna, the local police stood them off with shotguns at the bridge
connecting Gretna to New Orleans. Otherwise, the working-class and middle-class citizens of Gretna would
have lost everything they had worked their entire lives to build.
Rather than talk about the compassion Gretnans had shown the first wave of refugees, the refugees’
riotous way of saying “thank you,” and the heroic stand taken by the Gretna police, the mainstream media,
black pundits such as the Baltimore Sun’s Gregory Kane, and black demagogues such as Congresswoman
Cynthia McKinney, condemned the town police as “racist” and “genocidal.”
Blacks in Blue
In a story that appeared less than one month prior to Katrina and was largely ignored by the media, a
study by the private New Orleans Police Foundation reportedly determined that “42 percent of serious crime
cases reviewed by prosecutors—about 22,000—were turned away between 2002 and 2004 because the cases
were not deemed suitable for court,” and “only one in four people arrested in the city for murder is eventually
convicted….”44
If the percentage of serious cases that never resulted in indictment is consistent for murder cases, only 58
percent of those murder cases in which police had a suspect for whom they sought an indictment actually
resulted in an indictment, and only one quarter of those cases resulted in a conviction. That would mean that
only 14.5 percent of those murder cases in which police identified a suspect resulted in a conviction. But since
police often do not succeed in identifying a suspect, the number of New Orleans murders that were solved was
less than 14.5 percent—an extraordinarily low number.
Crime /Stix 103
The study found that witnesses are extremely reluctant to testify against suspects, due to a fear of retalia-
tion so widespread that the city instituted its own witness protection program, and that police corruption and
brutality were also pervasive. The study found that while 46 out of 50 of America’s big cities had seen declines
in murder, New Orleans’ rate had been increasing to the point of being ten times the national average.
Contrary to today’s revisionist mainstream media, ten years ago Americans had become acquainted with
what one may only hope is the nation’s most corrupt police force. Two former NOPD officers, Len Davis and
Antoinette Frank, presently sit on Death Row for three murders Frank committed and one that Davis com-
missioned while serving as police officers in 1994 and 1995, respectively. Following Hurricane Katrina, dozens
of NOPD officers engaged in looting; forty are under investigation in the massive theft of $4.6 million worth
of vehicles from an auto dealership; and approximately 250 NOPD officers deserted their posts. Yet another
250 officers were discovered not to have existed. They were “ghost” officers that had been invented by NOPD
officials in order to defraud the federal government out of millions of taxpayer dollars, which were funneled
into the paychecks of existing officers.45
The black-dominated NOPD more closely resembles an organized crime organization than it does a law
enforcement agency. And yet, its supporters have demanded a doubling of its budget!
As this report went to press, U.S. Department of Justice had not indicted any current or former NOPD
officials in the fraud scheme.
The cause of the NOPD’s failure has been its policy of maximizing the hiring of incompetent, unqualified
blacks of dubious intelligence and character, of keeping qualified whites off the force through a racism-inspired
residency requirement and general racial discrimination, and the corrupt black attitude towards public service
jobs that I alluded to above. In December, the New Orleans City Council voted to suspend the residency
requirement for three years. This movement was in response to 75 percent of the NOPD having become
homeless, due to Hurricane Katrina. The residency requirement had the enthusiastic support of blacks, who
openly expressed their fear that the NOPD would now hire more whites.
The only hope for the NOPD is a return to merit hiring, which would result in a substantial decrease in its
proportion of minority officers. The city, however, is headed in the opposite direction. Following Katrina, New
Orleans officials announced that they were looking into hiring blacks who had been fired from the Cleveland
Police Department. The nation’s worst urban police department will not be improved by hiring other racist
urban departments’ black rejects.
“A Culture of Murder”
But the corrupt NOPD is only a piece of the New Orleans story. Again, let me quote Nicole Gelinas.
In 2003, New Orleans’s murder rate was nearly eight times the national average—and since then,
murder has increased. In 2002 and 2003, New Orleans had the highest per capita city homicide rate in
the United States, with 59 people killed per year per 100,000 citizens—compared to New York City’s
seven. New Orleans is a New York with nearly 5,000 murders a year—an unlivable place. The city’s
economy has sputtered over the past generation partly because local and state officials have failed to
do the most elementary job of government: to secure the personal safety of citizens….
But the grisly truth is that awful violence in New Orleans is never an aberration—whether before or
after Katrina. Just consider the following snippets from the Times-Picayune, all printed in the month
before Katrina hit. They seem just as hysterical as some of Katrina’s wildest tales.
“Violence tests the limits of mortician’s art.” “Some neighborhoods are being terrorized by thugs
who have figured out that they have little to fear from the justice system.” “Almost nightly images of
violent crime bludgeon New Orleans.” “Violent crime has emerged as...an ongoing source of national
embarrassment.” “Murders are so common we have become numbed to their sting.” “Killers are killed,
Orleans police say.” “The city is becoming scarier.” “Violence shows no signs of letup.” “Three men
killed in seven hours; all are shot to death on New Orleans streets.” “After a short reprieve from
murder and mayhem in New Orleans on Friday, six men lost their lives....” “There’s a different type
of murder occurring now and a different type of criminal out there.” “New Orleans area continues to
log murder after murder.” “Something must be done to curb the violence festering in New Orleans.”
“Now we’re in a bloody war nobody’s safe from….”

Contradicting President Bush’s claim that black New Orleanians are oppressed by racial discrimination,
Gelinas wrote of a “culture of murder” predating Katrina, and argued that unless something is done to restore
order in the streets of New Orleans, every taxpayer penny spent on reconstruction will be wasted.
New Orleans’s immutable civic shame, before and after Katrina, is not racism, poverty, or inequality,
but murder—a culture of murder so vicious and so pervasive that it terrorizes and numbs the whole
city.
***
In the past, when some groups of American whites—particularly immigrant groups—engaged in high rates
of crime, those rates dropped dramatically, when the criminals were shown little mercy by the criminal justice
system, politicians, the media, or the criminals’ co-ethnics.
As long as law enforcement, the media, fellow blacks, etc., embrace, celebrate, and even aid and abet
black criminals, however, and whites do not stand up for law and order, black crime will not abate. And as
illegal and legal immigration from Latin America continues, so too will Hispanic crime increase. In what is an
unwritten law of criminology, as the proportion of America that is black and Hispanic (now over 25 percent)
increases, so too will America’s crime rate. No nation may long endure, that will tolerate large chunks of its
population to be comprised of groups fundamentally hostile to its laws.
Endnotes
1. Ian Jobling, et al., The Color of Crime: Race, Crime, and Justice in America (New Century Foundation: Arlington
VA, 2005).
2. Amos N. Wilson, Black-On-Black Violence: The Psychodynamics of Black Self-Annihilation in Service of White
Domination (African World Info/Systems, 1991).
3. Katheryn K. Russell, The Color of Crime: Racial Hoaxes, White Fear, Black Protectionism, and Other
Macroaggressions (New York and London: New York University Press, 1998).
Robin D.G. Kelley, “‘Slangin’ Rocks…Palestinian Style’ Dispatches from the Occupied Zones of North America,”
21; Derrick Bell, “Police Brutality Portent of Disaster and Discomforting Divergence,” 88; Katheryn K. Russell,
“‘What Did I Do to Be [sic] So Black and Blue?’ Police Violence and the Black Community,” 135; Patricia J. Williams,
“Obstacle Illusions The Cult of Racial Appearance,” 149; Ishmael Reed, “Another Day at the Front Encounters
with the Fuzz on the American Battlefront,” 189; in Jill Nelson, ed., Police Brutality: An Anthology (New York and
London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2000).
Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons,
1992), the revised paperback version from New York’s Ballantine Books in 1993, and a different, revised, expanded
paperback version from Ballantine in 1995.
4. Heather Mac Donald, “The Myth of Racial Profiling,” City Journal, Spring 2001. www.city-journal.org/html/11_2_
the_myth.html
5. Jack Dunphy, “Victimhood: Such Comfort: The war of words over racial profiling,” National Review Online, 19
February 2003. http://www.nationalreview.com/dunphy/dunphy021903.asp
Heather Mac Donald, “The Myth of Racial Profiling.”
Heather Mac Donald, “The Racial Profiling Myth Debunked,” City Journal, Spring 2002. http://www.city-journal.
org/html/12_2_the_racial_profiling.html
Heather Mac Donald, Are Cops Racist? (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2003).
Nicholas Stix, “Crime Stories,” Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture, August 1996.
Nicholas Stix, “The War against New York’s Cops: Can the Cities be Governed?” Middle American News, June
1999.
Nicholas Stix, “Racial Profiling in New York City?” Middle American News, September 2000.
Nicholas Stix, “De-Policing in America’s Cities: Erasing the Thin Blue Line,” Middle American News, May 2002.
Nicholas Stix, “America’s Domestic Terror Threat: The Left’s War on Police,” Middle American News, December
2002.
Crime /Stix 105
Michael P. Tremoglie, “The Myth of Driving While Black,” Front Page Magazine, 5 February 2004. www.frontpage-
mag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=12052
6. Randall Kennedy, Race, Crime, and the Law (New York: Pantheon Books, 1997), x.
7. Circa 1999, then-host Ted Koppel, sought to humiliate then-New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani on the ABC
News show Nightline, by pointing out that the percentage of black arrestees was much higher than the percentage of
black New York City dwellers. Giuliani, to his credit, responded that the arrests of blacks did not exceed the percent-
age of suspects identified as black by crime victims. Koppel was used to humiliating guests with his tactic; Mayor
Giuliani was to my knowledge the only white interview guest who ever went on the offensive with Koppel on a racial
issue.
8. Nicholas Stix, “De-Policing in America’s Cities: Erasing the ‘Thin Blue Line op. cit.,’” Middle American News, May
2002.
9. Arch Puddington, “The War on the War on Crime,” Commentary, May 1999. http://web.archive.org/
web/20000815061151/www.commentarymagazine.com/9905/puddington.html
10. Craig Whitlock and David S. Fallis, “Officers Killed With Impunity: Officials Ruled Shootings Justified in Every Case
-- Even of Unarmed Citizens,” Washington Post, 1 July 2001. http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A64231-
2001Jun29?language=printer
11. Fred Siegel, The Future Once Happened Here: New York, D.C., L.A., and the Fate of America’s Big Cities (New
York: The Free Press, 1997), 2.
12. Vincent J. Cannato, The Ungovernable City: John Lindsey and His Struggle to Save New York (New York: Basic
Books, 2001), 206.
13. Fred Siegel, The Future Once Happened Here: New York, D.C., L.A., and the Fate of America’s Big Cities, 1-13.
14. The first major expose showing that the NYPD was “disappearing” crime was by then-New York Daily News
reporter William K. Rashbaum, on October 11, 1995. Rashbaum got a hold of a cheat sheet that Anthony Kissik, the
commanding officer of the 50th Precinct in The Bronx, had allegedly distributed to his officers, showing them how
to reduce crimes from felonies to misdemeanors or non-crimes. The next major expose was by Newsday crime beat
reporter, Leonard Levitt, January 29, 1996. Levitt told of the NYPD’s non-reporting of four major incidents: The
first-degree rapes of a mother and her daughter, respectively, a murder, and a fatal shooting by a police officer of a
suspected car thief that was ruled a homicide. Levitt wrote that he had been notified of the “non-crimes” variously
by victims and survivors. The NYPD responded to Levitt’s report by claiming that an unnamed reported had stolen
the sheets reporting the crimes from the press room at Police Headquarters. The offending reporter has never been
brought to justice.
Larry Celonas, “NYPD Probes Numbers Game on Crime Stats,” New York Post, 14 March 2002.
Leonard Levitt, “Crime Statistics Doubts Adding Up,” Newsday, 30 June 2003. http://nycpba.org/archive/nd/03/nd-
030630-stats.html
Leonard Levitt and Rocco Parascandola, “Unions, NYPD square off over stats,” Newsday, 23 March 2004. http://
nycpba.org/archive/nd/04/nd-040323-stats.html
Leonard Levitt and Rocco Parascandola, “NYPD probing Queens precinct,” Newsday, 31 March 2004. http://www.
nyfinestsnews.com/40104fudge112pct.html
Paul Moses, “These Stats Are a Crime: While Bloomberg boasts of crime drop, the hospitals’ work on assault victims
is booming,” Village Voice, 1 Nov. 2005. http://www.villagevoice.com/news/0544,moses,69552,5.html
Nicholas Stix, “Crime Stories, op. cit.”
Nicholas Stix, “De-Policing in America’s Cities: Erasing the Thin Blue Line.op. cit
Nicholas Stix, “Disappearing Urban Crime,” VDARE, 26 May 2004. http://www.vdare.com/misc/stix_urban_crime.
htm
Nicholas Stix, “The War against New York’s Cops: Can the Cities be Governed?” Middle American News, June
1999.
Nicholas Stix, “The War on the Police,” Middle American News, December 2002.
Nicholas Stix, “Racial Profiling in New York City?” Middle American News, September 2000.
15. Jared Taylor,“Hard Time.” American Renaissance, November 2004. http://www.amren.com/mtnews/archives/2004/11/
hard_time.php
16. Arian Campo-Flores “The Most Dangerous Gang in America,” Newsweek,28 March, 2005. http://www.msnbc.msn.
com/id/7244879/site/newsweek/
17. Nicholas Stix, “Is L.A. the Model for U.S. Future?” Middle American News, November 2004.
18. John Lott, “Does a Helping Hand Put Others at Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments and Crime.” Economic
Inquiry, April 2000: 249. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=231100
19. Lott, “Does a Helping Hand Put Others at Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments and Crime,”: 254.
20. Lott, “Does a Helping Hand Put Others at Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments and Crime”: 239.
21. Lott, “Does a Helping Hand Put Others at Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments and Crime”: 242.
22. Lott, ibid.
23. Nicholas Stix, “De-Policing in America: Erasing the Thin Blue Line,”op. cit.
24. “Atlanta shootings chronology,” CNN. 12 March 2005. http://www.cnn.com/2005/LAW/03/12/atlanta.timeline/
25. Bill Torpy and Stacy Shelton, “Police missed early chance; Ignoring advice to block garage exits was first of
several missteps,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution. 15 March http://www.ajc.com/news/content/metro/atlanta/0305/
15courthunt.html
26. Beth Warren, “Revenge on system cited as motive for rampage: Nichols saw himself as ‘soldier on a mission,’“ Atlanta
Journal-Constitution, 15 March 2005. http://www.ajc.com/news/content/metro/atlanta/0305/15courtnichols.html
Nicholas Stix, “Brian Nichols: PC Kills … Again,” Intellectual Conservative, 21 March 2005. http://www.intellectu-
alconservative.com/article4222.html
27. Chet Dettlinger and Jeff Prugh, The List (Atlanta: Philmay Enterprises, Inc., 1983), 36.
28. Chet Dettlinger and Jeff Prugh, The List, 38.
31. Steve Visser and Ty Tagami, “Audit finds trouble in city Police Department,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 20
February 2004. http://www.ajc.com/news/content/metro/0204/20atlpolice.html
32. Rhonda Cook and Ty Tagami, “Courthouse review cites lying, apathy; Investigators find security was lax, warnings
ignored,” Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 9 July 2005. http://www.ajc.com/news/content/metro/atlanta/0705/
09a1courthouse.html
Cameron McWhirter and Steve Visser, “Lethal lapses in Atlanta courthouse security helped Nichols,” Atlanta
Journal-Constitution, 27 June 2005. http://www.ajc.com/hp/content/shared/news/nation/stories/06/26_COURT_
SHOOTINGS.html
Steven H. Pollak, Fulton County Daily Report, “Deputy’s Widow Planning to Sue Over Courthouse Shooting,” 23
September 2005. http://www.law.com/jsp/article.jsp?id=1127379914752
33. Brian Thevenot, “Bodies found piled in freezer at Convention Center,” Times-Picayune. 6 September 2005.
http://www.nola.com/newslogs/tporleans/index.ssf?/mtlogs/nola_tporleans/archives/2005_09_06.html
In a featured October/November 2005 story by Thevenot in the American Journalism Review, “Apocalypse in New
Orleans,” Thevenot repeated his most dramatic stories. Brian Thevenot, “Apocalypse in New Orleans,” American
Journalism Review, October/November, 2005. http://www.ajr.org/Article.asp?id=3959
34. Brian Thevenot and Gordon Russell, “Rumors of deaths greatly exaggerated; Widely reported attacks false or unsub-
stantiated; 6 bodies found at Dome; 4 at Convention Center,” Times-Picayune, 26 September 2006. http://www.nola.
com/newslogs/tporleans/index.ssf?/mtlogs/nola_tporleans/archives/2005_09_26.html#082732
35. Brian Thevenot did not respond to an October 11 e-mail from this writer asking him to explain the conflicts between
his September 6 and September 26 stories. On October 3, blogger Eric Scheie had reported that Thevenot responded
to his e-mail asking the same question by insisting that he had publicly retracted his September 6 story. However, at
the time, neither Schneie nor I could find any such public retraction.
Eric Scheie. “Email Oddity.” Classical Values. 3 October 2005. http://www.classicalvalues.com/archives/002868.
html
36. In a second revisionist story, Thevenot “refuted” another “rumor,” according to which 300 corpses were warehoused
in “Marion Abramson High School in Eastern New Orleans.” But to my knowledge, at the time, that rumor also
never made it to the national media, and thus had no influence on national perceptions of New Orleans. Brian
Thevenot, “Myth-Making in New Orleans,” American Journalism Review, December-January, 2006. http://www.ajr.
org/Article.asp?id=3998
37. Matt Welch, “Echo Chamber in the Superdome: A Louisiana National Guardsman explains how he dealt with false
rumors being piped into Ground Zero of Hurricane Katrina,” Reason, 4 October 2005. (The title of Welch’s article
is misleading; the “national guardsman” was a press officer.) http://www.reason.com/links/links100405.shtml
Michael S. Rozeff, “Lawlessness in New Orleans: Truth or Fiction?” lewrockwell.com, 8 October 2005. http://www.
lewrockwell.com/rozeff/rozeff31.html
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http://www.nationalreview.com/goldberg/goldberg200509280812.asp
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State of White America 2007

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State of White America 2007

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The State of White America–2007

Release Date: April 5, 2007

The National Policy Institute

grants from any one country or area.

non-Hispanic White Population, 2000-2050

Population (left axis) 40.0%

Table 1 States Ranked by White, Non-Hispanic

States Where Whites are/will be

Median Age by Race/Ethnicity, 2003

Fertility Rates by Ethnic Group

Foreign Born Population by Race, 2000

Nationality of Foreign-Born Non-Hispanic Whites, 2004

Teen Birth Rates by Race, 1990–2003

Illegitimacy Rates by Race and Ethnicity, 1990–2003

Abortion Rate by Race and Poverty Status, 2000

Average Household Income by Race and Hispanic

Median Earnings of Workers by

Median Weekly Earnings by

Average Income Received by the Richest and

Poverty Status by Race/Ethnicity, 2000–2004

Unemployment Rates by Race/ethnicity,

Labor Force Participation Rates by

Welfare Recipiency Rates by Race/Ethnicity, 2001

Cash Benefit Dependency Rate

Welfare Recipency Rates by Race/Ethnicity, 1996–1999

years of schooling, compared to 8 percent of Hispanics and 1.3 percent of blacks.

Highest Level of Education Attained by Persons

High School Dropout Rates

remains disturbingly large:

Percent of High School Dropouts Among Persons 16 to

Labor Force Participation Rates by

Average SAT Scores of College-Bound Seniors by Race/

NAEP Test Scores

Average NAEP Scores in 8th Grade

Percent of Students Performing at or

Percent of Students Performing at or above

Education and Income

Mean Literacy Scores of Adults

Median Annual Earnings of Workers Ages 25–34

Crime, Incarceration, and Victimization

black males between ages 20 and 39.24

• Black non-Hispanics: 4,919 prisoners per 100,000 population ( 4.919 percent)

• Hispanics: 1,717 prisoners per 100,000 population (1.717 percent)

Male Inmates in State or Federal Prisons and Local Jails,

Distribution of Local Jail Inmates by Race/

Racial Bias in the Criminal Justice System?

Prison Population Increase Accounted

Incarceration Rates by Race/ethnicity and Offense, 2002

Incarceration Rate Growth by Race/Ethnicity

Voting and Registration Rates by Race/

Voting Rates by Race, 2000 and 2004

Voting Rates of 18- to 24-Year-Olds, 2004

Voting Rates by Race/Ethnicity and Education,

Voting Rates by Race/Ethnicity and Place of Birth, 2004

Linguistic Isolation by Language, 2000

Persons in Linguistically Isolated Households, 1990–2000

English Language Proficiency of Persons Speaking a

Religion, Gender, Government, and the Future