Peasant bla.ebmi\bing in Indooesi.a: SUTVh'inC aJld lhriviD.

i1lainst all odds

DwUIl, SWIll')' Ann, Pb.D.

Ulli...,.,,~ "' a•....;;, 1992

UM·!
JOO N. Zed! Rd.
Ann Amor. MJ ollll06
 pEJ.:;.....' n' ELACKSM1THING IS INDON£SIA:

SURVIVI~G AND THRIVING AGAINST ALL ODDS

A DISSERTATION SUauJTT£D TO THE GRADUATE DI~SION OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF' HAKAI' I IN PARTl.AI. fOLfI..L.Ua:NT
OF nre REQOIREM£I:l'TS FOR THE DEGRE:! OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

IN

Al:TIiROPOLOGY

AUGUST 1992

BY

S. Ann OUl'lhu

J
oisSert~tlOn CO~lttee:

Alice G. Dewey. Chairperson

Wllhelm C. Solheim II
3en it. F'lnney
P. :hen Gtlff1n
"a.~hy Wllson

---
OHIO UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
 we ce=tify that we have read this disse=tation and
that, in our opinion, it is satisf~ctory in scope and
quality as a dissertation for the degree of Ooctor of
Philosophy in Anthropology.

DISSERTATION CO~*~ITTEE

Ann Dunh<ll:l 1992

R.,f;ervec

",

&
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The following individuals were of great assistance in

helping me complete to complete this dissertation:
Ir. Djaka Waluja and Ora. Sumarni, a husband and wife
team who worked as my original field assistants in
Kajar village, and who explained many ~tters

pertaining to Javanese rural life; Djaka also

dedicated to
who each gave me Maclelyn and Alice assisted with drawings and maps
and to . .SUPPort in her own' wa
who seldclIl eomplai _.. rack and May. Y.
n=.. When th . , - Alice Dewey. my committee chairperson. who was
1!J...r l!Iotber was in the
.field
generous with her insights on Javanese culture, and
accompanied me on several field trips in the
Jogjakarta area, including a 1991 field trip to Kajar
village

- I Made Suarjana, a Jogja.karta-based journalist who

helped me to collect additional data from Kajar and
Batur vi.llages, and provided many insights on
Balinese thought and culture
- Garrett and Bronwen Solyom, who provided cOIDl:lents on
the Glossary, as well as stimulating discussion on
matters pertaining to the ~ and other artifacts
of Javanese and Balinese culture; Garrett kindly lent
me an unpublished 1973 student paper which was useful
in writing Chapter III
A special debt of gratitude is owed to the Department
of Industry of the Republic of Indonesia. Any criticisms of

,
 the Departlu
ent Contained in this
a co diSsertation
nstructive Spirit b are Offered ~n
. Y one who . ...
.tnsider tha cons.tders hez-sel f Jaore I Made Jayawardana, field officer from Gianyar
n an Outsider. SIP an
unit for the Tr . . IX, the Department.s district on Ba1 i. who arranged and accompanied me on
4 1 n.tnq and G . SPecid..l
acted as t.h U1dance of Small several tours of industrial villages on that island
e Indon"~'~.tan spo
IndUstries
research . "sar for lily •
original field between 1988-1991
U1 the JogjaJca
De. %"ta area beh,o The East-West COn't..er provided with a qrant in 1977-
~ent'$ Sema een ~977-1978 The IIle
rang Office provided _ •
1979-80 wh.il lie W'.t'th a b 1978 to carry out field vork, for which I AD grateful.
e I was worti..... Olle between
Project. .." on the Prov' Kend1 Ojunaidy, proqR.%ll officer in the Center's Resource
F" l.ncia.l De
l.ght district f Vel0Pl:lent
coo 0 fices of til
perated on a ,. e OePUtlDent Institute, was also helpful in arranging support services
88 surv
wh1 ey ot non-a .
eh the auth g'rl.eul tUr-al during the final write-up phase.
or carried enterprises
Ov OUt for Bank
er the years Rakyat Indonesia. Acknowledgelllents are also due to the following
n\lJllerous Oft!
De cers from copyright holders who allowed me to use illustrations from
pattment·s h" all levels
.terarchy ha Of the
di Ve lIIade th
scuss technical emselves available to their publications: Cornell university Southeast Asia
and develo
the benefit of t.h . pment matters, and Program, Yale University Press, the Board of Trustees of the
e~ kn have proVide~
tn . OVledqe and ...
e1r generous hel . experience. Without Nationa.! Gallery of Art, The Asia society Galleries,
p, ~t is dOUbt!
been able to 1 ul th<tt I WOUld Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Australia, Random House and Oxford
ocate =any r eVen have
dissertation. The"umbe 0 the Villages diSCussed in this University Press. Haryono GUritno _"as also kind enough to
r Of these
-ntion One bu Officers is t allow De to use an illustration frot:! a privately published
.. One but 00 great to
• a special th
- Ir. Fe.l;'"
~ ~~ko
1___ a.nJc You is o... -~
~ to:
book.
nq. head of th
SlJbdirectorate for e De~ent'$ Finally, all anthropologists :I:S~ acknoWledge a debt ot
He'taJ. in 1991
his busy SCh@dUle ' Who lllade timli!! in gratitude to their informants. Villagers in Indonesia are
for a length _
prOvided lie . Y ~nterview and invariably friendly, pleasant and Willing to patiently
w~th a Useful
Out by the s .......... ~ unpllb1ished survey ans....er _ny questions concerning their enterprises and
~rectorate carried
Ir. Rianto personal finances, even ~hen dozens of neighbors and village
, BUn
field Worker f .
197 8-1979 KaJar viU . children are crOWded in the doorway or looking ir. the
• now Working in t h eor . age Ul
J ogj aJcarta prov~ncia.I ....indo....s. I do not recall ever being treated rudely by an
Office in

'1
vii
Indonesian villager, or ever having had an unpleasant
fieldwork experience while in Indonesia.
I have a special affection for Kajar, the principal
research village for this dissertation. It is a wonderful
and mysterious place. Among the Illany residents of Kajar who
provided information over the years, I should acknowledge
the special help of:
Pak Paeran, the vi1lage headman
Pak Sastrosuyono, the leading entrepreneur and former
head of the blacks:mithing cooperative
Pak Hartoutomo, the head of Social Welfare
Pak Atmosumarto, head of the largest hamlet in Kajar
village
Each of these individuals has endured numerous questions
over the years, and contributed a great deal to my
understanding of the economic history of their village. The
homes of Palt Sastro and Pax Atmo often served as cool
refuges during a bard day of field work. Bu Sastro's
wonderful store, selling every item imaginable, also served
the same purpose. Any criticisms of the economic role these
individuals play in village life shoUld not be construed as
criticisms of them as individuals.
viii
----
ABSTRll.CT
Tillis dissertation is a socia-economic study of peasant
~etalworking industries in indonesia. The emphasis is on
traditional blacksmithing, but data is also provided on
copper, brass, bronze, silver and gold inDustries.
since the late nineteenth century, economists and
adlllinistrators have been predicting the demise of village
industries in Indonesia. Despite such predic~ions, the
nmnber of persons employed in these industries has 51:eadily
increased. the rate of increase acce.leratL-,g d=ing the l.a.st
~o decades. Social scientists working in Indonesia. have
tended to view t~is increase negatively, as a s1gn of crisis
in tile agriCUltural sector. However, their models of rural
cilange have been based all:lost entirely on studies of lOWland
wet-rice villages. This dissertation contends that these
models need revising because they start with the false
assUllIption that agricul.ture always generates more inccme per
labor hour than non-agricultural occupations. It describes
a number of villages Where, for a variety of hi51:orical,
ecological and demographic reasons. metalworking tends to be
lilore pro:Utable than agriculture. Villagers accordingly
give metalworking priority in their strategies of resource
and labor allocation, and consider agriculture to be a
secondary occupation.
 TABLE: OF CONTENTS
Part One of the dissertation draws on data frOlll the

fields ot archaeology, bi.story. metallurgy and cultural v

ACKNOWLEDGKEN'l'S
anthropology to describe metalworking industries as they ABSTRACT
existed in the past, and as they are viewed by the smiths ><vi
LIST OF TABlZS
themselves. This view, ~bicb includes a strong cultura1 xviii
LIST OF FIGURES
dimension, is very different from the view o~ moc'lern . xx
LIST OF MAPS
development planners. xxi
LIST OF PUTES.
Part Two presents current ecoloqica.l data on INTROOOCTIOt: 1
CIIAP'l'ER I
metal~orking industries. An overview describes their Subject Matter of the.Disse~tion 1

socia-economic organization, inclUding patterns of resource

organization of the Dl.Ssertat1.0n
A Note on TerIlinoloqy . . . . . 14
•
allocation, intra-industry stratification, and the use of
Dutch Colonial Views on Peasant
Industries and Their
-Inevitable Demise" • . . •
Economic Dualislll and Boeke' s Views
,.
capital !Jy village-based entrepreneurs. There follows a
on Peasant Industries • . . . . 22
detailed study of Kajar, a large and well-stratified COping With Econocic and Political
Chaos: 1930-1970 . . . . . • 31
blackstlithing villa.ge in 30gjakartaregion, and shorter American Social Scientists and
the Mojokuto Project . . • . 35
d~criptions of five other metalworking villages. Boeke Reincarnated: Geer't.sZ's
views on Peasant Industries,
Part Three presents the deve.1opt:lent view of Involution and T3ke-Off J9
Modernization Theory and Its
metalwo~king industries and raises questions about their Imoact on Public Policy 48

..
The Green Revolution and Social
future. It discusses the available t:tacrodata frOlll national Equity Problems . . . . . . 50
Industrial Policy Under the New Order
surveys, and the possible illlpaet of c:hanges in protective GovernDIent of President Soeharto
Social Science in the 19705;
import and licensing regulations. !:xtension programs Reaction to Geertz and the Green
Revolution; Gro~ in Non-
carried iJut by the Oepilr'tlllent of Industry in tle:talworking Aqricultural Sectors and the
~Push-Pull~ Debate 62
villages are critiqued, and sOllie recommendations presented. Pressure to oerequlate and Its
possible Impact on Peasant
Industries . . . . . . . • . . . . . . 69

xi
,

"---- -

scene, replaced by electric lights. Generally the
wattage is not enough to operate large machinery, so
Cliese1s are still an iJllportant capital asset. Most
households do bave enough wattage to operate small
machines, however;
- villagers bave begun to use banks, not only tor
credit but also tor savings. In the early 1910s
there vas probably little capacity for saving in
rural areas (although that capacity may have been
underestimated). Now rural bank savings exceed rural
bank lending in many areas. Two government banks,
Bank Rakyat Indonesia and Bank Dagang Negara, have
set up village banks at the kecamatan and ~ For the foreseeable future, Indonesia wUl probably
levels, so that villagers no longer have to travel
long distances to use banking services. The focus of
rural credit programs has generally shifted away
fro_ wet-rice production to non-agricultural
enterprises. The reasons for this are complex, but
include the fact that the default rate on loans to
non-agricultural enterprises is generally lower.
Otber prosperity indicators could be identified in the areas
of clothing, household furnishings, health care, and
entertainaent.
The prosperity now seen in rural Indonesia Day be
fragile, in the sense that J:lUch ot it could be lost if there
were another widespread failure of rice harvests Which
lasted several seasons. This occurred once in the early
19605 and again in the early 19705. Declining prices for
InClonesia's oil on the world markets, such as occurred in
1983 and 1986, also a£fect the government's ability to fund
development programs and subsidize rice inputs.
Nonetheless, confidence in the economy is high enough that
" . 18
"take-off" has once again become a topic 0 f d 1scusS10n.
People are wondering- vhether take-off is occurring now, or
whether it will occur in the near fUture. Government
planners have predicted that taka-off will occur during the
sixth Five-Year Develop1llent Plan (1995-1999). At t.he same
time, other gOVe.rnJ:Ient officials have said that they would
prefer to talk about sustained growth rather than take-off.
continue vith a two-pronged industrial strategy consisting
of the support of sJ:Ja1l industries for the sake of equity
and employment, and the support ot large industries for the
sake of grolofth and the GNP. This strateqy assWlles, as a.ll
strategies before it, that village industries are not
competitive. This dissertation differs from .ost studies of
small industries in eJIlphasizing their long-term stability
and competitive advantages within the context of the ru.ral
market.
Inforpation Sources
The information in this dissertation was collected over
a 14-year period between 1977 and 1991. Various types of
75
research methods ....ere used, includinq infor:mal visits and
intervie....s, structured interviews using question lists and
questionnaires, and photographic doc:umentation. The persons
intervie....ed included village officials, village industry
producers, raw material suppliers, buyers of vil.lage
industry prodUcts, and Department of Industry officials at
several different levels and from several di.~ferent
directorates and sUbc:tirectorates. This prilllary data was
supplemented with secondary data of various types, including
reports from the Central Bureau of statistics in 3akarta,
reports and conference papers from fellow consultants
working in the areas of non-agricultural employment and
small enterprise development, reports from development and
funding agencies such as the World Bank and ILO, and
published social science journal articles and books.
During most of the 14 years durinq ....hich inforaation
....as collected, the author was employed in Indonesia as a
development consultant, a university instructor and/or a
program officer for funding agencies. Part of the data was
collected in the course of carrying out these other tasks.
Several research phases can thus be identified, as follo....s:
1. From 3une, 1977, through Septe!llber, 1978, the
author carried out research on village industries in the
.Jogjakarta special Region (D. I . 'i.) under a stUdent grant
from the East-West Center, Honolulu. The Indonesian sponsor
for this resea.rcb ....as the Department of Industry's agency
for the Guidance and oeveloplIIent of Saall Industries
7.
{BIPIKl. During this research phase a general survey ....as
first made of 35 industry villages in the four rural
districts of Jogjakarta. Four villages ....ere selected from
this larger group and a sample survey was conducted of 60
households in each village. These tour v illaqes ....ere the
blackslllithing village of Kajar in Gunung Kidul district, the
ceramics village of Kasongan in Bantu1 district, the leather
puppet village of Pocung in Bantu! district, and the balIboo
basketry village of Malangan in Sleman district. The author
....as assisted in this ....ork by several student surveyors from
the Population Institute, Gadjab !'lada university. During
this phase the author also had occasion to collect some data
in an info.c.al wayan the silver ....orking industry at p::ota
Gede village on the outskirts of Jogjakarta, on brass bell
casting at Nga....en village in Sleman district, on ~
making in .Jitar village in Slelllan district, etc. (see
Appendix A for a more complete listing or indUStry villages
discussed in this dissertation);
2. In May and .June, 1918, the author ....as part of a
team working at ILQt s .Jakarta office to write
recommendations for the Indonesian goverma.e.nt· s third Five-
Year Development Plan (Repelita III). The author was
responsible for the recommendations on village industries
and other rural non-agricultura1 enterprises. This involVed
an extensive review of the available English and
Indonesian-language literature, which was compiled by 110;
77
 3. FrOIl october, 1978, through December. 1980, the
author was employed as Rural Industries Consultant on the
Provincial oeveloplllent Project (PDP I) in Central Java,
funded by USMD. Based at the Depa.rtIlent of Industry's
Provincial office in Semarang, the author's principal task
was setting up a credit program for 22 SlIIall industry
villages in the north coast districts of Rudus, Deaak,
Jepara, Pati and Rembang. These villages included the
blacksmithing village of Hadipolo in Kudus district, the
blacksDithing village of Kuniran in Pati district and the
coppervorking village of Jolotundo in Relabang district.
These Villages were visited on a regular basis over the
tyo-year period and evaluated as to the apact of program
participation on such variables as enterprise incoae.
eJ:lployme.nt, and labor productivity. Another task was the
annual review of proposals for village industry projects
sUbmitted by the Department of Industry's offices in the
five above-lIIentioned districts of central Java. Similar
reviews were undertaken for other PDP project areas in Aceh
(North SWllatra), Madura, and Lombok. In carrying out this
task it vas necessary to tour these areas and data was
collected in an informal way from such blacksmithing
villages as Ba'et in Aceh and Sen Asen on Madura. Yet
another task was the completion of a large-scale baseline
survey of village industries and other non-agricultural
inco~ generating activities in Central Java province.
was done with the assistance of social science research
78
institutes at Diponegoro and satya Wecana Oniversities. On
personal tilDe, revisits were also made to Kajar and other
villages in Jogjakarta;
4. FrOIl January. 1981, to August. 1984, the author vas
employed as a program officer for Women and Employment at
the Regional Southeast Asia Office of the Ford Foundation in
Jakarta. TwO days a week were spent working' vith Dr.
Pujiwati sajogyo of the Center for Developuent Studies at
Bogor Agricultural University on a four-year research
project concerninq the eeonCllllic roles of rural women in
seven provinces of the Indonesian outer islands. Tb.is also
involved instruction and thesis supervision of =aster's-
level students from outer island universities who were
involved in the project. Tbe reuinder of the week vas
spent in evaluating grant requests from Indonesian
organizations, and monitoring and evaluating projects
a1..ready funded. !'lost of these projects focused on women in
the industrial sector, ranging froll village industry
producers to put-out workers to workers employed in large
factories. This job required considerable traveling, and
there were opportunities to visit new blac1tslllithing and
metalworking villages, as well as revisit Kajar and other
villages in the Jogjakarta-Central Java region;
S. From Kay througb November. 1986, and August through
November, 1.987, the author was employed as a cottage
This Industries Development consultant, assigned to the
"
Agricultural Development Bank ot Pakistan under the
Gujranwala rntegrated Rural Development Project (GAOP) ,
credit co.pone.nt. The larger project was funded by the
Asian Development Bank and the author's consultancy was
funded by IFAD. The main task was setting up a pilot credit
project tor artisan-caste villagers in Gujranwala district
in the Pakistani Punjab. The blacksmiths (lohari) were one
of the castes involved and nUJllerous visits were ~de for
survey and evaluation purposes to the blacksmithing villages
of Jandiala Baghwal.a and Kalii Shah Pur. Other castes
inclUded in the project were the potters, weavers and
leather workers. In carrying out this project the author
worked closely with the Lahore office of the Punjab Small
Industries corporation. A conference paper was written
comparing the blacksmiths of Indonesia and the Punjab,
aainly from a develop~nt perspective;
6_ FrOIll September, 1988, to the present the author has
been employed as a Research Coordinator at Bank Rakyat
Indonesia (BRI), Jakarta. This work has been funded by both
USMC and the World Bank. BRI is the principal government
bank in Indonesia which carries out programs in rural areas.
Its credit and savings proqralaS, ""h.ich are Clong the largest
in the world, are channeled through a nationwide network of
approximately ),500 village banks. Because there is another
government program for rice inputs, BRI's rural credit
program (KOPEDESl makes loans principally for non-
agricultural enterprises. The author's work at DR! has been
to carry out policy-oriented research on the rural banks and
their customers, assisted by teams ot staff researchers from
BRI's Department of Planning, Researcb and oeve:ioplaent. One
of the first projects carried out focused on village
industry loan custObQ.CS. This involved cooperation 'With
Department of Industry district offices in four provinces.
Another was a borrower-impact study, which involved
intensive interviews ';ith several hundred customer
households. Yet another was a village-based comparative
study of customer and non-customer households. The research
sites for these studies were located L., the provinces of
west Java, Jogj akarta , North SUJII.!l.tra, South sulawesi and
Bali. About 50 of the intensive interviews conducted by
teillD members during the course of these surveys were ....ith
the owners of blaCksmithing or other metalworking
enterprises, and the author has had access to this interview
data. While accompanying research teams to the field the
author also had the opportunity to visit a number of new
metalworking villages. 'I'his was the first time that the
author had worked on Bali, where there is a strong smithing
tradition. SOllle of the villages visited on Bali included
the blac~thinq vil.1age of Batu sangihan in Tabanan
district, the blackslllithinq village of Deled PangluJt in
Gianyar district, the silver- and gold-working village of
C£1uJt in Gianyar district, and the silver-, gold-, brass-
and iron- working village of Kamasan in Klungkung district.

•• "
Some metalworking villages of interest elsewhere included
the blacksJt.ithinq village of KersaJlle.na.k in Garut district in
West Java, and the blacksmithing village of Massepe in
Sidrap district in South Sulawesi (see Appendix A). It was
also possible during this phase to revisit Kajar and other
villages in Joqjakarta. Hare recently, sOllie additional
inforDation on Kajar '\las collected for the author by Hade
Suarjana, a Joqjakarta-based journali5t. In 1991 t\lO visits
\lere Illade by Hade Sua.rjana and the author to the iron- and
brass-casting village of Batur in Klaten district in Central
Java. This was to follow up on a 1970 study of Batur done
by Kuntowidjojo.
The principal research village for this dissertation is
Kajar, the first blacksmithing village ever visited by the
author. The author has been fortunate enough to have had a
14-year relationship with the people of this village, to
have visited it ~y times during that period, and to be
witness both to changes over that period of time and to the
remarkable strength and tenacity of its traditions.
82
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
According to the l.980 Population Census, 3,337~OOO
persons \lorkinq in rural areas gave 1DAl\ufaetur1nq as
their primary occupation. 'ttJ,e nueber has probably
increased. since that tillle (Poet, Kuyvenhoven and Jansen
1990:66, Table 3.13; see a150 Tables 5 an~ 6 in Chapter
VIII of this dissertation, plus ilIccolllpanY:Ln9
discussion) .
2. See, for ex~ple, Zerner's 1981 article on Torajan
blacKsmiths in the hic;hlands of Sula\lesi who interact
with Buginese blacksmiths on the coast. Chapters rv
and VII below include a discussion of this article.
J. Kahn's use of the ten -petty commodity production- is
further discussed in Chapter VII, in the section on
sung-ai Puar village.
4. FUrnivall described the Dutch method as "let ~ help
you, let me shOW you how to do it, let me do it for
you" (Furnivall 1929:269).
5. Various versions of these ideas are found in ~ke
1910, 1942, 1946, 1953, 1954 and 1966. In writing
these paraqraphs I have :;clied lIa~ly on Boeke 1953,
which is actually a cOlllbmed repnnt ~f the 1942. aJ?d
1946 books. Boeke's views are summar1zed and ~r1t~qued
in Koentjaraninqrat, 1975, pp. 74-85, and Higgl-nS,
1955, pp. 58-78. see also -Introduction- and Part II
of Evers, 1980.
6. For trade as socething foreign to the Indonesian
economy, see Boeke, 1953, pp. 48-49.
7. For Boeke on Gandhi, see Indonesian Economics, 1966,
pp. 167-192. 1.n his 1954 article on population, Boeke
talks about -village restoration.-
8. see Koentjaraningrat, 1975, pp. 80-83, for a review of
early Dutch, European and Indonesian criticisms of
Boeke.
9. See Koentjaraningrat, 1975. pp: 191-209, for ill . revi~w
of studies carried out by ~1can anthropolog1sts 10
Indonesia after World War II.
8J
10. The Dutch vord is ·CUltuurstelsel." Although it beeaJte
a convention to mistranslate this as "CUlture Systea" n. Geertz also revisited .lava in l.'.il57-58 "":'~le he vas
in English, it actually means "CUltivation System." doing fieldwork on Bali (Geertz U6)b:v.ll).
Some authors nov use "CUltivation System."
lO. In December,1989, ~ devoted its entire En9 1ish -
11. Cane uses ~v irrigation while rice uses pan language edition to the subject of take-off.
irrigation. Planting cane in a rice field, therefore,
involves a total restructuring of the field. Moreover,
cane is a IS-month crop, whereas rice is a 4-10 month
crop, depending on the variety. See Sajogyo, 1976, p.
xxv, and Alexander and Alexander, 1978.

12. Some of these articles are collected in Part II of

Evers (ed.). 1980. Evers' useful introduction includes
a discussion of the major paradigms that have been used
in Southeast Asian social science, namely: dual
societies, plural societies, loosely-structured social
systelllS, involution and modernization theory.

13. Frank, 1973, is a vell-knQwn polemic against both the

lllOdemization school and dualism. White notes the
curious tact that Frank praises Agricultural Involution
in the same article, and asks "How can Gunder Frank and
Higgins like the same book?" (White 1983:19).
Sritua Arief and Adi Sasono pUblished a book in 1980
which applied dependency theory to Indonesia. In
writing the book they bad the cooperation of Frank.
Wertheill and Giap also contributed an article on Java
to a volume edited by Wallerstein on social change in
the colonial era. Nonetheless, dependency and world
systeDS theory have not been popular in Indonesia,
perhaps because of their emphasis on the need for
social restructuring.
A. This is the opinion of 1Il0st economists. White,
however, disagrees. He sees a Mproto-Green Revolution"
in the late Swearno era, and ·slow but reasonable
growth, at rates slighUy ahead of population growth·
(see White 1989:72) .
.5. I have used the term "19705 group" as a writing
convenience, without wishing to imply any concerted
action on their part or an absence of differences
between individual members.
6. A partial list would include: Alexander and Alexander
1978, 1979, and 1982; Collier 1976, 1979 and 1981a;
Elson 1978; Gordon, 1978; Hart 1978, 1981 and 1986;
Knight 1982; Mortimer 1972; stoler 1977a and 1977b;
White 1973, 1976a, 1976b, 1979 and 1983.
"
84
trunk of the Tree of Life. The Tree of Life is also hunq
"ith iron veapons, gongs, gold and brass ornaments and other
r.Uuables. The Tree of Life may in fact be a Tree of Death,
lSsociated with heat1hunting. It %lIay be planted in the body
)f a sacrificial slave. or bung with skulls. bong the
19aju it is identical to the weapon rack. Throughout tribal
(ndonesia it reappears on 1Jtat textiles and woven fiber uts
IS a skull tree or skUll rack.
Finally, there are the images associated with gongs.
:n tribal myths the gong represents the earth, or an island
micb emerges from the primordial vaters at the time of
:reation. The first man and woman live on this island.
~li, this island has been transformed into the shell of the
Jrupara, the king of the turtles. who supports the vorld.
'he world turtle, in turn, comes from a story in the
~abharata (Eiseman 1989:Vol. I, 6<).
."
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV
1. SOJ:let:Ules an adjective suffix is added to the word
gedoOQ to make ~ geclonqan w •
2. I was first introduced to Pak Ojeno in 1976 or 1977 by
Garrett Solyolll, vbo had colllll.issioned a klli.i froll Pak
Ojeno and his older brother, Yosopangarso. The
production of this ~ is dOCUJllented in Solyo. and
Solyom, 1918, pp. 6-11. Pat Ojano lives in the village
ot Jitar (Moyudan subdistrict, Sleman district). I
sUbsequently came to know him better while carrying out
research in the neighboring basketry-~ng village of
Halang-an.
3. Semar and his sons feature principal.ly in Javanese
stories based on the Hahabharata, where they play the
servants of the Pandawas. Sometil:ies they are also
included in stories from the Ramayana cycle. In some
On versions of the Hahabharata, the KuraWiliS (cousins of
the Pandawas who are aligned on the left), have their
O'Wll servants, Togog and Bilung. who are also punakawan
(Hood 1967:443). Other story cycles have other sets of
Dunakawan. all similar in their rough and comical
appearance. In West Java there are two puna~awan,
Bancak and Deyok. who serve Prince Panj i in the Panj i
cycle of wayanq stories. When the same stories are
perfOI'1lled as masked dances, these servants are called
Pentul and Tembe~ (Xoentjaraninqrat 1985:203,228).
4. This particular lU.!An9 livecl in wonosari, a large
Ilarket tovn south of Jogjakarta which is f<UlOus for its
dalang and pesjnden. When I met him he was in his
eighties. had converted to Islam.. and been appointed as
head of social welfare (kepala sosial) for his
neighborhood. In ruinisci.1'lq about his youth, however,
he admitted that he had been a thief, a rake and
possibly a p~ as well, Who was in one entertaining
scrape after another. It was somewhat later that he
discovered his talent for puppeteering and became a
....ell-known dalang in the area. I asked his wife, also
quite elderly, whether she trinded being the twelfth
wife of a dalang. She said no, because he was her
eleventh husband!
,. This classification is based largely on
Koentjaraningrat, 1985, pp. <22-426. See also Geertz.
1960, Chapter 8.
40J

6. Nowadays there are two types or headmen. Traditional
headmen are elected by the villagers, and their style
is usually as described. There are also headlllen
appointed by the governaent, however, often retired
military men, who bave it very different style, more
distant and formal.
7. EisEUllan does not provide evidence for this conclusion.
It is contradicted somewhat by Vicker's description of
"Bali Aga" villages, i.e., villages in the highlands
and eastern part. of Ba.li whicb resisted Javanization
and chose to retain lIIany elements of pre-silrteenth
century Balinese social organization and culture.
-According to Vickers, these villages consisted of a
"core" group of villagers faailies wbo lived in
walled-in compounds. Artisans, traders and other
"outsiders" lived outside the walls and were not part
of the core group. Members of the village council of
elders were drawn trom the core group (Vickers
1989:47-48). Garrett KaJ:I has recently visited Bali Aga
villages and also found that members of the ~ clan
of bla~ksm~ths lived outside the core village (personal
co=un.lcat.lon) •
In defense of Eisenan's statement, however, it should
be noted that Bali Aqa villages retain llIany elelllents of
pre-fifteenth and sixteenth century society and
CUlture, but they do not necessarily represent a "pre-
Hindu" tribal phase, as is often claimed. Hindu
culture is probably at least as old in Bali as it is in
Java.
8. It is cOllll:lOn throughout tribal Indonesia to refer to
boy children as daggers or spears and girl children as
cloth. In Ngaju genealogies, for example, ancestors
are said to have begat x nuDber of "spear-bearing boys"
and y number of "girls wrapped in sinjang (shawls)"
(Schl!'rer 1963:198-199) _ When a child is born alllong the
ToraJans of Central Sulawesi, people ask "Is it beads,
or is it a dagger?- (Zerner 1981:104). In funeral
r~tes~ male coffins and effigies are usually decorated
w.lth l..-ron weapons, While !eaale coffins and effigies
are decorated with sacred cloths. See also Moni Adallls
1973.
9. Harrisson and O'Connor are at pains to place the
arrival of Raja Jeqedong within the time true of their
Santubong material. The Harrisson and Sandin anicle
deduces that he existed, at least symbolically, "a
century or 1lI0re before 1350 A.O n (Harrisson and
O'Connor 1969:Vol. I:80-81, citing Harrisson and Sandin
1966) .
404
If a generation is counted at 25 years, ~is would give
an arrival date of about A.D. 1291, count1ng backWard
from 1966. If a generation is counted at 20 years,
this would give a date of about A.D. 1~26.
10. According to Barrisson and o'Connor, the compass was
developed in china in the eleventh 7entury out of
magnetism in iron combined with Tao.lst ge~mancy.
During the Sung dynasty (tenth through ~ee':,lth
centuries) its use was established on sh~ps sa.lling the
South China Sea (Harrisson and O'COnnor 1969:Vol. I,
81-82) .
11. I have been unable to find Mt. Sesean on standard
Indonesian maps of Sulawesi. According to Ml.!!.2
Indonesia ~ ~ , one w~delY used book o~ maps
published by Prina Indones~a in 1991, the highest
mountains in the Toraja area are Mt. Gandadewata at
3,07~ meters and Ht. Paroreang at 2,019 meters.
Perhaps Sesean is a local name for one of th~se
mountains, or perhaps it is a sllla1ler mounta~n.
12. These Torajan cloths are called ~ or sarita (ze:n er ,
1981;102, 104). They are simple two-color wax-res.lst
batiks, indigo or rust on a natural background: Th~
wax on heirloom cloths was apparently not appl.led w.lth
a canting but some other type of implement. See also
Solyom and Solyoe, 1984, pp. 38-39, and Gittinger,
1990, pp. 202-20~.
u. Bronson doubts that any of the nickelous iron ores of
Indonesia are meteoric, except the famous Prambanan
meteor on Java (BrOnson 1987).
1<. Malili is located near Lake Matana, and probably it was
a center for all types of lDetalworking. Wagner,
writing in 1959, listed the Lake Katana area as a.
previous and current center for the lost~wax castL':,lg.of
brass objects (p. 71). He does not ment10n the or1g1n
of the copper and zinc used.
15. According to Geertz, this is the opening scene in _an .
oral myth recounted in the countryside of Java Wh1Ch .lS
called Babad ~ ~ . In a foot.note he notes that
there is also a written version of the ~ ~
~ , composed during the seventeeth century to
legitiaize the rule of the later Kat.ara.m ~ynasty in
central Java. He says that the oral vers.lons are not
always in very close concordance with this vritten
version.
Koentjaraningrat objects strenuously to Geertz's use of
the title ~ Tanah ~ for his tale, and says this
405

titie should be rese~ed for the vritten version. The
....ritten version is in metered verse, and teJ.ls the
history of the IllOst important .Javanese kinqdoas, from
Hajapabit to Katara... Koentjaran1ngrat adllit.s thAt
there are oral songs/stories about the clearing
(mbabad) of forests in .Java, for the purpose of
building a palace which is to become the centre of a
new kingdom. He SAyS that there is no specific term
for such stories, however (Koentjaraninqrat 1985:431).
The teIlll babad is used to refer to any type of
historical chronicle written in .Javanese or Balinese.
There are many different~, e.g., ~ Cirebon,
~ Buleleng. etc.
16. The above two sentences are taken a1lDost verbatim from
O'Connor.
11. Raffles reported in 1811 that the Panji stories were
pexfoJ:::lll.ed in Kalaya, although with certain
transpositions of time and place. (Raffles 1988
edition: 91-92) They are also perfoIllled in 8UrIIa and
Thailand (Vickers 1989: 53
in Den Buki t wbere Panj i Sakti' s mother comes from
(Worseley 1972:139) .
22. According to the PararatoO, a flaming ~ight.was. als?
seen emanating f = Ken Arok several tulles 1.n h1.s life.
For exat:lple. when his .ather abandoned Ken Arok on a
burial ground after his birth, a flalling light led the
thief Lembong to find him. Such a light is a siCJIl of
great ~ or inner po..-e.r (Worsley 1912:211-218).
23. Other common names for Tintiya are Cintya, Sanghyang
Tungga1, and Sanghyang \o/idhi Wasi.
24. There is an ancient graveyard near the stone carving
village of l\lDparita in sidrap district, South Sulawesi.
Those graves which are said by villagers to !loa the
ea.rliest are marked with undecorated megalithic stones,
flat stones for females and upright stones for tlales.
During the lndianized period, these were replaced by
stone lingaJDS for males and stone yonts for females.

18. The adoption of names from the Panji stories by

gongsmiths was first reported by Jacobson and
van Hasselt (1915:129 [1901]) and Kunst (Hood
1963:445-446, citing Kunst 1949 [second editionl).

The translation of "Pandji Sepuh" as "Pandji the Old

(i.e., ancient) One" is only one possible translation.
The word sepuh has at least three meanings. One
meaning is indeed "old person." Another is "gilded" or
"gold-plated," as a gold-plated statue or gold-plated
jewelry. The other is "tellpered" as when a steel blade
is tempered by reheating it and plunging it into Yater
or coconut oil. The lIIeaning ot "old person" may in
fact derive from the meaning of "tempered," in that it
refers to a person Who has been "tempered· by li-fe
experiences (see Glossary).

19. The co:r:::rect na.me ot Ken Dedes' son is Anusapati, not

Anupasati.

20. A fuller version of the legend of Damar Wulan can be

found in Holt, 1967, pp. 276-277.

21. The title of Panji has the general meaning of "Prince,"

and probably derives from the Indian title of Panjib,
also meaning "Prince." Therefore, no direct
relationship can be assumed between this Panji and the
eleventh century prince of .Janggala whose story is told
above. Furthermore, "Panji" is the name of the village
401
406
 tillle on tasks related to purchasing supplies and marketing,
so they have less time for production and their output is
lower. Their ente~rises are 01 so more l·k
-~ 1. e 1 y to be plaqued
by cash flow problems and work stoppages;
2. Profits for independent and dependent perapen
owners are not very tluch higher than those for hired ~,
particularly older and lIore experienced.~. In August,
1991, for exacple, daily ~ wages in Kajar varied between
Rp. 2,500-5,000, and averaged about Rp. 3,500. Profits for
eeraoen owners during the same month averaged about Rp 5,000
on a daily investaent capital of between Rp. 50,000-
60,000;1.2
3. Profits for ~ pedaqang are dif~icult to
determine, because purchasing and marketing take place far
away from the village. ~ pedagang normally try to bide
the actual prices they pay for iron and charcoal, and the
actual price they receive troll buyers tor tools sold. I t is
sate to assume, however, that prOfits earned by upy
Pedagang are many times higher than those earned by anyone
else inVolved in the ind"stry.
.. f'u
rthermore, even if the
~ pedagang Owns several perapen, the profits he earns
from production are -lnor
- and·l.ncl.·d ental in comparison with
those he earns trOll trading.
484
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV
1. See Thorburn, 1982, p. 135 for an illustration of an
~~. It is interesting to note that pandal
gurinda (cutlers) existed as early as 1817 and are
listed among other occupations in Appendix E to
Raffles.
2. A province is roughly equivalent to an Merican state,
and a district is roughly equivalent to a county.
J. Kahn 1980 uses the ten:l "sledgers" to refer t.o hammer-
swingers.
4. Kinship is bilateral in lIlost parts of Indonesia.
Newlyweds may chose to live near the parents ot either
the bride or the groom. This choice often depends on
Which set ot parents has the most property. Bali, with
its extended pat.rilineal households, is an exception to
this.
5. This information is taken from the author's field notes
While working on the PDP I project between 1978-80 in
the four north coast districts of RelDbang, Pati, Jepara
and Demak. In villages visited by the author the term
pandega or pendega is used to mean any member of a boat
crew except the captain. ElseWhere along the Javanese
coast, however, it may have a more restricted meaning.
For more detailed inforllli!tion see :£mIIlerson 1975 (esp.
pp. 7-10). Collier et al 1977a (esp. chapter VI) and
Collier et al 1977b (pp. 16-22).
6. I have never had difficulty visiting or interviewing
blacksmiths in their oeraPen because Western women are
considered outside the system. Generally they are
treated as honorary males. In Kajar, tor example, I
was invited to two se1al:latan ceremonies which were
otherwise attended by Qen only. At II village wedding,
Where the men and wOlllen were sittinq on different sides
of the roolll, I was made to sit with the Den.
7. In a 1990 study of 1.!l2 households receiving -Kupedes"
bank loans, the aut.hor found that child labor age 12 or
under constitut.ed only 1.5t of the total labor force in
enterprises o·.med by the households. All the children
eoployed were unpaid family workers, and there were no
instances of hired child labor. The sample of ~2
households was dravn randomly from the customer lists
ot eight. village banks in tour provinces (West Java,
485
 Jog-jakarta, Bali and North SWlIatra). The typical
Kupedes customer is a household which owns no rice
land, depends mainly on non-agricultural enterprises,
and guarantees their loan with ill house plot (Sutoro,
1990, Table 8C). Kupedes customer households have
higher average incomes than non-customer households in
the sallie villages, however, so that the overall ra'Ces
of child labor participation may be higher than 1.5\.
8. This example comes from the village of Jandiala
Bagh1o'ala, one of two blacksmithing villages included in
an Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan credit
project in 1986-87. The Village is located about two
kilollleters from the market town of Gujranwala on ill main
road. It is occupied entirely by families from the
lohari caste of blacksmiths. Each S1lIithy is owned
jointly by the males from an extended patrilineal
household, usually a father and his sons or a set of
tJrothers. Some add.itional information on the lohari
caste is included in Chapter X.
9. This fact 1ola5 told to the author by a retired Dutch
executive of Shell oil Company who was born and raised
in the Ind.ies.

10. Dian Desa, a Yogyakarta-based appropriate technology

organization, has developed ill commercial coconut shell
charcoal which they are producinq in Kalimantan. The
product is packaged for the overseas hODe barbecue
.arket, however, and is four to five times more
expensive than the teak charcoal currently being used
by smiths. (personal communication, Anton Sujarwo,
director of Dian Desa)
II. The author has developed a simple cash flow analysis
fo~ for use by village banks. Use of this form
enables the bank officer to determine profit levels and
repayment ability at different levels of indebtedness.
£xanples are found in Sutoro 1988.
12. The exchange rate in August, 1991, was about Rp. 1,970
to the dollar. For convenience, divide 1991 Rp.
figures by 2,000 and the amount will be approximately
correct.

48.

in Kajar today. One was a heart-shaped spade or hoe
reseubling those found in Early Metal Age sites in Bali.
They ...· ere all heavily encrusted with rust, and appeared to
have COllie from the SaJU! site. Pak Karyo, who is now very
elderly and in poor health, is teaching his son to make
finds_ The iron tools are unexpectedly small and fine, and
they have SUffered rust da.m<lge owing to the fact that the
high ceilings in the MuseUlll lIlAke air conditioning
impracticable. Many of the tools are ~, Le., chisels
used for woodworking.
In the SaDe drawer with the iron tools from Kajar there

~ ~ blades. Before he dies he plans to qive the are tour iron rocks. Al though they are not recorded in Van

three tools to his son for use in making a~. A ~ der Hoop's catalogue, they .ere collected frolll the S<l1ll8 mass
Dade of such old iron will obviously be very powerful. grave as the tools. They "re irregular in shape and size,

One of Pak Karyo's rel"tives then took us to the site and reseoble Harrisson and O'Connor's type f ·slag." The

of the mass grave, still located in the middle of a terraced largest has a maximum di~ension of about 8 centimeters (3
cassava field. LitUe can be seen because the villagers 1/4 inches). They all appear to have a solid metallic core,
have altered the site to conform to the current Kajar burial but this is covered by thick layer of bro~ rust
style by adding a new gravestone and a small roofed-over encrustation. The author was unable to deterllline whether

structure. they are natural iron nodules, IWllp$ ot smlted iron or

~n September, 1991, the author contacted Wahyono M. of slag. Their color and texture so resembles the Kajar tools,

the Central Museum in Jakarta, who kindly went to the however, that it is hard to escape the impression that they

trouble of locating the Kajar finds. V"n der Hoop bad represent the raw materials from Which the tools were made.

brought them hack to the MuseUlll in 1934, where they now fonn Their inclusion in the grave lIlay indicate that the people
part of the prehistoric collection. The musew:l has recently buried there were not aerely users of tools, but makers of
added new display rooms for the prehistoric collection, and tools as welL these iron rocks do not rese:nble the local
the putisalahs and carnelian beads froD Kajar, Which are rocks Which are of liaestone. The Central Museum divides

very beautiful, have been put on display. The iron the period between 500 B.C. and A.D. 1000 into three
implements are all kept in a single drawer in a storage room separate phases, as foll~'s:

behind the display roo=s. The author was given the 500 B.C. - A.D. 0: Bronze-Iron Age

oPPOrtunity to inspect and photograph the entire collection, A.D. a - A.D. SOD: protohistoric Period

"s well as the catalog:ue in which Van der Hoop recorded his A.D. sao - A.D. 1000: Early Historic Period

523
522

The finds fro~ Kajar have been c1assified as Protohistoric.
Wahyono personally feels. however. that they are probably
later. He gave a rough date of about A.D. 700. but admitted
that they could be even later.
A careful perusal of the lett panel of the forge
relief from Candi sukuh reveals that some of the tools are
identica1 to the ones from the Kajar grave (see, for
example, the two ~ in the lower portion of the panel,
near the foot of the "Bitla" figure). Looking at the Hap J.
one sees that Kajar is located just 70 kilometers (~3 miles)
to the southwest of Gunung Lawu. Although candi Sukuh dates
from the East Javanese period (fifteenth century), and thus
may be somewhat later than the mass grave at Kajar, it seems
likely that the people buried. at Kajar had ties with the
Kount LaW'U area.
Van Heekeren's aecount indieates that other stone-cist
graves were found in the area. as well as menhirs and
menhir-statuettes. Most or all of the menhirs and menhir-
statuettes from Kajar may have been taken away by J. L.
Koens, the Dutch Official who first reported the Kajar finds
(see van Heekeren's account above). Koens was a long-term
resident of Joqjakarta, who collected a nUDbe.r of
antiquities. 1.n 1980, at the time of the Lndo-Pacific
Prehistory Association conference in Joqjakarta, the author
had an unexpected opportuni ty to see soce of these 1:lenhirs
and menhir statuettes. She was asked by Ardiyanto, a wel1-
52<
known ~ designer living in Jogjakarta, to visit his ho~e
and look at a collection which he had purchased of 1D0re than
200 of these stones. The following story was told by
Ardiyanto: Hoens had collected the stones in the pre-war
years froJ:l two a:eas, Gunung Kidul and the Pasemah Plateau
in S~atra. When the OUtch were forced to leave Indonesia
in the 1950s by then-president Sukarno, Hoens left his
collection in the safekeeping of his Chinese assistant. The
assistant's wife. however, felt nervous about having all the
old stones around, feeling that they aiqht be inhabited by
spirits. She persuaded her husband to give them away to
another Ch~nese l.ivinq in Joqjakarta, who used them to fi1l
in the double walls of a k.i.ln he was building. To make the
walls even ~ore solid, he poured a soft-matrix cement
ltixture over the sustUe5. The statues reu.a.ined inside the
kiln until the 1970s, when the kiln was dismantl.ed, at which
tiJae the owner offered them for sal.e as a lot to Ardiyanto_
Ardiyanto, who was still a stUdent at the time. thought that
the stones might be important. He, therefore, scraped
together enough money to buy the entire collection. The
cement was cleaned off the stones, and Ardiyanto arranged
for students from Gajah Hada University's anthropology
department to photograph and catalogue them. Prom the Java
Archives he was able to deteI1lline that Moens collected the
stones in Gununq Kidul and PasC!Ola.h. Further.llore. he found
out that the stones which Moans collected from Gunung Kidul
525
 East .Java or Bali than in central Java. Villagers say that
were originally located in the middle ot agricultural the stone was already there When the village was founded,

fields. and be.fore there were any graves on the hill.

The author and several other participants from the IPPA The above information 00 antiquities can be sWlllBal'ized

conference had the opportunity to look over the stones. by saying that ancient Kajar seeas to have had stronger

They are mostly small, averaging about 40 centiceters (16 cultural ties with the Kount Lawu area and districts to the

inches) in height. Most are badly worn, as one would expect east than with the .Jogjaka.rta area to the west. The mass

troc statues Which had been left in the Diddle of fields. grave fraQ Kajar could be as early as A.D. 700 or as late as

They se~ to fall into three stylistic categories: (a) A.D. 1500. Although some Indian influence is evident in the

statues in the Pasemah style where the original shape of the tanged tools and glass bellds, the general impression is that

stone remains unchanged but hu~n and animal figures are of a cultural backWater that retained JIlany features of the

carved into the surface of the stone; (bl statues in the Early Ke'tal Age.
rather stiff -~cestor figure- style which shows no Indian
Traditional Social Classes
influence; ecl statues in the style of the Indianized
The view that Javanese villages are homogeneous ignores
period, including statues of Ganesha and other Indian
the fact that there are traditional nal:led social classes
deities. There is, of course, no .~y ~o date the stones at
which have existed at least since the nineteenth century.
this point, and it is certainly a pity that Koens was so
The number of classes and the exact terms used vary from
thorough in his collecting. 16
village to village. One system is described by
There is one other antiquity in Kajar which bears
Koentjaraningrat 'Which divides the village into five
mentioning. Near the top of the suall hill which is used as
classes:
a graveyard, there is a curious black stone, several feet in
1. the probot dusun, or village officials, including
length. The upper surface of this stone is ca.rved in
the l.Y.nh (referred to in Kajar as the ~ d~sa) --These
curious convoluted shapes which are tooth-like or horn-like.
officials have the right to usu.fruct froA large tracts of
These shapes t'"esemble those on the clay gable ornaments used
village-owned land (tanah bengkok/siti bengkok), and they
in some parts of Java, and they also resemble the flame-like
usually own large amounts of inherited land as well;
flanges on Balinese gates. The style of this stone, in

fact, has lIlore in cOllll:lon with the style of stone carving in

527
526

----
 elaborate version of the Bersih ~ cerecony. This
dress and assemble in one part of the Village. FOtlllal dress
ceremony, which assumes the proportions of a day-long
for a Javanese male consists of a sarong made of batik
festival in Kajar, takes place during the eleventh month of
cloth, a dark-colored jacket with long sleeves and a high
the Javanese lunar year. The author attended the Be:rsih
neck, and a small hat or turban Dade of an elaborately
~ festival held on June 30, 1978, Which was particularly
folded piece of batik cloth. If POSS1·bl e, a ~ is also
grand because it came just a tear the peanut and soybean
worn. Every elllpu brings a bamboo tray to the cer_any. Iii th
harvest so that villagers had plenty of money to spend.
food offerings prepared by his household. All the ~ then
so~ excerpts froQ field notes taken on that day are as
solemnly circumnavigate the village, walking in single file,
follows:
and ending up at the base of Gunung Pancuran. They climb
There has been little activity in the perapens for
the bill and place the off··'ng.
........ a t th e graves of Gunokaryo the past week because people have been busy
preparing for the Bersih ~ festival and
and Kasan Ikhsan. They stay there beside the graves, harvesting the peanut and soybean crops. Bersih
~ means to clean the village of bad spirits.
Deditating or praying for soce time, before coming down the The money for the festival (has come) from selling
the harvest . . • Host of the Kajar people living
hill. To the author's knowledge, this cere.ony is unique to outside the village have CODe hooe for the
festival, arriving by bus or QQlI (minibus),
Kajar village. although it inclUdes certain elements wtlich wearing brightly-colored clothes to impress their
faQily and friends • • •
are similar other, ~ore common cere.onies such as selapatan
This morning about 7:00 AM we attended a sel~nataD
(ceremonial communal meal) and nyekar (veneration of at the house of Pak Atmo (~of Xajar III).
Excepting yours truly, only men attended and
graves) . households with no adult males (were) represented
by little boys or a neighbor. Every _n who
Sometiales another ceremony is held. at the end of attended brought food, both rice and ~ (side
~.
dishes), and these were collected in the middle of
the second ~onth of the Javanese lunar year, called a the rooill. After Islamic prayers frola Pak Kaum (an
Islamic Official), there were Javanese prayers by
Selarnatan Pandai ~ (Sclamatan for Blacksmiths). All the oldest resident of the~. These were
followed by a speech from Pak AtlIIo during which
smiths participate in this ceremony, Which is more festive Joko (the author's field assistant) and I were
introduced and the. purpose of au: research
and inclUdes a wayanQ performance and other entertainments. explained. Then, a little bit of the food was
eaten. The rest was redivided and taken home
This cerecony is not as iDportant, however, and is not held Selamatans (were) held separately by each ~ in
the morning; in the afternoon a joint selacatan
!wery year. was held in the eendoPO of Pak Sastro' shouse.
During the seJa!!latan Pak. Kaum sat in the back
In addition to the -Sela~atan
-_ _ ~~..
~
u .-~
uu the Selomatan doorway of the pendopo, burning incense and
reciting prayers over the smoke from the incense.
)andai Besi, the villagers of Kajar also carry out an There were three qunungan (mountain-shaped cones
of rice, used as offerings). Pak Lurah made a
534 535

---_.
 speech, and then there vas a financial report .from the Bersih ~ cerem.ony (Koentjaraningrat 1985:375-376).
Pa.k ~tmo. He ~as in charge of collecting
festlval contrLbutions from all three ~. In Kajar this is not done, however.
Lastly. a speech was made by Pak 5051a1
(Hartoueolllo) • In dry years a special ceremony is held at Suaber
In the (late) afternoon there was ~ Kajar, the purpose of which is to pray for rain. Tb.is
per!onaance in the street and yard in front of Pale
Sastra's h~use. This began with a group of masked ceremony seems to have a more Islamic: tlavor, and involves
dancers WhlCh included a monster, clowns, etc.
They were fol~owed by ~ lumping dancers (trance berdkikir, or the chanting of a ritual formula over and
dancers who. rJ,de a flat, tlo'o-dillensional
r~presentatJ.on of a horse made out of bamboo). over. The ceremony is carried out by the village heads.
F.1.na~ly there was a group of men dressed like
penpurit lenton (guards at the palace in Le .• the Lurah and OUk.uh. on behalf of the whole Village.
Jocnakartaj. The ~ was attended by about
2 ~ 000 people, includinq people from other The village heads meet in the evening and are accompanied to
v~1~a9es. At one point durinq the ~ II
1lI1nLatur~ bouse was brought out on shoulder poles Sumber Kajar by Pak Kaum, the Islamic religious Official.
wit.h ~ (sheaves of rice) piled on the roof.
The ':'lilagers fought over this rice, While the Chant-ing begins and cont.inues "fithout a break until the next
carr~ers pretended to protest. There is a belief
that whoev~r can steal a bit ot this padi will get morning. This chanting is accompanied by swaying the body
a better r~ce harvest during: the c01llin9 year.
After the perfo~ces the ~ dancers tormed a from side to side, slowly at first. and then 1IIore rapidly
procession and v~s~ted each ~ in turn to brinq
back the food offerings. and violently as the night wears on. 21 The berdzikir cere

All day long toys, balloons, oranges and trinkets
were sold (by vendors) in the yard and street
~ro~d P~k Sastro's house. Pak Sastro sat alone
~n h~.w~fe'~ store most of the day and didn't
part~c~pate .In the festival.
mony is carried out at Sumhex Kajar, rather than another
location in the village. partly because of the association
of rain "fith water. There may be another reason, however.

In the evening there ~as an expensive wayang ~ namely the fact that the there is a water plant which grows
and gamelan performance in Pak Sastro's pendopo
A tamou$ dalang from ~ogjakarta was hired to gi~e 1n abundance near SUl:\ber Kajar which shakes back and forth
the perforJllance.
violently in the wind. The nat:le of this plant is k.!.i.!!:,
The cost of the "bole festival was estitIated at Rp
140,000, of Which Rp 90,000 was spent on the after the Javanese word kekajat:, which peans to shake back
wayang perfonaance alone. Pak Abila collected
about Rp 5~0 fr~m each household to cover the and forth. The village was originally naced after this
cost. It ~s sa~d th~t the relative lavishness of
the ~ ~ fest~val at Kajar is a sign they plant.
are more prosperous than the neighboring Villages.
There are still other rituals which are carried out by
In most Javanese villages, the graves of the g W
individual smiths. Every.1&9i. the first day at the
~ founders of the villaqe are visited on the satte day as
Javanese week, perapen O\o'llers make a small offering to the

anvil. Such offerings in Javanese are called sa;en. When a

536 537
 NOTES TO CHAPrER VI

1. The Indonesian ....ords that are used to explain this

(
belief are ~ (fate, destiny) and bakat (talent,
, inborn ability). Kajar lIIen have the ~ to become
smiths because it is their Ll.i!ili. outsiders do not

' .. • ,I ... r.~....

d--w
t.,. _~ ~.tt.. yi
i.,
)
have the ~ because it is not their .!!UiR•

2. &1k is an honorific which COllies froQ ~ or "father."

It is used for any married man. ~ is the parallel
term for married 'oIeuen. It cOllies troll Ibu or "mother."
The names used in Kajar are typical Javanese n~. In
daily conversation the naJ:le is usually shortened. to the
tirst two syllables. Some examples would be Pak Karyo
for Karyodirejo, Pak Marta for Martodinomo, Pak Harjo
tor Harjopa....iro, etc. In ....riting. many Javanese keep
the old Dutc;;h spelling tor their natle5. Thus,
Sastrosuyono can also be spelled Sastrosoejono,
l<aryodirejo can also be spelled Karjodiredjo, etc. To
make matters even more complicated, many Javanese use
"-~'---
an "a" in vriting their na.t1es where they pronounce an
nl>;t/ar't, • li.~l. "0." Combining these customs, a naDe which is
~----- --- pronounced "Karyodirejo" may be written "Karjadiredja."
The author considered using a pseudonya tor Pak
'-_. Sastro$uyono. but decided it would be pointless. His
; --
"

-"-- i role in Kajar life is so prominent, and he is so well-

.;_. known to governnent officials in Wonosari. that any
visitor to the area would immediately discover his true
, .. nane.

._. 3. According to one elderly villager, the edge of the teak

forest came to within 1 1/5 kilometers of Kajar in his
childhood.
""---
The houses of Kajar have roofs which resel:lble the
, srotong and limasan styles illustrated in
."'----- Koentjaraningrat, 1985. p. 135. According to
.
.',
Koentjaraningrat. the srotonq style is used by ordinary
Javanese villagers. While the limasao style is
,---- restricted to descendants of the village founders and
'- -I village officials. The older hoUSes in Kajar differ
froD houses io the lowlands, however, in being larger
f'iqure 19 (c,?ntinuedJ Some Tool. Made and having siding l:Iade of teak rather than plaited
V.ll""ge. ~ava, 1978-1979 by Smiths at l\aja~ bamboo. They often have flat-roofed extensions added
onto the sides or back of the house, not illustrated in
Koentjaraningrat.
'" 587
 4. So~e households had help tro. Save the Children
Foundation in installinq their floors.
5. In wri tinq this description I have used the teras
actually us~ in KAjar. which are a mixture of Javanese
and Ind,?nesun teras. One English term (Kepala sosiat
for Soc1al Wel~ar!, Officer) is even used. For a more
complete descr1ptlon Of village administration on Java
~bic~.incI~des all the purely Javanese terms. see '
Koen"'Ja~an1ngrat 1985, pp. 190-196.
6. The tern ~ is somewhat confusing. It is the
~avanese term for hamlet, whereas the Indonesian term
1S dusun. The longer noun forms. pedukuhag and
pedusunan. can also be used .....ith the same meaning.
The hamlet head is officially called the kepala ~
or kepala dusun (~=eaning head). In practice
however. this title is usually shortened to I1:Y.kYh o~
~.DY.kJ.lh. Thus dulcuh _ans both the hanlet and the
person ....ho heads it. Somet.ill:es ~ is spelled ~ .
7. Sometimes t~e ....ord "lanl!less" is applied to any
household Wl.thout sa....ah. even if they own ~ or
o~h~ types of dry fiell!s. This usage makes it very
dlffl.C:ult to talJ:t about villages in dry zone areas or
parts of Indonesla ....here irrigation systelllS are not
well-~evelo~. since it Deans that every household in
the VIllage 1S by definition "landless."
8. The . cen~ral Bu:eau of Statistics (BPS) conduete<t a
n~tlonw1de Aqrlcultural Census in 1973 Which has been
....ldely quoted in academic an~ development publications
In an effort to obtain some better data on land
hOl~gs in Kajar than that provided by the 1936
reg~stry. the author contacted the BPS office in
Wonosari. They said that Kajar had indeed been in one
of the 1973 census blocks. but that all forns had long
since been forwarded to the head office of BPS tor
com!?ut~ entry. The author then contacted the head
oft~ce 1n Jakarta. but was told that there was a two-
year ~acklog of requests for data frolll government
aqenc~es. and they could not respond to any individual
reques~. ~n frustration, the author went back to the
B~ off1ce Ln Wonosari and asked for the name of the
f1~ld worker who bad collected the census data in
Ra)~r. (Perhaps this illlaqinary field worker still bad
cOP7 es stashed aW<Jy under the bed.) The Wonosari
off1ce replied. ho~ever. that no field workers had been
used .. Instead, census forms were distributed to all
the ':'1~lage scribes in the area to be filled out and
sub':!Itted. ':he author then ....ent back to the Village
scr.l.be in Ka)ar, ....ho innoce:l'.:ly admitted using the
588
fiqures frem the 1936 registry to till out the 1973
census toIlllS!
9. Harvests ....ere generally poor on Java between 1962-64.
According to Ben Wb.i te. the ....idespread social unrest
created by food scarcities and rising food prices was a
majo.r .factor contributing to the collapse of the
Sukarno regime (White 1989:70,72).
10. The SuI tan of Jogjakarta is said to be in direct
communication with Ny21i Loro Kidul .....bo appears to him
spontaneously in times ot crisis to help guide the
state and people to safety. The Sultan sends labuhag
offerings to Nyai Loro Kidul every year, as ....ell as the
dieties of Hounts Herapi and Lawu (Selo Soeaardjan
1962: 18-19). ltany people in the Jogjakarta area
bel-ieve that Nyai Lore Kidul is the true ....ife of the
Sultan. They point to the fact that the other wives
(i.e .• the human ....ives) are never given an official
status higher than concubine. There has been a re.viva.l
ot the Nyai Loro Kidul cult in recent years. especially
in sub-districts along the south coast. Many women
....ore green. the color associated with Nyai Loro Kidul,
to the coronation of the new Sultan (Hilmengkubuwono X)
in 1989. During the coronation procession through the
city the Sultan sat in one corner ot his horse-drawn
carriage. leaving the Sl!at beside hi.lll e1rlpty. This vas
....idely taken to mean that Nyai Loro Kidul was riding
beside b.U. Hany of the common people ....ho ....atched the
procession claimed. in fact. to have seen her. Despite
~er connection ",ith the Sultan, Nyai Loro Xidul has her
negative or destructive aspect. and there are those ....ho
• associate her with the I.ndian goddess, Durqa-Kali. She
is said to "take" (i.e .• to drown) anyone who is 50
foolish as to swim in the southern ocean wearing green.
Villagers believe that she is responsible for all
manner of plaques and pestilence.
11. There are several different types of gotong ~
labor exchanges in Java. The term formerly used in
Kajar for exchanges ot agricultural labor _~s "!batan.
In his classic 1961 study of gotong royong in Kebumen.
Central Java. Koentjaraninqrat identified seven
different types, including S3:nbataD and qrodjogan.
SaePatan ....as the term used for an exchange of labor
between households living in the same dukoh for tasks
related to the household such as housebuilding or
repairs, digging wells, pounding rice in preparation
for a feast. etc. GCodjogan was an exchange of
agricultural labor between neighboring households or
households with adjacent fields. Koentjaraningrat
notes, ho....ever. that grodioqan was sometimes known by
589
 connection with mortuary rituals. The purpose in Kajar
other names, including sambatan (Koentja.raningrat is quite different, however.
1961:Chapter Vl).
16. See sutoro, 1982, pp. 31-40. for a similar case of a
12. Garrett Solyom, who also looked over the collection, bamboo basketry industry which rapidly expanded when
teels that some ot the stones are !DOre recent. the agricultural sector temporarily collapsed . .The
industry is located in the village of Mala~qan ~n .
11. Early writings on the effects of the Green Revolution Sleman district, north of Jogjakarta. Rap~d expans10n
also talked about intra-village class formation as occurred between 1975-78 when irrigation water to the
though villages were previously homogenous. Increasing village was cut off for seven growing seasons due to
familiarity with historica.l sources trom the colonial repairs on the Van Der Wijk canal. :rn addition. the
era has provided a corrective, however. According to beginning of repairs coincided with a serious attack of
White, sources from the late eighteenth century pointed ~ rice pest.
to the existance of three broad agrarian classes, the
village officials, the ~ (also called ~), and 17. When I visited Kajar in August, 1991. Pak Sastro had
the landless peasants. various large-sca.le colonial changed his name froll Sastrosuyono to Sastrokadis. I
enquiries conducted in the early twentieth century did not have the chance to ask why, but the lIost usual
indicated that landless rates ....ere a.lready 30-40'. The reason that a Javanese changes his or her naDe is
elite group in this period. consisting of officials, failure to have a child. Near fatal illness is another
wholesale traders and a few wealthy peasants, common reason. It. is believed that a nUll! change will
constituted 5-10' of the population (White 1989:67-69). divert the attention at malevolent spirits and bring a
The landless rates of 30-401: are high. but lower than change in one's fortune.
the present rates at 50-55' in wet rice areas. The 5-
la' rate for the elite group still holds (Sutoro lB. Again, the difficulty of obtaining accurate info:aation
1991b:Chapters Two-Fourl. on land oW'Tlership llIust be stressed. Pak Paeran 1-S not.
listed in the village registry as a landovner at ~l.
14. On ~,e first of Sura in the city of Jogjakarta, the However, his maternal grandfather, Gunokaryo, who ~s
palace treasures (pusaka) are taken out and cleaned. long deceased, is still listed.
This includes the palace keris and other ;.reapons. They
are then carried in a solumn nighttime processions
which circles the outer wall of the palace compound
(beteng) seven ti~es. Silence is maintained and no one
is allowed to speak. The pusaka are carried by palace
retainers. but the public is allowed to follow then in
the procession. A similar ceremony is carried out in
Sur~karta (Solo). The )abuhan Offerings mentioned in
Note 10 are also sent on the first of~. CUriously.
there is no mention of any of these events in
Koentjaraningrat's list of ~ Jawi (Javanese
Religion) calendrical celebrations. For Islamically-
oriented santri Javanese, the first of ~ is
Huharralll.
15. Berd;it;ir in Kajar appears to be similar to the
practice of ~ described by Koentjaraninqrat
(1985:)91). According to Koentjaraningrat. !ti.Js.i.x is
perfoned both by santti and ~ ~ (Le .• abangan)
Javanese. Mong the followers of mystical santri
sects. the participants cay eventually begin to dance
wildly and fall into a trance. Among the Agami .:rawi
Javanese, hovever, the ceremony is not continued to the
trance stage. Koentjaraningrat says that ~ is
perfot1lled by the ~ ~ Javanese mainly in
5.,
5'0

NOTES TO CHAPTER VII
1. Mount Marapl should not be confused with Mount
Merapi, the glant volcano which dominates the
lllIldscape of the Jogjakarta region on Java. Both
~merapi~ and ~marapiR are probably variations of
~berapi, ~ P1eaning "to have fire." Thus both
derive from ~api· t:he root word for fire (see
Glossary). There is yet a third Mount Merapi 1n
East Java.
2. There were also large mines around !lejang Leoong.
farther south in Bengkulu (Miksic 1989:12-13l.
3. At another point Marsden says that iron was dug
at a place named Turawang in the eastern part
of Minangkabau {Marsden 1811 cdit1on:173l.
4. Kahn uses t:he term "world capitalist system~ rather
than ·world market economy."
5. Accorctl.ng to Kahn, the sl:U:.hs of Sungai Puar used
Dutch steel prior to the Japanese occupat~on.
Th1S steel, especlally ~de for forging, was
sold in Ch1nese shops 1n Pacang. (Kahn. 1980,
p. 84) Marsden noted in 1783 that iron smelting
at Turawang in eastern Minangkabau had declined
due to the import of English and Swedish bar
iron (Marsden, 1811 edit10n, p. 1731.
6. The Illost recent echtion of Sekal'" Lat1, the
Department of Indust~y's consu~r gU1de to
small lndustry villages, bsts three blacksmith-
ing villages in Ao;aJ:I, the d1strlct where Sunggal
Puar is located. These oUC BllnuhaJ:IPU v1-ll~ge 1n
Bunuh~~u Sunggai Puar su~dlstrict, ~~t Suku
vi.llase in Sunqg.u Pilar sIlbdistr1ct, am! E:Dpat
Suku village In Pwk Bununa~pu Sunqgai Puar
subdIstrIct. A fourth blacksm1thing village,
Rapur, is located near the coal mHles at
Sawahlunto. A silver~~rklng village, Kalll~ung
665
Pisang, is listed in Agam distr1ct, but no
copper or brasswork1ng villages. However,
according to Departme:'1t of I::l.dllstry est1mates.
only about one-third of all slllall industry
villages IlIBke their way into Sekar Lati.
presumably the larger and more 1lllportant
ones.
According to Kahn, Sungqai Puat village is
located in Banuhazopu/Sunggai Puar subdi strict
(Kahn 1980:1B). PresWllably there has been
some redrawing of village and/or subdistrict
boundarie:s.
7. :Kahndoes not make this point very clearly.
What he says is thl-s:
All the tasks necessary to the COJllpletion
of a knife--from forqinq to finishi:'1g--can
be carried out usually by one person or at
most two people. Forging the t1lades usually
requires a second person to operate the
bellows. Finishinq can easily be done by a
single smith working alone. This flexibility
of techniques and forllls of cooperation
generates a variety of forms in knife
production. rallging frolll the slngle lndlvidual
--the most co~n unit--to larqer groups that
forge and f1nish knives within a single
enterpr1se. (Kahn 1980:8l-82J
s. The information In these two paragraphs
comes principally from Z.erner, 1981, pp. 9S
and 97-98. Some addl-tional information is
taken from Reid, 1988, p. 110. Reid (based
on Kruijt, 1901) identlfies the areas around
Lake MatanO and the upper reaches of the
Kalaena Ri ver as the sources of nlckelous
iron. A map shows Lake Katana to b£! located
SO:JlCwhat to the north of Malil1. Iron.
nickelous lron and forged blades from
Central Sulawesi were also e~ported
through Hakassar and the east coa.St po~t
of BangSa1-. Both BanggCl..l. and Luwu were
tributaries of Ma)apahit in the fourteenth
century. The direct outlet fo:'" Lake ~atano
666
12 • This story is a compQsite of a story in
Kuntowidjojo, 1977, p. 49, and a scory tolc
to the author by Pak Subroto. an elderly
brass snuth ll.ving in Batur.
Although agIl.cu!tura! implements are generally
forged. it may have been that plow tips were
made of cast iron in ancient times_ There is
a reference in Raffles which says:
The plough (wahlukuJ. in general use for the
irrigated land, consists of three parts. the
body, heam, and handle. It is generally mace
of teak wood, where that mateClal can be provided
. The point of the body. or sock, is tipped
with iron, which in some districts is cast for
the purpose. (lB17:vol. 1. 113)
13. According to Geertz. ~Tihingan is the only hamlet
on Bali which still specializes in the manufac-
ture and repair of these (gamelanJ instruments.~
I cannot say whether this was true in 1957-1958,
but according to the Department of Industry,
the district of Karangasem is also well known
for ga..nelan prOduct10n. Sekar Lati, the
Department of Industry's buyer's guide, lists
the villages of Tunggak, Menan9ga and Pempatan
in Karangasem as gamelan-producing centers.
The village of Sawan 1n Suleleng district is
also listed (1990 edition:?3).
out of the compound, or even move away from the
village to seek their fortunes elsewhere.
Most kinship systems in Indonesia are bilineal,
although boys may inherit a larger share of land
than girls in areas influenced by Islam.
(Islamic law dictates that the share of a boy
be twice as large as the share of a girl.) The
Minanqkabau are unusual in having a matrilineal
system, and the Bataks and Ballnese are unusual
in having patrilineal systems. The patrilineal
system of the Balinese may have been influenced
by branmanic concepts from India.
15 . Geertz has made a mist.ake 1n hlS calculat.ions.
If the three large kin groups have 47. 26 and
25 households respectively, anc there are 40
other households, the total number of households
is 138.
16. I am forced to note that Geert~' numbers do not
add up. If there are "five master craftsmen,
thirty-five ordinary craftsmen, and forty-eight
common laborers," this totals aa men. Dividing
88 into 171, the correct percentage would be
51, not 53. If, as I suspect, the term "ordinary
craftsmen" refers to the owners of units, the
number of units would be more than 25.

14. I have supplemented Geertz' information on the

layout of extencied family compounds with
lnformation from surveys I conducted for SRI
in rural areas of Tabanan and Gianyar districts
between 1988-1991. While any son may choose
to stay 1n the family compound after he is
married, only one son is required to do so.
This is the son who has been designated as the
pewaris. i.e., the heir to the family compound
and the family lands. With this inheritance
comes the responSlbllity to remain in the village
and represent the family at all religious
ceremonies, benjar meetings, etc. The oewaris
may ei ther be-an-eldest son or a youngeSt son,
but middle sons are excluded from consideration.
Sons who are not pewarls are more likely to move

670
669
 from the landlords in their own walled-in mud compounds.
Thus, it appears that blacksmithing is the :most skewed of Their farming methods are more labor-intensive.
all the me~alvorking industries. It should be relllembered, BeloW' the smallholders is a third class, made up of the
hovever, that -s~all- enterprises are greatly outnumbered by various artisan castes, including the blacksmiths, potters,
household enterprises, and that the ratios are much l.ower weavers, leather workers, etc. The artisans are all
for household enterprises. 4 landless and their status is that of untouchables or near-
Having stated that Inclonesian villages are stratified untouchables. S Me.JIlbers of the upper two classes will not,
rather than hoaogeneous, it should be adJ:litted that for example, share a Ileal with the artisans or sit on the
homogeneity is a rel.ative concept. In 1986-87 the author SaJDe bench with them. The artisans have their own
worked on a credit project for artisan castes in the residential areas 1Jhich generally are not walled in.
Pakistani Punjab. Villages in the Punjab are divided into Traditionally the artisans were not allowed to sell their
three distinct classes. At the ~op is a hereditary class of products OD the open aarket. Their status was that of
feudal lando\ffie.rs referred ~o by the English te:rlll indentured servants of the landlord. The landlord provided
-landlords.- Each village is do-.inated by one or a few tbelll with raw .aterials and. detenll.i.necl the nUJllbe.r and kind
landlord families who live in elegant hilltop villas of products they would maka each season. In exchange, the
equipped with all the modern conveniences. They drive artisans were given a small share of the grain harvested
luxurious autotlObiles, vacation in lDountain resorts, send from the landlord's fields. Artisans could also be sent to
their children to the best universities, and not work in the fields i f the landlord needed additional
infrequently travel abroad. On the average, these families agricultural labor.
own about 250 hectares of land each, usually a combination This traditional system still prevails in more isolated
of irrigated rice fields and unirrigated wheat fields. areas of the Punjab, but has begun to change in areas along
Their far-inq Jlethods are capital-intensive and include the the main roads and near to'JnS. Many artisans have severed
use of large tractors and other mechanical equipment. their ties with the landlords, and are instead buying their
Below the landlord class in Pakistan is a Jlli~~le cl;;:ss raw materials and selling their finished products in the
of smallholders who farm tiny plots but are proud of their open marketplace. The ~ or blacksmithing caste, who
status as lDemberS of several f~er castes. They live apart were one of the first to sever their ties with the

landlords, have done very well financially by purchasing

878
877
projects fail because of financial ineptitude or suggestions ~ Further Research

llIis:ma.nage:ment t OVer the years a number ot theories have been developed

5. Participants in training courses and study tours with reference to Indonesia. These theories have been based

lose a great deal of work time. They should, therefore, be largely on ethnographic stUdies of lowland wet rice villages

given daily c01llpensation COm:lensurate with their lost on Java. Other types of villages, villages which may have

earnings. If the nerapen Qlmer acts as his a.m~. the very dit"ferent ecological adaptations and patterns of

ReraD!'!n may have to shut down during the training course. resource allocation, have largely been ignored. This

For this reason, it is often better to let one of his sons dissertation represents an attempt to redress this

attend the course. If it is a technical training course, situation. It focuses on a subset of small industry

the Department of Industry should bear the risk of failure villages, namely those Ybich make products of metal.

by paying for any raw materials or supplies used: Obviously many other studies are needed before enough data

6. The Department of Industry has repeatedly tried and has been collected to begin reVising theoretical

failed to introduce iron castin; technology into assumptions. Within the industrial sector alone, studies

blacksmithing Villages. The ethnographic in~orQation in are needed. ot the very important and varied textUe

this dissertation indicates that their efforts woUld be more industries. the basketry and matting industries, the clay

successful if they introduced iron casting technology into product industries, the leather goods industries, the food

copper, brass or bronze casting Villages. Forging and processing industries and several others.

casting are very different procedures, but casting smiths Every researcher obviously brings his or her own agenda

are usually able to adapt to a variety of metals. At to the field. It is suggested, ho....ever, that future stUdies

present, there are tva successful iron casting centers in ot non-rice villages give particular attention to two
Indonesia, both located in Central Java, and both with a subjects. The first is the pattern ot resource allocation

similar history of Dutch involvement during the colonial bet....een sectors, and changes in that pattern over time due

era. These centers are often held up for blacksmiths to to changes in relative Profitability. The second is social

emula'te, but historical data on one of these centers (Batur and. economic stratification, and the causes or that

hamlet) indicates that it was previously a bronze and brass stratification, including the uses of money capital.

casting village.

9.7 9.8

NOTES TO CHAPTER X
1. See Chapter I for references.
2. This is the estimated value of one truck, one diesel
engine, four pieces of high-wattage electrical
machinery and four equipped perapen.
J. The period of most rapid growth may have been in the
previous decade, i.e., between 1964 and 1974/75. See
Chapter VIII, Note J. referring to household industries
only.
4. These ratios are very crude indicators of
stratification because census forms distinguish between
only two broad groups, enterprise owners and aired
workers. In a four-strata village like Kajar or
Massepe, dependent and independent per<\pen owners will
be lumped together in the census. Raw material and
~ool tr~ders may also be counted as enterprise owners
~f, as 4S usually the case, they own any machinery used
for productive or finishing operations. If they do not
own.a~y.machinery, i.e., if they strictly limit their
act~v~t1es to trading, they probably fall outside the
census altogether.
5. The traditional weavers of India and the Pakistan do
not make pile carpets. Rather they make a flatweave
tapestry carpet called a dUrree, which is woven on a
horizontal pit loom. The dUrree weavers are members of
the julaha caste and they are landless. However
beginning in the early 19705, some smallholder f~rmers
began to import vertical looms and weaving technology
from Iran. Pile carpets in the "Persian Garden- style
are woven on these looms, using child labor contracted
from poor families Who are also farmer caste. This is
the only exception to the rule that all handicrafts are
made by artisan caste families who are landless.
6. Islam does not, in fact, permit caste. However the
Islamic 970ups of the Pakistani Punjab have a system of
castes ....h~ch a!.most exactly parallel the Hindu castes.
The lohari caste has experienced considerable
frustration over their continued low social status
despit~ their ~te obvious neWfound prosperity. At
on~ po~nt a na7~~nal congress of the lohari was held at
wh~ch they off~c~ally changed their caste name to
Mughul Lohari. The purpose of this change was to
recall their previously glorious role as armorers to
909
the rulers of the sixteenth century Moghul dynasty of
North India and Pakistan. This name change was
perceiVed by higher castes as "putting on airs,"
however, and the loharis have been subjected to
ridicule because of it.
7. An exception is Bali. Where villagers often buy sedans
to rent out to tourists. They obtain these sedans on
credit frolll automobile dealers.
8. For a listing and review of these historical studies
see White 1983 (entire) and Hart ~986, pp. 32-37.
9. Hart has identified four paradigms of rural development
and agrarian change which relate to the issue of
stratification. She uses the tertii "neo-Leninist" to
describe the paradigm which most closely resembles van
der 8:01ff's. The neo-Leninist paradigm stems from
Lenin's analysis of agrarian differentiation in
nineteenth century Russia. According to Lenin, the
penetration of capitalism in the countryside leads
inexorably to the polarization of landholdings and the
development of impersonal wage labor relations. hence
the disappearance of the peasantry and the emergence of
opposing classes of kulaks and proletarians. Neo-
Leninist authors who have written about contemporary
Java, for example Mortimer and Gordon, differ from van
der Kolff in emphasizing the growth of class
consciousness and con~liet (Hart ~986:5-6).
10. Yet another approach to the equity issue emphasizes
consUlllption rather than production. This approach,
which has been gaining in popularity among
international aid agencies in recent years, says that
governments like that of Indonesia Should leave
production to the play of free market forces. Instead
of interfering in production, they should concentrate
on promoting equity by providing better health
services, education, housing, water, sanitation, etc.
to the poor. Presumably this would be financed through
income transfers, for example land and corporation
taxes.
11. There is one example of such a transfer, however.
During the Balinese festival of Tumpek Landep offerings
must be made to items made of iron or steel.
Traditionally, these were blades and weapons. In
recent years, however, ~he ever-adaptable Balinese have
begun to give Twnpek Landep offerings to their cars and
machinery, on the grounds that these items are also
made of iron and steel.
910
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