226 Cultural studies
there was the danger that the subject Itself might dissolve into
something quite unmanageable. However, there also seemed to
be consensus that an authentic history of popular culture was
possible and that it should begin not with the artefacts of elite
Culture but with the various points of production and mediation
within the working classes themselves. Terms like ‘hegemony’
Seemed to conflate and obscure the vitality of culture as lived
experience.
Despite the notable efforts of Hans Medick to provide
larger historical frame for the cultural renaissanee of the period,
generalisation was not the order of the day. Diversity,
ambiguity and contradiction intruded at every point in the
discussion. As was the case with social history a decade ago,
there was S0 much unexplored territory that the provision of a
new set of maps seemed a very long way off. What was needed,
it seemed, were appropriately standardised tools for further
exploration, guidelines as well as rules of evidence which
would, in time, make theory possible.
FURTHER READING
On the discovery of the people, P. Burke, Popular Culture in
Early Modern Surope, London i978, ch. 1. On oral poetry,
Ruth Finnegan, Oral Poetry, Cambridge 1977. On the French
ehapbooks, R. Mandrou, De'la culture populdire aux 17e et
466 siécles, Paris 1964, and G. Bolléme, La Bibliotheque Bleue,
Paris 1971; c.f. R. Muchembled, Culture populaire et culture
des élites, Paris 1978, and H.-J. Liisebrink, 'L'image de
Mandrin',' Revue de I'istoire Moderne, 26, 1979, pp. 345-64
C. Ginaburg, ‘Cheese and Worms’, in etigion and the People,
ed. by J. Obelkevien, Chapel Hilt'1979, deals with the
cosmology of a sixteenth-century miller who owned a few books.
V. Neuburg, Popular Literature, Harmondsworth 1977, 1s a
guide to English chapbooks; their distribution network has been
Studied in # forthcoming book by Margaret Spufford. On
ideology" and ‘hegemony’, R. Williams, Marxism and Literature,
London 1977.
221 Cuttural studies
29 NOTES ON DECONSTRUCTING "THE POPULAR’
Stuart Hall*
First, I want to say something about periodisations in the study
of popular culture, Difficult problems are posed here by
periodisation ~ I don't offer it to you simply as 9 sort of gesture
to the historians. Are the major breaks largely descriptive? Do
‘they arise largely from within popular culture itself, or from
factors which are outside of but impinge on it? With what other
movements and periodisations is ‘popular culture’ most
reveulingly inked? Then I want to tell you some of the
diffieulties I have with the term 'popular'. I have almost as
many problems with 'popular' as I have with ‘culture’. When you
[put the two terms together, the difficulties ean be pretty
horrendous.
‘Throughout the long transition into agrarian capitalism snd then
in the formation and development of industrial capitalism, there
is a more or less continuous struggle over the culture of
working people, the labouring classes and the poor. This fact
must be the starting point for any study, both of the basis for,
and of the transformations of, popular culture. The changing
Balance and reletlono of social forces throughout That History
reveat themsetves; Time and again, Tn struggles over the forms
or the culture, traditions and iar or Ie of he olor eof tl a
elasses-Caprtal had @ stake in the culture of the popular
cfisses Because the constitution of a whole new social order
‘around capital required a more or less continuous,
intermittent , process of re-education, in the broadest sense.
‘And one of ihe principal sites of resistance to the forms through
Which this 'zeformation' of the people was pursued lay in
popular tradition. That is why popular culture is linked, for so
long. to questions of tradition, of traditional forms of life ~ and
why its ‘traditionalism’ has been s0 often misinterpreted as 4
product of a merely conservative impulse, backward looking and
anachronistic Struggle and resistance ~ but also, of course,
appropriation and ex-propriation. Time and again, what we are
really looking at is the active destruction of particular ways of
Ute, and their transformation into something new. ‘Cultural
change’ is a polite euphemism for the process by which some
ultutral forms and practices are driven out of the centre of
stuart Hall, a founder editor of New Left Review and for many
yeurs director of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies
Birmingham, is now professor of sociology at the Open
University.226 Cultural studies
popular life, actively marginalised. Rather than sinply ‘felling
fino disuse’ through the Long March to modernisation, things
are oetively pusned aside, 0 that somcthing alze ean take their
Glace, The magistrate and the evangelical police have, or ought
Do tnave, a more ‘honoured’ place in the history of popular
Culture than they have usually been accorded. Even more
faportant than bun and proseription is that subtle and slippery
customer ~ ‘reforii' (with all the positive and unambiguous
overtones it carries today), One way or another, "the people’
re frequently the object of 'reform!: often, for their own good,
Gf course - tn their best interests". We understand struggle
Gnd resistance, nowadays, rather better than we do reform and
{ransformation, Yet "transformations! are at the heart of the
Study of popular culture, I mean the active work on existing
Traditions and activities, their active re-working, so thet they
come out a different way: they appear to ‘persist’ - yet, from
Gne period to another, they come to stand in a different relation
fo the ways working people live and the ways they define their
felations to euch other, to 'the others and to their conditions of
Iie. ‘Transformation is the key to the long and protracted
process of the "moralisation’ of the labouring classes, and the
Kfunoralisation’ of the poor, and the 're-education’ of the
people. Popular culture is neither, in a ‘pure’ sense, the
vopular Traditions OF Fesrstance to These processes: tor is
fortis which.are superimposed on_and over then-—lt-1s the
round on whieh the transformations are works
ey the Study of popular cullure, we should always start here
with the double-stake in popular ‘the dou! ere
of contaisment aie Fesistance, which is always inevitably inside
‘The study of popular culture has tended to oscillate wildly
between the two alternative poles of that dialectic ~ containment /
resistance. We have had some striking and marvellous reversals.
‘Think of the really major revolution in historical understanding
wiich has followed as the history of ‘polite society’ and the Whig
lristocracy in eighteenth-century England has been upturned
by the addition of the history of the turbulent and ungovernable
people. The popular traditions of the eighteenth-century
Rabouring poor, the popular classes and the "loose and
disorderly sort’ often, now, appear as virtually independent
formations: tolerated in @ state of permanently unstable
Cquilibrium in relatively peaceful and prosperous times: subject
toarbitrary excursions and expeditions in times of panic and
Crisis. Yet. though formally these were the cultures of the
people ‘outside the walls’, beyond political society and the
Enlangle of power, they were never, in fact, outside of the
larger field of social forces and culiural relations. They not
only constantly pressed on ‘society'; they were linked and
Connected with it, by a multitude of traditions and practices:
Lines of lalliance” as well as lines of cleavage, From these
Cultural bases, often far removed from the dispositions of law,
229 Cultural studies
power and authority, ‘the people! threatened constantly to
Brupt: and, when they did s0, they break on to the stage of
serpaage and power with a throatening din and clamour ~ with
fife and’deum, cockade and effigy, proclamation and ritual ~
and, often, with e striking, popular, ritual discipline. Yet
never quite overturning the delicate strands of paternalism,
Geference and terror within which they were constantly if
insecurely constrained. In the following century, where the
"labouring! and the dangerous’ classes lived without benefit of
that fine distinction the reformers were so anxious to draw (this
twas a cultural distinetion as well as a moral and economie one:
land a great deal of legislation and regulation was devised to
Operate directly on it), some areas preserved for long periods a
Virtually impenetrable enclave character. Tt took virtually the
whole length of the century before the representatives of ‘law
and order’ - the new police - could acquire anything ike a
fogular and customary foothold within them. Yet, af the same
time, the penetration of the cultures of the labouring masses
fand the urban poor was Geeper, more continuous = and more
continuously "educative! and reformatory ~ in that period then
at any time since
‘One of the main difficulties standing In the way of a proper
periodisation of popular culture is the profound transformation
fn the culture of the popular classes which oceurs between the
hate nd the 1820, her are whole histories yo to be ween
about this period But, although there are probably many things
hot right about its detail, I do think Gareth Stedman Jones's
article’ on the 'Re-making of the English working cless' in this
period hes drewn our attention to something fundamental and
Sualitatively different and important about it. It was a period
Of deep structural change. The more we look at It, the more
Seon ea ee net sowewhors in This period es the
Servi em probtens from which Gur history and our
‘peculiar atl ming’ changes - not just a shit —
[inthe Felations of forces but a reconstitution of the terrain of
political struggle itself. It isn’t just by chance that so many of
the characteristic forms of what we now think of as ‘traditional!
popular culture either emerge from or emerge in their distinctive
houern form, in that period, What has been done for the 1790s
find for the i840s, and is being done for the eighteenth century,
how radieally needs to be done for the period of what we might
tall the ‘social imperialist” crisis.
ithe general point made earlier is true, without qualification,
for this period, 20 far as popular culture is concerned. There is
fo separate, autonomous, “authentic’ layer of working’ elaco
Culture to be found. Much of the most immediate forms of popular
fecreation, for example, are saturated by popular imperialism
Could we expect otherwise? How could we explain, and what
twould we do with the idea of, the culture of a dominated class
which, despite its complex interior formations and
Uiffercntiations, stood in a very particular relation to a major220 Cultural studies
restructuring of capital; which itself stood in « pecullar relation
Tr eeeE fie wBetay & people bound hy the most complex
Wits SUasnging set of material relations and conditions who
ie 0. Somafow to consteuet "a cultura’ which remained
ra esa'by the most powerful dominant iGeology ~ popular
sree nin? apectally wen that Ideology ~ belying sts name ~
iepetinected ad much ot thom as It was at Britain's changing
position in a world capitalist expansion?
Ten fn tlation to the queation of popular snperitism, of
the inctedy and relations between fhe people and one of the
ssn eetde or cultural expresaion: the press. To go back to
mee racoment and superimposition ~ wo can see clearly how the
teeeartnaale-clasy press of the mid-nineteenth century was
UWastreted on the back of the active destruction and
cenetrafisation of the Indigenous redical and working-class
aaron top of that process, something qualitatively new
Prcurs towards the end of the nineteenth century and the
ginning ofthe twentieth century in this area: the active, mass
veeninG Ot jeveloped and mature working-class audience ito
eer en dof popular, commercial pross. This has had profound
see eoneeduences: though it ion't In any narrow sense
SwEntNcly a Cultural! question at all, Tt required the whole
cee in of the coptal basis and structure of the cultural
sears ne namnessing of new forms of technology and of
ina uatty mga the gotablishnent of new types of distribution,
ows Prehnough the new cultural mase markets. But one of
gente nas faded a reconstituting of the cultural and
4S flea! relations between the dominant and the dominated
cats! change intimately connected with that containment of
cay demveraey on which ‘our democratic way of life todays
Free dee so aecurely based. Ite results are al to palpably
appears ve P® ouays a popular press, the more strident and
cee cat gradually shrinks; organised by capital 'for' the
Tent Clseda; with, nevertheless, deep and snfluentat roots
forklne lore and language of the "underdog", of "Us: with the
aa aa dpresent the class to itself in ks most traditionalist
Fo dae fe slice of the history of ‘popular culture" well
worth unravelling.
Be rear nE could not begin to éo so without talking about
nang thinge which don't usually figure in the discussion of
sree at all, They have to do with the reconstruction of
eu al he size bf the collectivisms and the formation of &
copia cMjacatiye’ state av much as with reereation, dance
nee in OF cong AS mares Of serious Historical work, the
are Pepe lat culture is lke the study of bour history and
Fa neces a declare an interest in itis to correct a major
Hane ee toark « significant oversight. But, ip the end, It
imbalance Mahon fis seen in relation to a more gencral, &
Wider history
oa Nie period — the 18804-19200 - because it Is one of
the real test saves for the revived interest in popular culture
231 Cultural studies
Without in any way casting aspersions on the important historiea!
lwork which hes boon done-and remains to do on earlier periods
To‘belleve that many of the Feat ieiculules Cthevsetleal ax well
‘ss enpivionl) will only be confronted when we begin 10 examine
Giosely popular culture ina period which begins to resemble
Sur own, which poses the same kind of interpretive problems as
our own, and which is informed by our own sense of
Comenparary questions. 1 am dublous about that Kind of interest
in tpoputar culture’ which comes to a sudden and unexpected
halt af roughly the same point as the decline of Chartism. 1t
anit by chance that very few of us aze working in popular
Culture in the 1990s. 1 suspect there is something peculiarly
Gukward, especially for socialists, in the pon-appearance of &
hniltant, redicel mature culture of the working €la39 in the
390s when = to tell you the truth ~ most of us would have
expected it {o appear. From the viewpoint of « purely ‘herole' or
‘amtonomous popular culture, the 1830s is a pretty Darren
period. This ‘burronness’ ~ like the earlier unexpected richness
Sha dvernity “cant be expained fron within fps cuore
We have now, to begin to apeaie, not just about
discontinuities sod qualitetive change, But about o very severe
fracture, a deep rupture ~ especially in popular culture in the
postway pea CHeEE TT Is pot only a-Matter of a-change in
Pumitarfelanons between the classes, but of the changed
Felationship between the people and the concentration and
Expansion of the new cultural spparatuses themselves. But could
cae Seriously now set out to write the history of popular culture
sithout takisg Into account the monopolisation of the cultural
Industries, on the back of a profound technological revolution
Gx goes without saying that no ‘profound technological
fevottin' ever in ty sence ‘purely echnical)” Zou
Snory of the eulluee of the popUlar classes exclusively from
tery of the ea aes Sem omaeruCanding the ways in whieh
they ate constantly Reld-in-selation wath the iastitutlons-of
‘Sontag culbizal production, js nol to Live in the twentierh
SSitury ‘The point Ts clear about the twentieth century.
Believe it holds good for the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries
a well,
$o much for ‘some problems of periodisation’.
Next, I want to say something about 'popular'. The term can
havea number of different meanings: not all of them useful.
Take the most common-sense meaning: the things which are
Sala to be ‘popular’ because masses Of people listen to (wen,
buy them, read them, consume them, snd seem to enjoy them to
the full. This is the ‘market! or commercial definition of the
term: the one which brings socialists out in spots. It is quite
rightly associated with the manipulation and debasement of the
Culture of the people. Tn one sense, it is the direct opposite of
the way I have been using the word earlier. I have, though,