Orientālistika: Latvijas Universitātes Raksti

LATVIJAS UNIVERSITTES
RAKSTI
722. SJUMS
Orientlistika
ScIenTIfIc PAPeRS
UnIveRSITy of LATvIA
VOLUME 722
Oriental Studies
ScIenTIfIc PAPeRS
UnIveRSITy of LATvIA
VOLUME 722
Oriental Studies
Latvijas Universitte
LATVIJAS UNIVERSITTES
RAKSTI
722. SJUMS
Orientlistika
UDK 001+7(082)
Or 400
Galvenais redaktors Dr. habil. theol. prof. Leons Taivans
Redakcijas kolija
Dr. habil. philol. prof. Viktors Ivbulis (Latvijas Universitte), galven redaktora vietnieks
Dr. habil. hist. Algis Prazauskas (Director, Centre for Asian Studies, Vytautas Magnus
University, Kaunas, Lietuva)
Prof. Rein Raud, PhD (Rector, Tallinn University)
Dr. hist. prof. Andrey Zubov (Universitte GI, Maskava)
Dr. philos. Frank Kraushaar (Latvijas Universittes MVF zijas zintnisk institta
direktors)
J. Eots, PhD (Latvijas Universitte)
Dr. theol. prof. Anita Staulne (Daugavpils Universitte)
Dr. theol. Jnis Priede (Latvijas Universitte)
Dr. habil. philos. prof. Kai Vogelsang (Hamburg University)
Dr. habil. philol. prof. Otto Jastrow (Erlangen University)
Prof. William C. Chittick, PhD (State University of New York at Stony Brook)
Editor Peter Dawson (Austrlija)
Latvieu tekstu literr redaktore Ruta Puria
Angu tekstu literr redaktore Mra Antenie
Maketu veidojis Arnis aksti
Visi krjum ievietotie raksti ir recenzti.
Prpublicanas gadjum nepiecieama Latvijas Universittes atauja.
Citjot atsauce uz izdevumu obligta.
Latvijas Universitte, 2008
ISSN 1407-2157
ISBN 978-9984-825-58-8
Saturs/Contents
Kultra, literatra, mksla/Culture, Literature, Arts ........................................ 7
Olga Antoonoka. Androgna tls un pseidohomoseksulisms msdienu
Japnas populrs kultras fenomen yaoi mangs
The Image of Androgyny and Pseudo-Homosexuality in the Yaoi Manga Phenomenon
of Japanese Contemporary Popular Culture ...................................................................... 8
Olga Adele. Indijas tradicionls glezniecbas lappuses
An Insight into Indian Traditional Painting ....................................................................... 19
Ilze Paegle. Secrets and Lies: Writing as Power in Tanizaki Junichirs
Kagi (The Key)
Noslpumi un meli: dairade k spks Dzjuniir Taidzaki romn Atslga .............. 37
Frank Kraushaar. Zur Struktur eines songzeitlichen Gedichtzyklus des Jiang Kui
Sun dinastijas dzejnieka Dzjan Kuj (ap. 1155 ap. 1221) dzeju cikla struktras
problmas (ca. 1155 ca. 1221)........................................................................................... 49
Ieva Haas. Suche nach Tradition und Gegenwart in der zeitgenssischen
chinesischen Lyrik am Beispiel von Dichtungstheorie Yang Lians
Tradcijas mekljumi modernaj nieu lirik un to atspoguojums
Jana ana dzejas teorij ...................................................................................................... 61
Ieva Tretjuka. The Human Mind and Nature: the Relationship between Them as
Represented in Monochrome Landscape Painting of the Fifteenth Century Japan
Cilvks un daba 15. gs. Japnas monohromaj ainavu glezniecb................................... 76
Reliijas un kultru dialogs/Religion and Dialogue of Civilizations ................. 83
Leons Taivans. Paradigmu atirbas civilizciju dialog
(J. Ratcingera 2006. g. 12. septembra tzes Rgensburgas Universitt)
Paradigmatic Differences as an Obstacle to Dialogue of Civilizations
(Refections on J. Ratzingers 2006/09/12 Controversy) .................................................... 84
Katrne Anspaha. Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami raans vsture un ideoloija
Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami: the History of Rise and Ideology .............................................. 91
Agita Baltgalve. Jdziens atbrvoans Mahjnas budism
Der Begriff Befreiung im Mahyna-Buddhismus ........................................................ 105
Elizabete Taivne. Doctrines of Man in Orthodox Christian and
Tibetan Hagiographic Narratives
Mcba par cilvku ortodoksls kristietbas un Tibetas hagiogrfskajos naratvos ....... 121
Karens Petrosjans. na barbari: etnonmu semantika
China Barbarians: the Semantics of Ethnonyms ......................................................... 128
Jnis Eots. Taisnguma izpratne sfsm: Dell ad-Dns Rm un
Muhji ad-Dns Ibn al-Arab
Suf Understanding of Justice: Jalal al-Din Rumi and Muhy al-Din Ibn Al-Arabi ......... 136
6 Orientlistika
Olga Petrova. Musulmau svtais kar dihds un Eiropa
(dihds krievu islma ptniecb)
Muslim Holy War Jihad and Europe (Jihad in Russian Islamic Studies) .......................... 142
Jnis Priede. Gudrbas mlestba k ce uz neizncbu
Pseudosalomona Gudrbas grmat
The Love of Wisdom as the Way to Incorruptibility in the
Pseudo-Solomons Book of Wisdom .................................................................................... 153
Anita Staulne. Austrumu reliisks idejas Rietumos: Rrihu joga
Eastern Religious Ideas in the West: Yoga of the Roerichs ............................................... 166
Vsture/History ...................................................................................................... 179
Laura are. Latvieu organizciju darbba bgu lab Tlajos Austrumos 19181920
The Latvian Refugees Organizations in Russian Far East, 19181920 ............................ 180
Kultra, literatra, mksla
Culture, Literature, Arts
Androgna tls un pseidohomoseksulisms msdienu
Japnas populrs kultras fenomen yaoi mangs
The Image of Androgyny and Pseudo-Homosexuality in
the Yaoi Manga Phenomenon of Japanese Contemporary
Popular Culture
Olga Antoonoka
Latvijas Universittes Moderno valodu fakultte
Visvala iel 4a, Rg, LV-1050
e-pasts: aoishu@gmail.com
ai rakst ir aplkota androgna tla loma Japnas populraj kultr, detalizti iedziinoties
yaoi mangas (Boys Love comic) fenomen. Yaoi manga izmanto vrieu idealizto
homoseksulo attiecbu ideju, kaut ar ts mrauditorija ir jaunas sievietes. Lai izskaidrotu o
fenomenu, ir izvirztas dadas teorijas. Darba mris ir analizt galvens no tm, akcentjot
ideju par perfektu ldzvrtgu attiecbu idelu un uzsverot, kda nozme ir dzimuma lomu
prkpanai yaoi mangs.
Atslgvrdi: androgns, Japnas populr kultra, idealiztas homoseksulas attiecbas.
Vrds androgns nozm vrsieva, tas ir jdziens, ko minjis Platons dialog
Dzres, apzmjot vienu btni, kam ir divi ermei. Platona dialog minti trs
dadi androgna tipi: vrietis-sieviete, vrietis-vrietis un sieviete-sieviete. s btnes
ir perfektas un tpc tik stipras, ka no tm baids pat dievi; ts ir idelas btnes
un vienlaikus idelas mlestbas simbols. o btu pilnba un laime padarja ts tik
stipras, ka ts iedvesa bailes pat dievos, kas sadalja androgna ermeni divs btns,
izmtjot ts pa visu pasauli un izdzot to atmias par otro pusi. Kop t laika
vriei un sievietes spiesti meklt savu otro pusi, lai atkal ktu par vienotu, idelu
un stipru btni. Msdiens, kad jdziena nozme ir mainjusies un ar leendu
atceras tikai dai, ar terminu androgns apzm vai nu medicnisku anomliju,
vai ar msdiens populro tendenci slpt savu sto dzimumu, adaptjot pretjam
dzimumam raksturgu uzvedbu un rjs pazmes, piemram, kosmtiku, aprbu
vai estus. Msdiens Japnas populrs kultras diskurs sastopamie androgna
tli oti biei ir radti, pamatojoties uz idealizta vriea tla izpti un savdabgu
pseidohomoseksualitti, kas ir domta sievieu auditorijai. Japna nav vieng valsts,
kur das idejas un tli ir ieinteresjui sievieu auditoriju. Par klieju jau ir kuvis
viedoklis, ka viendzimuma mlestba balsts uz abu partneru perfektu savstarpju
izpratni, kas heteroseksulam prim grtk sasniedzama dadu psiholoisku
iemeslu d. rpus Latvijas ideja ir tikusi ekspluatta jau krietnu laiku. Vartu
nosaukt tdus autorus k, piemram, Mar Reno, pc kuras triloijas ir uzemta
Olivera Stouna skandaloz flma Aleksandrs. Reno darbiem netrkst vsturiska
pamatojuma, bet tajos skaidri redzama velans izskaistint varou raksturus.
Olga Antoonoka. Androgna tls un pseidohomoseksulisms msdienu Japnas populrs .. 9
Aukstasings iekarotjs taj atainots k romantisks mltjs, daudz lielka uzmanba
pievrsta varou attiecbm, nevis kauju aprakstiem utt. Var piemint ar Popiju Z.
Braitu, kuras romni kst aizvien populrki ar Krievij, un Annu Raisu (Vampru
hronikas). ie darbi ne vienmr ir izteikti homoerotiski, kaut ar zinmu zemtekstu
var saskatt. Piemram, varoa prtapanu par vampru Raisas Vampru hroniks
var interprett ar k geja coming out simbolisku atainojumu. Pie tdiem autoriem,
iespjams, vartu pieskaitt ar Johannu Sinisalo, kuras romns Pirms saulrieta nav
auts publicts izdevniecb Atna. Latvij Atnas apgd iznkusi ar jaunas
autores grmata, kas izraisja divjdu reakciju no kritiu puses. T ir Ilzes Jansones
grmata Vipus stikla, kur aplkota viendzimuma mlestba k idelas mlestbas
forma.
Ir daudz piemru, k das grmatas kst par bestselleriem, jo ts uzrun to
sievieu dvseles, kas tiecas pc izskaistintas, izsmalcintas mlestbas. Geju
attiecbas dos darbos tiek pardtas vairk vai mazk idealizti, noklusjot daus
ne prk pievilcgus aspektus un pai necenoties atspoguot realitti. Iespjams, t
ir galven atirba no, piemram, Patrcijas Nelas Vorenas darbiem, via jau atzta
par vienu no labkajm geju literatras autorm. Ttad var apgalvot, ka savdabga
pseidohomoseksulisma ideja pamazm iekaro sievieu uzmanbu vis pasaul, bet
laikam tikai Japn msdiens t ir kuvusi tik populra un tiek oti komercializta.
Kaut gan msdiens androgna tls joprojm saists ar vrieu homoseksulismu,
izrds, ka tas ir kuvis par aktulu tematu Japnas sievieu subkultr, izveidojot
savdabgu pseidohomoseksulisma fenomenu. Juzsver, ka homoseksulisma statuss
msdienu Japn ir ldzgs t statusam vairkum Rietumvalstu, kur neofcilo
iecietbu neatbalsta legla aizsardzba. Tomr kop Otr pasaules kara ai problmai
nav tikusi pievrsta uzmanba likumdoan. Jpiezm, ka sievieu homoseksulismu
likumdoana nekad nav reguljusi. Tomr Japn pastv zinma spriedze, ko atzm
vairki homoseksui, kuri jt zinmu brvbas trkumu un neiedroins atklti atzt
savu homoseksualitti, it pai darbaviets.
Izieana atkltb daudziem homoseksuiem nozmtu konfrontciju ar
sabiedrb pieemtm vrtbm un dzvesveidu, kas tiek atzts par normlu. Msdiens
homoseksulisms Japn lielkoties asocijas ar prrbanos (transvestismu) vai
transseksulismu, td ka plasazias ldzekos homoseksui parasti tiek pardti k
vriei, kas prrbjas par sievietm un uzvedas sievigi, respektvi, tiek uzskatts,
ka homoseksulisms ir velans prtapt cit dzimum.
Ar t. s. yaoi manga pas japu komiksu anrs, kas ir vrsts uz jauno
sievieu auditoriju, veicina tdu homoseksuu uztveri, jo homoseksulas attiecbas
taj izskaistinti attlotas k andrognu btu jeb skaisto puiu (binan, bishonen)
attiecbas. Homoseksulie vriei dareiz uztver yaoi mangu diezgan negatvi, jo t
parda viendzimuma attiecbas starp skaistm, idelm btnm un tdjdi laupa
paprliecbu daiem homoseksuiem, kas neatbilst im tlam. Turklt ie komiksi
izraisa pastiprintu sievieu interesi par homoseksuu subkultru, preczk, par ts
patnjkiem aspektiem. Iespjams, is fenomens ir saistts ar t. s. gay boom, kas
Japn sks 20. gs. 90. gados. ai laik pardjs neskaitmas publikcijas, kas
proponja ideju, ka homoseksulie vriei kardinli atiras no heteroseksuliem,
tpc var kt par sievietes labko draugu un pat partneri t saucamaj draugu
10 Orientlistika
laulb. Sievietm paredztos plasazias ldzekos homoseksulisms tika
atspoguots ne visai relistiski, tomr ar simptijm. Savukrt informcijas avotos,
kas bija domti plakai auditorijai, dominja ironija un humors. Homoseksui tika
attloti k vriei, kas mina uzvesties k sievietes, bet viiem tas neizdodas. Ttad,
neraugoties uz to, ka par homoseksulismu run diezgan daudz, cilvki, kas iesaists
viendzimuma attiecbs, gandrz nekad netiek pardti k normli cilvki, kas dzvo
parastu dzvi un strd parast darbaviet. Tomr Japn nav tdu argumentu pret
homoseksulismu, ar kuriem parasti oper konservatvs grupas Rietumos. Proti,
netiek mints, ka homoseksulisms apdraudtu kristietbu, sabiedrbu un imeni.
Japn cilvki biei vien nevar argumentt, kas tiei homoseksulism ir nepareizi.
Cross-dressing (prrbans, transvestisms) ir minjums radt vriea vai
sievietes tlu, pamatojoties uz sabiedrb pieemtiem priekstatiem par sievibu vai
vribu. Ttad var apgalvot, ka noteicos ir sabiedrbas morles diktts normas
un aizspriedumi. Respektvi, vrietis, kas rbjas sievietes drns, rada tlu, kas btu
sabiedriski atpazstams k sieviete. Piemram, sav laik Kabuki aktieri, kuru amplu
bija sievieu lomas (onnagata), radja idelu sievietes tlu, ko nevarja piedvt
neviena sieviete. Un sievietes atdarinja o vrieu radtus tlus k paraugu.
Msdiens dzve kst arvien droka un ar idela vriea tls plasazias
ldzekos mains. Mangs, grmats, flms, mzikas industrij visos masu
informcijas ldzekos, kas ir domti sievieu auditorijai, stipros, skarbos, vrigos
samurajus ir nomainjuas efemeras btnes, slaidi, skaisti un smalkjtgi jauneki.
Msdiens par androginittes idela patrtjm Japn uzskata sievietes,
pareizk sakot, jaunas meitenes (shjo). Shjo ir termins, kas apzm jaunu meiteni,
sievieti laik no puberttes ldz laulbai, ttad btni, kas vl-nav-sieviete.
2
Ts ir
meitenes, kas tikko sk apzinties savu seksualitti un mcs ar to sadzvot. 20. gs.
80. gados s jauns meitenes kuva par galvenajm populrs kultras patrtjm,
tau vismaz desmit gadus pirms tam tika atztas par btiski svargu populrs
kultras patrtju segmentu. Vim paredzti visdadkie produkti manga,
grmatas, mzika, zmolu preces u. tml. Tie tiek patrti, veidojot noteiktam idelam
atbilstgu shjo tlu.
3
Visos plasazias ldzekos, kas domti shjo auditorijai, var
atrast andrognus varous gan sievietes, gan vrieus.
Shjo manga apskata meitenes psihi, izpta vias sapus laik starp brnbu un
sievietes dzvi, paldzot meitenm radt savu pasauli, kas sagatavo vias prejai no
platonisks uz seksulo dzvi pieauguo pasaul. Mksliniece Hagio Moto (Hagio
Moto) norda, ka savus darbus rada, cenzdams paldzt meitenei aj prejas
period. Viena no galvenajm meiteu mangas tmm ir izlauans no iepriek
paredzamm dzimuma lomm, tpc varoiem nereti piemt psiholoiska un dareiz
pat vizula androginitte. androginitte auj meitenei kt stiprai, un dareiz via
patiem spl varoa lomu, piemram, bruinieka lomu Tedzukas Osamu (Tezuka
samu) darb Ribon no Kishi (Bruinieks ar lenti), ko uzskata par pirmo meiteu
mangu.
20. gs. 70. gados uz mangas skatuves pardjs t. s. 49 Gang (jauno sievieu-
mkslinieu grupa, nosaukta pc viu kopj dzimanas gada), kas zm daus no
visietekmgkajiem un iespaidgkajiem shjo mangas darbiem. 1972. un 1973. gad
Ikeda Rjoko (Ikeda Ryoko) manga Berusaiyu no Bara (Versaas Roze) izraisja
sensciju. Ikeda Rjoko sagrauj ierasto strikti noteikto lappuu noformjumu un
paneu izvietojumu, vias zmjumi priet viens otr, panei ir ietami haotiski,
tau patiesb loiski izvietoti lappus. Galven varone ir jauna sieviete, kurai dots
vriea vrds Oskars, via tikusi audzinta k vrietis un pirms revolcijas kst par
ofcieri Francijas galm. Vias stais dzimums ir zinms, bet viu akcept un pat iece
par Marijas Antuanetes persongo miesassargu. Oskars ir neapaubmi ambivalents
tls, kur saplst gan vriea, gan sievietes pabas. Pieemts uzskatt, ka Berusaiyu
no Bara ir pirm manga ar homoerotisku zemtekstu.
4
Tomr, uzmangi analizjot o
70.80. gadu meiteu mangu, redzams, ka t tomr diezgan stipri atiras no msdienu
shjo mangas. Darbos, kas izveidoja shjo anru, personi parasti ir oti stilizti un
izsmalcinti skaisti, ststjums dareiz oti krasi izce jaunbu. Msdiens meiteu
mangas ir mainjus un kuvuas vairk pieskaotas Japnas realittei. Varones ne
vienmr ir skaistas, dareiz pat pasvtroti vienkras, respektvi, akcentts netiek
skaistums, bet gan noteiktas rakstura pabas, piemram, jaukums un mums. Ststa
varone ir parasta meitene ar parastm problmm, kaut ar dareiz viai gads nokt
neparasts situcijs. Labs piemrs ir visai populr Ai Jadzavas (Ai Yazawa) manga
Kagen no Tsuki (Nepilns Mness). Pc s mangas motviem nesen tika uzemta
flma, kur vienu no lomm spl ar populrais rokmzikas dziedtjs HYDE.
Jadzavas varone ir parasta meitene, kurai ir vai nu dvains, spokains pieldzjs, vai
ar sts, rels puisis, kas kvli cns par vias mlestbu. Galu gal via tomr izvlas
parastu laimi, lemjot armanto spoku mgai vientulbai.
5
Jpiebilst, ka msdienu populr literatra Japn ir tiei saistta ar mangas
industriju. Mangas tiek zmtas pc populru romnu motviem vai otrdi pc
mangas motviem tiek raksttas grmatas. Piemram, Bananas Josimoto (Banana
Yoshimoto) dairad stils un sieta izklsts, kas akcent vizulas detaas, tik oti
atgdina mangu, ka ststjumu vartu viegli prveidot par mangu. Dai populri
romni tiek ilustrti ar mangas stila zmjumiem, kas nereti ir noformti k mangas
lapas ar runas burbuiem un paneu izkrtojumu.
Shjo auditorijai domtajos darbos pausts idejas parda meitenes trausls
psihes pasauli, vias prtapanu no msas un drauga par sievieti un moto. pai
svargs ir vriea tls, tas parasti ir oti androgns un ambivalents, taj apvienotas
divas dabas. Lastja var pieemt tdu vriea tlu, kas ir ldzgs viai, un vlk tas
paldzs viai adaptties ar relaj vrieu pasaul vai ar paldzs uz neilgu laiku
izkt no ts. Turklt shjo mangu lasa ar gados veckas sievietes. s sievietes no
mangas sagaida paldzbu, kas autu izrauties no ikdienas rutnas un uz mirkli nokt
fantzijas pasaul, kur apspiestas jtas rod savdabgu kompensciju. is vriea
tls shjo kultr sastopams visdadkajs varicijs gan mangs un romnos
par jaukm meitenm un lielu mlestbu, gan ar yaoi mangs. Sav grmat The
Beautiful Boy G. Grra apskata jauna, skaista puia tlu Rietumu mksl un puia
skaistuma atzanu defn di:
Vairkums cilvku bez jautjumiem pieem, ka sievietes tiek
uztvertas k seksulie objekti, uz vim vispirms skats k uz
ermeni, kura primrais pienkums ir piesaistt vriea uzmanbu.
Kaut ar t ir taisnba, taisnba ir ar fakts, ka sievietes taj pa
laik ir programmtas uz neveiksmi viu pienkum piesaistt
12 Orientlistika
uzmanbu, jo puiiem tas izdodas labk. Ts nav labas zias
vrieiem, jo puisis ir puisis tikai neilgu laiku. Viam jbt
spjgam uz seksulo reakciju, bet vl nav jbt pietiekami vecam,
lai sktos. [..] Mkslinieki, gan heteroseksui, gan geji, vienmr
ir to zinjui, vismaz ldz devipadsmitajam gadsimtam. Sievietes
ar to zinja un zina joprojm. Gan meitenes, gan vecmmias ir
jtgas pret puiu slaicgo pievilcbu, mazk jtgas ir sievietes,
kas mekl tvu savam brnam.
6
Yaoi ir viens no meiteu mangas (shjo manga) anriem, kura galven tma ir
puiu viendzimuma mlestbas atainoana. Termins yaoi, ar ko tagad (galvenokrt
rietumnieku ptjumos) mdz apzmt visas mangas ar homoerotisku sietu, pardjs
70. gadu beigs k vrds, kas apzmja populru puiu mangu djinshi parodijas.
Tm biei vien bija homoerotisks saturs. Yaoi ir akronms no japu vrdiem Yama
nashi, ochi nashi, imi nashi (nav kulmincijas, nav btbas, nav jgas). Vartu
apgalvot, ka tiei yaoi djinshi veicinja yaoi oriinls mangas straujo attstbu,
ar savu popularitti pierdot, ka im anram bs pietiekami liela auditorija, bet
msdiens tiek uzskatts, ka oriinl manga tomr ir izplattka nek yaoi djinshi,
jo t piedv praktiski to pau, bet meistarbas lmenis ir augstks. Msdiens ik
mnesi iznk vairk nek 100 oriinlo yaoi mangu periodisko izdevumu.
Yaoi manga k pas anrs izveidojs 20. gs. 70. gados, preczk 1974. gad,
kad tika publicta mkslinieces Hagio Moto manga Tma no shinz (Tomasa
sirds). Lai ar ideja visizteiksmgk tika izmantota Takemijas Keiko (Takemiya
Keiko) darb Kaze to Ki no Uta (Vja un koku dziesma), kas pirmo reizi tika
publicts 1976. gad, pastv uzskats, ka Kaze to Ki no Uta bija pirm manga, kas
tiem atspoguoja mlestbu un homoseksulas attiecbas starp jauniem puiiem, jo
Hagio Moto mang tiek runts par mlestbu starp jauniem puiiem, bet s jtas t
ar netiek piepildtas fziski. Pati Kaze to Ki no Uta mangas autore Takemija ststja
par to, k viai ncs cnties, lai vias darbs tiktu publicts meiteu urnla Shjo
Comic, kas iznca reizi ned, tomr pc publikcijas milzgajiem pankumiem
manga tika prpublicta vl ilgus gadus, t ievedot puiu viendzimuma mlestbas
anru meiteu komiksos.
7

Pirms mangas, kas atainoja puiu mlestbu, parasti bija garas, vairkos
sjumos, ar rpgi izstrdtu sietu un biei vien ar traiskm beigm. No paa
skuma ajs mangs pardjs ar gultas ainas, demonstrjot ne tikai mlestbas
platonisko pievilcbu, bet ar fzisko mlestbu.
8
Tomr ts netika uzskattas par
pornogrfskm, jo vl pavisam nesen netika attloti dzimumorgni, turklt stilizto
gultas ainu mris bija nevis pievrst uzmanbu dzimumaktam, bet akcentt savas
seksualittes pieemanu, iziranos starp mlestbu un draudzbu. Ar veids, k
s ainas tika zmtas, parda to simbolisko nozmi: pues, savijuies koku zari,
iedvesmotas sejas, savijuies pirksti un tamldzgi. Esttika (tanbi), ko pat vartu
nosaukt par dekadenci, iemlanos skaistum tie bija termini, ko izmantoja
70. gadu mkslinieces, kas radja puiu mlestbas ststus. Ar Japnas cenzra
pieva anra mangu publicanu, jo Japn par pornogrfskiem tiek uzskatti tikai
enitliju atainojumi, bet nav aizlieguma demonstrt seksuli ierosinou uzvedbu
un mjienus, kas biei vien pards ar plasazias ldzekos.
Tomr, par spti izteiktam homoerotismam, gan profesionlu, gan amatieru
mkslinieku zmtajos komiksos par homoseksulismu var runt tikai nosacti, jo to
galvenos varous, kas tiek dvti par bishnen (skaistiem jaunekiem), par vrieiem
nosaukt btu grti. Vii ir skaistas bezdzimuma btnes, kas vairk atgdina visprja
skaistuma simbolus, nevis btnes, kas pieder pie konkrta dzimuma.
9
Yaoi fenomens
demonstr jaunu androgna tlu. Bishnen ir androgns vai hermafrodts nevis fzisk,
bet dvselisk aspekt. Yaoi tli prsvar ir gandrz sievigi skaisti, lai ar biei vien
viiem piemt liels fzisks spks, ar sav uzvedb un izskat vii ir izsmalcinti
ldz dekadencei. Vii ir idel vriea vai pat idel cilvka tli sievietes skatjum.
Bishnen ir sastvdaa, bez kuras patiesb neiztiek neviena meiteu manga, turklt
interesanti atzmt, ka pdj laik pards ar oti daudz mangu, kuras pc sieta
domtas vairk puiu auditorijai un kuru varoi atiras no bishnen varbt tikai ar
uzvedbas modeli. Nav brnums, ka s mangas kuvuas tik populras ar meiteu
vid meitenes varbt tik liel mr nepiesaista siets, kas ir balstts uz nemitgm
cm ar aunumu, bet atraktvie personi, kurus pc tam var atainot amatieru yaoi
mangs vai cit fanu dairades anr.
Savukrt yaoi mangs bishnen ir konstanta vrtba, kas kuvusi par visatpa-
zstamko yaoi vaibstu. ie puii var izskatties dadi atkarb no mkslinieces
gaumes viiem var piemist gan bezdzimuma skaistums k agrnajs yaoi mangs,
piemram, Takemijas darb Vja un koku dziesma vai msdiengajs Oki Mamijas
(Oki Mamiya) mangs, viiem var bt ar diezgan izteikta muskulatra k Kadzumas
Kodakas (Kazuma Kodaka) varoiem, vii var bt izsmalcinti vrigs
Minekuras Kazujas (Minekura Kazuya) aukstasingie slepkavas no Wild Adapter.
Vii var izskatties vairk vai mazk sievigi, bet vienalga attlo andrognu idelu,
kas biei izpauas t saucamaj uke tl, kur tlam raksturga ar diezgan sieviga
uzvedba un ievainojamba, kas heteroseksulaj literatr vairk asocijas ar
sievieti.
K jau mints, Takemija Keiko, kas radja pirmo tipisko yaoi ststu, pievras
ai tmai ne tikai platonisk lmen, bet ar izpta ts fzisko aspektu:
Ar puiu mlestbas paldzbu ir iespjams pardt o divjdo
personbu, kas ir gan vrieu, gan sievieu, un pastv katr no
mums. Puii spl abu dzimumu lomas, lai izskaidrotu saistbu,
kas pastv starp mlestbu un seksu. Ja saistba starp mlestbu
un seksu ir atainota ar vriea un sievietes mlestbu, ir grti
uzsvrt dzimumu. Bet ir viegli prrunt o problmu bez jebkdiem
dzimuma ierobeojumiem, balstoties uz puiu mlu. Vriea un
sievietes mlestbas gadjum ir grti runt par divjdu personbu,
jo pastv tda realitte k brna dzimana pc mlestbas
piepildjuma.
10
Parasti, neskatoties uz abu galveno varou relatvo androginitti, yaoi mang
atainotais pris paredz aktvo un pasvo partneri. Aktvais seme (seme, no darbbas
vrda [] brukt virs, uzbrukt), pasvais uke (uke, no darbbas
vrda [] saemt, paciest). s lomas nav vienmr strikti nodaltas,
bet vairkum gadjumu ts ir nojauamas. Dareiz ietami pasvais uke domin
mentl lmen, tdjdi pierdot savu spku pr lielo un stipro seme. Skaistajiem
14 Orientlistika
un mazk skaistajiem puiiem ir jbt vien vecuma kategorij ap 20 gadu. Parasti
seme ir vecks un via vecuma robea ir ap 30 gadu, jo viam tomr ir jbt skaistam.
Ir ar izmumi, kad uke ir vecks, bet parasti vi izskats jaunks, un via motais
ir oti prsteigts, kad uzzina sava partnera sto vecumu. Zemk vecuma robea ir
ap 16 gadu, visbiek tie ir 1718 gadi, tau ir izmumi, piemram, 14 gadi, jo is
vecums jau paredz puia seksulo aktivitti, bet vi vl ir saglabjis sto androgna
pievilcbu. o vecumu sav laik biei izmantoja t. s. Bildungsroman, jo tas ir
laiks, kad brns tikai atklj savu seksualitti. Ar yaoi mangu sieti nereti balsts
uz ts izpti. aj vecum zns sk saprast, ka tomr ir atirba starp draudzbu un
mlestbu. Un tagad viam ir jpieem, ka vi pret savu draugu izturas citdi, nek
bija domjis. Msdiens tda manga dareiz jau robeojas ar t saucamo shtakon
mangu. Shtakon vairkum gadjumu t ir pornogrfska manga, kas ataino vecku
cilvku intms attiecbas ar maziem (dareiz pat ar 57 gadus veciem) zniem vai
seksuls attiecbas starp maziem zniem, par spti visiem fzioloijas un morles
likumiem. Pastvot zinmai ldzbai ar shtakon, ar yaoi dareiz izpelns ne visai
glaimojoas atsauksmes k pedoflijas atainojums.
Ir daudz teoriju, kas mina paskaidrot yaoi fenomena pievilcbu un vispr
kpc kaut kas tds vartu pardties, jo no pirm acu uzmetiena doma, ka
heteroseksulas sievietes ar aizrautbu lass par pseidogeju attiecbm, vartu likties
absurda. Zemteksts mangs par puiu mlestbu norda, ka mlestba ir prka par
heteroseksulo mlestbu. is apgalvojums varja rasties td, ka japu sievietm
bija apzinta un neapzinta prliecba par sievieu apspiestbu Japn, jo ar laulbu
viss romantiskais beidzas un sieviete kst par sievu, mti un mjsaimnieci. Bishnen
piemt vl viena sievietes skatjum svarga paba vii ir spjgi saprast otra jtas,
cient viens otru k ldzvrtgu, mlt k sev ldzvrtgu. Neskatoties uz seme/uke
sistmu, ar seksuli m btnm nav noteiktu lomu, vii ts izvlas pai. Bishneni
ir speciali radti, lai sasniegtu idealizti romantisko mlestbas idelu, kas nav
saistts ar laulbas relijm. Vrietis patriarhl sabiedrb ir brvks, pc s brvbas
sievietes tiecas gadsimtiem, pierdot savu ldztiesgumu kaut vai fantzijas sfr.
Lai ar yaoi mangas atainots attiecbas parasti saists ar pazstamm dihotomijm,
piemram, vj/stiprs, aktvs/pasvs, vss/mlos utt., tomr lomas biei tiek sadaltas
pilngi negaidti.
11

Gandrz visus yaoi ststus raksturo patnjs maigums, neskatoties uz dareiz
prspltm un pat vardarbgm seksa ainm.
12
Jpiemin ar yaoi zmjuma elegance,
t ar ir saprotama, jo mkslinieces nevar ptt cilvka ermea skaistumu, ja tas
ir slikti uzzmts. Yaoi sieti sastopami visdadkajos kontekstos. Tas var bt
piedzvojumu, zintnisks fantastikas anrs vai parastais ikdienas ststi, varou
attiecbu kulmincija ir mlestbas atzana, tas var izpausties vrdos, mjienos vai
pirmaj skpst, k tas parasti notiek shnen-ai mangs, vai ar ziediem izpuotas
gultas ain, k parasti notiek yaoi mangs. Ststam var bt izcils siets, bet agri vai vlu
tas parasti kst par vairk vai mazk izsmalcintm dekorcijm varou attiecbs,
kaut ar oriinli siets ir neatemama mangas daa. Ir daudz paskaidrojumu, ko fani
sniedz, kad viiem prasa, kas vius piesaista yaoi, bet visvairk tiek atkrtots, ka
vii to lasa, jo tas ir jautri. Daudzi ststi nav izteikti seksuli, bet, t k romantiska
mlestba tomr saists ar ar intmm attiecbm, yaoi ir ar daudz gultas ainu. Tomr
atirb no pornogrfsks produkcijas yaoi pta jtas, nevis attlo seksulo aktu.
Dai uzskata, ka pusaugu meitenes yaoi saskata iespju saprast un pieemt savu
seksualitti, no malas vrojot attiecbas, kas nav saisttas ar viu realitti. aklna
Berndta sav grmat Phaenomen Manga: Comic-Kultur in Japan raksta, ka is
mangas virziens, kas ataino puiu mlestbu, kura tomr ir tik tlu no homoseksulo
attiecbu realittes, ir devis jaunu brvbu neierobeotm meiteu un sievieu
fantzijm. Yaoi manga varbt paldz samierinties ar laulbas relijm, piemram,
romantiskas mlas beigm. Ir izvlts vrieu, nevis sievieu pris, jo sieviete tomr
redz vrieti k savu potencilo partneri, dareiz asocijot sevi ar vienu no varoiem
vai pat ar abiem iztlojoties sevi gan dominjo, gan padevg partnera lom.
13

Ne jau vienmr sieviete iejtas kda varou d, kad lasa mangu vai pati zm.
Daas mdz apgalvot, ka vias vairk piesaista vara pr iem varoiem, kas abi ir
vriei.
14
Jebkur gadjum sieviete izbauda kontroli pr situciju. Tas ir oti svargi,
ja par vienu no yaoi pardans iemesliem, ja ne par pau galveno iemeslu, ms
pieemam sievietes vjuma sajtu vriea priek. T var bt ne tikai personiski
prdzvota sajta, bet ar pati ideja, kas iemjo sievietes zemapzi, td ar ideja
par kontroli pr vriea ermeni iet tik pievilcga. pai krasi tas izpauas sietos,
kas izpta dominances un vardarbbas problmu.
eit sakojas vl viens aizspriedums, kas saistts ar yaoi, proti, tiek izteiktas
baas, ka sieviete var pievrsties viendzimuma attiecbm, ja aizrautgi lasa yaoi
un sk uzskatt, ka mla ir prka par heteroseksulm attiecbm. Tdas paas
raizes kdreiz tika paustas sakar ar Takaradzukas tetra rkrtgo popularitti. Dai
yaoi fani tiem ir homoseksulas sievietes, s mangas lasa ar dai geji, kaut viu
attieksme ir diezgan ambivalenta. Tomr tas nenozm, ka sieviete sks interesties
par sava dzimuma partnerm, ja izlass yaoi mangu. Dai homoseksuli vriei,
kas atkljui sev yaoi, ir prsteigti, cik tur viss ir nepareizi, ne t, k dzv.
Tau homoseksulas literatras rakstnieki nepiemin to, ka viu darbus var izlast
sieviete, kurai patk yaoi, un pateikt, ka TUR viss ir nepareizi. Prk reli, skarbi, ar
skumiem, kas vartu likties glui neesttiski.
15
Par pieaugum sievietm, kas lasa yaoi mangu, dareiz tiek izteikti ne visai
glaimojoi spriedumi, interpretjot viu tieksmi pc yaoi mlas k nespju pieemt
un izbaudt savu seksualitti. Tomr nedrkst ar aizmirst teorijas, ka yaoi mangas
ir tiei pretjais, proti, perfekta sievietes seksualittes izpausme, vias tieksme pc
romantiskas un vienldzgas mlestbas.
Yaoi mangas patnba, ko biei piemin, bet reti paskaidro, ir vardar-
bba gan fziski, gan ar psiholoiski prdzvojumi. Tomr patnji smalkais un
idealiztais sadomazohisms, kas raksturgs yaoi mangm, sakojas nevis msdienu
sadomazohisma praks, bet varou attiecbs. Iespjams, ka vardarbbas estetizcija
auj sievietei gt zinmu kompensciju par tieu vai idejisku varmcbu pret sevi,
jo sieviete no laika gala tika uzskatta par pasvo seksulo objektu. Ttad, redzot
vrieti pasv stvokl, via izjt savdabgu gandarjumu, k izteics kda yaoi fane:
nedaudz vojerisma un nedaudz atriebbas.
16
Vairkums ptnieku piekrt dam
izskaidrojumam. Ttad yaoi piesaista sievieu auditoriju, pateicoties vribas
privilijas lauanai: vriea, nevis sievietes ermenis tiek pardts k pasvs, inerts
un tdjdi pievilcgs objekts.
17
16 Orientlistika
Vl viens glui loisks paskaidrojums, kas ir mazk saistts ar psiholoiju,
daudzs grmats, flms u. c. varonim ir jprvar daudz fzisko un morlo ru,
lai attsttu sevi, padartu sevi labku un stiprku. Yaoi pta mlestbu un seksualitti,
tpc ar riem, kas varoiem ir jprvar, ir jbt saisttiem ar o sfru. Gandrz
visos yaoi ststos tiek pardts, k varonis tiek gal ar izvaroanu vai kdu citu
varmcbu, galu gal prvarot o traumu. Tikai retos gadjumos viam tas neizdodas.
Tdjdi varmcba ir viens no ldzekiem, k pardt varoa attstbu.
Yaoi mangs bishnen ir idels cilvks, kas apvieno un sintez vriea un sievietes
dabu. Stilizts bishnen ir izsmalcints un oti mksliniecisks, bet tas tikai pastiprina
via pievilcbu, jo vi ir idels un var izveidot idelas attiecbas, nebdams saistts
ar dzimuma lomm, da androgna btne var ts maint un lauzt un rast mlestbu,
kas balsts uz savstarpju sapratni un cieu.
Androgna tli yaoi mangs iekaujas savdabg psiholoiskas kompenscijas
mehnism, turklt tiem ir ar komercila nozme. Respektvi, sievietes tos
pieprasa un plasazias ldzeki tos piegd, tau vlreiz nepiecieams uzsvrt, ka
androgna tli piesaista auditoriju galvenokrt tpc, ka piedv iespju izlauzties
no ierastajiem dzimuma lomu standartiem, prvart rutnu vai kt par starpniekiem
starp relu vrieu/sievieu pasauli un meitenes sapu pasauli. Tiesa, adaptcijas un
eskeipisma aspekti ir tik ciei savijuies, ka dareiz grti tos atirt, turklt katrs no
iem fenomeniem ir saistts ar potencilm briesmm tiktl iegrimt sapu pasaul,
ka draud risks zaudt saikni ar realitti.
Izmantotie informcijas avoti
1. Berndt J. Phnomen Manga; Comik Kultur in Japan. Berlin: Ed. q, 1995 (Japan
Edition).
2. Fajrdrako. Introduction to Slash. Available: http://members.rogers.com/fajrdrako/slash.
html (24.11.2005.)
3. Interview with Hagio Moto. Available: http://www.nsknet.or.jp/~lotus/OdysseaPress/
HMotointerview.htm (13.04.2005.)
4. Green Shoshanna, Jenkins Cynthia and Jenkins Henry. Normal Female Interest in Men
Bonking: Selections from The Terra Nostra Underground and Strange Bedfellows.
Available: http://web.mit.edu/21fms/www/faculty/henry3/bonking.html (23.04.2005.)
5. Greer Germaine. The Beautiful Boy, New York, Rizolli, 2003. Available: http://www.
nsknet.or.jp/~lotus/OdysseaPress/HMotointerview.htm (13.04.2005.)
6. Interview with Takemiya Keiko, January 22, 2003. Available: http://www.csuchico.
edu/~mtoku/vc/index.html (16.04.2004.)
7. Johnson Jeanne. Musings on Yaoi Burnout. Available: http://www.aestheticism.com/
visitors/index.htm (08.04.2005.)
8. Johnson Jeanne. The Self-Lubricating Penis and Other Yaoi Anomalies. Available: http://
www.aestheticism.com/visitors/index.htm (08.04.2005.)
9. Johnson Jeanne. 10 things I like About Yaoi. Available: http://www.aestheticism.com/
10. Johnson Jeanne. Why the Guys? Available: http://www.aestheticism.com/visitors/index.
htm (08.04.2005.)
11. Kinsella Sharon. Amateur Manga Subculture and the Otaku Panic (Published in the
Journal of Japanese Studies, Summer 1998). Available: http://www.kinsellaresearch.com/
nerd.html (15.04.2005.)
12. Leupp G. P. Male Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan. LA,
University of California Press, 1996.
13. McLelland M. Local meanings in global space: a case study of womens Boy love
web sites in Japanese and English. Available: http://www.arts.uwa.edu.au/MotsPluriels/
MP1901mcl.html (08.04.2005.)
14. McHarry, Mark Yaoi. Redrawing Male Love. Available: http://www.guidemag.com/temp/
yaoi/a/mcharry_yaoi.html (08.04.2005.)
15. McLelland M. Male Homosexuality and Popular Culture in Modern Japan. Available:
http://pandora.nla.gov.au/pan/10238/20010706/wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/
issue3/mclelland2.html (21.03.2004.)
16. McLelland M. Why Are Japanese Girls Comics Full of Boys Bonking?
17. Murasaki Shikibu, Seidensticker Edward G. The Tale of Genji, Knopf, 1978.
18. Nora. Watch out, folks. Youre being bracketed. Available: http://www.aestheticism.com/
19. Ono Kosei. History of Shjo Manga. Available: www.matt-thorn.com (05.12.2003.)
20. Pfugfelder Gregory M. Cartographies of Desire: Male-Male Sexuality in Japanese
Discourse, 16001950, University of California Press, 2000.
21. Summary of Interviews with Takemiya Keiko in Summer 2000. Available: http://www.
csuchico.edu/~mtoku/vc/index.html (16.04.04.)
22. Robertson J. Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan.
Berkeley, LA, London, University of California Press, 1988.
23. Schodt F. L. The world of Japanese comics. Tokyo, NY, London: Kodansha International,
1986.
24. Schodt F. L. Dreamland Japan: Writings on Modern Manga. Berkeley, California: Stone
Bridge Press, 1996.
25. Segawa Seigle Cecilia. Yoshiwara: The Glittering World of the Japanese Courtesan,
University of Hawaii Press, 1993.
26. Sugumoto J. An Introduction to Japanese Society. Cambridge University Press, 1997.
27. Wilson B., Toku M. Boys Love, Yaoi, and Art Education: Issues of Power and Pedagogy.
Available: http://www.csuchico.edu/~mtoku/vc/index.html (16.04.04.)
28. Whittier Treat John. Contemporary Japan and Popular Culture, University of Hawaii
Press (1996).
Atsauces
1
Japan: An Illustrated Encyclopedia, Kodansha Ltd, Tokyo, 1993.
2
McLelland M. Male Homosexuality and Popular Culture in Modern Japan. Available:
wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/issue3/mclelland2.html
3
Robertson J. Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan. Berkeley,
LA, London, University of California Press, 1988, p. 64.
4
Ibidem, p. 71.
5
Berndt J. Phnomen Manga; Comik Kultur in Japan. Berlin: Ed. q., 1995 (Japan Edition),
p. 99101.
18 Orientlistika
6
Ai Yazawa. Kagen no Tsuki. Available: http://www.storminheaven.net/sih/mtp/kagen%20
no%20tsuki/(15.12.2005.)
7
Greer, Germaine. The Beautiful Boy. New York, Rizolli, 2003. p. 7.
8
Wilson B., Toku M. Boys Love, Yaoi and Art Education: Issues of power and pedagogy.
Available: www.csuchico.edu/~mtoku/vc/index.html 16.04.04.
9
Berndt J. Phaenomen Manga: comik Kultur in Japan, Berlin, Ed. q., 1995 (Japan Edition)
p. 114.
10
McLelland. Male Homosexuality and Popular Culture in Modern Japan. Available: http://
pandora.nla.gov.au/pan/10238/20010706/wwwsshe.murdoch.edu.au/intersections/issue3/
mclelland2.html 07.05.04.
11
Interview with Takemiya Keiko January 22, 2003. Available: www.csuchico.edu/~motoko/
vc/index.html 16.04.04.
12
Johnson, Jeanne. Why the Guys? Available: http://www.aestheticism.com/visitors/index.
htm
13
Wilson B., Toku M. Boys Love, Yaoi, and Art Education: Issues of Power and Pedagogy.
Available: www.csuchico.edu/~mtoku/vc/index.html
14
Wilson B., Toku M. Boys Love, Yaoi, and Art Education: Issues of Power and Pedagogy.
Available: www.csuchico.edu/~mtoku/vc/index.html 16.04.04.
15
Fajrdrako. Introduction to Slash. Available: http://members.rogers.com/fajrdrako/slash.
html
16
Green Shoshanna, Jenkins Cynthia and Jenkins Henry. Normal Female Interest in Men
Bonking. Selections from The Terra Nostra Underground and Strange Bedfellows. Available:
http://web.mit.edu/21fms/www/faculty/henry3/bonking.html
17
Green Shoshanna, Jenkins Cynthia and Jenkins Henry. Normal Female Interest in Men
Bonking. Selections from The Terra Nostra Underground and Strange Bedfellows. Available:
http://web.mit.edu/21fms/www/faculty/henry3/bonking.html
18
McLelland M. Local meanings in global space: a case study of womens Boy love web sites
in Japanese and English. Available: http://www.arts.uwa.edu.au/MotsPluriels/MP1901mcl.
html
Summary
This article examines the role of androgyny image in Japanese popular culture through detailed
analysis of the yaoi manga (or Boys Love Comic) phenomenon. The yaoi manga makes
use of the idea of idealized homosexual relationship between two male partners, although
the target audience are young women. Various theories have been advanced to explain the
phenomenon. This work attempts to examine and analyze the main ones, emphasizing the idea
that the yaoi mangas deal with the imagined possibility of perfectly equal relationship and
various ways of breaking gender roles.
Keywords: androgyny, manga, Japanese popular culture, idealized homosexual relationship.
Indijas tradicionls glezniecbas lappuses
An Insight into Indian Traditional Painting
Olga Adele
Latvijas Universittes Moderno falodu fakultte, zijas studiju nodaa
e-pasts: savruupshaaviens@navigator.lv
Indij mkslas nebija strikti atirtas cita no citas, td arhitektra, tlniecba un glezniecba
bija ciei saisttas ar mziku, deju un literatru, turklt visu to pamat bija reliija un flozofja.
Saldzinjum ar tlniecbu Indijas glezniecba nav tik plai pazstama, tau ar ts mantojums
ir ievrojams pasaules mkslas vstur.
Atslgvrdi: rasa, bhva, Adantas kompleksa sienu gleznojumi, Mogulu miniatra.
Milzgaj Indijas mkslas oken vartu viegli noslkt, ja vien nepastvtu
daljums mkslas veidos, k ar vsture, kas auj izvlties aprakstam aurku nozari
un mint tikai atsevius virzienus vai mksliniekus, lai gan ar tas nepasarg no
liel informcijas apjoma nepilngas izptes.
Runjot par Indijas mkslu, prt nk galvenokrt krie un jutekliskie
tlniecbas darbi, tomr interesanta ir ar glezniecba, lai gan taj izmantotie
materili vairk pakauti laika graujoajai iedarbbai, un iemesla d hindu garg
autoritte Orobindo Ghos o mkslas veidu uzskatja par mazk ietekmgu nek
deja vai tlniecba.
1
Taj pa laik vi nordja, ka glezniecbai ir raksturgs
dvseles kustgums atirb no tlniecbas statisks mbas. To nosaka mkslas
darba radanai izmantotie materili krsas un otas, lnijas un laukumi, kas rada
iespju veidot elastgas un plstoas formas.
Orobindo ar uzsvra, ka indieu mkslas motivcija (vi teikto attiecinja
uz seno hindu mkslu) ir dziks patiesbas izpte ( patiesba atrodas aiz rjm
formm) un ka ts mris ir prveidot rjo skaistumu pacilt garg emocij.
Vi uzskatja, ka Rietumu mksl fziskais domin pr gargo un ldzba dabai
vienmr ir redzams pasaules transkripcija ar izmaim, kas rodas no materila
ierobeojumiem, bet Indijas mkslinieka darba tapanas process norisins pretj
virzien no garg redzjuma uz fzisko, glezn pardot dvseli caur dzvi, jo dzve
ir tikai gara izpausme, bet mkslas uzdevums ir skaidrot o intuitvo atklsmi ar
dzves un dabas formu paldzbu.
Mkslas Indij tradicionli netika strikti sadaltas, td arhitektra, tlniecba un
glezniecba ir ciei saisttas ar literatru, mziku un deju, turklt ts visas iespjams
izprast, tikai emot vr Indijas reliijas, flozofju un vsturi, jo ts noteica mkslu
attstbu. Tostarp liela nozme bija mzikai un dejai, kas apliecinja saistbu ar mgo
kustbu hindu uzskatu par ciklisko dzves atkrtoanos dads kombincijs. Bet
20 Orientlistika
ikvienam mkslas darbam cilvks ir jvirza uz etru dzves mru sasnieganu
dharmas, arthas, kmas un mokas stenoanu.
2

Mkslas teorijas jautjumi Indij tika aplkoti galvenokrt trakttos par valodu,
literatru, dzeju, un esttika ir ciei saistta ar flozofju un valodas teoriju. Tomr
mkslu cies saistbas d ilpa-strs
3
izteiktie ieteikumi darbu radanai attiecinmi
uz visiem mkslas veidiem. Uzsverot reliijas nozmi, ilpa-strs tostarp nordts,
ka nav jpieldz attli, kuriem ir cilvka ermea proporcijas, jo ermenis ir
maings un ar laiku pakauts sairanai, turpret pc ikonometrijas likumiem izveidots
attls ir mgs un nav pakauts laikam. Teortiskajos trakttos minti ar sei
mkslas elementi (adanga), kuri nepiecieami mkslas darb: rpabheda formas
izirana, pramana proporcionalitte, bhva emocija, lavanja skaistuma
mekljums, sadrija patiesbas forma un ts nojausma, varnikabhanga krsu
Olga Adele. Indijas tradicionls glezniecbas lappuses 21
harmonija. Msdiens tos sauc par kompozcijas elementiem un tiei tos analiz,
vrtjot mkslas darbus.
Indieu garguma ptjumi ir bezgalgi, un ir daudz ar esttisko kategoriju
skaidrojoo jdzienu tie ir sareti, tomr interesanti un prliecinoi.
Mkslas radto izjtu rasu un bhvu doktrna balsts piemum, ka visi
mkslinieki rada vienas un ts paas rasas dads kombincijs un visi skattji
ts pazst un uz tm viendi rea, t. i., mkslinieks (dzejnieks, gleznotjs, dejotjs)
izvlas kdu no rasm, bet skattjs rea ar bhvu
4
. Pastv viedoklis, ka dvsele
zemapzias lmen satur pieredzi un atmias par iepriekjo prdzimanu un mksla
spj atdzvint s atmias. Tas nozm, ka tie, kas bauda mkslu, saskaras ar savu
tmanu t attstbas proces.
Bhva (esba, stvoklis) ir jtu izpausme, kas var bt gaistoa un slaicga vai
pieaugoa un pastvga, to nodroina mkslas izteiksmes ldzeki (tetra izrds ts
ir dekorcijas, kostmi, aktieru mmika u. c.). Pakpeniski bagtinot un pastiprinot
pamatprdzvojumu, no bhvas veidojas rasa bez tamas un radas.
5
Ikdienas
notikumi var izraist prieku vai spes, bet mkslas rosints emocijas (ar bailes vai
dusmas) rada tikai apbrnu un patiku, jo ts ir prkas par dzves norism.
ds skaidrojums ir oti vienkrots, bet Ntjastr
6
(3.4. gs.) visas bhvas
(mlestba, jautrba, skumjas, dusmas, eneriskums, ausmas, riebums, izbrns) apzm
tos emocionlos stvokus, kuriem atbilst rasas mkslgs emocijas (erotika,
komisms, ldzjtba, niknums, varonba, pretgums, apbrna), ko rada scenogrfjas
ldzeki. Astoas bhvas bija noturgs un vl ap 30 bija prejos, un, protams,
katrai bija sava krsa un aizbildnis. Noteikt bhva ldz ar mksliniecisko
pastiprinjumu rada atbilstou rasu, turklt bhva nepastv bez rasas, un otrdi, jo
ts paldz atklt vienai otru.
Jautjums par bhvu un rasu attiecbm nodarbinja daudzus domtjus dai
uzskatja, ka rasas ir tikai bhvas imitcija, citi bija prliecinti, ka rasas ir ts paas
bhvas, tikai nianstas, bet vl kdi nordja ja tas t btu, tad rgtums par Rmas
iranos ar Stu (epa Rmajna siets) rastos ar skattjos, tau t nenotiek, td
var secint, ka bhvu un rasu attiecbas ir saretkas nek vienkri izteiktais un
neizteiktais.
Literatras teortiis nandavardana (ap 9. gs.) ieviesa dhvani (no sanskrita
atskaa) jdzienu. Saska ar to dzejas esttisko btbu un baudu no dzejas darbiem
sniedz nevis tli, ko rada vrdu ties nozmes (vaja izteiktais), bet asocicijas
un priekstati, ko rada ie tli (pratijama tas, kas ir domts). Dzeju, kur vrds
t visprpieemto nozmi padara par sekulru un rosina iecertu nozmi, gudrie ir
nosaukui par dhvani jeb rosinou dzeju.
7
Tas pilnb attiecinms uz vizulo mkslu,
jo katra darba mris ir radt noskau, t. i., ko vairk par fzisko esambu.
Vl viens jdziens ir pratibh iztle (tau stingru normu ietvaros), intuitva
apjgsme, atklsme vai radoa intucija. is jdziens vedina domt par kaut ko
persongu, tomr indieu mksliniekam nenca prt paust individulo prdzvojumu
vai pievrsties laicgs dzves norism, jo viam bija jievro jau izstrdtie kanoni
un principi, lai iesaisttos pasaules mgaj ritm.
22 Orientlistika
Laika gait esttisko kategoriju nozme mainjs. Skotnji primra bija noteiktu
sietu attloana un sekoana izstrdtajiem kanoniem (ermeu proporcijas, pozas
u. c.), bet vlk pakpeniski pieauga laicgajai sabiedrbai aktulo jautjumu att-
loana (pai pirms neatkarbas atganas 1947. gad), k ar mksliniecisks
individualittes mekljumi, kas veicinja aizieanu no senajm tradcijm un
tuvinanos Eiropas glezniecbai.
Glezniecba Indij nekuva par vadoo mkslu, un trakttos tai atvlta pdj
vieta. Iespjams tpc, ka t nav tik plai pieejama k tlniecba, kas attloja ritulo
deju epizodes un bagtgi rotja tempu eksterjerus un interjerus. Tomr sava nozme
glezniecbai bija tika dekortas mju sienas, attli tika radti ar uz koka plksnm
un auduma, turklt tas tika uzskatts par augstko kastu cilvku ciengu nodarbi.
Indijas glezniecbas posmus iespjams dalt detalizti, emot vr vsturiskos
notikumus,
8
vai vienkroti trijos periodos, emot vr izplattks tehnikas
agrnais (sienu gleznojumi jeb freskas, lai gan preczk ts btu saukt par secco,
jo tika gleznots uz sausa apmetuma), viduslaiku (miniatras) un msdienu periods
(freskas, miniatras un stjglezniecba
9
).
Neatkargi no posmu sadaljuma par glez-
niecbas aizskumiem Indij vartu uzskatt orna-
mentus uz mla priekmetiem no Mohendodaro
un Harapas (3. g. t.2. g. t. skums p. m. .)
civilizcijas.
Saska ar ptjumiem jau 1. g. t. p. m. .
tika veidoti stjglezniecbas darbi uz auduma
vai koka plksnm gleznoti attli tika izkrti uz
tetra skatuves, bet Radastnas mtu ststtji
lasja savus darbus, tinot tstokus, kur bija
attlotas dievbas un epu varoi.
Spilgti glezniecisks meistarbas apliecinjumi ir Adantas tempu kompleksa
(3. gs. p. m. .7. gs. m. .) iektelpas, kas prkltas ar monumentliem glezno-
jumiem sietiem no budistu sacertajm dtakm un ar ar ikdienas sietu
attlojumiem. Aokas valdanas laik (3. gs. p. m. .) budisms kuva par valsts
reliiju un ldz ar stpu celtniecbu attstjs sanghas miteku vihru bve, pai
m. . skum, kad theravdi minja nodalt sanghu no sekulrs dzves, apgalvojot,
ka galvenais ir meditcija un atteikans no laicg.
Adantas eogrfskais izvietojums bija oti rts mkiem savu pastvgo klosteru
izveidei. eit ir meditcijm un lganm nepiecieamais miers un klusums, tau
taj pa laik Adanta atrodas pietiekami tuvu tirdzniecbas ceiem caur Deknu, lai
nodrointu neprtrauktu svtcenieku un ziedojumu plsmu.
Adantas komplekss ir 29 klints izcirstas alas (pieci tempi vihras un 24 mku
istabas aitijas), kuras savieno plata eja. Kvadrtisko vihru snos ir ejas, kas atdaltas
ar kolonnm. Uzplaukuma laik kompleks dzvoja vairk nek 200 mku, k ar daudzi
tlnieki, gleznotji un strdnieki, kas bija nodarbinti svtncu bv un dekoran. Budists
svtcenieks no nas Sjuas Dzans, kur apmeklja Adantu 7. gs. pirmaj pus, rakstja,
ka aj kloster ir liels templis, kur ir Budas attls akmen, uz sienm uzgleznoti Budas
dzves notikumi no atmoans ldz aizieanai. Viss lielais un mazais eit ir attlots.
10

Buda ar sievu un dlu
(ala Nr. 17)
Ngu princese (ala Nr. 19)
Paskums galm (ala Nr. 17)
Sienu un griestu gleznojumi;
griestu fragments (ala Nr. 1)
Portrets (ala Nr. 17)
Avalokitevara
(ala Nr. 1)
24 Orientlistika
Vadrapni (ala Nr. 1)
Valdnieks Nagoe dodas pie Bodhas koka (ala Nr. 10)
Apsara (ala Nr. 17)
Valdnieks ar sievu (ala Nr. 17)
Budistu manuskripts, ap 1150. g.
(ala Nr. 17)
Kalpastras ilustrcija,
ap 1404. g. (ala Nr. 17)
Bhagavatpurnas ilustrcija, ap 1560. g.
aurapanaika ilustrcijas, ap 1525. g.
Akbar-name ilustrcija, ap 1595. g.
Dahngrs ar sfjiem, ap 1627. g.
ahdahns, ap 1622. g.
26 Orientlistika
Albuma ilustrcija, ap 1632. g.
Diciltga kunga pastaiga, 18. gs.
Gtagovindas ilustrcija, 18. gs.
Valdnieka sievas, 19. gs.
Rdha, 19. gs.
Briei ckstas, 19. gs.
Klghata glezna, 20. gs.
D. Rjs. Indietes, 1929.
N. Bou. Santalu deja, 1925.
D. Rjs. iva un Ganea, 1934.
R. R . Verma. Sarasvati, 1890.
28 Orientlistika
G. Tagore. Politiska ainava; Bramns, 1920.
R. Tagore. Putns, 1930.
M. F. Huseins. Mte Indija,
2005.
M. F. Huseins. Sarasvat; Musulmanis un hinduists, 1998.
Kompleksa sienu, griestu un kolonnu gleznojumi ir sava veida Sens Indijas
enciklopdija, kur attlotie sieti ir oti daudzveidgi visi sabiedrbas sli, svtie
un grcgie, prieks un bdas, mlestba un naids, turklt daudz erotikas, kas daiem
specilistiem rada aubas par to, vai tiem visus attlus radjui vientunieki, mki,
kuri liedza sev pasaulgs izpriecas. Tomr citi eksperti uzsver, ka Indij tika pozitvi
uztvertas visas dzves un attiecbu izpausmes, turklt lielk daa mkslinieku nebija
budisti, bet hinduisti, kuri tika pieemti o pastjumu izpildei. Td Adantas
gleznojumi ir tik daudzveidgi un ar optimistisku noskau, lai gan saska ar Budas
mcbu dzve ir cieanas.
8. gs. komplekss tika pamests un aizmirsts (Elloras pieaugos popularittes
vai hinduisma nostiprinans d). To atklja 1819. gad britu virsnieku grupa, kas
devs teru medbs pie Vagoras un nejaui ieraudzja ejas, kas veda klinu iekien.
Tomr kompleksa izpte sks pc britu arheologa Deimsa Frgusona (18081886)
1843. gad iesniegt ziojuma ar alu aprakstiem Karaliskajai zijas biedrbai.
Vi vrsa uzmanbu, ka komplekss klimata un dadu interesentu aktivitu d
var izzust, td ir jveic paskumi t saglabanai un izptei. Pc D. Frgusona
ziojuma britu East-Indian Company nostja uz Adantu virsnieku Robertu Dilu
(18041879), kuram uzdeva ptt un kopt gleznojumus. Tau pirmie minjumi
piefkst o atkljumu bija neveiksmgi un pat radja uzskatu, ka vieta ir saistta ar
kdu mistisku lstu.
No 1849. ldz 1855. gadam, neraugoties uz slimbm un dadiem sarejumiem,
R. Dils sagatavoja ap 30 sienas gleznojumu kopiju uz auduma. Tau 1866. gad,
kad vairkums kopiju bija nogdtas izstdei Kristla pil London, tur izcls
ugunsgrks un visi R. Dila darbi sadega. ds liktenis piemeklja ar gleznojumus,
kurus 19. gs. 70. gados bija kopjusi mkslinieku grupa no Mumbai (tag. Bombeja)
un kuri tika nostti uz Viktorijas un Alberta muzeju London. Ar restaurjot rads
grtbas 20. gs. 20. gados itu specilisti atjaunoja daus gleznojumus, tau viu
izmantot laka ar laiku saplaisja, tdjdi nodarot lielu kaitjumu.
Pastv leenda, ka eit vienmr bijuas alas, ar tad, kad zijas teritorij bijusi
iekj jra un ts vid sala, ldz kurai nebija iespjams nokt un uz kuras dzvoja
dieva dli, kas nodeva cilvkiem zinanas par dabu un pasauli. Tlajos mtiskajos
laikos Indij pastvjuas mistriju skolas un to priesteri zinjui par pazemes ejm,
pa kurm varja nokt uz brnumaino salu. s slepens ejas esot savienojuas salu
ar vism zemm, un viena no tm vedusi uz Adantu.
Adantas kompleksa eksterjers un interjers ir pilns ar tlniecbas darbiem,
akmens grebumiem un daudzfgru dinamiskiem gleznojumiem, kas klj visu
laukumu sienas, griestus un pat kolonnas. Gleznojumi ir saglabjuies aptuveni
pusotra metra augstum no grdas (upes krastu nogruvumu d dens iekuva als,
td apmetums un gleznojums uz t pilnb nokrita, bet augstk gleznojumus bojja
sikspri). Griestu dekoratvajos ornamentos ir ziedi, augi un dzvnieki. Vien no
alm ziedu ornamentu nosldz 23 pu attli, kuras ir dadas un neatkrtojas. Visiem
gleznojumiem raksturgs virtuozs zmjums ar labu izpratni par formu, perspektvu,
k ar niansta gaismna un krsu izvle.
Adantas gleznojumi ir diezgan labi saglabjuies, jo tika izstrdta sienas
sagatavoanas tehnika skotnji siena tika izldzinta, tad gruntta (ar mla, smilu
30 Orientlistika
un sasmalcintas koksnes vai akmens maisjumu) un prklta ar baltu apmetni.
Gleznots tika uz sausa vai mitra apmetuma ar melnu vai sarkanu okeru tika
iezmtas kompozcijas kontras, kas tika prkltas ar pelku vai sarkana okera
gruntjumu, un tad laukumi tika iekrsoti ar t saucamajm zemes krsm (okeri,
umbru, terru u. c.), kuras bija vietjas izcelsmes, un importto lapis lazulli (zila).
Krsu izvli noteica attls, piemram, dievi un valdnieki tika attloti gaiki, un
mkslinieki nevairjs lietot pastozus akcentus, lai panktu telpiskuma un spduma
efektu rotaslietas it k spd tums, jo ir veidotas no daudziem maziem punktiem.
den stos krsvielas tika atjauktas ar lmi, un ar tm tika gleznots galvenokrt
uz sausa apmetuma, tdjdi ie gleznojumi tehnikas zi ir tuvki temperai, nevis
freskai.
Gaismas avots bija eas lampas un saule, kuru virzja uz alm, atstarojot to ar
metliskiem spoguiem un dens virsmu (im mrim rjos pagalmus piepildja ar
deni). Ar laiku tika pilnveidota virsmas gruntanas tehnika un virsma tika pulta
dareiz ar pc gleznoanas.
Pirmaj no 29 alm attlotais bodhisatva Padmapani (Avalokitevara) ar
lotosu tribhangas (ar trs izliekumiem) poz un bodhisatva Vadrapni (zibens
turtjs) uz pretjs sienas rada apgarota miera sajtu un attlo mahajnas budisma
aspektus ldzjtbu un spku , ko pastiprina tliem izvlts krsas siltkas
Avalokitevara un vskas Vadrapni.
Gleznojumi radti vairku gadsimtu gait, tomr tie ir ieturti vienot stil un
atirbas nav mekljamas tehnik, bet attlos. Piemram, hinjnas budisti (pretji
mahjnai) izvairjs gleznot Budu k cilvku, bet attloja viu ar simbolu paldzbu
(zirgs Budas atteikans no sevis vai Bodhas koks apgaismbas simbols),
piemram, vien no gleznojumiem attlots valdnieks ar savu svtu, kas dodas pie
Bodhas koka.
Ldz ar daudzajiem Budas dzves gleznieciskajiem aprakstiem, ieskaitot
notikumus pirms apgaismbas, tika gleznoti dadi cilvki daudzveidgs dzves
situcijs un noskas ar pai skrupulozi attlotm rotaslietm gan td, ka ts ir
vizuli pievilcgas un apliecina labkljbas lmeni, gan ar td, ka aprbam attlos
bija otrirga nozme. da attla piemrs ir glezna uz kolonnas, kur attlota apsara
(pavedinoa zemo debesu skaistule) ar kru kaklarotu, rokassprdzi un auskariem.
Vias sejas izteiksme un poza nemaz neldzins lngajam Avalokitevaram, via
uzmangi vro notiekoo un neapaubmi apzins savu vrtbu. Viegli erotisko
attlu piemrs ir Valdnieks ar sievu (ala Nr. 17). ai attl intmo gaisotni rada
ikdienis, tau maigs un viegls apskviens, k ar pra miergs sejas izteiksmes un
pozas. Lai gan attlots fgras ir statiskas, kompozcij saglabjas iekja kustba,
liekot domt, ka is ir tikai gaistos brdis, kas, novrot skatienu, jau bs mainjies.
Slavinot Adantas gleznojumus, Orobindo norda, ka tiem raksturgas droas un
prliecinoas lnijas, kas uzsver siluetu un padara oti izteiksmgas roku kustbas un
ermeu pagriezienus.
11

Indijas tradicionls glezniecbas otr grandioz autne ir miniatras, kuru
uzplaukums saistms ar Mugalu (Mogolu) laiku (11.16. gs.), lai gan, protams, ts
bija zinmas ar agrk.
Pirms miniatras pardjs Indij 7. gs., un ts bija aptuveni 8x6 cm lielas,
koas un dekoratvas kompozcijas, kas ilustrja budisma tekstus, k ar epus un
pastvja tikai ziemeaustrumu un ziemerietumu rajonos.
Miniatras tika gleznotas uz auduma, kas izstiepts starp divm bambusa njm,
k ar uz koka paneiem un palmu lapm (paprs Indij pardjs 12. gs.). Lielks
skolas bija Pli (7651175), Rietumindijas (10.13. gs.) ar centriem Gudarat,
Radastn un Malv. Miniatru sieti bija galvenokrt Kalpastras
12
un Purnu
13

ilustrcijas. Tika gleznotas ar laicgs dzves un literatras ilustrcijas piemram,
Bilhanas (11.12. gs.) liriskajai pomai aurapanaika (auras 50 panti), kas
ststa par princeses ampavati un kda dzejnieka mlestbu, radot pamatu kru un
izteiksmgu attlu izveidei. s miniatras kst dekoratvas, tajs vairs nav Adantas
gleznojumu niansts gaismnas, telpiskuma un daudzveidgo noskau cilvki
(tpat k dzvnieki, dabas un arhitektras elementi) ir stilizti, attloti profl, un
tiem nav izteiktas individualittes. Tomr, neraugoties uz izteiktu stilizciju un
dekorativitti, ajs miniatrs saglabjs daudzfgru kompozcijas un mksliniekam
pat izdodas pankt to dinamiskumu (piemram, Bhagavatpurnas ilustrcij
Krina Damnas up ar diagonlu kompozciju), lai gan liela daa kustbas paliek
skattja iztl.
1526. gad Centrlzijas valdnieks no Timurdu dzimtas Bburs (14831530)
nodibinja Mugalu valsti Indij un ldz ar imperatoru, kur augsti vrtja mkslas,
pardjs galma mkslinieki, kuri ietekmja vietjos hindu gleznotjus. Miniatras
attstbu pai veicinja via dls Humjns (15081556), kur uzaicinja divus
persieu miniatras meistarus Miru Sadu Al no Tabrizas un Abu as-Samadu no
rzas un 1555. gad nodibinja darbncu, kuru vadja mintie mkslinieki. laika
miniatrm ir raksturga persieu stila dominance izstieptas sejas proporcijas
pagriezien.
Akbars (15421605), nkot pie varas (1556), stenoja vairkas reformas, tostarp
cents laulbu ce nostiprint saikni ar spcgajiem Radastnas valdniekiem un
aristokrtiju. s izmaias skra ar Radastnas miniatras skolas attstbu, taj
izveidojs stili, kas atrs no musulmau miniatras.
Akbars lielu uzmanbu pievrsa mkslm, augstu vrtja sava vectva
memurus, pat lika tos iztulkot persieu valod (no dagatajieu valodas
14
) un
ilustrt. Vi ar uzskatja par nepiecieamu izveidot savas valdanas aprakstu,
un no 1590. ldz 1595. gadam Abu al-Dazls sarakstja divas Akbara valdanas
hronikas. Tika veidotas miniatru meistardarbncas dzejas, vstures un zintnisko
darbu ilustranai, bet mkslinieki ska specializties atseviu elementu skrupuloz
attloan (ainava, trpi, arhitektra u. c.). iem darbiem ir raksturga perspektvas
likumu neievroana un vairku horizontlo plnu izvietoana citam virs cita centr
bija galvenais siets, virs un zem t dekoratvie elementi vai mazk svargas
personas. Imperatora galma mksliniekiem tika atauts prkpt vienu no musulmau
mkslas principiem un attlot relos cilvkus. Tas veicinja portreta attstbu. No
sietiem populrkie bija imperatora daudzveidg dzve (medbas, galma paskumi,
diskusijas ar sfjiem, portreti), k ar augu motvi un ainavas, turklt aj laik
mazinjs persieu mkslinieku ietekme un mkslas darbu uzdevums bija apliecint
Mugalu varas nostiprinanos. Viens no spilgtkajiem laika glezniecbas piemriem
32 Orientlistika
ir ilustrcijas Hamza-name (1562), kur ir vairk nek 1400 attlu, un taj tiek
attloti praviea Muhammada tvoa emra Hamzas varodarbi.
Skot ar Dhangra valdanas laiku (16051627), kuva populra miniatru
albumu veidoana (mkslinieku, rmju meistaru, kaligrfu kopdarbs). ajos darbos
ir mazk ilustrciju literatrai, bet vairk darbaru (sanksmju imperatora galm),
daudzfgru kompozciju un sievieu portretu. Viena no imperatoru ofcilo
portretu raksturgajm atirbm no Persijas 17. gs. miniatrm ir vairku veidu
nimbi ap galvu. Skotnji (atbilstoi musulmau tradcijai) tie ir uguns oreoli, kas
tika gleznoti, lai kompozcij neprprotami nordtu uz pravieti. Vlk nimbs tika
veidots k gaismas aplis un kuva izsmalcintks zelta lnija ar vai bez nelieliem
stariem, aplis ar skaidru kontru un iekrsotu iekdau (zau, dzeltenu, baltu), turklt
ar laiku t izmrs pieauga. Dai ptnieki norda, ka nimbs pardjs tikai Dhangra
laik, bet miniatrs Akbar-name tas tika piegleznots vlk, jo ar gaismu un sauli
saisttie epiteti bija veltti visiem imperatoriem, kuru stari ir aptvrui Austrumu un
Rietumu valdjumus.
15
Tdjdi miniatra ar mkslas ldzekiem attlo valdnieka
varas sakralizcijas procesu, kas sks Akbara laik un ko liel mr noteica
iekpolitiskais stvoklis Indij. Proti, valsts bija etniski un reliiski oti daudzveidga,
turklt musulmau valdanu un attiecbas sabiedrb ietekmja ar sarejumi
sfju brlbs. Akbara laik vado nozme bija iti brlbas eihiem, kuri bija
lojli pret citm ticbm, bet Nakbandju brlba neatbalstja Akbara reformas
(t. sk. visu priviliju atcelanu musulmaiem). T btu mazka problma, ja
Nakbandju brlba nebtu ilgstoi saistta ar Timurdiem un tai iepriek nebtu
liela ietekme uz valsts varu, lai cntos par ticbas trbu. Dahngrs nevljs, lai
palielintos nemieri, un apstiprinja iti brlbas nozmi, ko apliecina miniatras ar
imperatora un sfju diskusijm.
Aurangzeba valdanas laik (16581707) miniatrs pardjs vairk kauju
attlu, kas skaidrojams ar via plao karadarbbu (t. sk. cu pret marthm), kuras d
imprija zaudja lielus ldzekus un kura neapaubmi negatvi ietekmja mkslu
tika slgtas meistardarbncas un sks Mugalu glezniecbas skolas izzuana, kam
pielika punktu persieu valdnieka Ndirha un Ahmadha Abdali uzbrukumi
(1739. un 1759. g.). Galma mkslinieki prcls no Deli pie provinu valdniekiem,
kur ldz ar to attstjs citas miniatras skolas.
Radastnas miniatra (17.19. gs.) apvieno vairkus stilus Mevaras, Bundi,
Malvas, Bikanera, Kiangarhas. s skolas literrais pamats ir Gtagovinda
(Dziesma par Krinu), k ar valdnieku, viu sievu attloana un anra scnas.
Mevaras skolai (17. gs. skums 19. gs. beigas) raksturgas koas krsas un
pieaugoa ainavas dominance cilvku fgras it k izplst ainavs, kas ir oti
daudzveidgas un piestintas. paa uzmanba tika pievrsta medbu, k ar galma un
sievu attloanai, veidojot daudzfgru kompozcijas ar izteiktiem un daudzveidgiem
personiem.
Malvas skola (17. gs. skums 18. gs.) piedzvo divus posmus: pirmaj
mkslinieki veido tradicionlas ilustrcijas Rmjanai ar stiliztiem kalniem, pilm,
ornamenttiem augiem, bet otraj kompozcijas kst saretkas un par literro
pamatu kst Rgamalas (Melodiju kopa) sieti, kas ir raksturgi ar Bundi un
Kota skolai (17. gs. 18. gs. beigas), kur tiek uzsvrti foni rdputu un Mughalu
pilis, k ar idealizti valdnieku portreti.
Dodpras un Bikaneras skola (Rietumradastnas apg.) bija pastvg Mughalu
miniatras ietekm, un s skolas galven raksturg paba ir fona dekoratvs
debesis, t. sk. daudzajos rpgi gleznotajos portretos, k ar Krinas un Rdhas
mlas randios, kas norisins uz niansti un izjusti attlotajiem vakara dabas foniem.
Viens no s skolas piemriem ir Rdha, kur piestints sarkangs debesis veido
uzmanbas centru un ldzsvaro bagtgi ornamentto interjeru un ar sievietes mieru
un skumjas.
Deknas valdnieku galmos miniatra (16.18. gs.) plauka, pai Ahmad-
nagar, Bidapur, Golkond un Haiderabad, kur, pateicoties kontaktiem ar Goa
(ar portugiem), bija vrojama Eiropas glezniecbas ietekme. T saskatma ar
Pahari skol (Rietumu Himalaji, 17.19. gs.), kas apvienoja daus stilus, no kuriem
veckais ir Basoli un jaunkais Kangras (18. gs. beigas 19. gs. pirm puse). Indijas
miniatru kompozcijai raksturgs kustgums, ko pank, veidojot uzmanbas centru
nevis pa vidu attlam, bet pie malm piemram, miniatr Briei ckstas. aj
darb ldzgi Mughalu miniatrm izveidoti trs horizontlie plni viens virs otra
(briei, koks, debesis), tau ievrota perspektva un galvenie notikumi norisins
pie darba apakjs malas, bet cas dramatismu pastiprina kos krsas un izteikta
gaismna.
19. gs. otraj pus Kal tempa apkrtn Kalkut attstjs klghata stils
nelieli satriski akvarei-suvenri hinduisma dievu un cilvku ikdienas attli,
kurus gleznoja nezinmi mkslinieki, lai iztirgotu daudzajiem svtceniekiem.
glezniecba ietekmja bengu skolas mksliniekus un Dmin Rju (18871974)
naivisma prstvi Indijas glezniecb.
Klghatas glezniecbas ietekm veidojs cl meoa tls, kas btu pretstats
sabojtajai civilizcijai. Ideju par clo meoni iemiesoja santli (cilu audis).
16

Santlu sievieu tlu idealizja bengu skola, un Rabindranata Tagores universitt
ntiniketon santli bija trbas simbols. Pievrans tautas mkslai k ldzeklim
cai pret kolonilo varu kuva par nozmgu mkslas aspektu, tomr, neraugoties
uz idealizciju, profesionlu mkslinieku un tautas mkslinieku mijiedarbba bija
oti nosacta. Nondolls Bou (18831966, viens no ntiniketonas pasniedzjiem)
pievrss lauku tradicionlajai mkslai, mudinot studentus uz tieo dabas vroanu
un gleznoanu no dabas.
Dmin Rjs savos darbos ar idealizja parastos cilvkus. Vi pabeidza
Kalkutas mkslas skolu un dairades skumposm pievrss nacionls
izteiksmbas mekljumiem, izminot daudzus stilus, t. sk. impresionismu un
nas akvareglezniecbu. Uzskatot, ka patiesi nacionla mksla nevar tikt radta
ar rvalsts raotm krsm, vi atteics no eas krsm un izmantoja vietjos
organiskos pigmentus, bet vlk noliedza klghata nozmi, sakot, ka t esot
prk tuva urbnistiskajai un kolonilajai Kalkutai. Vi ar savdabgi atteics
no individulisma (kas esot raksturgs kolonilajai mkslai), neliekot parakstu uz
gleznm, tau piedaloties grupu izstds.
Pretji Eiropas akadmisma prstvim Rada Ravi Varmam (18481906)
Bengles mksliniekus ietekmja nacionls atbrvoans idejas, un 20. gs. skum
34 Orientlistika
vii izveidoja t saucamo bengu skolu, minot atjaunot klasisks tradcijas un
izveidot jaunu indieu mkslu, kas paustu nacionlos idelus un btu informta
par pasaules mkslas norism. aj laik pasaul populrkais mkslas stils bija
kubisms, un Indij pirmais virziena atkljjs bija Gogonendronats Tagore
(18671938, via brlis Abanindranats ar bija mkslinieks), kur 1917. gad kuva
pazstams ar satriskajm litogrfjm. No 19. gs. otrs puses Bengl karikatra
kuva par populrko mkslas un literatras virzienu, lai atmaskotu pastvoo morli
un norises sabiedrb.
Pateicoties Rabindranata Tagores (18611941, Abanindranata un Gogonendronata
tvoa) centieniem, 1922. gada decembr Kalkut notika Bauhaus
17
mkslinieku, t. sk.
Paula Kl un Vaslija Kandinska, darbu izstde. Tdjdi indieu mksliniekiem bija
iespja iepazt vl vienu Eirop aktulu mkslas virzienu, bet par svargm mkslas
tmm kuva dzves modernizcija, industrializcija un nacionl panoteikans.
Rabindranats Tagore neapaubmi ir viens no slavenkajiem indieiem, un viena
no via darbbas jomm bija glezniecba, ar kuru vi ska nodarboties 65 gadu
vecum. Via darbu pirm izstde notika 1930. gad Parz, un kritii via darbos
saskatja ldzbas ar sirrelistu automtismu (pilnga prta izslganu), jo R. Tagore
savos darbos eksperimentja ar zmjumiem tekstos (bengu rakstba pati par sevi
ir dekoratva) un to pludinanu, kas nodroinja ierobeotu krsu tonalitti. Tomr
specilisti norda, ka R. Tagores darbos nav nek no Indijai raksturg, via darbi
rads nejaui, un tie ir tuvki Eiropas mkslai.
18
Makbula Fidas Huseina (dz. 1915. g.), Saida Haidera Razas (dz. 1922. g.),
Fransisa tona Suzas (19242002) un citu mkslinieku apvienba Progresvo
mkslinieku grupa (PMG) tika izveidota 1947. gad Mumbai. F. . Suza, bijuais
komunists, kur izpelnjs policijas uzmanbu, izstdot sava kail ermea frontlu
attlu, uzrakstja deklarciju, kur uzsvra, ka mkslinieki vlas virzties uz prieku
(pro gredere), un noliedza citu indieu mkslinieku ietekmi, nosaucot R. Tagori par
paapsstu introvertu un D. Rju par prk saretu, bet prjos par prk
sentimentliem. o grupu pirmais ievroja Mulks Rds Ananda, mkslas kritiis un
rakstnieks, kur piedaljs PMG pirms izstdes rkoan 1948. gad. Pc astoiem
gadiem grupa izira, daudzi dalbnieki aizbrauca uz Eiropu (S. H. Raza devs uz
Parzi, F. . Suza uz Londonu), bet M. F. Huseins (viu sauc par Indijas Pikaso)
palika Indij un joprojm izraisa skandalozas diskusijas, gleznojot hindu dievus
prk erotisk skatjum.
Par M. F. Huseina 90. gados gleznotajiem darbiem, kuros kaili attloti hindu
dievi (Sarasvat, Durg u. c.), sabiedrb izcls lielas diskusijas, radiklie hinduisti
pat ielauzs mkslinieka mjs un izncinja daus darbus, lai gan ajos attlos ir
tikai nelielas atblzmas no slaveno tlniecbas darbu erotikas.
Iespjams, ka du negatvu attieksmi izraisja tas, ka M. F. Huseins ir
musulmanis un via darbos biei pards pilnb aprbti musulmai un kaili
hinduisti. Dai laikraksti mkslinieku pat sauc par hindu ndju. Prn viam
tika izvirzta apsdzba ticbas un cieas aizskaran, bet daudzo protestu d
mksliniekam ncs publiski atvainoties par darbu Bhratmta (Mte Indija), kur
attlota kaila sieviete virs Indijas kartes ar tatu nosaukumiem uz dadm ermea
dam un kur izraisja vislielko sautumu.
Pdjos gadu desmitos pieaug tirgus attiecbu nozme un mksl nepiecieami
atpazstami sieti, kas veicina abstraktu un dekoratvu kompozciju popularittes
auganu, lai gan tas neliedz individuls izteiksmes mekljumus, k ar jaunu
tehniku izmantoanu un politiski svargu notikumu attloanu. 70. gados Barodas
Universittes Mkslas katedra (izveidota 1949. gad, sadarbojas ar mkslas koledu
London) un s augstskolas laikraksts Vriik (Skorpions) kritizja nefguratvo
mkslu, nordot, ka t vrt stilu augstk par saturu. 80. gadu skum Mumbai
un Delhi notika izstde Vieta cilvkiem. Ts dalbnieki atteics no nefguratvs
mkslas un tiecs mazint atirbu starp mkslinieku un amatnieku, veidojot
instalcijas.
Patlaban mkslas dzve Indij ir oti aktva darbojas daudz muzeju un galeriju,
mkslas skolu, mkslinieki piedals vietjs un starptautisks izstds. Turklt
mkslas darbi nepaliek bez sabiedrbas uzmanbas (k jau mintaj gadjum ar
M. F. Huseinu), un tas liecina, ka glezniecbas nozme nezd, t ir aktula un ts
attstba turpins.
Indijas glezniecba piedzvoja spous periodus pagtn, t ldzvrtgi iekaujas
msdienu mkslas noriss, saglabjot savdabgumu un interesi par saviem
indiskiem sietiem, un jcer, ka nkotn ts atpazstamba pasaul pieaugs.
Atsauces un piezmes
1
. . -, , 1998,
c. 244.
2
V. Ivbulis. iva izdejo un sagrauj pasauli. Rga, Zintne, 2003, 229. lpp.
3
ilpa-stras teksti-pamcbas par mkslm. Pirms uzraksttas ap 200. g. p. m. ., bet
lielk daa 5.14. gs.
4
5
Katram cilvkam piemt trs gunas sattva (ievie cilvk dieviu mieru), rada
(prpilda cilvku ar darbbas eneriju) un tama (veido pasivitte un tumsonba). Visas
gunas pastv dads proporcijs, prts neprtraukti vrt dadas sajtas, t. sk. mkslas
radtas, un ts prvras vien prdzvojum ras.
6
Ntjastra traktts par tetra mkslu.
7
8
T. i., Sens Indijas (no 3500. p. m. .), islma ietekmes (7121757), kolonilais
(17571947), neatkarbas un postkolonilais (pc 1947. gada), moderns un postmoderns
mkslas periods (pieejams: www.indian-heritage.org)
9
. . . . , -, 2005,
c. 762.
10
Hindu Art and Hinduism (available: www.artlex.com).
11
. . -, , 1998,
c. 250.
12
Kalpastra Mahavras, dainisma dibintja, dzves apraksts.
13
Purnas seno noststu apkopojumi par pasaules radanu, ts izncinanu, radanu no
jauna, dieviem u. c.
36 Orientlistika
14
Dagatajieu valoda mirus tjurku valodas saimes valoda.
15
. . . , , 2005, c. 153.
16
Santli munda grupas tauta, kas dzvo Biharas un Rietumbengles tat, k ar
Bnglade, Nepl un Butn.
17
Bauhaus 1919. gad izveidoja arhitekts Valters Gropiuss, apvienojot Mkslas augstskolu
un Lietis mkslas skolu Veimr (pastvja no 1919. ldz 1933. gadam). Vi
uzskatja, ka stjmksla, lieti mksla un tehnika ir vienotas, td gleznai jbt skaidrai
konstrukcijai k arhitekta projektam.
18
Mukul Dey Archives (available: www.chitralekha.org).
Summary
This article gives an insight into Indian traditional painting, which is less known than the
erotic sculptures of the temples. In Indian mind the arts were not regarded separately, so
architecture, sculpture, and painting melted with music, dance, and literature, and they could
be understood only on the basis of religion and philosophy.
Indian painting falls into three parts according to the technique used wall paintings or frescoes
(which, strictly speaking, are no frescoes as they were painted on dry base), miniatures,
and easel painting. During Mughal rule miniatures fourished, even though they took their
beginnings in Buddist manuscripts. In post-Mughal period local miniature schools developed,
best known being Rajasthani, Deckhan, and Pahari. Miniature continued to develop until the
late 19 century when kalighat style came into being in the region of Kali temple in Calcutta.
Progressive Artists Group was organized in 1947, after gaining independence from the British
rule. Eight years later the group fell apart as its members moved to Europe. But one of them,
Makbul Fida Husain (he is called the Indian Picasso), stayed in India, and he still continues
to cause scandals by painting nude Hindu deities.
Lately market relationships took the leading role, so the paintings need recognizable plots and
decorative properties. However, Indian painting retains its individual search, and artistic life
continues to develop actively.
Indian painting has gone through glorious periods in the past, it takes its deserved place in
contemporary world and hopefully its characteristic traits will develop and its recognizability
in the world will grow.
Keywords: bhava, rasa, Mughal miniature, Ajanta temple.
Secrets and Lies: Writing as Power in Tanizaki
Junichirs Kagi (The Key)
Noslpumi un meli: dairade k spks Dzjuniir
Taidzaki romn Atslga
Ilze Paegle
Latvijas Universitte, Moderno Valodu fakultte
Rg, Visvala iel 4a, LV-1050
e-mail: magija@lanet.lv
In several novels by Tanizaki Junichir, models of non-fctional prose are used to undermine
the common belief that literary texts should truthfully capture the reality of life. Tanizakis
aesthetic ideas that were expressed, e.g., in his discussion with Akutagawa Rynosuke about
the nature of literature (Shsetsu suji rons) are also used in one of his later novels Kagi
(The Key). Although this novel is often seen as a merely ironic portrayal of a middle-aged
couples sexual life, this paper attempts to interpret it as Tanizakis inquiry about the meaning
of creation and/or reading of literary texts.
Keywords: Japan, Tanizaki Junichir, novel, fction, reality.
Tanizaki Junichirs novel Kagi (1956, Latvian transl. by Ilze Paegle,
Atslga)
1
was serialized in the magazine Cho kron in 1956 and immediately
attracted public attention. The blunt portrayal of a middle-aged college professors
sexual life stirred discussions about the moral and limits of literature
2
. Even
prominent critics of the time were inclined to pay attention rather to the novels
provocative contents than anything else
3
, thus creating the basis and, simultaneously,
certain limits for its interpretation. As it had been the case with other Tanizakis
works, sex and marriage in Kagi were seen as the novels main themes and points
of interest for a long time and accordingly treated in the essays of both Japanese and
Western critics
4
.
It could hardly be called a bias, since Tanizaki has always been interested in
Eros and vita sexualis. Nevertheless, even if most of his novels seem to concentrate
on bizarre sadomasochistic relationships, a thorough analysis also discloses more
abstract ideas. Ito Ken has argued that: Tanizaki heroes relationship with the
feminine is marked by nothing less than the attempt to call into being culture itself, to
possess an alternative world that satisfes fantasy.
5
The creative zeal that explodes
in the more or less twisted relationships often portrayed in Tanizakis novels can be
compared to the authors attempt to create fctional worlds that would be compatible
or even superior to the reality itself. Indeed, Tanizakis novels can also be read as
attempts to inquire what creation and/or reading of literary texts could mean. In this
38 Orientlistika
paper, we shall propose a reading of Kagi that concentrates on this interpretation
and puts the novel into a wider context of Tanizakis works; thus, we will be able
to focus our attention less on the bizarre relationships of the novels characters and
more on the problem of how fctional reality of a literary text could penetrate its
authors and/or readers life.
It must be duly emphasized that for Tanizaki, fction is never a mere simulacrum
of reality. As Tanizaki himself points out in one of his articles written during his
famous discussion with Akutagawa Rynosuke (Shsetsu suji rons, 1927)
6
, he
would not struggle to describe any reality or search for facts, or look for them in
another authors works he prefers lies (uso) and something warped (hinekureta
mono)
7
. It might be somehow dubious whether or not such works belong to serious
literature; however, when Tanizaki argues that his works are not mere manifestations
of his rather eccentric tastes (shumi) but expressions of something deeper
8
, he seems
to have found a way to maintain the balance between seriousness and entertainment
in literature as well as between fctional reality and reality of life. For Tanizaki,
literary works are alternative worlds that must be carefully constructed to challenge
and mock the reality of life. What is more, for him, these worlds are equally valid;
therefore, literature and life must be not only compatible but even interchangeable,
they must be able to affect each other in quite a literal sense.
Shortly before or around the time Shsetsu suji rons was carried out, Tanizaki
seems to have become increasingly aware of the exciting possibilities the refexive
link between literature and life could offer. Suzuki Tomi emphasizes that at the end
of the 1920s, Tanizaki was overcome by desire to create a self-suffcient world of
dream and beauty in which the questions of morality and relevance to reality will
be temporarily suspended
9
. The sovereign, self-suffcient character the literature
had assumed also meant that in Tanizakis works, there was no longer any clearly
distinguishable borderline between fction and reality. Apparently Tanizaki did not
try to search for a criterion that could serve as the means of discerning the reality
of life and the reality of literature since he was obviously more interested in what
effects the real and fctional worlds could have on each other. He seems to have
asked what happened if the borderline between fction and reality were thoroughly
erased, what happened if the reality of literature were taken for the reality of life? It
is true that literature can offer a refuge in an alternative world of fantasy, but perhaps
literature is not only a temporary escape from the dullness of everyday life but also
a powerful means that could penetrate and transform it.
Indeed, in quite a few stories and novels written after 1927 and before 1956, i.e.,
during the three decades that are usually considered the middle period of Tanizakis
career
10
, he would take pains to undermine the seemingly absolute difference between
the reality of literature and the reality of life. In many of his novels Tanizaki uses
certain techniques that show his experimental zeal and fascination with the idea of
compatibility and even interchangeability of literature and life. Let us take a closer
look at the structure of some works written around this time.
Manji (1928, Engl. transl. by Hibbett, H.: Quicksand) as well as Shunkinsh
(1933, Engl. transl. by Hibbett, H.: The Portrait of Shunkin) and Bushk
hiwa (1931, Engl. transl. by. Chambers, A.: The Secret History of the Lord of
Ilze Paegle. Secrets and Lies: Writing as Power in Tanizaki Junichirs Kagi (The Key) 39
Musashi)
11
consist largely of loose arrangements of confessions, letters, accounts,
etc. The narrators claim to have collected a large amount of various documents in
order to tell the reader about something that has happened a long time ago. It is
quite obvious that entirely fctional works are presented in disguise of documental
prose. Of course, this technique is not new, but normally it is used to show certain
events or the characters life stories from several different perspectives in order
to disclose the truth. However, in Tanizakis novels, it is not truth at all or not
only the truth about the protagonists lives that matters. Furthermore, the author
succeeds in achieving a highly ironic effect if we consider that what is discussed
and told the reader with a great aplomb is mainly juicy details of their bizarre sexual
life. Were Sonoko, Shunkin, or the lord of Musashi real persons, their life stories
could perhaps attract journalists, historians, or psychologists interest. As they are
entirely fctional characters, this truth seems rather meaningless or we may suspect
something behind the playfulness of Tanizakis tone. If we take seriously Tanizakis
claim that in his works he tries to express something deeper, not merely follow his
every whim in order to entertain the readership, these absurd stories must also have
a different meaning.
It must be duly emphasized that the mock seriousness of Tanizakis novels
is very different from, e.g., the solemn air created by the polyphony of voices in
Akutagawas Yabu no naka (Latv. transl. Kattai, E.: Bambusa biezokn)
12
.
Similar to Tanizakis novels, the Akutagawas story is modelled after non-fctional
prose and consists of accounts of one event by various persons. Nevertheless,
although both writers employ similar techniques, the messages and meanings of
their stories are entirely different. Yabu no naka makes the reader believe that a
text or assortment of texts cannot perhaps disclose any absolute truth, but they can
give a general notion what the reality of life is like. In Tanizakis novels, the models
of non-fctional prose are used to undermine the common belief that literary texts
should truthfully capture the reality of life. Instead, the verisimilitude of life in a
novel is at frst carefully constructed and then so thoroughly ridiculed that nobody
can take it seriously. Tanizakis stories are bizarre, unbelievable, absurd, and quite
obviously set in a world that exists apart from everyday life, since for him it is this
status of the alternative reality literature can acquire, not its similarity to life that
matters. Therefore, both Shunkinsh and Bushk hiwa can be read as metatexts
that demonstrate how fctional universes come into being, how fctional life stories
emerge from the interplay of various texts, so that in the end they seem to be as real
as any true story might be.
Of course, Tanizaki is well aware that the alternative reality of literature is not
entirely self-suffcient. It has to be created and evoked by someone, i.e., a literary
text has to be written and read. Indeed, the general notion of the compatibility of the
reality of fction and reality of life evokes the motif of the creative subject; in some
of his stories, Tanizaki tries to explore the refexive link that might exist between the
author or reader of a literary text and the text itself. Already the heroes of Yoshino
kuzu (1931, Engl. transl. by Chambers, A.: Arrowroot)
13
live in a textual universe
where the reality of fction and reality of life are indiscernibly mingled. Perhaps the
best illustration of the essential compatibility of the fctional reality and reality of life
is Tanizakis Ashikari (1932), a beautiful paraphrase on mugen N, i. e., the type
40 Orientlistika
of N drama commonly known as drama about dreams and visions. Literary texts
in this story function like magical incantations that can transform the reality and
transport the protagonist to the mysterious world of legends, dreams, and visions.
Various poetic and historical texts that the learned narrator of Ashikari remembers
and recites literally call into being a world of enchanting beauty, represented by
another text, a story told by a mysterious stranger. At the moment the strangers
story is completed, he vanishes without trace, and the narrator as well as the reader
of the novel are both left wondering whether or not all what had happened was a
dream or vision.
However, the notion of a refexive link that could exist between an author/ reader
and a literary text, which emerges in Tanizakis middle period, is not yet intertwined
with the motif of the creative subject versus passive object that culminates into a
destructive, subversive relationship in some of his later works. Yoshino kuzu and
Ashikari are both dreamlike stories that elevate literature to the status of alternative
reality, but they lack the sharp, ironically tinted analysis of the creators relationship
to his creation that is found in some earlier and also later works of Tanizaki. Starting
perhaps with Shisei (1910), Tanizaki has often told and re-told the same archetypal
story about the creator who fnds himself at the mercy of his own creation. Especially
Chijin no ai (1924, Latv. transl. by Paegle, I.: Naomi)
14
explores the creator-
creations relationship and quite successfully discloses its multi-layered meaning.
The active creative power is usually represented by the fgure of the male protagonist,
who succeeds in transforming a passive material, represented by the female heroine,
only to be enslaved by his creation and experience a series of bizarre transformations
and humiliations. The message of these stories is clear if somewhat didactic: what
is created or transformed might gravely affect the creators life since the creative
subject rarely encounters an absolutely inert object and thus cannot possibly foresee
all the consequences; however, in Chijin no ai we do not fnd many motifs of the
role of texts and/or images in establishing such a power-relationship. Similarly, after
completion of this novel the motif of the creator-creations relationship retreats into
background for a while.
In Tanizakis middle period novels, we fnd countless ruminations about the
complex relationship that exists between an author and text, but the authors do not
assume the familiar airs of sovereign, omnipotent creators. The authors/readers are
either unconscious of their role as creators or they feel awesome reverence toward
the special status of fctional reality. Therefore, in almost all stories where this motif
is employed, those who call the fctional universe into being as creators or evoke it
as readers experience quite a positive effect on their lives. E.g., in Yoshino kuzu,
a young man under the infuence of legends and historical texts creates frst an
image of his poetic longing and then imposes it on a real woman at the end he is
happily married to her. The confused protagonist of Bushk hiwa whose creative
powers and knowledge of literature are rather limited can nevertheless enjoy rare
moments of happiness when he manages to recreate a particular situation he has
once encountered, i.e., when he actually participates in a play of his own creation.
The mysterious stranger in Ashikari, who appears after a literary text is recited,
lingers in this world for a longer while suffcient to tell another story.
In some of these novels, e.g., in Ashikari, there are submissive heroes and
cruel mistresses who seem quite similar to the protagonists in Chijin no ai, but, as a
rule, their creator-creations relationships are not extensively portrayed and analysed.
There are also power-relationships that work out rather well, such as O-Hisas and the
old mans relationship in Tade kuu mushi (Engl.transl. by Seidensticker, E.: Some
Prefer Nettles)
15
; or similar relationships that are constructed and mediated by texts
and images, such as Sonokos relationship to her lesbian lover Mitsu in Manji.
O-Hisa is practically created by her aristocratic lover and even becomes indiscernible
from his favorite doll, but she seems to be perfectly happy with her role. Mitsu in
Tade kuu mushi is portrayed by Sonoko in image of the boddhisattva Kannon and
evoked in countless love letters; i.e., she is dominated and symbolically re-created
by her lover. Ironically, Sonokos efforts gradually achieve an unexpected effect, that
is, Mitsu actually becomes the image of a powerful and cruel goddess quite different
from the merciful Kannon. As Suzuki Tomi has observed, semi-fctional stories that
Sonoko creates not only transform her life that gradually becomes the product of
these stories
16
, at the end they virtually destroy her. Tanizakis notion that creation of
alternative worlds that promise to fulfll ones fantasies and desires is by no means
an innocent and safe pastime already emerges in Manji. It seems that Tanizaki
himself became so fascinated with the opportunities fctional worlds could open that,
for a while, he did not venture to explore the dark, dangerous, and grotesque aspects
of fctional reality. Of course, it is only a speculation, but whatever the reason, it is
obvious that Tanizaki did not thoroughly explore the uncanny power a literary text
may acquire upon its author/reader till this motif was employed in Kagi (1956),
the last novel of his middle period.
Kagi consists of two diaries that are presented in parallel sequences. The two
protagonists, a middle-aged professor and his beautiful wife Ikuko, maintain that they
have started writing diaries mainly to express their most intimate feelings. However,
soon enough it becomes clear that both diarists are secretly reading each others
diary and are quite certain that the other indulges in the same voyeuristic practice.
Under the infuence of their communication via diaries, the protagonists soon fnd
themselves involved in a dangerous game of subversion and domination, their lives
gradually change, and at the end nothing remains as it was before they ventured to
explore their inner selves and learn about the partners secrets and desires.
The novels unusual structure has been a favorite subject of critical analyses
ever since the scandal incited by its provocative contents calmed down. Japanese
critics are rather unanimous pointing out that, frstly, the novel is modelled after
diary fction and epistolary novel, and secondly, it quite obviously violates important
conventions of these genres. Both diaries in Kagi are not written as private
journals, they presuppose a reader; therefore, the novel explores what functions the
diaries may have, why they are written, and how they can be used. Already Mori
Jji has observed that in Kagi, the protagonists diaries serve mainly as the means
of communication
17
, similarly, Shinoda Kichiro, ura Yasusuke, and Ito Ken point
out that the diaries can hardly be considered private journals; they rather are letters
the protagonists write to each other, so Kagi resembles more epistolary novel than
diary fction
18
. On the other hand, the protagonists never admit that they write their
diaries for each other, or secretly read what the other has written; i.e., the novel lacks
42 Orientlistika
the openness of communication that is characteristic of epistolary novel. However,
reading Kagi, we gradually become convinced that the mixture of genres and
violation of their conventions is quite necessary in order to disclose some important
themes and ideas.
First of all, the protagonists in Kagi need rather unusual means of
communication since they want to exchange opinions about their sexual life
something they would never speak about openly. In order to express themselves, they
need to pretend that such exchange of opinions never takes place. Unfortunately, one
could not possibly deny reading others letters and at the same time keep writing
replies to them. On the other hand, it is perfectly possible to deny reading another
persons diary and write ones own for this person to read provided that both
are willing to play the same hide-and-seek game. If everything is properly kept in
secret and pretences are maintained, the protagonists need not be embarrassed either
as writers or readers of their diaries. This tacit understanding already creates the
atmosphere of secrets and lies that will dominate their life. The paradox is that the
very denial of the act of reading makes possible the protagonists communication via
reading and writing.
Furthermore, the diaries of the protagonists of Kagi do not demonstrate
nave efforts to explore the inner reality of self or capture the outer reality of the
world they live in. They consist of careful arrangements of fragments that depict
selected events and feelings. What is more, every single fragment as well as the
whole arrangement of entries in each diary is composed with a certain reader in
mind. Both protagonists write texts that frst of all must fulfll certain functions. As
mentioned above, these texts are the means of communication, but they can as well
be used as tools of manipulation. Writing diaries, the protagonists exchange opinions
and try to persuade each other to act in a certain way. The texts they create are used
to exert infuence, to subjugate another person, and make him or her fulfll ones
wishes. There are different ways how to achieve these goals, but they invariably
have something to do with the specifc character of literary texts and roles their
authors/readers can assume. Thus, the literary character of the protagonists diaries
acquires a meaning of paramount importance.
Having proved that ones diary could be used both as the means of communication
and the tool of manipulation, the diarists start to construct their texts so that they
would serve their needs. We can argue that the success of manipulation via the
diaries in Kagi largely depends on the diarists ability to recognize the essentially
fctional character of the texts both of them write. Knowing but never admitting that
what they write is not the whole truth, the diarists tacitly agree to live in a universe
of secrets and lies, in a universe of fctional reality par excellence. On the frst glance
these lies might seem innocent, transparent, and even necessary as they make the
communication possible. Nevertheless, the basic assumption of diarists sincerity as
well as credibility of what they write and read is already undermined. The question
is whether or not the diarists themselves realize this loss of innocence and sincerity,
whether or not they know how to use fctional lies in their power games.
As already mentioned, it is possible to argue that the diarists in Kagi display
quite different attitudes to creation and interpretation of literary texts as well as
the roles of author/reader. The nameless husband sees himself as an author who
creates literary texts that might be fctional to a certain extent, i.e., he may include
elements of fantasy in his diary but maintain a strong link with the reality of life.
He emphasizes his sincerity and actually believes that he gives a truthful description
of reality
19
. Thus, he is portrayed as an author who believes in the value of sincerity
and would not recognize the presence of lies in the entries of his diary, hence, the
essentially literary character of it. We cannot help but wonder if Tanizaki has not
used another opportunity to ridicule the basic assumption of countless writers of
pure literature (jun-bungaku) or the so-called I-novel (shi-shsetsu)
20
. The husband
in Kagi admits that writing and reading a literary text not only capture the reality
but also might transform it, changing the lives of the creators and interpreters of the
text. He actually expects that reading what he has written would transform his wife
according to the phantom image of his fantasies. Therefore, we may argue that the
husband exaggerates his role as the author, seeking sovereign control upon both the
text he has written and its reader, since the reader is expected to interpret the text in
accordance with the authors intentions and wishes. His wife Ikuko is supposed to be
the perfect reader who understands and dutifully carries out everything her husband
has indirectly asked for in his diary.
Ikuko is allowed to use her fantasy and her powers of deception, she is even
asked to do so, but all her deceptions and lies must be transparent. Even as a writer
she is expected to produce something that supplements the vision of reality already
encompassed in the text of the husbands diary. There is nothing in her diary that
would make him suspect that these assumptions are wrong and at frst, it seems that
the husbands scheme works. Everything testifes that he is the only author with
sovereign rights to create texts that describe the reality of life and thus control it.
Reading the novel, we learn that his wife obediently plays the role of the perfect
reader and gradually becomes the alluring temptress he has yearned for. Already in
the very frst entry of his diary, the husband wrote that he would like to speak openly
about his desires and idiosyncrasies, hoping that his wife would take it into account
and their sexual life would acquire previously unknown dimensions. The wife, who
has obviously read this entry, promptly responds with similar candour, and soon
enough both already describe the long-desired changes in their sexual life. Writing
and secret reading of the diaries seem to immensely improve the communication
between the protagonists. They not only write but supposedly also act in an almost
perfect union. More precisely, Ikuko seems to react exactly in the way her husband
wants her to. She obeys his every whim even if we learn from her diary that she is
often embarrassed, disgusted, and ashamed of what happens to her.
Indeed, Ikukos almost total compliance, so clearly exposed in her diary, creates
the illusion that she is not only the perfect reader but in a way also the creation of
her husband or, more precisely, creation of his diary. Ito argues that she is nothing
more than a character in the story written by her husband; therefore, even writing
about herself in her diary, she merely recreates the image of herself created by her
husband
21
. Ito maintains that the situation does not change even when Ikuko starts
to acquire quite dangerous powers such a transformation might be just what her
husband wants, since he is willing to risk anything in his pursuit of pleasure
22
. In
this context, it is interesting to note that most critics express dissatisfaction with the
44 Orientlistika
wifes confession when she fnally reveals that she has done everything to induce
her husbands collapse and death. They either argue that this confession destroys the
novels fne tuning and transforms it into a cheap detective story
23
, or hold an opinion
that Ikukos readiness to ruin her husband merely means that she is consequent in
her compliance to the husbands secret wishes
24
.
Of course, this interpretation gives an excellent opportunity to refect upon Eros
and Thanatos, but the inevitable conclusion would be that Kagi just reproduces
Tanizakis favorite motif of creator-creations relationship that is so familiar since
Chijin no ai: the male protagonist creates a dangerous temptress, is enslaved
and fnally destroyed by her. Kagi introduces some new ideas in regard to the
process of creation of a dangerous temptress that is mediated by acts of writing and
reading literary texts, but on the whole it does not alter the archetypical view that
masculinity represents the active, creative power while femininity is characterized
by passivity and submissiveness. Even if the woman seems to triumph over the
man, she is nothing but his creation and a mere character in his story. However,
such interpretation is too simplifed. We might take Ikukos confession seriously and
ask whether her readily displayed lack of distinct individuality, her compliance and
docility has not been just part of a clever game. Ikuko is hardly a person without
individual features. In the novel she is given a name a symbolic designation of
distinctive individuality while her husbands name remains unknown. Even if she
were passive and submissive, she could use the characteristics of her femininity to
trick the partner.
Indeed, soon enough it turns out that Ikukos husband makes two fatal mistakes
as an author who believes in his own and everybody elses sincerity and truthfulness.
He is convinced that a sincere and truthful description is the most powerful means of
control over the reality; furthermore, he does not realize that Ikukos understanding
of the nature of writing and therefore her means of manipulation and control might
be quite different. We must take into consideration that as a reader, Ikuko can
interpret her husbands diary quite independently, and, as a diarist, she could play
a similar role of a genuinely creative author. Of course, she always expresses the
willingness to be the perfect reader of her husbands texts and accepts the image
of herself that he has constructed. From her diary as well as from her husbands
diary, we learn that she obediently acts according to his expectations. The illusion
that it is Ikukos readily displayed submissiveness that enables the couple to enjoy
almost perfect understanding is also upheld by the form and style of their diaries.
Many critics have noticed that even if the protagonists masculinity/femininity is
emphasized by the usage of hiragana/katakana script in the respective diaries, those
diaries do not seem to possess features that would characterize two independent
individualities
25
. In uras opinion, the diaries of the husband and wife show little
of the usual distinctions of male/female speech; thus, they create the impression
that both diaries were written by one person, i.e., by the man. Without the visual
difference hiragana/katakana script provides (as in a translation), it is impossible
to tell whose diary it is
26
. This illusion of uniformity and unanimity is so powerful
that critics often speak about the protagonists total interdependence and loss of
individuality
27
. However, interdependent relationship does not necessarily exclude
individuality. Ideally, it would sooner mean a continuous process of communication
where individuals constantly create, improve, and recreate themselves. However, it
is not the case in Kagi; here communication is portrayed as a struggle for power,
dominance, and control, as a never-ending process of manipulation. I would argue
that both protagonists in Kagi do possess distinct individualities, but neither
of them can acknowledge the other persons right to be a personality. Banal as it
might sound, the culprit is rather the husband who seeks almost total control and
unconsciously invites his wife to do the same; however, gradually she begins to
resist and even usurps control. Careful examination of Ikukos diary shows how
she learns to use reading and writing to escape her husbands control and acquires
previously unknown powers quite unexpectedly for herself. Writing fctional lies
gradually becomes a shrewd means to manipulate her husband and since her tactics
are subtler, they also are more successful.
Unlike her husband, Ikuko is aware that sincerity and truthfulness is not
necessarily the main prerequisites if one desires to achieve certain effect upon the
reader of a certain text. Even a literary or, as it is the case with the diary, a literarized
text may considerably infuence its reader provided that it is skillfully written. Soon
enough Ikuko starts writing diary entries where lies and inventions are mingled with
truthful depictions of reality. Moreover, even doing so, she maintains that sincerity
and truthfulness are her highest values. In her diary Ikuko pretends to be the echo and
the mirror image of her husband while she is actually playing her own game and
quite successfully. Ikuko employs the metaphorical as well as the quite literal nudity
to convince her husband that she is willing to be the perfect reader, the object of his
creative zeal. Even if he becomes suspicious, there is nothing that would prove she
is actually scheming, in addition, he wants to believe in her sincerity. Ikuko plays
the role of an author who does not believe in the myth of sincerity and does not care
for truthful depiction of reality. She has discovered the power of fctional lies and
does not hesitate to use it to her advantage. To a certain extent, we may argue that
she becomes Tanizakis voice and advocates his ideas.
Of course, the readers of the novel have no proof except Ikukos diary, more
precisely, its last entries, to learn how successful her strategy of deception actually
was. The grotesquely macabre story about the husbands collapse and death and
Ikukos fnal confession might as well be thoroughly fctional. The readers of
Kagi are left in a precarious position since they have no key, no criterion of truth
whatsoever except the two diaries. There is no omniscient narrator, no commentary,
nothing except the parallel texts of the diaries. Nevertheless, this absence of the
fnal proof whether or not Ikuko has fnally told the truth does not alter much. If she
tells the truth, her story proves that fctional lies can be used as powerful means of
manipulation and control. If the tale about her husbands grotesque death is entirely
fctional, she has at least created an interesting story and thus proved her ability to
be a creative author.
The very idea that writing and reading of literary texts can be consciously used
as tools that offer previously unknown possibilities of manipulation and control in
a certain sense degrades the status and function of literature. We have seen that in
some previous Tanizakis novels, e.g., Ashikari, Yoshino kuzu, Manji literary
texts acquire mysterious power that allows them to penetrate and transform the
reality of life. At frst glance the fctional reality of literature in Kagi seems to
46 Orientlistika
lose this self-suffcient character and sovereign power. Literary text becomes just
something that is created in order to use it as a tool. On the other hand, Kagi
focuses on something that is almost absent in Tanizakis previous novels, namely, on
the roles of author and reader in the process of creation and/or interpretation of texts.
Tanizaki is skillful in showing that in the beginning the author/reader-interpreter has
sovereign power upon the text, but gradually it becomes clear that there must be a
certain balance of power between the creator and his creation, between the author/
reader and text.
The protagonists in Kagi cannot possibly foresee all the consequences when
they start writing their diaries and embark on their power game. The husband
and wife both believe that they use the diaries as tools to achieve certain goals,
but at the end the texts they have created start playing quite unexpected roles in
their lives. Ikuko and her husband write their texts, but at the same time they are
written by those texts i.e., transformed to the extent that at the end they can be
seen as the creations of their diaries. It is signifcant that only the efforts of Ikuko are
rewarding as she is the one who understands the nature of writing as Tanizaki does,
i.e., she values fctional lies. The nameless husband, who believes in sincerity and
truthfulness and tries to control everything and everybody, invites his own death.
It can be viewed as the punishment not only for his hubris as a creator but also
for his lack of playfulness. In contrast, Ikuko, who does not care for sincerity and
truthfulness, discovers the playful and uncanny character of fctional lies and thus
manages to escape from the role of the perfect reader initially assigned to her. As
an author who has learned to use to her advantage the wide range of opportunities
offered by fctional lies, she ceases to be a mere character in the rather banal tale
her husband has written and ventures to create her own story, full of mischief and
malice. The almost uncanny freedom she gains at the end of the novel is a perfect
symbol of artistic freedom that defes any conventions, any narrow boundaries and
celebrates the creative power of writing.
At the end I would like to emphasize once more that similarly to the earlier
Chijin no ai, Tanizakis Kagi should be viewed in the context of debate that
questions the nature of literature. In a way, Kagi is the continuation and result of
the debate about literature initially carried out already in 1927 in Shsetsu suji rons.
Kagi shows that for Tanizaki, literature is something almost almighty, capable of
shaping and reshaping life. Reading and writing literary texts are acts of creation, in
which the text can create and transform its reader/writer as much as the reader/writer
can shape and reshape the text. Therefore, the declaration of authors sincerity and
truthfulness can only narrow the horizon, and more often than not it leads to creation
of works that would be better left unwritten. Tanizaki believes that what is fat, dull,
and hypocritical can hardly have the right to exist, but literature which does not
avoid fctional lies creates alternative reality of almost unlimited opportunities.
Endnotes
1
Taidzaki Dzjuniir. Atslga. Rga: Atna, 2007 (Here and further I will follow the custom
of rendering Japanese names according to the original, i.e.: family name, frst name).
2
Waisetsu to bungaku no aida Tanizaki Junichir-shi Kagi o megutte. In: Shkan
Asahi. 29.04.1956. (quoted in: Maeda Hisanori: Tanizaki Junichiro monogatari no seisei.
Yoyosha, 2000, p. 227).
3
Maeda Hisanori. Tanizaki Junichir monogatari no seisei. Yoyosha, 2000, p. 228.
4
e.g., Noguchi, T. Tanizaki Junichir-ron. Tky: Ch Kron, 1973; compare: Boardmann
Petersen, G.: The Moon in the Water: Understanding Tanizaki, Kawabata and Mishima.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1992.
5
Ito, K. K. Visions of Desire: Tanizakis Fictional Worlds. Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1991, p. 100.
6
Tanizaki expressed his opinion on literature, aesthetics, etc in a series of articles written
from February to December 1927 and later published as a collection of miscellaneous
Jzetsuroku (Tanizaki, J.: Jzetsuroku. In: Tanizaki Junichir zensh (TJZ). 20, Ch
kron, 1968, p. 71166). Discussion with Akutagawa or Shsetsu suji rons is featured in
articles published from February to June 1927.
7
Tanizaki Junichir zensh (TJZ). 20, Ch kron, 1968, p. 72.
8
Tanizaki Junichiro zensh (TJZ). Ch kron, 1968, p. 7778.
9
Suzuki, T. Narrating the Self: Fictions of Japanese Modernity. Stanford UP, 1996, p. 96.
10
19231956 (Lippit, N. M.: Reality and Fiction in Modern Japanese Literature. Landon:
Macmillan, 1980, p. 85)
11
Tanizaki Junichir. Quicksand (Manji). NY: Vintage, 2000; Tanizaki Junichir: The
Portrait of Shunkin. In: Tanizaki Junichir. Seven Japanese Tales. Tky: Charles E.Tuttle
Company, 1982; Tanizaki Junichir. The Secret History of the Lord of Musashi. Arrowroot
(Bushk hiwa. Yoshino kuzu). NY: Vintage, 2001.
12
Comp. Rjnoske Akutagava. Bambusa biezokn. In: Japu ststi. Ameriku skola. Rga:
A. Mellupes SIA Likteststi, 2003.
13
Tanizaki Junichir. The Secret History of the Lord of Musashi. Arrowroot (Bushk hiwa.
Yoshino kuzu). NY: Vintage, 2001.
14
Taidzaki Dzjuniir. Naomi (Chijin no ai). Rga: Atna, 2006.
15
Tanizaki Junichir. Some Prefer Nettles (Tade kuu mushi). Tokyo: Tuttle, 15
th
print, 2001.
16
Suzuki, T. op. cit., p. 176.
17
Mori, J. Tanizaki bungaku: tanbi no kzu. Komyunikshon toshite no sei. Kagi. In:
Kokubungakukai to sh. 41:12, 1976, p. 145.
18
Shinoda, K. Nikkitai fkushon no kansei: Tanizaki no Kagi o megutte. In: Kokubugakukai
to kyzai. 29:5, 1984, p. 49; ura, Y.: Nikki to shsetsu no aida: Kagi o megutte. In:
Bungaku. 2:3, 1991, p. 2425; Ito, K. K.: op. cit., p. 214.
19
Tanizaki Junichir zensh (TJZ). 17, Ch kron, 1968, p. 276.
20
It is commonly believed that Tanizakis frst novel, i.e., Chijin no ai was written partly as
a parody on Japanese I-novel (shi-shsetsu).
21
Ito, K. K. op. cit., p. 236.
22
Ito, K. K. op. cit., p. 227.
23
Mori, J. op. cit., p. 145; ura, Y.: op. cit., p. 29.
48 Orientlistika
24
Ito, K. K. op. cit., p. 236.
25
Ito, K. K. op. cit., p. 215.
26
Comp. ura, Y. op. cit., p. 29.
27
Ito, K. K. op. cit., p. 234; Oura, Y.: op. cit., p. 29.
Kopsavilkums
Vairkos Dzjuniir Taidzaki romnos dokumentls prozas modei tiek izmantoti, lai grautu
japu Es-romnam (shi-shsetsu) jeb trajai literatrai (jun-bungaku) raksturgo priekstatu,
ka literram tekstam preczi jatspoguo realitte. Savas esttisks idejas, kas krasi atrs
no novirziena prstvju priekstatiem, Taidzaki aizstv diskusij ar Rjnoski Akutagavu,
kur abi rakstnieki apsprie romna btbu un nozmi (Shsetsu suji rons). Konkrtku
izpausmi s idejas gst ar Taidzaki vidj un vln perioda darbos. Romns Atslga,
kas publicts 1956. gad un pieder pie Taidzaki pdjiem darbiem, nereti ticis interpretts
k paveca laulta pra seksuls dzves ironiska analze, tau to iespjams last ar k autora
minjumu stenot savas idejas par literra teksta radanas un interpretcijas nozmi.
Zur Struktur eines songzeitlichen Gedichtzyklus
des Jiang Kui
Sun dinastijas dzejnieka Dzjan Kuj (ap. 1155 ap. 1221)
dzeju cikla struktras problmas (ca. 1155 ca. 1221)
Frank Kraushaar
Moderno valodu fakultte
Dieser Aufsatz ist die Fortsetzung jahrelang wiederholter Lektre und Bearbeitung eines bis
heute nahezu unbeachteten Zyklus des fr seine Lieder (ci) einschlgig bekannten Jiang Kui
(ca. 1155 ca. 1221). Derselbe Text war Gegenstand der Magisterarbeit gewesen, die ich 1995
abschloss und spter zu einer Dissertation ber das gesamte Werk des Dichters ausweitete,
in der auch dem Zyklus Platz eingerumt wurde. Auf dem Deutschen Orientalistentag 2004
in Halle nahm ich nochmals die Gelegenheit wahr, einige der Gedanken, die mir beim
Wiederlesen der fnfzehn Gedichte im Antiken Stil unaufhrlich kamen - als habe ich ein
neues Werk entdeckt. Seitdem beschftigte mich vorwiegend der Charakter von Landschaften
und die Bezeichnung des Verborgenen in den Werken individueller Dichter der Tang und
Song. Darber wurde mir klar, wie originell und eindrucksvoll die zyklische Komposition
Jiang Kuis auch in dieser Hinsicht erscheint, sodass ich den Plan zu einer lngeren Studie
fasste, deren Grundgedanke hier vorlufg formuliert und erlutert wurde: der Zyklus als
bergreifende Gesamtform, die die dichterische Sprache aus ihrer Gewohnheit lst und eine
neuartige Dynamik der Beschreibung von Landschaft und individueller Erfahrung entwickelt.
Der Aufsatz beginnt mit einem ersten Teil, der eine vergleichende Unterscheidung des Zyklus
von anderen Gedichtgruppierungen trifft. In den folgenden Teilen zeigen Interpretationen
einiger ausgewhlter Texte, wie in den Gedichten die andeutende (suggestive) Kraft der Bilder
mit einer Dramatik, die sich aus den wechselnden Stimmungen der Gedichte entwickelt,
kombiniert wird. So entsteht eine reichhaltige und erfrischende poetische Sprache, deren Typ
in der klassischen Lyrik Chinas selten vorkommt.
Schlagworte: China, Chinesische Lyrik, Song-Dynastie, Jiang Kui.
Der Zyklus als lyrische Gesamtform zwischen Folge und Buch
Unter den lyrischen Ausdrucksformen verspricht der Zyklus Vielfalt, Wechsel
und Geschlossenheit in- und auerhalb der Form der Einzeltexte. Er ist eine
Gesamtform, an die hhere Ansprche gestellt werden als etwa an die lockere
Gedichtfolge, die in der Regel das Ergebnis einer zeitlichen Schaffensphase ist, so,
wie etwa die Buckower Elegien im Sptwerk des Bertold Brecht oder auch die in
burtnicas (Heftchen) nach Monaten datierten und damit chronologisch eingeteilten
Gedichte des Ojrs Vcietis, die einen Groteil von dessen lyrischem Gesamtwerk
ausmachen, aber im Ganzen und nach auen hin nur durch die zeitliche Folge,
nicht gem einer inhaltlich-formalen Struktur aneinander gebunden erscheinen.
50 Orientlistika
Zugleich ist der lyrische Zyklus auch weniger anspruchsvoll als das lyrische Buch,
die komplexeste und auch die khnste unter den Gesamtformen innerhalb der
lyrischen Gattung. Nicht sehr viele Dichter haben sich daran versucht, doch unter
den Groen der Moderne wurde diese Form vielleicht auch in Konkurrenz zur
literarisch stark aufgewerteten Prosaform des Romans mehrfach gewhlt, etwa
von Charles Baudelaire mit Les Fleurs du Mal oder von Ezra Pound mit den
Cantos oder auch von Stefan George mit dem Buch der hngenden Grten. Fr
die moderne und zuvor fr die europische Dichtung nahm und nimmt der Zyklus
eine Position zwischen der gelassen unbestimmten Gedichtfolge und den weit
umfassenden, geistigen Horizonten des lyrischen Buches ein. Diese Position ergibt
sich in der Regel aus der Wahl eines bestimmten Motives, die auch eine inhaltliche
Orientierung vorgibt. Besonders deutlich und einfach erkennbar ist das bei Zyklen
mit religiser Motivik, wie etwa dem Marienleben Rainer Maria Rilkes, doch
gilt es nicht weniger fr weltliche Dichtungen, die mitunter der konzentrierten
lyrischen Knappheit der Einzeltexte ber einen auf den zyklischen Rahmen
gespannten Erzhlfaden zustzliche Ausdehnung verleihen, wie in Wilhelm Mllers
Winterreise.
Auch in der modernen chinesischen Lyrik hat sich der Zyklus im Sinne der
Konzentration auf ein bewusst gewhltes Motiv durchgesetzt; ein in der westlichen
Forschungsliteratur mehrfach diskutiertes Beispiel hierfr wre Yang Lians (geb.
1955) Zyklus Yi, dessen Struktur bildendes Motiv die Verbindung der subjektiven
Erfahrung des Dichters mit der literarischen und kosmologischen Tradition Chinas
ist. Dieser Zyklus besteht aus insgesamt 64 Gedichten - entsprechend den 64
Hexagrammen des Buches der Wandlungen (I Ging) -, die poetischen Bilder
spielen auf die Fnf Elemente (wu xing) der entsprechenden Elementenlehre an, die
ein Bestandteil der traditionellen kosmologisch-wahrsagerischen Deutungsverfahren
ist. Dazu zwei Zitate aus spteren Stellungnahmen des Dichters:
Seit 1982 dachte ich ber ein langes Gedicht nach, das durch eine Reihe von
sprachlichen Experimenten aufs Neue eine Welt schaffen wrde. Es wre etwas
ganz Neues, weil es sich auf das besondere Empfnden eines modernen Dichters
sttzen wrde, und weil die Tiefe dieses Empfndens mit dem Kern der chinesischen
Tradition verbunden wre.
Die vier Kapitel des Yi sind als ein Ganzes miteinander verbunden. Jedes
Kapitel hat eine eigene Struktur, sprachliche Form und Inhalt. Auf einer tieferen
Ebene miteinander verknpft, bilden sie mental einen konzentrischen Kreis. Die
Erfahrung des Dichters wird auf verschiedenen Ebenen entfaltet, doch sie laufen alle
auf den gleichen Mittelpunkt hinaus: die menschliche Existenz.
1
Die bersetzerin der zitierten Textstellen bemerkt in ihrer Abhandlung zur
Poetik des whrend der 90er Jahre im Westen oft diskutierten chinesischen Dichters,
dass dieser die zyklische Form offenbar nicht verwende, um, wie er an anderer
Stelle behauptet, die dichterische Sprache konzentrisch zu bndeln und damit die
Texte insgesamt verstehbarer zu machen: Allein der strukturelle Aufbau des ganzen
Zyklus, der eine Verzweigung verschiedener Ebenen ergeben soll, erweckt im
Gegenteil den Eindruck, dass eine Komplexitt hier ganz bewusst geschaffen wird.
2

Ohne im speziellen auf das traditionelle Gliederungsmuster dieses modernen Werkes
Frank Kraushaar. Zur Struktur eines songzeitlichen Gedichtzyklus des Jiang Kui 51
einzugehen, lsst sich nun bemerken, dass die zyklische Form hier offenbar ganz
im Sinne einer gegenwartsgebundenen chinesischen Poetik gewhlt wurde, nmlich
mit dem Ziel, ein neues und von modernen Einfssen durchdrungenes, subjektives
Weltbild mit traditionellen Sprach- und Denkformen zu verbinden. Aus der
Perspektive des Dichters, der in seiner Jugend die Arbeits- und Umerziehungslager
der Kulturrevolution durchmachte, zeigt sich die Tradition als Teil der eigenen
Gebrochenheit und der Zyklus als knstlerisches Verfahren, jene allmhlich zu
berwinden.
Derartige Folgerungen erscheinen selbst dem westlichen Leser relativ
nahe liegend, da er zumindest die Grunderfahrung des kulturellen Bruches mit
Traditionen mit seinem chinesischen Gegenber teilt: das 20. Jahrhundert hat viele
zuvor ausgereifte Kulturgemeinschaften zerstrt und zugleich tun sich schon die
Konturen zuknftiger hervor. Dagegen ziehen sich aus den traditionellen Formen
die vormals wie selbstverstndlich angenommenen Bindungen und Wertmuster
immer weiter zurck. Dass wir heute von Europa aus klassische chinesische Lyrik
interpretieren, wre ganz und gar undenkbar und wahrscheinlich interesselos, wenn
nicht ein bestndiger Reiz zum Vergleich locken wrde. Denn letzterer verspricht
und gewhrt auch oft den Schwebezustand oder das quilibrium welches
charakteristisch fr den intellektuellen Genuss des modernen Menschen am offenen
Kunstwerk ist. Die Interpretation hat sich lngst zu einer der modernen Kunst- und
Erkenntnisformen entwickelt und als solche fndet sie hier Anwendung, um die
Beziehung zu einer fr die klassische Lyrik Chinas eher ausgefallen Form, dem
Zyklus, an einem ebenfalls ausgefallenen Beispiel, nmlich Jiang Kuis (ca. 1155
ca. 1221) Gedichte ber einstige Reisen (Xi you shi) heraus zu arbeiten.
Jiang Kuis Zyklus Gedichte ber einstige Reisen (Xi you shi)
und die poetische Gewohnheit
Die klassische Lyrik Chinas kennt, trotz ihrer hervorragenden Stellung unter
den literarischen Gattungen, kaum lyrische Gesamtformen. Vom lyrischen Buch
lsst sich, wenn berhaupt, dann nur im Sinne von Anthologien reden. Es existiert
als Sammlung und damit nicht als das Werk eines Dichters, sondern als das eines
Herausgebers, selbst wenn dieser, wie es seit dem 11. Jahrhundert blicher wurde,
der Dichter selbst war. Gedichtfolgen lassen sich etwas fter konstatieren, doch
bleiben sie zumeist durch literarisch-gesellige Konventionen bedingt. Dazu gehren
lyrische Folgen mehrere Autoren, die nach bestimmten Trinkritualen im Wechsel
dichteten oder die so genannten verbundenen Verse (lian ju), Gedichte, die, oft
mit gegenseitiger bernahme der Reimworte oder des Reimklanges, unter Freunden
gewechselt wurden. Sehr selten ist der Zyklus, der ohne geselligen Anlass und als
Werk eines einzelnen Autors von diesem mit Hilfe der Variation eines gewhlten
Motives und durch die Verfechtung der Varianten als Gesamtform lyrischer
Einzelwerke geschaffen wurde.
In einem gewissen Sinn bleibt Dichtung immer von der Allgemeingltigkeit
gewhlter Motive abhngig. Wenn es sich bei Yang Lians Zyklus Yi um die
Gegenwart einer gebrochenen Tradition im subjektiven Bewusstsein des modernen
(chinesischen) Menschen handelt, so sehen derartige Motive im zwlften Jahrhundert
52 Orientlistika
anders aus. Im Folgenden wird deshalb zunchst einmal nher auf das von Jiang Kui
gewhlte Motiv eingegangen, um spter die Grundzge der, wie ich meine, fr die
Zeit und ihr Umfeld sehr komplexen Struktur des Zyklus zu erklren.
Den insgesamt fnfzehn Texten, die der Zyklus enthlt, ist ein Vorwort beigefgt,
durch das die in der klassischen Lyrik traditionell vorausgesetzte Autorenbezogenheit
lyrischer Texte zustzlich bekrftigt wird. Der Leser wird ausdrcklich daran erinnert,
dass es sich anschlieend um eine Selbstbespiegelung des lyrischen Ichs aus groer
zeitlicher Distanz handelt:
In jungen Jahren war ich, Jiang Kui, eine arme Waise, ruhe- und ziellos
zwischen Strmen und dem Erdboden hin- und her gehastet. Erst viel spter sicherte
ich mir einen friedlichen Ort. Nun will ich mir an einem sorglosen Herbsttag das in
Erinnerung rufen, was mir whrend einstiger Reisen Erfreuliches und Schreckliches
widerfuhr und es in Fnf-Silben-Versen im Alten Stil besingen. Was ich aber so
zur Zeit vor mir ausgebreitet und betrachtet habe, um selbst ber mein Leben zu
urteilen, reicht nicht aus, um als Dichtung ernst genommen zu werden.
3
Hinter der Fassade eines in der damaligen literarischen Kultur verbreiteten
Topos lsst Jiang Kui zugleich ein persnliches Motiv durchblicken. Um beides zu
unterscheiden mchte ich einen Vergleich mit zwei lyrischen Texten bekannter Tang-
Dichter anstellen, in denen ebenfalls der Topos der einstigen, lngst vergangenen
und weit zurckliegenden Reisen (xi you), zu dem auch die Erinnerung an die Nhe
nunmehr verstreuter Jugendfreunde und eine gewisse romantische Wehmut gehren,
aufgegriffen wird, whrend das Motiv der Dichtungen jeweils ein anderes ist.
Zunchst ein Reisegedicht des Meng Haoran (689-740), der in diesem Text die Reisen
aus entfernten Tagen mit dem Namen der Stadt Yangzhou, einer damals reichen
und mondnen Handelsmetropole am Kaiserkanal zwischen den Flssen Huai und
Yangzi verbindet. Dieser Zusammenklang resultiert in der fr den Topos einschlgig
bekannten und erwarteten Wirkung beim Leser: die heutige rumliche Entfernung
von Yangzhou und die zeitliche Distanz in der persnlichen Erinnerung an die dort
gekannten Jugendfreunde verstrken das Gefhl der Einsamkeit und des Verkannt-
und Vergessenseins, das hier den eigentlichen Anlass zu einer ausdrucksvollen, aber
zugleich auch dichterisch-konventionellen lyrischen Klage gibt:
bernachtend am Ulmenhtten-Fluss schreibe ich Freunden
von frher nach Guangling
Ich hre die Affen, aus dsteren Bergen klagend,
Des nachts auf den khlen, schwrzlichen Wellen hinjagend.
Der Wind seufzt durch das Laub an beiden Uferhngen.
Ein Boot, im Mondschein allein die Waise tragend
In Jiande ist ja meine Heimat nicht und spricht man hier
Von Yangzhou, denke ich an Reisen aus entfernten Tagen.
Schon wieder fnden meine Trnen ihre beiden Bahnen
Es hat mich weit, an den Westrand des Ostmeers verschlagen!
Die Deutung der Textaussage im Sinne einer lyrischen Klage, die vor allem an
Freunde und Bekannte in Rang und Amt, an hhere Wrdentrger oder vielleicht
an den Kaiser selbst gerichtet war, um eine gewisse Isolation des Dichters zu
durchbrechen und ihm zu einem Karrieresprung zu verhelfen, ist nicht zwingend, hat
aber doch einiges fr sich. In Wahrheit werden in den Versen 5-6 zwei Topoi parallel
gegeneinander gefhrt: die verlorene Heimat (wu tu) und die frheren Reisen (jiu
you) einer vergangenen Jugendzeit. Beide evozieren lediglich eine Stimmung, die
einen Gefhlsausbruch im letzten Verspaar vorbereitet. Dieser steht, wie der Text
als Ganzes, irgendwo zwischen adressierter Schicksalsklage, der man noch weitere
persnliche Absichten unterstellen mag oder nicht und literarischer Konvention, die
virtuos gehandhabt wird und zudem noch, dank eines feinen persnlichen Stilgefhls,
sich selbst bersteigt.
Der nunmehr folgende Text des Du Mu scheint sich dagegen vollkommen in der
Stimmung aufzulsen, die bereits die Benennung des Topos im Titel evoziert:
Eingedenk einstiger Reisen
Zehn Jahre wie verweht jenseits von Schnur und Elle.
Ich setzte mir den Becher vor, ich sprach mir dabei zu!
Herbstberg, Frhlingsregen, Pltze zum Sumen, Singen,
An Jiangnans Klostertrmen, jedem, lehnte ich in Ruh.
Obwohl hier der Topos des einstigen und ziellosen Reisens (also der Jugend)
benutzt wird, um die Person rckblickend zum uerlich haltlosen Herumtreiber
zu stilisieren, leuchtet gegen Ende des Textes berraschend Ruhe auf. Statt einer
Selbstkritik, die die konfuzianische Moral demjenigem, der seine Malosigkeit -
jenseits von Schnur und Elle in der Jugend bekennt, zweifellos abverlangt, wird
hier eine Selbstverklrung betrieben, die den spteren legendren Ruhm des Dichters
und auch die Kritik vieler Literaten an seiner moralischen Haltung zu begrnden
half. Doch auch hier zielt der Text darauf ab, durch meisterliche Wortbeherrschung
ber dem Sockel des Topos ein persnliches Werk als Stimmungsbild von hoher
Suggestionskraft zu errichten. Diese Intention war im alten China sehr vielen
Dichtern eigen. Die poetische Sprache wirkt naturgegeben stark suggestiv und auf
das poetische Bild hin, doch kann eine Differenzierung auf verschiedene Ebenen,
einschlielich derjenigen einer kritischen Selbstrefexion des eigenen Weltbildes und
der eigenen Sprache dabei entweder gewollt oder nicht gewollt sein. In den beiden
vorangegangenen Beispielen war letztere offenbar nicht gewollt und in diesem Sinne
sind sie ebenso reprsentativ fr einen Groteil der klassischen Lyrik des alten
China.
Jiang Kuis Vorwort macht zu Beginn klar, dass der Blick in die zeitliche (und
rumliche) Weite die Gedichte lokalisieren im Anschluss alle Handlungen in der
Umgebung der Jugendheimat des Dichters und damit fern den Gegenden Jiangnans,
in denen Jiang Kui etwa von seinem dreiigsten Jahr an bis zum Tod lebte auch
der Blick in eine andere Welt und Wahrnehmung ist. Vergleichen wir die im Vorwort
erklrte Grundeinstellung der Perspektive mit denen der beiden vorhin zitierten
Gedichte, fllt vor allem ein Unterschied auf: das Element der Ruhe befndet sich bei
54 Orientlistika
Jiang Kui nicht auf Seiten der Erinnerung, ist also nicht im geschlossenen Bild einer
romantischen Jugend, das, gegenber einer abweisend-unheimlichen Gegenwart (wie
bei Meng Haoran), sentimentale Wehmut evoziert, gebannt, sondern kennzeichnet
die Gegenwart, aus der sich der gealterte Autor an einem sorglosen Herbsttag
auf Frheres besinnt. Die Bilder der Erinnerung erscheinen dagegen, ruh- und
ziellos zwischen Strmen und dem Erdboden, vollkommen unromantisch und
keineswegs verklrt. Zusammen mit der abschlieenden Bemerkung, die fnfzehn
lyrischen Texte dienten eigentlich nur dem prosaischen Zweck, selbst ber mein
Leben zu urteilen und gengten daher nicht, um als Dichtung ernst genommen zu
werden, knnte das Vorwort zu einem Werk, das mit einer eindeutigen Referenz auf
den bekannten, klangvollen Topos der einstigen Reisen berschrieben ist, kaum
irritierender formuliert sein.-
Zumindest eines wird aber aus diesem Vorwort klar: der Autor unternimmt den
bewussten Versuch, die Erinnerungen an ein ruhe- und haltloses, also gefhrdetes
Leben an eine uere Perspektive zu knpfen, die die Gefhrdung eindmmt. Und:
er lsst den Zweifel am Gelingen dieses Versuches zumindest rhetorisch zu. Beides -
der Versuch der bewussten Zuordnung der Vergangenheit auf die Gegenwart wie auch
die erklrte Unterordnung des Zieles, berhaupt als Dichter anerkannt zu werden
sind fr die damalige Zeit, die lyrische Dichtung noch vorwiegend als Selbstausdruck
einer moralisch exemplarischen Persnlichkeit verstand, ungewhnliche Anlsse zum
Dichten. Die Struktur des Zyklus, die nun anschlieend mit Hilfe der bersetzung
und Interpretation ausgewhlter Texte erklrt wird, lsst erkennen, dass in ihr ein
hohes Niveau poetischer Selbstrefexion sowohl die kritische Ich-Betrachtung als
auch das eigenwillige berschreiten sprachlicher Konventionalitt ermglicht.
Die Struktur des Zyklus
Die Gedichte sind mit einer dramatischen Dynamik aufgeladen, die nur
vorbergehend unterbrochen wird. Dennoch fhrt keine der hier in den Vordergrund
gerckten Handlungen an ein erkennbares Ziel. Dem passiv erleidenden Subjekt
entspricht eine kennzeichnende Bewegung, die sich in der Mehrzahl der Texte
wiederholt: der Hhepunkt einer mit dramatischer Spannung geladenen und
in gewisser Weise von Beginn an inszeniert wirkenden Handlung wird passiv
berschritten, das lyrische Ich driftet oder gelangt darauf hin unversehens in ein
Abseits, wo es wie von selbst zu sich kommt. Diese Bewegung spielt der Zyklus nun
in den verschiedensten Varianten durch, wobei die Kombination der Basiselemente
chinesischer Landschaftsdichtung (und Literatenmalerei) Gewsser und Gebirge
verschiedene Handlungsformen Bootsfahrt, Bergwanderung, Ritt zu Pferde
bedingt. Bootsfahrten berwiegen zu Beginn und am Ende des Zyklus, whrend
Wanderungen durch heilige Gebirge sich, mit Ausnahme des letzten Gedichtes,
ganz auf die Mitte konzentrieren. Ein einzelnes Gedicht (Nr. 12), von dem spter
die Rede sein wird, bezeichnet einen wilden Ritt durch Schnee und Wind, der
sich, vom Ufer eines Huai-Zufusses ausgehend, in der leeren Weite der winterlichen
Stromebene verirrt. Insgesamt wirkt sich das Massive, Statische des Berges in
den umfangreicheren, relativ ruhigeren Gedichten ber Bergwanderungen im
Kontrast zur Beweglichkeit des Wassers in den krzeren und durch sporadische
Umschwnge der Handlung strker gekennzeichneten Fluss- und Seegedichten
auf die Gesamtgestalt des Zyklus aus. Zwischen den Zeilen liest man unschwer
heraus, dass die Fhrnisse der von den Wogen des Sturmes oder der Stromschnellen
aufgewhlten Wasseroberfchen unsicher bewegte Zeitlufte andeuten, whrend
andererseits die ruhende, schwer zu durchdringende Tiefe der Gebirgstler und
Wolken berragende Berggipfel die abenteuerliche Suche des geistigen Lebens
erahnen lassen. Diese suggestive Bildsprache war an sich nichts Neues, sondern
ging bereits auf die Tradition der Lieder von Chu (Chuci; 3. Jahrhundert v.u.Z.
2. Jahrhundert n.u.Z.) zurck. Dagegen ist mir die Kombination der Bildelemente
nicht allein in den Einzeltexten sondern auch zur Komposition einer bergreifenden,
zyklischen Ordnung in der chinesischen Literatur vor Jiang Kui bislang nirgends
bekannt geworden.
Das erste Gedicht frht direkt in die geographische Mitte des in den folgenden
Texten durchmessenen Raumes und zugleich auf jenen schmalen Grat zwischen
spiritueller (Natur-) Erfahrung und der ernchternden Einsamkeit, zu der das Ich im
Folgenden durch die ueren Gewalten wiederholt gedrngt wird:
Gedicht 1
Der Dongting-See durchmisst achthundert li:
Ein Jadebecken, ganz mit Quecksilber gefllt!
Gewaltiges Fnffarbenrad
Der Regenbogen, jh, mit seinem Spiegelbild.
Ich durchquere ihn in einem Boote,
Vor lauter Glanz die Seele angsterfllt!
Vom Huangling-Schrein brach ich am Morgen auf
Zum See des Roten Sandes kam ich in den Abendstunden.
Ich frage, welchen Ort habich
In diesen sechsunddreiig Buchten wohl gefunden?
Soweit ich schaute nahm das grne Schilf kein Ende.
Der Mond, wie eine Kerze hell, darber stand.
In allen Buchten sah ich keines Menschen Haus,
Bis meine Nachtruh ich an Schilfes Grenze fand.
Die Anspielung auf ein Leitmotiv der Lieder von Chu, nmlich auf die
Jenseitsreise des hof- und heimatfchtigen Dichters Qu Yuan (340 278), durch
die dieser den Widersprchen, die ihm sein weltliches Dasein zutiefst verleiden, zu
entgehen hofft, ist hier durch die so genannte Morgen-Abend-Formel
4
inmitten des
Gedichtes gewhrt. Diese Stilfgur diente Qu Yuan und dessen Epigonen innerhalb
der Struktur ihrer balladenhnlichen Liedtexte als Kennzeichnung des Beginns einer
Reise des Ichs auf der Suche nach der Gottheit bzw. deren paradiesischer Heimat. In
der bersetzung sind die Verse, die diese Figur enthalten, nicht willkrlich hinter einer
Zsur platziert, die der chinesische Text in der traditionellen Druckweise, die ganz
56 Orientlistika
auf derartige Einteilungen verzichtet, nicht enthlt. Die ersten sechs Verse evozieren
nur das Bild einer dmonisch-schnen Naturszene, vor der ein vereinzelt in sein
ebenso begleiterloses Boot platziertes Ich angsterfllt erschauert anders: die Furcht
vor dem Gttlichen, das als Regenbogen - ein gewaltiges Fnffarbenrad ber der
unermessliche Weite der Seefche droht, ist der Auftaktakkord des Zyklus. In den
darauf folgenden acht Versen, die mit der genannten, formelartigen Konstruktion
beginnen, scheint diese Furcht schon beinahe vergessen. Zwischen dem Aufbruch
vom heiligen Ort am Schrein des mythischen Gottkaisers Shun bis zum Ende der
Fahrt irgendwo im Niemandsland am schilfgen Seeufer entspinnt sich kein Drama,
wird keine Verheiung erfllt, nicht einmal Schiffbruch erlitten. Angst und Schrecken
der gttlichen Macht, von denen sich die groe Spannung des Auftaktes nhrt, sind
in der Einsamkeit zwischen Mond- und (eingebildetem) Kerzenlicht vergangen: die
Dichtung fhrt in die Ernchterung.
Im Gegensatz zu Qu Yuan, dem chinesischen Prototypen eines tragischen Helden,
befndet sich Jiang Kuis lyrisches Ich an keiner Stelle der zyklischen Handlung auf
einer leidenschaftlichen Jenseitssuche, auch wenn die Furcht vor den gttlichen
Mchten und der Schrecken vor den dmonischen fr dauernde starke Bewegtheit
sorgen. Bei aller Dramatik der sich immer wiederholenden Beinahe-Katastrophen
vermisst man allmhlich einen geschichtlichen Rahmen, durch den Ausgangs-
und Zielpunkte der Reisen erkennbar wrden. Statt der Suche als Reisemotiv und
gleichzeitiger Voraussetzung fr jedweden tragischen Ausgang stt man von
Text zu Text wiederholt auf das fast zufllige Entkommen aus einer der vielen
Gefahren und auf das wunschlose Verschnaufen an irgendeinem bedeutungslosen
Ufer- oder Wegrand. Trotz abenteuerlicher Anstrengungen und wiederholtem
Sturz in die Einsamkeit des wieder einmal Enttuschten zieht nirgendwo die fnale
Lebensmdigkeit auf, aus der sich Qu Yuan in seinen legendren tragischen Freitod
gibt. Mitten in all den unverkennbaren Reminiszenzen, mit denen die Tradition der
Chuci-Dichtung bekrftigt wird, erklrt sich von selbst, dass hier nicht von der Tragik
des Schicksals, sondern von seiner Ironie die Rede ist. Damit entspricht Jiang Kui
zunchst nur einem oft hervorgehobenen Grundzug der Song-Dichtung zur ironischen
Weltbetrachtung, in der sich die ntige stilistische Abwandlung vom ethischen Pathos
und von der immer mehr berladenen Tragik frherer lyrischer Epochen besonders
der hohen und mittleren Tang-Dichtung manifestierte.
5
Doch whrend sich die feine
Ironie nicht selten, wie etwa bei Su Shi (1037 1101) oder Huang Tingjian (1045
1105), in philosophischer Selbsrefexion manifestierte, erfndet Jiang Kui den Zyklus
als lyrische Gesamtform, die durch die Kombination imagistischer mit narrativen
Elementen eine eigene ironische Frbung der dichterischen Sprache erlaubt.
Nachdem wir dem Ich und seinen mitunter erwhnten, anonymen zwei,
drei Begleitern zu Land ber manchen Berg sowie ber etliche Flsse und Seen
im Norden der heutigen Provinz Hunan gefolgt sind und dabei wechselnd heilige
Sttten und leere Ufer, von geisterhaften Wogen besplte Hhlen, Palastruinen und
im hohen Gebirge entlegene Klster, durch deren offene Fenster die Wolken ein-
und ausziehen passiert haben, ohne dabei Menschen zu begegnen, deren Bedeutung
ber die den Schiffbrchigen auf das Ufer ziehende Hand oder das gastfreundliche
Plaudern am abendlichen Herdfeuer hinausginge, befnden wir uns zu Beginn des
zwlften Gedichtes auf einmal inmitten einer weiten Ebene und deutlich auerhalb
des geographischen Radius der brigen Handlungen. Hier werden wir, durch eine
Schpfung bizarrer Bilder, die in der Spannung zwischen Traum und Trunkenheit
vibrieren, mit dem politischen Trauma der Zeit konfrontiert: die militrische
bermacht der nrdlichen Jin-Dynastie, deren proto-mandschurische Herrscher
bereits 1127 Nordchina bis an die Huai-Grenze erobert und damit die Einheit der
Groen Song-Dynastie zerschlagen hatten. Seitdem war die Huai-Linie eine
Art 17. Breitengrad in der dauerhaften und beiderseits erfolglosen militrischen
Auseinandersetzung zwischen zwei Kaiserreichen, deren jedes nach Innen eine
ausschlieliche Herrschaftslegitimation reklamierte, nach Auen jedoch die Existenz
des anderen als Kriegsgegner oder als Verhandlungspartner zu akzeptieren hatte. Fr
die politisch-literarischen Kreise, in denen sich auch Jiang Kui zeitlebens bewegte
wirkte sich dieser Zustand als moralisch-intellektuelle Dauerkrise aus, die zur Zeit
der Entstehung des Zyklus um das Jahr 1200 einen Hhepunkt erreichte, der im
Debakel des Angriffskrieges von 1206-07 kulminierte. Es ist wahrscheinlich, dass
dieser Krieg mit seinen innenpolitischen Vorbereitungen und Folgen (Intrigen,
Verfolgungen, Verbannungen und Hinrichtungen politisch Beteiligter) in einem
Zusammenhang mit dem folgenden Gedichttext steht:
Gedicht 12
Rund um den Hao-Steg ist nirgends ein Berg,
Hgel verfachen im einsamen Land.
Ich hlle mich tief in den warmen Pelz
Und trinke tapfer und frei aus dem Stand!
Mit dem stolzen Mut furchtloser Helden,
Auf in den Sattel, durch Schneefall gerannt!!
So gehts im Galopp gegen den Wind,
Erst streift nur Graupel wie feiner Sand
Doch pltzlich pustet der Wind groe Stcke
Zu einem Haufen wirbelnder Ziegel.
Wider den Anprall muss ich mich bcken,
Fest im rmel die Strippen der Zgel.
Als ob mich rundherum Pfeile spicken
Schreiend und rasend reit mich der Bgel!
Da trug mich die Kraft des Rausches nicht mehr,
Musste ein Becher doch meilenweit reichen.
Ich trockne die Kleider am Binsenfeuer
Und lass unter Fremden ein Weilchen verstreichen.
Geh hin und such wo immer du willst:
Helden sind leider selten im Reiche.
58 Orientlistika
Der Text stellt den heutigen Leser vor eine Grenzerfahrung im mehrfachen
Sinn. hnlich vorangegangenen Texten des Zyklus wird das Ich durch eine
schicksalhafte Lage, der es ganz ausgeliefert zu sein scheint, an den Rand seiner
eigenen Krfte getrieben. Die Inszenierung der Handlung ein wilder Ritt bei
gleichzeitigem zgellosem Trinken fhrt ber die Grenze zwischen Rauschekstase
und ernchterter Selbstbetrachtung; selbst die Begrenztheit der Alkoholmenge
lsst sich als Grenzerfahrung mit bewusst ironischem Beigeschmack bemerken.
Gehen wir noch tiefer in die Feinheiten, dann erweist sich auch der Graupel als
meteorologisches Grenzphnomen zwischen Regen und Schnee, das wiederum in
der bildlichen Sprache des Gedichtes an Sand grenzt eine deutliche Anspielung
auf das Subgenre der Grenzkriegsdichtung, in dem etliche Dichter der Tang und
frherer, ausgedehnter Dynastien die Hrte, Sinnlosigkeit und Heimatsehnsucht
auf militrischen Expeditionen in die Wsten nordwestlich des chinesischen
Hauptsiedlungsraumes besangen. Die Lokalisierung der Handlung schlielich
rckt nichts in deutlichere Nhe als die damals berchtigte Demarkationslinie
zwischen Nord und Sd, den Huai Fluss, in den der Hao bereits nach kurzem Lauf
einmndet.
Eine derart subtile Anhufung und bildliche Verknpfung politischer,
psychologischer, meteorologischer Grenzen lsst noch vom heutigen Standpunkt
aus das Daseinsrtsel erahnen, vor dem eine in politischen und psychologischen
Krisen heftig bewegte Zeit vergehen musste, deren begabte Zeugen, wie Jiang
Kui, allerdings ber ein sprachliches Instrumentarium verfgten, das es erlaubte,
die Vielfalt der Erfahrungsschichten in komplexen Formen und weitgehend befreit
von der Gebundenheit an das Konkrete der politischen oder moralischen Aussage
dichterisch zu gestalten.
Wie in den meisten vorangegangenen Texten folgen auch in diesem auf den
Kollaps der Handlung noch ein paar Zeilen, in denen resigniert gelassene Refexion
das Ich vom Untergang absondert. Einer Welt, die in sich zerrissen scheint
rettungslos entschlpft gleichsam ein weiteres Dasein, das beinahe unberhrt, ganz
sicher aber unverletzt und scheinbar gelassen berlebt und berdauert.
Bis hierhin hatte sich die Mehrzahl der Texte dieses Konzeptes zweier
Daseinsstufen bedient; nun wirkt es sich auf den Zyklus im Ganzen aus. Die von
nun an noch folgenden drei Gedichte gehren als Einzeltexte eindeutig der konstant
ruhigen Stufe an, die gefhrlich dramatische erscheint auf einmal wie weg gebrochen.
Ist sie damit berwunden? Folgt der Text des Zyklus insgesamt vielleicht doch
einem Ziel, das vielleicht als die Erhhung des Kontemplativen ber das Aktive
erkennbar wre und damit nicht mehr weit entfernt schiene vom poetischen Ausdruck
einer religisen Lehre (ein religises Grundmotiv wrde die Lesbarkeit des Zyklus
damit radikal konkretisieren und zugleich einschrnken)? Derartige Fragen knnen,
so meine ich, verneint werden. Denn auch das nicht mehr den Schicksalsmchten
ausgelieferte, sondern jetzt ruhig sich selbst betrachtende Ich ist noch in Bewegung
und auch diese Bewegung fhrt nach wie vor zum Selbstwiderruf als ob das Ende
den jeweiligen Beginn einer Reise in Frage stelle. Am deutlichsten wird das in
Gedicht 13, das eine Wasser- und vielleicht Pilgerfahrt zum Lushan-Gebirge, einem
buddhistischen Heiligtum, beschreibt und dabei die Morgen-Abend-Formel aus
Gedicht 1 rezitiert:
Gedicht 13
Seit kurzem liegt Hukou zurck,
Noch nicht ist die Bucht des Kometen erreicht.
Und einige Tage weiter im Boot,
Doch Tag fr Tag bleibt der Lushan in Sicht.
Der Lushan verdeckt den Himmel halb,
Die Fnf-Alten-Gipfel krnt eine Wolkenschicht.
Am Morgen vergoldet die Kluften und Schrnde,
Am Abend das Purpur im Felsen erlischt.
Ein Wasserfall da, von der halben Hhe,
Der auf das Haar einer Seidenbahn glich.
Und pltzlich: der Lushan war nicht mehr sichtbar
Regen und Wolken im Diesseits gemischt.
Dem aufmerksamen Leser drfte nicht entgangen sein, dass die bersetzung
gegen Ende einen Tempuswechsel von der Gegenwarts- in eine Vergangenheitsform
vornimmt. Derartiges lsst sich anhand der grammatikalischen Struktur eines
Textes im klassischen Chinesisch nur selten nachweisen. Dennoch wurde der
Wechsel im Deutschen nicht etwa vorgenommen, um damit der bersetzung ein
bentigtes Reimwort (statt gleicht nun glich) zu schenken, sondern mit Blick
auf das Gedicht selbst. Die anschlieend expressis verbis enthaltene Pltzlichkeit
des Umschwunges in der Atmosphre, im Bewusstsein wird somit vorweg
genommen. Dadurch entzieht sich der Handlung jene Abruptheit des Umschwunges,
die das fast ausschlieliche gemeinsame Kennzeichen der meisten vorangegangenen
war (mit Ausnahme des hier nicht angefhrten Gedichtes 4). Das Hinschwinden
dieser Regelmigkeit wirkt allerdings innerhalb des Zyklus wiederum pltzlich. Die
ekstatischen Zerrbilder von Gedicht 12, die nichts als eine gedrngte Konzentration
ihrer Vorgnger in elf Gedichten waren, haben sich in einer vollkommen
gegenstzlichen Atmosphre aufgelst. In dieser gelangt der Zyklus durch noch
zwei weitere Gedichte an sein Ende, an dem das Ich endlich einen im Gebirge
verborgen lebenden Greis um weien Kleid, also einen in ein geistiges Privatleben
zurckgezogenen Literaten trifft, der ihm allerdings auch wiederum nicht sehr viel
mehr als die eigene Unvollkommenheit lehrt. Gleichwohl fhrt diese einzige wirklich
persnliche Begegnung des Reisenden zu einem harmonischen Schlussakkord des
Zyklus. Die Enttuschung, das Ziel verfehlt zu haben, ist dem Bewusstsein vertraut
geworden, sie gehrt zum Moment der Wiederholung innerhalb eines geistigen
Prozesses, mit dem Sinn und Verankerung des menschlichen Daseins in der Welt
hier poetisch beschrieben werden.
Sowohl zeitpolitische als auch religis-philosophische Elemente sind in den
Text des Zyklus gestreut, doch dieser entwickelt sich weder im Sinn eines religisen
Konzeptes noch im Dienst einer politischen Aussage. In sprbarem Abstand zu
poetischen Konventionen erreicht der Zyklus als lyrische Gesamtform bei Jiang Kui
einen beachtlich hohen Grad individueller knstlerischer Innovation, der seinerzeit
60 Orientlistika
ansonsten bestenfalls in den Literatenliedern (ci) angestrebt wurde. An ausgefallenen
Beispielen wie diesen zeigt sich das kreative Potential der von Konventionen und
pragmatischer Zweckgerichtetheit ansonsten stark durchdrungenen chinesischen
Literatursprache heute besonders deutlich. Unter den Werknachlssen hunderter, oft
kaum bekannter Dichter liegen daher nach wie vor reichliche Anreize fr moderne
literarische bersetzungen in westliche Sprachen und fr literaturwissenschaftliche
Interpretationen bereit.
Literatur
Frank Kraushaar: Das Werk des Dichters Jiang Kui (ca. 1155-1221), Hamburg 2005 (http://
www.sub.uni-hamburg.de/opus/volltexte/2005/2437/)
Shuen-fu Lin: The Transformation of the Chinese Lyrical Tradition. Chiang Kuei and
Southern Song Tzu-Poetry, Princeton 1979
Textgrundlage smtlicher bersetzungen von Texten Jiang Kuis: Jiang Kui: Bai shi dao ren
shi ji (in Gao Sixian u.a. Hsg.: Si bu bei yao), Taibei, Zhonghua Shuju, ohne Jahresangabe
Textgrundlage fr die bersetzung des Gedichtes von Meng Haoran: Yunwu Wang (Hg.): Meng
Haoran shi xuan zhu (in: Wan you wen ku hui yao), Taibei (ohne Jahresangabe) S. 49
Anmerkungen
1
S.o. S. 20f.
2
S.o. S. 21.
3
Die folgenden bersetzungen von Texten Jiang Kuis in das Deutsche stammen ausschlie-
lich von mir und weichen teilweise von den in meiner Dissertation von 1999 publizierten
Fassungen ab. Als Quelle der chinesischen Texte dient nach wie vor Jiang Kui: Bai shi dao
ren shi ji (in Gao Sixian u.a. Hsg.: Si bu bei yao), Taibei, Zhonghua Shuju, ohne Jahresangabe.
4
Vgl. Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer: Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur; Mnchen 1990, S. 40ff.
5
Vgl.
Kopsavilkums
is raksts ir nu jau gadiem ilg darba pie Dzjana Kuja (Jiang Kui apm. 11551221) msdiens
teju aizmirst dzejou cikla Dzejoi par kdreizjiem ceojumiem (Xi you shi) turpinjums.
is teksts bija mana maistra darba (tas tika pabeigts 1995. gad) galven tma, kuru es vlk
plak izvrsu sav disertcij, kas bija veltta dzejnieka dairadei. Vcu orientlistu dien
Hall 2004. gad es vlreiz izmantoju iespju izklstt daas domas, kas mani, prlasot os
piecpadsmit dzejous antk stil (gu shi), uzrunja arvien no jauna it k es btu atkljis
pavisam jaunu darbu. Kop bra mani prsvar nodarbina ainavu (shan-shui) raksturs un
priekstatu par apslpto (yin) attlojums atseviu dzejnieku darbos, kas dzejojui Tan un Sun
dinastiju laik. Lasot o liriku, man no jauna kuva skaidrs, cik oriinla un iespaidga ar
aj zi ir Dzjana Kuja ciklisk kompozcija. Tas pamudinja mani izstrdt plnu tlkm,
ilgstokm teksta studijm, kuru pamatdoma eit tiek formulta un skaidrota: cikls k
visaptveroa kopforma (Gesamtform), kas atbrvo dzejisko valodu no ts ieraduma un attsta
jauna veida ainavas un individuls pieredzes aprakstu dinamiku.
Raksta pirmaj da, saldzinot ciklu ar citiem tekstiem, tas tiek izdalts no prjiem dzejou
grupjumiem. Turpinjum izvltu vrsmu interpretcija ataino, k tlojuma suestvais spks
dzejoos tiek kombints ar dramatismu, kas izriet no dzejou maings noskaas. Tdjdi
rodas bagta un atsvaidzinoa potisk valoda, kda nas klasiskaj lirik ir reti sastopama.
Atslgvrdi: na, nieu literatra, lirika, Sun dinastija, Jiang Kui.
Suche nach Tradition und Gegenwart in der
zeitgenssischen chinesischen Lyrik am Beispiel von
Dichtungstheorie Yang Lians
Tradcijas mekljumi modernaj nieu lirik un to
atspoguojums Jana ana dzejas teorij
Ieva Haas
ieva@ieva.de
Diese Untersuchung beschftigt sich mit Yang Lian, einem Dichter der so genannten
Menglong-Gruppe, die whrend der achtziger Jahre in China als vorlufg letzte Avantgarde
der literarischen Erneuerung auftrat. Der Ausdruck Menglong stand dabei fr obskur,
zwielichtig und wurde sowohl von Mitgliedern und Anhngern der Gruppe als auch von deren
erklrten Gegnern, die meistens die von der kommunistischen Partei genehmigte und geforderte
literarische sthetik vertraten, auf den hermetischen Charakter der lyrischen Texte bezogen.
Die Menglong-Dichter waren vor allem auf der Suche nach wirksamen Ausdrucksformen in
der zeitgenssischen Dichtung vor dem Hintergrund einer gesellschaftlichen und politischen
Umwandlung, die nach der Kulturrevolution die ersten liberalisierenden Tendenzen gestattete.
Im Mittelpunkt stand dabei die Idee der Verbildlichung dem poetischen Bild (image) als
knstlerischem Verfahren muss der Vorrang gegenber zweckgerichteter Mitteilung, Lob
oder Kritik gelassen werden, wodurch sich meist mehrere Bedeutungsebenen und zahlreiche
Interpretationsmglichkeiten erffnen. Dazu werden Parallelen zu eher unorthodoxen
Vertretern der traditionellen Dichtung gezogen, um den neuen dichterischen Ausdruck zu
legitimieren.
Yang hat einen bedeutetenden Teil seines Werkes der Refexion ber lyrische Sprache
gewidmet. Dem Chinesischen misst er eine besondere Eignung zur Entfaltung lyrischer
Formen bei, die er ebenfalls aus den Wurzeln der klassischen Schriftsprache ableitet. In der
Auseinandersetzung mit Modernisten wie Ezra Pound und T.S. Eliot trachtet er nach einem
eigenen Standpunkt, von dem aus er gleichzeitig die Speziftt der modernen chinesischen Lyrik
gegenber westlichen Vorbildern und auch ihr noch unsicheres Verhltnis zur gebrochenen
Tradition zu begreifen sucht. Auf dieses Unternehmen will der Aufsatz aus dem nunmehrigen
Abstand ein kritisches Licht werfen, in dem die Notwendigkeit und die Schwierigkeit, eine
einmal mit Gewalt zerschlagene Tradition in das Leben zurck zu holen, klar werden.
Schlagworte: China Lyrik Post-Maoismus Obskure Dichtung Yang Lian.
Das Ende der Kulturrevolution im Jahr 1976 stellte sowohl fr die Gesellschaft,
als auch fr die Literatur Chinas einen interessanten Wendepunkt dar, dessen Dynamik
noch immer zahlreiche Untersuchungen hervorbringt. Der immer grer werdende
zeitliche Abstand zu den verschiedenen Strmungen der Literatur jener Zeit schafft
gnstige Voraussetzungen fr eine systematische Einordnung in die chinesische
Literaturgeschichte. Dafr sprechen die zahlreichen Untersuchungen zur Menglong-
Lyrik (menglongshi )
1
, welche in den achtziger Jahren die dichterische
Szene in China dominierte. Die Niederschlagung der Demokratiebewegung im
Juni 1989 bedeutete das Ende fr diese lyrische Strmung; eine Vielzahl ihrer
Vertreter, wie Bei Dao , Jiang He , Duo Duo und Yang Lian
62 Orientlistika
, verlieen China und leben seither im Exil. Groe Aufmerksamkeit wurde ihnen
von ffentlichkeit und Medien nach dem Massaker auf dem Tiananmen-Platz
geschenkt, zahlreiche bersetzungen ihrer Lyrik sind nun im Westen erschienen,
die sie zu den bekanntesten chinesischen Dichtern der Gegenwart werden lie. Der
folgende Aufsatz ist im Rahmen der Magisterarbeit Essays von Yang Lian (1955);
Zur theoretischen Fundierung des Dichtens im gegenwrtigen China entstanden.
Dabei wird hier ein wichtiger Aspekt der Lyriktheorie Yangs - Traditionsbewusstsein
des Dichters herausgegriffen und dessen Rolle im knstlerischen Schaffen der
Lyriker vor dem Hintergrund der literarischen Diskussion der damaligen Zeit
untersucht. In der neueren chinesischen Literaturgeschichte hat Yang Lian den
Namen eines Traditionalisten gewonnen. Die Hinwendung des Autors zum Thema
der Tradition erklrt sich unter anderem mit dem theoretischen Hintergrund der
Menglong-Bewegung, und innerhalb derer sein frhes Schaffen der achtziger Jahre
zu betrachten ist.
Hans Peter Hoffmann in seiner akribischen Untersuchung zur Menglong-
Lyrik kommt zum Ergebnis, dass sie sowohl unter anderem in den Traditionen der
chinesischen Klassik steht. Seine Erkenntnis fut auf einer sorgfltigen Beobachtung
der Menglong-Kontroverse in der chinesischen Literaturszene der achtziger Jahre,
in der verschiedene Positionen und Haltungen der neuen Strmung untersucht
werden. Einerseits decken sie eine grundstzliche Ablehnung einer Verbindung zur
traditionellen Dichtung aus dem Lager der Menglong-Gegner auf, die eine Meinung
der orthodoxen Literaturkritik vertreten. Einer ihrer zentralen Vorwrfe an die
Menglong-Lyrik war die Beeinfussung durch den westlichen Modernismus. Die
Befrworter suchten andererseits die neue lyrische Strmung durch die klassische
Tradition zu legitimieren, wobei sie den Einfuss des westlichen Modernismus nicht
leugneten. Eine besondere Verwandtschaft zur Menglong-Lyrik wurde der Dichtung
Li Hes (790-816) und der Li Shangyins (813-816) zugesprochen, die
sowohl auf die sthetische Funktion der Sprache, als auch auf die Mehrdeutigkeit
der inhaltlichen Interpretationen dieser Lyrik zurckgefhrt wurde.
2
Fr ein Hin-und Hergerissensein (zwischen eigener Tradition und den Tendenzen
der westlichen Lyrik) in der theoretischen Zielsetzung der jungen Menglong-Gruppe
spricht z.B. das Menglong Manifest von Hong Huang mit dem Titel Die neue
Dichtung ein Wendepunkt?
3
. Demzufolge darf die Neue Lyrik nicht nur auf eine
Nachahmung der literarischen Tendenzen des Westens reduziert werden, sondern sie
muss aus der traditionellen chinesischen Dichtung lernen:
Wir sollten die bildliche Tradition der chinesischen Dichtung
wieder aufeben lassen, was Hulme
4
visuelle, konkrete Sprache
nannte und uere Logik und Syntax als die einzige Quelle
des lyrischen Schaffens bekmpfen. Wir sollten die vielen
Bedeutungsebenen, die Vieldeutigkeit wieder aufeben lassen, was
ein Teil der Tradition der klassischen poetischen Sprache ist.
Wir mssen die suggestive Kraft aufeben lassen, die traditionell
mit dem chinesischen Konzept der Lyrik assoziiert wird. Dieses
mag mit der zeitgenssischen westlichen Lyrik bereinstimmen.
Doch dies ist sicherlich keine Anbetung und keine Unterwerfung
vor auslndischen Dingen.
5
Dieser Text bietet ein Beispiel fr die Hinwendung der neuen Lyriker zur
Tradition, mit dem Ziel, neue poetische Ausdrucksmittel zu fnden. Besondere
Ieva Haas. Suche nach Tradition und Gegenwart in der zeitgenssischen chinesischen .. 63
Qualitten der klassischen Lyrik werden hier betont, die ihre dauerhafte Gre
ausmachen. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei das traditionelle knstlerische Verfahren
der Bildlichkeit, das mehrdimensionale Interpretationen erlaubt. Hong Huang weist
darauf hin, dass, was die traditionellen Elemente der neuen Lyrik betrifft, es dabei
nicht um eine bernahme der Prosodie der klassischen Dichtung ankommt, sondern
es sollen Bilder geschaffen werden, die mehrere Bedeutungsebenen beinhalten und
dadurch uneingeschrnkte Interpretationsmglichkeiten erffnen. Diese Eigenschaft
der traditionellen Dichtung stellt laut Hong Huang den Kern des poetischen Konzeptes
dar. Demzufolge sollen an erster Stelle nicht die formalen Elemente wie z.B. die
prosodischen Regeln bernommen werden, sondern die Idee der Verbildlichung das
poetische Bild (engl. image) wird im Mittelpunkt als neue Tendenz prsentiert, was
genau die frher verleugnete und gefrchtete Mehrdeutigkeit der Gedanken schaffen
soll. Dadurch soll die suggestive Kraft der Dichtung, die in den letzten Jahrzehnten
verloren gegangen war, zurck gewonnen werden. Interessanterweise werden den
groen Namen der klassischen Dichtung wie Du Fu (712-770) oder Ouyang
Xiu (1007-1072) die des Imagismus gegenbergestellt - Hulme, Whitman
(1819-1892), Pound (1885-1972). Weiter heit es:
Das groartige Erbe der stlichen klassischen Malerei, Drama
und Dichtung hat die modernen Knste des Westens beeinfusst.
Gleichermaen knnen wir durch das Beispiel der modernen
Knste der westlichen Welt den wahren Wert unserer eigenen
knstlerischen Tradition besser verstehen.
6

Hier kommt ein beliebtes Thema mancher chinesischen Autoren zur Sprache,
nmlich, der Einfuss Chinas auf die moderne Lyrik Englands und Amerikas, auf die
damals am Anfang des letzten Jahrhunderts entstehende Stilrichtung des Imagismus.
Diese von Ezra Pound gegrndete Stilrichtung war durch Abwendung von der
konventionellen Tradition und von neuem Formstreben gekennzeichnet.
7
Eines ihrer
zentralen stilistischen Verfahren, das auf dem Bild als erschlieender Grundmetapher
fut, verdankt seinen Ursprung der klassischen chinesischen Dichtung. In der
Kontroverse der Menglong-Lyrik wird auf diesen Zusammenhang gerne hingewiesen,
um den Vorwrfen wegen der fremden Einfsse entgegenzutreten. Denn aus dem
Hinweis auf die Verbindung Pounds zu China ginge hervor, dass die eigentliche
Quelle des Imagismus die traditionelle Lyrik Chinas ist. Dadurch wird die eigene
lyrische Tradition zum Vorbild der neuen Menglong-Dichtung in China. Auch in
einigen Aufstzen der Menglong-Lyriker fnden sich Namen der Imagisten wie
Whitman oder Pound, was wenn nicht auf einen Einfuss deutet, so doch sicherlich
fr eine Auseinandersetzung mit ihren Ideen spricht.
Als die herausragende Botschaft des Manifests tritt der Wunsch in den
Vordergrund, sowohl die Gedanken der Modernisten zu absorbieren, als auch sich
zu bestimmten Elementen der traditionellen Dichtung zu bekennen. Dieser Griff in
die Schatztruhe der dichterischen Vergangenheit Chinas und die Bewunderung der
Tendenzen des westlichen Imagismus sollen idealerweise miteinander kombiniert
werden, um eine neue Dichtung der neuen chinesischen Generation
8
zu schaffen.
Das Thema der Tradition nahm also in der literarischen Debatte Ende der
siebziger und Anfang der achtziger Jahre in China eine wichtige Stellung ein.
Dies resultierte aus dem gemilderten politischen Klima nach dem Untergang der
Viererbande, welches den Dichtern neue Mglichkeiten des Ausdrucks und damit
auch der Inhalte erffnete. Die Lyrik der damaligen Zeit, obwohl nach neuen
64 Orientlistika
knstlerischen Verfahren suchend, blieb jedoch der Politik verhaftet,
9
da die
Bewltigung der Vergangenheit (Kulturrevolution) immer noch den bedeutendsten
Gegenstand der Dichtung darstellte. Die Vorwrfe des Anti-Traditionalismus aus den
Reihen der orthodoxen Kritikern intensivierten nur die Beschftigung der Literaten
sowohl mit der unmittelbaren Vergangenheit, als auch ihre Auseinandersetzung mit
der Tradition generell.
Mit seinem Aufsatz Tradition und wir (Chuantong yu women )
von 1983 involviert sich Yang Lian in diese damals aktuelle Debatte.
10
In seiner
pathetischen Ausdrucksweise hnelt der Aufsatz einem Manifest, und auch inhaltlich
wird hier ein gemeinsamer Anhaltspunkt sichtbar, nmlich, mit dem Gedanken Hong
Huangs von der Vereinbarung der Tradition mit dem Inhalt des modernen Lebens.
11

Yang Lian teilt in seinem Aufsatz weder die Haltung des Antitraditionalismus, noch
stimmt er einer bermigen Nachahmung der westlichen Einfsse zu, die einen
seiner Meinung nach zum unbeholfenen Gefangenen der anderen Tradition macht.
Des Weiteren enthlle eine nur uerliche Zuneigung zur Tradition ihre wahre Gre
nicht. Vielmehr sieht er die Zukunft des kreativen Dichtens in einer Verschmelzung
der beiden Elemente. Auf die rhetorische Frage was ist das, was wir heute aufbauen
mssen, folgt die Antwort:
Wir mssen eine neue Synthese durchfhren Die Macht und
das innere Leben der Dichtung stammen aus der Ansammlung
der komplexen Erfahrungen der Menschheit. Die Fortsetzung der
lyrischen Tradition soll nur aufgrund der organischen Aufnahme
solcher Werke eine Wandlung gewinnen, welche voll und ganz
innovativen Gehalt innehaben.
12
Dabei sollen die Dinge aus der Geschichte, die uns ansprechen, aufs Neue
entdeckt, ausgegraben und etabliert werden. Aus den verworren komplexen
Quellen muss der innere Kern herauskristallisiert werden, der bis heute noch
machtvoll und lebendig sei. Yang Lians Suche nach der Kreativitt des Dichters
fhrt ihn in die chinesische Vergangenheit. Yang sucht nach der Tradition, die
fr den Leser seines Textes schwer defnierbar erscheint. Er sieht die Tradition
als etwas, das auf eine besondere Weise fr das Empfnden, das Denken und den
Ausdruck eines Menschen bestimmend ist. Fr ihn ist sie etwas, was wir in jedem
kreativen Schaffensprozess eines Kunstwerkes befolgen. Demnach will Yang Lian
die Kreativitt eines Knstlers in der direkten Verbindung mit der Tradition sehen.
Er glaubt:
dass kein kreatives Schaffen eines Menschen die
Tradition, der er sich zugehrig fhlt, verrt. Entweder bewusst
oder unbewusst, jeder Knstler ist in seiner individuellen
Ausformung
13
(danyuan moshi ) mehr oder weniger mit
den innewohnenden Faktoren (neizai yinsu ) seiner
Tradition durchtrnkt. Das ist die Voraussetzung seiner eigenen
Existenz. Die Tradition sollte als eine Folge der individuellen
Ausformungen erfasst werden, die untereinander unabhngig,
jedoch von den immanenten Faktoren durchdrungen ist.
14
Zwei Begriffe erscheinen Yang Lian wichtig, mit Hilfe derer er die Frage
der Tradition untersuchen will: die inneren Faktoren und die individuelle
Ausformung. Mit dem Begriff der inneren Faktoren sollen die Elemente
der Tradition verstanden werden, die nach dem Ablegen der rein ueren
Merkmale der Tradition nach wie vor die Tradition konstituieren. Der Begriff
des individuellen Beitrags deutet dagegen auf die Stilrichtungen in der Kunst,
in denen die unterschiedlichsten Faktoren verschmolzen sind, die sich aus dem
Beitrag der verschiedenen Epochen und verschiedener Autoren ergeben. Mit dieser
Begriffsklrung legt Yang Lian zwei zentrale Elemente seines Traditionskonzeptes
dar. Die inneren Faktoren der Tradition, die einerseits fr das gesamte geistige
Erbe der Vergangenheit Chinas stehen knnen, und andererseits die individuelle
Ausformung eines jeden Einzelnen, die sich direkt auf die Knstlerpersnlichkeit
selbst bezieht. Damit schafft Yang Lian die Gegenberstellung der Tradition und des
Knstlers, in der die gegenseitige Einfussnahme zu einer Existenzvoraussetzung der
beiden wird. Denn die Tradition, wie oben defniert, wird von Yang Lian als eine
Folge der individuellen Ausformungen gesehen, das heit, sie bentigt das kreative
Schaffen der Individuen. Ein Knstler dagegen ist auf Kreativitt angewiesen, die,
seiner Meinung nach, ohne die Tradition undenkbar ist.
Wie seine Kollegen aus der Menglong-Bewegung ist auch Yang Lian darum
bemht, neue Richtlinien der modernen chinesischen Lyrik zu fnden. Neben dem
Traditionsbewusstsein eines Dichters fordert Yang, einen kritischen Geist zu
entwickeln, vor allem sich selbst gegenber:
Das Leben eines Dichters sollte ein Leben der eigenen
Selbst-Erneuerung sein, ein Leben ohne Angst davor, das alte
Gleichgewicht zu zerstren, und ein Leben mit einem andauernden
Streben nach einem neuen Gleichgewicht auf einer hheren Ebene.
Der kritische Geist ist die Voraussetzung der Schpfung, die
Selbst-Erneuerung ist die Notwendigkeit der Kreativitt.
15
Auf diese Weise betont er die Individualitt des Knstlers und verweist zugleich
auf die unentbehrliche Prsenz der individuellen Ausformung. Der Knstler sollte
auf den Prozess seiner eigenen Entwicklung achten, ohne den eine Kreativitt
nicht mglich sein kann. Die Kritikfhigkeit soll helfen, das eigene knstlerische
Schaffen zu prfen, um eine Selbst-Wiederholung zu verhindern, was fr Yang Lian
ein sehr wichtiger Aspekt der Kreativitt ist. In einem spteren Interview betont
er, sich in seinen Werken noch nie wiederholt zu haben
16
- dies erscheint durchaus
fragwrdig - was die Annahme besttigt, dass eine Wiederholung in der Kunst, laut
seiner Selbsterneuerungs-Gedanken, einem literarischen Versagen gleich kme.
Die Gedanken der Kreativitt und der Selbsterneuerung sind ebenfalls vor dem
Hintergrund der erklrten Bedeutung der Tradition zu sehen, was auch seine Worte
am Schluss des Aufsatzes belegen:
Tradition, ist eine immerwhrende Gegenwart. Sie zu
missachten, hiee sich selbst missachten; die inneren Faktoren
zu erschlieen und sie mit unserer Dichtung verschmelzen zu
lassen, die Tradition mit unserem Schaffen zu bereichern, damit
die Poesie selbst ihr lyrisches Gemt und Macht erlangt - Dies soll
zum Ausgangspunkt unserer Kreativitt und unserer Kritik werden.
In jedem Zeitalter sucht sich die Tradition einige Dichter aus, die
sie kennzeichnen und symbolisieren. In der Tat, wir sind uns dieser
Ehre bewusst geworden.
17
66 Orientlistika
Als Aufgabe, ja als Mission eines Knstlers, sieht hier Yang Lian die
Aufrechterhaltung der Bindung zu den innewohnenden Elementen der Tradition.
Die individuellen, inneren Merkmale einer knstlerischen Persnlichkeit sollen in
einer ununterbrochenen Wechselwirkung zu den Elementen der Tradition stehen.
Eine weitere Aussage spricht dafr, dass die Kunst auf die Haupttendenz ausgerichtet
sei, die zwangslufg gleichzeitig das Individuum und die gesamte Tradition
verkrpert.
18
Zusammengefasst schaffen die Gedanken Yangs eine Vorstellung
von einem Kreislauf der verschiedenen Elemente, die in einer dynamischen
Wechselwirkung zu einander stehen.
K. H. Pohl verweist in seinem Vorwort zu Yang Lians Gedichtband Pilgerfahrt
auf einen Einfuss T. S. Eliots in seiner Suche nach der Tradition.
19
Tatschlich sind
hier gewisse Parallelen zu Eliots Theorie der Tradition
20
zu entdecken. Insbesondere
kann hier der Vergleich zu seinem Begriff des Geschichtsbewusstseins (historical
sense) im Essay vom Jahr 1919 Tradition und individuelle Begabung gezogen
werden. Eliot schreibt:
Zu ihr gehrt in erster Linie das Bewusstsein fr die
Geschichte, das wir nahezu unerlsslich nennen knnen fr jeden,
der ber sein 25. Lebensjahr hinaus noch ein Dichter sein mchte;
und zum Geschichtsbewusstsein gehrt eine Wahrnehmung nicht
nur vom Vorbersein der Vergangenheit, sondern auch von ihrer
Gegenwrtigkeit; Bewusstsein fr die Geschichte zwingt einen
zu einem Schreiben nicht nur mit der eigenen Generation in den
Knochen, sondern mit einem Gefhl dafr, dass die gesamte
Literatur Europas von Homer an und darin die gesamte Literatur
seines eigenen Landes eine gleichzeitige Existenz hat und sich in eine
simultane Ordnung zusammenfgt. Dieses Geschichtsbewusstsein,
welches ein Bewusstsein ist des Zeitlosen und des Zeitlichen sowie
des Zeitlosen und des Zeitlichen zusammen, ist das, was einen
traditionellen Schriftsteller ausmacht. Und es ist gleichzeitig das,
was einen Schriftsteller am schrfsten sich bewusst sein lsst seines
Ortes und seiner Zeit, seiner eigenen Gleichzeitigkeit.
21
Das Geschichtsbewusstsein Eliots ist mit einer simultanen Ordnung
verbunden, in der der Dichter gezwungen ist, die ganze literarische Tradition Europas
wahrzunehmen und zu einem Teil dieser Ordnung zu werden. Yang Lians Begriff
des Empfndens der Geschichte (lishi gan ) beinhaltet hnliche Gedanken:
Die Tradition zu betonen heit das Empfnden der Geschichte
zu betonen. Auch wenn diese Maxime schon seit langem bekannt
ist, in einer kreativen Weise ist sie leider noch nicht im vollen Mae
zur Geltung gekommen. Betont man eine klare Erkenntnis dessen,
welche unterschiedlichen Elemente beibehalten oder aufgehoben
mssen, so bedeutet es eigentlich die Gegenwart zu betonen.
22
Yang misst der Tradition gleichermaen viel Bedeutung zu und sieht sie als
Voraussetzung fr das knstlerische Schaffen. Unterschiede ergeben sich jedoch in der
Auffassung von der Rolle des Dichters. Yang, wie oben gezeigt, legt groen Wert auf
die Individualitt des Dichters, auf die individuelle Ausformung jedes einzelnen in
der Wechselwirkung mit Tradition. Fr Eliot dagegen fndet eine Selbst-Opferung,
ein kontinuierliches Auslschen der Persnlichkeit in der Relation zur Tradition
statt.
23
Es muss von einem Dichter verlangt werden, dass er sein Bewusstsein fr die
Geschichte entwickelt oder erlangt, dabei wird aber seine Persnlichkeit gegenber
der Gre der Tradition bis zum uersten relativiert, bis sie bedeutungslos wird:
Was da geschieht ist eine stndige Preisgabe seiner selbst wie er im Augenblick
ist an etwas, das wertvoller ist. Das Voranschreiten eines Knstlers ist eine stndige
Selbst-Opferung, ein stndiges Auslschen der Persnlichkeit.
24
Eliot in diesem
Essay bringt seine berzeugung zum Ausdruck, dass der Dichter nicht die eigene
Persnlichkeit ausdrucken sollte, sondern ber ein bestimmtes Medium Eindrcke
und Erfahrungen erzeugen sollte, die fr das Leben des konkreten Dichters, des
Autors mglicherweise gar keine Rolle spielen. In diesem Sinne hat auch das
individuelle Entdecken der Tradition, wie Yang es betont, keine Bedeutung fr das
knstlerische Schaffen.
Der Einblick in den Aufsatz Tradition und wir sollte die Anfangsphase
der Auseinandersetzung Yang Lians mit der Tradition schildern. Der hymnische
Charakter des Aufsatzes und besonders der Schlusssatz, in dem Yang sich die
Rolle des Auserwhlten zuweist, der die Tradition zu vertreten hat, sprechen dafr,
dass er die Bezeichnung eines traditionellen Dichters, die ihm zugewiesen wurde,
als angemessen ansieht. Die Traditionsbezogenheit seiner Lyriktheorie bildet die
wichtigste Grundlage fr seine weiteren Gedanken und Konzepte, die in seinen
spter im Exil geschriebenen Essays vorgestellt werden, da er seine Kreativitt in
einem Abhngigkeitsverhltnis zur Tradition sieht.
Eine Begriffsklrung scheint nicht die eigentliche Intention des Aufsatzes
Tradition und Wir zu sein, viel mehr kann dieser Text als ein Selbstausdruck
betrachtet werden, der seine pro-traditionelle Haltung bezeugen soll. Der pathetische
Ton, der eine appellative Wirkung auf den Leser ausbt, sowie die berladenheit an
rhetorischen Ausdrcken schwinden in den folgenden Jahren im Ausland. Das Thema
der Tradition bleibt aber in seinen weiteren Essays unumgnglich. Dieses kann mit
einem neuen Leben in der Fremde, einem Wechsel des vertrauten Kulturkreises erklrt
werden. Die Distanz zur Heimat, zur eigenen Tradition zwingen geradezu, das Thema
in einem neuen Licht zu betrachten und es mit anderen, neuen Themen zu verbinden.
Ein reprsentatives Beispiel ist der 14 Jahre spter geschriebene Essay Konzentrische
Kreise (tong xin yuan ). Hier greift Yang das Thema der Tradition wieder
auf und ordnet es den wichtigsten Fragen des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts zu.
27
Der
Themenkreis der Tradition und der Moderne wird fr ihn zu einem der zentralen
Fragestellungen der zeitgenssischen chinesischen Lyrik. Ein besonderes Empfnden
(tebie ganshou ) und Verstndnis der Tradition soll fr jeden einzelnen
als Voraussetzung zum Erfassen des Modernen werden. Hier stellt sich die Frage,
was das fr ein besonderes Empfnden ist, was Yang Lian meint, und wie er sein
Verstndnis der Tradition in der Fremde zum Ausdruck bringt.
Um dem Leser eine Vorstellung von diesem Empfnden zu vermitteln, schildert
Yang seinen Lesern eine poetische Episode aus seiner Vergangenheit als Beispiel.
Sie erzhlt von seiner Erfahrung whrend der Kulturrevolution, als er aufs Land
geschickt wurde und auf dem Friedhof als Bestatter arbeitete. Diese Geschichte
aus seinem Leben muss zu einem seiner wichtigsten Erlebnisse gezhlt werden, da
sie vom ihm in seinen Essays sehr oft als eine einzigartige Offenbarung dargestellt
wird, durch die sich sein besonderes Empfnden fr die Tradition erschlieen lsst.
Whrend seines Einsatzes als Bestatter in der Kulturrevolution erfuhr Yang von
anderen Jugendlichen aus den umliegenden Drfern, dass sie auf die gleiche Weise
wie er die Begrbnisriten ausfhren. Diese bestehen unter anderen darin, dass die
68 Orientlistika
Toten mit den Kpfen Richtung Westen beerdigt werden. Dieses Phnomen htte er
merkwrdig gefunden, doch ging er dem nicht weiter nach. Spter, im Jahr 1980, als
er Xi`an und die neolithische Ausgrabungssttte Banpo besuchte, las er zufllig
in einem Reisefhrer einige Zeilen, die ihn zutiefst erschtterten. Er erfuhr bei der
Lektre, dass die damals beobachteten Begrbnisriten seit bereits sechstausend
Jahren bestehen, da sie von Generation zu Generation weiter gegeben werden. Diese
unerwartete Erklrung kommt einer Offenbarung gleich, in der die Vergangenheit
des eigenen Landes und Volkes, die eigene Zugehrigkeit zu ihnen, urpltzlich dem
Dichter ins Bewusstsein dringen. Der Friedhof wird dabei zu einem Ort, an dem die
Gegenwart durch den Tod zur Vergangenheit wird. Die Grber bewahren nicht nur
die menschlichen berreste, sondern auch die Schtze der gesamten chinesischen
Zivilisation, die im Laufe der Geschichte entstanden sind. Yang als Bestatter fhlt
sich an diesem Prozess der Wandlung unmittelbar beteiligt, so dass die Fragen nach
der eigenen Identitt und Befndlichkeit aufs neue gestellt werden.
Die Geschichte hat ihn durch die berlieferung der Begrbnisriten eingeholt,
indem er sich die selbst die Frage stellt, ob er die Srge mit den Toten trgt, oder
ob das die Toten sind die symbolisch fr die gesamte Vergangenheit stehen und ihn
selbst tragen. Diese entscheidende Erfahrung whrend der Kulturrevolution stellt
eine unvermeidliche Begegnung mit den traditionellen Bestattungssitten und dem
Phnomen des Sterbens dar, was zur Formulierung des Begriffes der lebendigen
Tradition (huo chuantong ) beigetragen hat. Diese Vorstellung beinhaltet eine
Gegenwrtigkeit der Tradition in jedem einzelnen Menschen heute. Sie hat jedoch
nicht nur mit den uerlich sichtbaren Elementen der Tradition, wie in diesem Fall
den Bestattungssitten, zu tun. Die lebendige Tradition, die ein Eigenleben weiter
im Inneren eines jeden Menschen fhrt, gleicht eher einem Gefhl, das aus dem
Geschichtsbewusstsein entsteht, welches die lange Vergangenheit Chinas umfasst
und der eigenen Identifzierung mit seinem Volk ermglicht. Der Moment, als Yang
das Gerusch in den Srgen wahrnahm, hat fr ihn eine direkte Verbindung von
seiner eigenen Persnlichkeit, seinem Selbst, zu der Vergangenheit und der Tradition
hergestellt. Da diese Erzhlung in kaum einem seiner Essays fehlt, ist die Bedeutung
dieses konkreten Ereignisses fr Yang nicht zu unterschtzen. So meint er, dass er
das Gerusch der Totenschdel whrend seiner Arbeit als Bestatter nicht auf die oben
beschriebene Weise wahrgenommen htte, wrde das Banpo fr ihn nur ein Wort,
eine alte Legende (Mythos) bedeuten.
28
Die innere Verbindung, die er aus diesem
konkreten Zufall versprt, unterstreicht den emotionalen Aspekt seiner Auffassung
von Tradition, sie deutet auf ein Gefhl hin.
Fr Yang rckt somit die Individualitt des Dichters in den Vordergrund und
gewinnt immer mehr an Bedeutung in der Auseinandersetzung mit der Tradition. Es
ist das Selbst des Dichters, was in dem Werk zum Vorschein kommt. Sobald er aus
dem Inneren heraus mit seinem Schreiben die Befndlichkeit (chujing ) des
Menschen berhrt, wird er selbst zu einer lebendigen, kleinen Tradition. In diesem
Sinne sagt Yang: auf diese Weise befnden sich Qu Yuan, Li Bo, Cao Xueqin und
die fnftausend Jahre nur auerhalb meines Inneren: Sie sind das Vergangene, aber
nicht die Gegenwart, sie sind das Wissen, aber nicht das Denken.
29
Die Aufgabe fr
den Dichter besteht also darin, die Vergangenheit zu verinnerlichen und sie nicht
nur durch die uere Erscheinung der Tradition zu beschreiben. Daher bedeuten in
diesem Fall die konkreten Namen nichts mehr. Vielmehr ist es ihr geistiger Beitrag,
der fortwhrend auf die nachfolgenden Generationen Einfuss ausbt. Das sind
gem Yangs Terminologie die inneren Faktoren (neizai yinsu) der Tradition,
die auf dem ersten Blick nicht uerlich sichtbar sind, aber einen wichtigen Teil
in der Gesamtheit der Tradition ausmachen. Genauso verhlt es sich mit einem
Dichter heute, der durch seinen individuellen Beitrag oder seiner individuellen
Ausformung, was den inneren Faktor der Tradition bildet, um Yangs Worte zu
benutzen, zu einer kleinen Tradition wird:
Die Heimat, Muttersprache, Tradition wir glauben a
priori dem untergeordnet zu sein, aber im Grunde genommen
sind sie gerade uns untergeordnet. Ein Dichter sucht nicht nach
den Wurzeln, er selbst ist der Ursprung, eine Quelle, ein Banpo
Mensch, der beim Streicheln der Erde eine Schwingung fndet.
Und ein Gedicht, auch wenn es auf dem Computer geschrieben ist,
entspricht nichtsdestotrotz dem Steinzeitalter der Kultur.
30
Damit erklrt sich seine Auffassung vom Dichter, wonach der Dichter keiner ist,
der nach den Wurzeln sucht, sondern er selbst ist der Ausgangspunkt dieser Suche.
Ohne ihn kann die Tradition nicht am Leben erhalten bleiben, denn sie muss durch
das Individuum heute refektiert werden und mittels weiterer individuellen Beitrge
erhalten werden.
Aus dem Erlebnis auf dem Friedhof ist auch das Gedicht Letztes Geleit
31

(Songzang xinglie ) entstanden, in dem jede Zeile nur aus einer Frage
besteht. Der abschlieende Abschnitt des Essays Konzentrische Kreise enthlt
eine Anspielung auf dieses Gedicht. Darin heit es, dass es keine Antwort darauf
gbe, wie die Tradition erneut entdeckt werden muss. Der Weg zu dieser Entdeckung
soll fr jeden einzigartig und individuell sein. Daher kann eine Antwort nur durch
weiteres Befragen erfolgen.
32
Mit diesem Gedicht zeigt Yang Lian wieder die Treue
zu seinem Vorbild Qu Yuan, den er in seinen Essays zum Dichterideal erhoben hat.
33

Das Qu Yuan zugeschriebenes Gedicht Himmelsfragen (Tianwen)
34
, das
ebenso nur aus Fragen besteht, diente Yang wohl als Inspirationsquelle. Auer dieser
ueren Form gibt es jedoch keinerlei inhaltliche oder stilistische Gemeinsamkeit.
Wenn wir aber David Hawkes Vermutung Glauben schenken drfen, wonach es sich
bei Qu Yuans Gedicht nicht um Fragen handelt, die nach einer Antwort verlangen,
wirkt diese von Yang geschaffene Parallele unglaubwrdig.
35
Hawks vertritt nmlich,
die Meinung, dass der Autor des Gedichtes
36
die Antwort auf seine Fragen in den
meisten Fllen wusste, und damit erfllten sie gar nicht die Absicht, eine Antwort
zu bekommen. Er uert die Vermutung, dass die Fragen, keine normalen Fragen
waren, sondern Rtsel, die mglicherweise mit einer Absicht der Unterhaltung
geschrieben wurden.
37
Insofern ist Yangs These von Fragen als eine Art Antwort
als Beispiel sehr schwer greifbar, da berhaupt keine Klarheit darin besteht, worauf
diese Antwort erwartet wird.
In seinem Essay Tradition und wir stellt Yang Lian den Begriff der Tradition
konsequent dem der Gegenwart gegenber, wobei er betont, dass die beide Begriffe
nicht als Gegenstze, sondern als sich komplimentierende Elemente zu betrachten
sind. Seit dem Exil erweitert Yang Lian das Themenspektrum in seinen Schriften, in
dem er den Begriff des Modernen in seine berlegungen einbezieht. Obwohl noch
etwas episodisch, wird in Konzentrischen Kreisen die Frage nach der Moderne und
was als etwas Modernes zu gelten hat aufgeworfen.
38
Yang schafft hier eine weitere
Gegenberstellung Tradition und Moderne, die seiner Auffassung nach, genauso
wie Gegenwart und Vergangenheit, sich gegenseitig ergnzen. Aus diesem Essay
wird dem Leser nicht ganz klar, wie Yang den Begriff der Moderne defniert. Wir
70 Orientlistika
erfahren nur, dass Yang Tradition als Voraussetzung dafr sieht. Weiter argumentiert
er, dass etwas heute, also in der Gegenwart zu verfassen, nicht bedeute, etwas
Modernes zu schreiben.
39
Daraus wird klar, dass das Moderne als Begriff fr
Yang keinen zeitlichen Rahmen umfasst. Um nher an die Bedeutung des Modernen
in Yangs Auffassung zu gelangen, hilft seine Erklrung im Essay Das Meer des
Odysseus, wo er den Aspekt der Zeitlosigkeit anspricht:
Moderne heit ja keineswegs jetzt, genauso wie Tradition
nicht mit Vergangenheit gleichzusetzen ist. Es geht hier nicht um
Vorstellungen von Zeit, sondern um die unterschiedlichen Ebenen
des Denkens: Diese Begriffe stehen nicht im Gegensatz zueinander,
sondern bedingen einander und schlieen einander ein. Eine
lebendige und offene Tradition muss ganz natrlich auf dem Ich
und damit auf das Moderne fuen.
40
Hier entsteht ein hnlicher Kreis wie in seinem frhen Aufsatz Tradition und
wir. Indem Yang die gegenseitige Bedingtheit der Elemente als Voraussetzung betont,
wird das Moderne dabei durch die Tradition defniert. Weiter greift Yang abermals
den individuellen Aspekt einer Person auf, das Ich, was hier einen Anhaltspunkt
zum Erfassen seiner Idee von dem, was als das Moderne bezeichnet werden soll.
Im Essay Drei Symmetrien der zeitgenssischen chinesischen Dichtung tritt diese
Gegenberstellung als erstes Spiegelbild auf, dort heit es:
Innerhalb einer aufs Neue entdeckten Tradition das heit,
eine lebendige Tradition - muss das Selbst (eine Voraussetzung
der Modernitt [xiandaixing]) Fundament und Kraftquelle
bilden; und falls das geistige Horizont irgendeines Dichters die
Unvollstndigkeit und Flachheit vermeiden will, muss er die
Ebene, auf der er tief und wiederholt ber die Tradition nachdenkt,
miteinbeziehen. Die Lsung von der Verwirrung der Gegenstze,
zweier Ausdrcke - der Tradition und des Modernen weist auf
dasselbe eigene Bewusstsein hin. Dieses bildet das erste Spiegelbild
der chinesischen zeitgenssischen Dichtung.
41

Hier wird Yang konkreter, indem er nicht nur von einer gegenseitigen Ergnzung
der beiden spricht, sondern auf einen wichtigen Untersuchungsgegenstand der Moderne
hinweist, nmlich auf das Selbst. Oben wurde schon die Rolle der Individualitt des
Dichters im Zusammenhang mit der individuellen Ausformung einer Persnlichkeit
innerhalb der Tradition nher beleuchtet, hier wird das Selbst im Denken Yangs
ebenso wie die Tradition zu einer weiteren Voraussetzung des Modernen.
ber die Moderne diskutiert Yang auch in seinem Gesprch Was hat uns das
Exil gebracht? mit Gao Xingjian im Jahre 1993. Die Umrisse seiner berlegungen
zur Moderne werden hier klarer, da der Begriff konkret auf den Bereich der Literatur
angewandt wird. Interessanterweise wird er hier nicht, wie in den brigen Essays, der
Tradition gegenbergestellt. Die Suche nach den Fragestellungen der Moderne fhrt
hier zur Diskussion von Inhalt und Form, was eng mit dem Problem des Strebens
nach dem Neuen verbunden ist. Sowohl Yang als auch Gao verurteilen hier generell
die dringende Suche nach neuen literarischen Formen, weil dabei ihrer Auffassung
nach die Fragen nach dem Inhalt vernachlssigt werden. Auf die Menglong-Bewegung
zurckblickend fnden sie aber solches Bestreben gerechtfertigt, da die Zwnge des
sozialistischen Realismus den neuen Inhalten, denen die Menglong-Lyrik sich damals
verpfichtet sah, keine Ausdrucksmglichkeit mehr baten. Im Laufe des Gesprchs
ergibt sich hieraus die Frage, ob die Moderne mit neuer Form gleichzusetzen sei,
was fr Yang den Kern des Problems darstellt. Da Yang mehrmals in seinen Essays
die Abneigung dem Neuen gegenber betont, ist die Antwort klar, dass es fr
die Moderne zu keinem Mastab werden kann. Das Neue gleicht fr Yang dem
Mll, der berall ist.
42
In Konzentrischen Kreisen etwa ist es der Aberglaube des
zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts an die Revolution der Form.
43
Er vertraut dem Neuen
nicht, denn es bestehe aus dem Trugbild der zeitlichen Illusion.
44
Dem entgegen
setzt Yang die Vorstellung von Tiefe. Er glaubt, dass es zum Inneren eines Menschen
fhre. Im Gesprch kommen sie zum Ergebnis, dass eine weitere Kernfrage der
Moderne sich auf das Selbst eines Menschen bezieht.
45
Yang ist der Auffassung,
dass die Moderne etwas Unvernderliches zum Vorschein bringt, etwas, das
mit grundlegenden Strukturen und Fragen der Menschheit zu tun hat, die in ihrem
inneren Wesen ber Jahrtausende hinweg hnlich sind, aber nur mit unterschiedlichen
Ausdrucksweisen verbunden waren. Dadurch verliert das Neue mit seiner ueren
Form an Gewicht, und das Selbst eines Menschen tritt in den Vordergrund, wo er
mit seiner eigenen Art einen ganz individuellen literarischen Ausdruck schaffen soll,
der die Selbsterkenntnis eines jeden Autors frdert. Abschlieend fasst Yang Moderne
als einen Begriff der geistigen Struktur zusammen:
Moderne ist kein Zeitbegriff, sondern ein Begriff geistiger
Struktur, ein Merkmal fr eine Vertiefung des Denkens. Der Begriff
modern fhrt leicht zu dem Missverstndnis, er habe lediglich
eine zeitbezogene Bedeutung, so wie Vergangenheit, Gegenwart
und Zukunft; man hlt die Moderne sehr leicht lediglich fr einen
gewissen Abschnitt des Zeitfadens. Die Moderne hat auch natrlich
diese Bedeutung, doch von der Struktur des menschlichen Geistes
her ist sie viel eher eine organische Schichtung: vom Menschen als
einem Paralipomenon zum Menschen als einem Subjekt und wieder
zum Zweifel der eigenen Stellung des Subjekts. Und heute ist es
soweit, dass diese Art Fragestellung selbst angezweifelt wird.
46
Fr Yang ist also die Vorstellung von Moderne eine tiefere Ebene des Denkens,
die mit konkreten Inhalten verbunden ist. Sie impliziert diejenigen Fragen, die sich
auf das Selbst des Menschen und seiner Infragestellung richten. Demnach sind sie fr
den Inhalt eines literarischen Werkes magebend. Daraus lsst sich schlieen, dass
fr Yang Moderne kein zeitlich bezogener Begriff ist. Er wird nicht gebraucht,
um eine Epoche oder eine bestimmte literarische Strmung zu bezeichnen, sondern
er steht fr ein gewisses etwas, worin die Gegenwart und die Vergangenheit
ineinander verschmelzen. Also eine schwer fassbare, geistige Struktur, deren
Grundlage ein Traditionsbewusstsein voraussetzt.
Die theoretischen berlegungen des Dichtens sind in den Texten Yangs von
einer Gegenberstellung der Tradition und Moderne durchdrungen. Die irrefhrende
Auffassung von beiden als Gegenstze hofft er dadurch zu lsen, indem er die
Tradition zu einer Voraussetzung im Leben jedes Dichters erhebt. Auffllig in der
gesamten, von Yang gefhrten Diskussion ist die Tatsache, dass auf die Fragen der
Tradition wesentlich grndlicher eingegangen wird, whrend der Begriff der Moderne
in den Hintergrund gerckt und oft von rhetorischen Ausdrcken verdeckt wird. Die
detaillierte Darlegung des eigenen Traditionsverstndnisses besttigt andererseits
72 Orientlistika
das Bedrfnis, sich offen zu seiner kulturellen Zugehrigkeit zur Tradition Chinas zu
bekennen und daraus das Fundament der eigenen Lyriktheorie zu schaffen.
Literatur
Quellen
Yang 1997: Yang Lian, Mark Renn (bers.): Das Meer des Odysseus, in: Joly, Fransoise
(Hg.), Documenta X, Cantz Verlag, Kassel 1997.
Yang 1998a: Yang Lian: Guihua. Zhili de konjian: Yang Lian zuopin 1982-1987,
sanwen, lunwejuan, Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, Shanghai 1998. ( :
: 1982-1987, , , , 1998.)
Darin enthaltene Essays:Chuantong yu women [Tradition und wir]: 151-155.
Tongxinyuan [Konzentrische Kreise]: 166-169.
Zhongwen zhi nei [Eigenart der chinesischen Sprache): 170-175.
Huanxiang kongjian xiezuo [Imagination-Raum-Schreiben]: 176-183.
Zhongwen dangdai shi de san zhong duichen [Drei Symmetrien
der zeitgenssischen chinesischen Dichtung]: 190-206.
Piaobo shi women huode le shenme? [Was hat uns das Exil
erbracht?]: 323-367.
Yang 1998b: Yang Lian: Dahai tingzhi zhi chu : Yang Lian zuopin 1982-1987, shigejuan,
Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, Shanghai 1998. (: 1982-1987,
, 1998.)
Yang/Gao 2001: Yang Lian; Gao Xingjian; Peter Hoffmann (bers.): Was hat uns das
Exil gebracht? Ein Gesprch zwischen Gao Xingjian und Yang Lian ber chinesische
Literatur, Berliner Knstlerprogramm, Berlin 2001.
Sekundrliteratur
Chen 2002: Chen Xiaomei: Misunderstanding Western Modernism, in: Occidentalism:
A Theory of Counter-Discourse on Post-Mao China. Rowman &Littlefeld Publishers,
Lanham, Boulder, New York, Oxford 2002.
Eliot 1953: S. T. Eliot: Tradition and the Individual Talent in: Eliot, S. T. Selected Essays,
Farber and Farber Limited, London 1953.
Goldean/Minford 1990: Sean Goldean, John Minford: Yang Lian and the Chinese Tradition,
in: Goldblatt, Howard (Hg.): Worlds Apart: Recent Chinese Writing and its Audiences,
Eastgate 1990.
Haas 2005: Ieva Haas: Tum dzeja n, in: Karogs 9/2005: 139-148.
Hawkes 1959: David Hawkes: Chu Tzu: The Songs of the South. An Ancient Chinese
Anthology, At the Clarendon Press, Oxford 1959.
Hoffman 1993: Hans Peter Hoffman: Gu Cheng Eine dekonstruktive Studie zur Menglong
Lyrik, /Reihe XXVII, Asiatische und Afrikanische Studien, Bd. 34, Peter Lang, Frankfurt
a.M. 1993.
Hong 1983: Hong Huang, John Minford, Zhu Zhiyu (bs.): The New Poetry A Turning
Point? (A Misty Manifesto), in: Renditions 19/20, 1983: 191-194.
Keller 2000: Rafael Keller: Die Poesie des Sdens: Eine vergleichende Studie zur chinesischen
Lyrik der Gegenwart, Projekt Verlag, Bochum 2000.
Lucy 1960: Sean Lucy: T.S. Eliot and the Idea of Traditon, Cohen & West, London 1960.
Minford 1983: John Minford: Into the Mist, in: Renditions 19&20/1983: 182-186.
Minford/Soong 1984: Minford, John; Soong, Stephen C. (Hg.): Trees on the Mountain: An
Anthology of New Chinese Writing, Renditions Books, The Chinese University Press,
Hong Kong 1984.
Pan/Pan 1985: Pan Yuan; Pan Jie: The Non-Offcial Magazine Today and the Younger
Generation`s Ideals for a New Literature, in: Kinkley, J. C.(Hg.): After Mao: Chinese
Literature and Society (1978-1981), 1985.
Pohl 1987: Yang Lian, Karl-Heinz Pohl (Hg): Pilgerfahrt. Hand-Presse, Innsbruck 1987.
Pohl 1993: Karl-Heinz Pohl: Dichtung, Philosophie, Politik Qu Yuan in den 80er Jahren,
in: Karl-Heinz Pohl. (Hg.). Chinesische Intellektuelle im 20. Jahrhundert: Zwischen
Tradition und Moderne, Mitteilungen des Instituts fr Asienkunde Hamburg, Nr. 220,
1993: 405-425.
Steiger 1984: Brunhild Steiger: Kampf gegen die geistige Verschmutzung, in: China
Aktuell, Feb., 1984.
Tay 1985: Tay W.: Obscure Poetry: A Controversy in Post-Mao China. In: Kinkley, J.
C.(Hg.): After Mao: Chinese Literature and Society (1978-1981), Harvard University
Press, 1985.
Van Crevel 1996: Maghiel van Crevel: Language Shattered: Contemporary Chinese Poetry
and Duoduo, Research School CNWS, Leiden 1996.
Wilpert 2001: Gero von Wilpert: Sachwrterbuch der Literatur, Krner, Stuttgart 2001.
Yao 1989: Yao Jiahua (Hg.): Menglongshi lunzhengji, Xueyuan chubanshe, Beijing 1989. (
)
Yeh 1992: Michelle Yeh: Light a Lamp in a Rock: Experimental Poetry in Contemporary
China, in: Modern China, Vol. 18 No. 4, 1992: 379-409.
Anmerkungen
1
Im deutschen Sprachraum wird meistens die Bezeichnungen obskur (Pohl), hermetisch
(Kubin, Keller) und Menglong, fr die neue literarische Strmung verwendet. Hier wurde
in Anlehnung an die Defnition Hoffmans, die Bezeichnung Menglong vorgezogen, deren
Begriffsfeld laut Hoffmann, zwischen Uneigentlichem Sprechen in klassischen Tropen
und Obskuritt liege, (Hoffmann: 42.). Eine konkretere Zuordnung dieses Begriffes ist
jeweils von einer subjektiven Rezeption des Lesers und evtl. seiner politischen Haltung
abhngig und damit als allgemeine Bezeichnung der gesamten Strmung einschrnkend.
Fr weitere Begriffsdiskussion siehe Hoffmann: 29-43. Die Untersuchungen zum Thema
Menglong-Lyrik sind uerst zahlreich. Die wohl ausfhrlichste im deutschen Sprachraum
stellt Hans Peter Hoffman vor: Gu Cheng Eine dekonstruktive Studie zur Menglong
Lyrik; Eine Auswahl der Aufstze sowie ein ausfhrliches chronologisches Verzeichnis
weiterer Aufstze innerhalb der Menglong Kontroverse in den Jahren 19791988 ist in: Yao
Menglongshi lundzengji: 500-551 enthalten. Weitere Untersuchungen vgl. Tay Obscure
Poetry: A Controversy in Post-Mao China, in: Kinkley: 133-162; Van Crevel Language
Shattered: Contemporary Chinese Poetry and Duoduo: 71-91; Yeh Light a Lamp in a
Rock: Experimental Poetry in Contemporary China, in: Modern China: 379-409, Chen
Misunderstanding Western Modernism, in: Chen: 59-86; Haas Tum dzeja n, in:
Karogs: 139-148.
2
Vgl. Golden/Minford: 119-137; vgl. auch Pohl 1993: 405-425; Pohl 1987: 14-21.
3
Auer den Einfuss der klassischen traditionellen Lyrik auf die Menglong, verzeichnet
Hoffman noch einige Anstze der chinesischen Lyrik nach 1919, insbesondere der Neuen
Mond-Gruppe, Hoffmann: 56; fr die gesamte Diskussion siehe: Hoffmann: 48-56.
4
Als die bekanntesten Gegner der Menglong-Lyrik sind zu erwhnen Ai Qing, Cang Kejia
und Tian Jian. Zu den Befrwortern wurden Xie Mian, Sun Shaozhen und Xu Jingya
gezhlt. Mehr zum Ausbau der Positionen siehe: Hoffman: 15-21.
5
Der Begriff Modernismus in der Menglong-Kontroverse scheint inhaltlich zwei
verschiedene Ebenen zu besitzen. Von dem politischen Charakter der Diskussion her
74 Orientlistika
betrachtet, verstehen die chinesischen Kritiker unter Modernismus, laut Steiger, alle
zeitgenssischen literarischen Schulen und Richtungen des Westens, die nicht dem
sozialistischen Realismus folgen und generell den Realismus ablehnen. (Steiger 1984:
81). Damit werden hier in vereinfachter Weise alle am Ende des 19. Jh. (bis Anfang 20. Jh.)
entstandenen Strmungen in der Literatur und auch in der Philosophie impliziert. Sobald
die Debatten aber literaturwissenschaftliche Zge annehmen, wird der Modernismus
auf die literarische Stilrichtung des Imagismus differenziert, der zwischen 1912-1917
unter den anglo-amerikanischen Lyrikern dominierte. Zum Einfuss des Imagismus auf die
Menglong-Lyrik siehe: Tay: 133-156; Chen: 59-86., Yeh 1992: 389-391.
6
Hoffmann: 49-51; vgl. Minford 1983: 183.
7
Der chinesische Titel lautet Xinshi - yi ge zhuanzhe ma? ( - ?). Die
Identitt des Autors ist unbekannt, dieser Text wurde in der dritten Menglong Ausgabe
der Jintian im Jahr 1980 unter dem Pseudonym Hong Huang () verffentlicht. Hier
wir die englische bersetzung von John Minford und Zhu Zhiyu herangezogen in: Soong/
Minford 1984, 191-194.
8
T.E. Hulme (1886-1917) gilt als Wegbereiter fr den Imagismus (Stilrichtung der anglo-
amerikanischen Lyrik um 1912-17).
9
Hong Huang: 193.
10
Hong Huang: 193.
11
Gero von Wilpert: 368. Laut Wilpert verlangten die Imagisten grtmgliche Bildhaftigkeit
und Krze ohne epische oder gedankliche Elemente bei Verwendung der Umgangsprache,
unbedingte Sachnhe zum behandelten Gegenstand, Vermeidung jedes fr die Darstellung
nicht wesentlichen Wortes, Konzentration auf ein Bild als erschlieende Grundmetapher,
Ersetzung des Metrums durch musikalischen Rhythmus als Ausdruck neuer Stimmungen
und unstrophische Form. Als Hauptvertreter gelten A. Lowell, H. Doolittle, D.H.
Lawrence, u.a. Einen starken Einfuss bte die Stilrichtung auch auf T.S. Eliot aus.
12
Hong Huang: 194.
13
Dazu gibt es divergierende Ansichten, z.B. Pan Yuan, Pan Jie sehen die Ziele der Menglong-
Bewegung in Entpolitisierung und Antitraditionalismus: Pan/Pan: 195.
14
Dieser Aufsatz wurde im Sept. 1983 in der Zeitschrift Shanhua in Guizhou
verffentlicht. Eine englische bersetzung von Ginger Li fndet sich in: Soong; Minford
1984: 69-73; sowie in: .Renditions 1983: 69-73.
15
Hong Huang: 194.
16
Yang 1998a: 153.
17
Die bersetzung des Begriffes wurde von K.-H. Pohl bernommen: Pohl 1993: 409.
18
Yang 1998a: 151; vgl. Pohl 1987: 15.
19
Yang 1998a: 154.
20
Yang 1998a: 215.
21
Yang 1998a: 155.
22
Yang 1998a: 154.
23
Pohl 1997: 15.
24
Eine eingehende Untersuchung von Eliots Theorie der Tradition bietet Sean Lucy in: T.S.
Eliot and the Idea of Tradition, 1960.
25
Eliot: 14
26
Yang 1998a: 152.
27
Yang 1998a: 167.
28
Yang 1998a: 200.
29
Ebenda.
30
Ebenda.
31
Deutsche bersetzung in: Pohl 1987: 40; Yang 1998b: 22.
32
Yang 1998a: 169.
33
Vgl. Pohl 1993.
34
In seinen Essays thematisiert Yang Lian in keiner Weise die zu bezweifelnde Autorschaft
der von ihm erwhnten Gedichte aus dem Chuci.
35
Hawkes 1959: 45f.
36
Hawkes zweifelt die Autorschaft Qu Yuans an.
37
Hawkes: 46.
38
Yang 1998a: 167.
39
Yang 1998a: 167.
40
Yang 1997: 10.
41
Yang 1998a: 190.
42
Yang/Gao: 28.
43
Yang 1998a:169.
44
Yang 1998a: 183, vgl. Yang 1997: 15f.
45
Yang/Gao: 32.
46
Yang 1998: 330; vgl. Yang/Gao: 33.
Kopsavilkums
Tradcijas mekljumi modernaj nieu lirik un to atspoguojums Jana ana
dzejas teorij
Kultras revolcija nas Tautas Republik (19661976) iezmja stagncijas perioda
kulminciju sabiedrbas politiskaj un kultras dzv. Tai sekojoais atmodas laiks
septidesmito gadu beigs pavra jaunas iespjas radoiem mekljumiem mksl un literatr.
Ierobeotas personisks un mksliniecisks brvbas apstkos pagrd bija radies jauns
virziens nas lirik tum dzeja (menglongshi), kas astodesmitajos gados izraisja
karstas debates litertu un politiu aprinds. T prstvji meklja jaunus mksliniecisks
izteiksmes ldzekus, kas bija pretrun valdo socilistisk relisma literrajiem principiem.
Demokrtijas apspieana 1989. gada jnij iezmja s jauns un ldz im ietekmgks
literrs kustbas beigu posmu modernaj nieu dzej.
Jans ans (1955) bijuais tumais dzejnieks odien Rietumos ir kuvis par vienu
no slavenkajiem nieu autoriem. Kaut ar Jans galvenokrt ir pazstms k liriis, viens
no via iecientkajiem anriem ir eseja, kur vi lielkoties pievras literatras teorijas
jautjumiem, patnji un suverni risinot msdienu nieu dzejas aktulks problmas.
is raksts sasaucas ar manu maistra darbu Jana ana esejas; teortiskas piezmes par
dzeju msdienu n (Essays von Yang Lian (1955); Zur theoretischen Fundierung des
Dichtens im gegenwrtigen China). Maistra darbs bija veltts Jana ana lirikas teorijai. Viens
no s teorijas btiskkajiem aspektiem ir tradcija, ko Jans savs esejs interpret k jebkura
radoa literr procesa prieknoteikumu. tma rakst tiek apspriesta un kritiski komentta,
ieskicjot astodesmito gadu literrs dzves norises n un Rietumu modernisma tendences
nieu lirik. Ptjums daudzjd zi parda, cik nedroi ir dzejnieka un tpat ar visas
tumo liriu paaudzes identittes mekljumi viu acs novrt atstts tradcijas spogul.
The Human Mind and Nature: the Relationship between
Them as Represented in Monochrome Landscape Painting
of the Fifteenth Century Japan
Ieva Tretjuka
Berkeley University of California, USA
e-mail: Ieva.Tretjuka@gmail.com
Japanese landscape painting (sansuiga) reached its peak of popularity during the 15
th
century
and was initially practiced by Zen monks in their monasteries. This paper takes a closer look
at a subgenre of Japanese landscape painting, i.e. study paintings (shosaizu). It is possible
to argue that landscapes depicted in study paintings did not show an actual place but rather
were created as embodiment of a Zen monks ideal dwelling place. Monochromatic landscape
represented and symbolized both the natural world and spiritual freedom, therefore it was
regarded as a very important component in the process of achieving enlightenment (satori).
Keywords: landscape painting, Zen Buddhism, poem and painting scrolls, study paintings,
enlightenment.
In a literal translation, the Japanese word for landscape [sansui; ] consists
of two Chinese characters: mountain(s) [san] and water [sui]. Nearly 85 percent of
the territory of Japan is covered by mountains. It is not at all surprising that mountains
are one of the dominating motifs and highly symbolic images in Japanese landscape
paintings. Therefore, when Chinese Zen (or Chan) Buddhist monks introduced
the monochrome landscape painting style into Japan during the Kamakura period
[11851333], the ink landscape paintings became known as sansuiga []
paintings of mountains and water. This painting style reached its peak during the
Muromachi period [13331573], and especially during the ffteenth century, which is
famed as a period in Japan when various arts
1
that were initially practiced by Zen
monks in their monasteries in Kyoto and Kamakura gained recognition among the
military rulers of the time and fourished under their patronage. However, the motifs of
mountains and water were not the only ones in the symbolic variety that was revealed
in the monochrome landscape of the ffteenth century Japan. As Parker mentions,
all the characters that a spectator fnds in a sansuiga come from Zen Buddhist sect
traditions, Confucianist and Taoist legends, Chinese nature lyrics and Japanese poetic
tradition as well as from the traditional Mahayana Buddhist art.
2
The usual painting format in the ffteenth century Japan was a hanging scroll of a
vertical composition depicting three planes of depth. There was a foreground of water
with relatively sharply defned rocks in the lower quarter of the picture. The middle
ground often showed a little hut along with a cottage nestling among mountains with
a pine tree, bamboo, and plum tree enclosing the hut. The accompanying narrow
Ieva Tretjuka. The Human Mind and Nature: The Relationship between Them .. 77
mountain path or small footbridge depicts the tiny fgure of a literati sage who lives
in the mountain hut. The background is dominated by a central mountain.
At the end of the fourteenth century and the beginning of the ffteenth century
among the monks-painters and the military aristocracy of the Ashikaga shogunate,
shigajiku [] poem and painting scrolls gained popularity and appreciation.
Shigajiku were hanging scrolls, usually of a vertical format, which consisted of two
parts. The upper part was flled with poetical inscriptions, completed by several,
sometimes even twenty or thirty, Zen sect monks. The lower part contained an ink
painting in most cases it was a monochromatic landscape painting. As Parker
points out, these poem and painting scrolls as art objects integrate a visual, painted
image of the natural landscape with the companion arts of calligraphy, poetry, and
prose composition.
3
At the beginning of the ffteenth century, principally two types of shigajiku
developed and gained recognition among the monks-painters who lived in the
bustling Zen monasteries of Kyoto. The frst type was the poem and painting scroll
which served as a remembrance gift; a testimony of comradeship that friends and
fellows gave to a monk who left one Zen monastery for another. The landscape
depicted in the scroll was imaginary, and the written lyrics very often were a Chinese
poem or allusion to some famous Chinese poetical work. The shigajiku itself served
as a reminder and testimony to the friendship and comradeship between the Zen
monk who was leaving for another temple and the Zen priests who stayed at their
monastery.
4
The other type of shigajiku painting served as a sign of support, friendship, and
encouragement to a Zen monk inside a monastery. The poem and painting scrolls of
this kind were often called shosaizu [] study paintings, study pictures.
A study shosai was a place or a room where a Zen monk dedicated himself to his
religious practices, meditations, and studies of scriptures. A study could be a little
hut in the mountains (so often depicted in the monochrome landscapes) where, away
from social activities and duties, a hermit-monk lived; it could also be a separate
room in a large, busy Zen temple a room where a monk living in the particular
monastery could devote himself to studies and meditations.
5

It is necessary to mention that at the beginning of the ffteenth century, the Zen
monasteries in Kyoto were bustling and noisy, and the Zen monks living there had
to perform different administrative duties while putting aside their spiritual strivings.
Most monks wanted to devote themselves to their religious practices and get away
from their administrative duties, but were rarely able to do it. Therefore, the monks
in the metropolitan Zen monasteries gave to their little study rooms inside the
temple names which revealed their ideals and longing for peace. As Parker sharply
points out, the tendency to depict the monks study in the monochrome landscape
became popular. The actual study (that is, the room within the walls of the lively
monastery) was not painted as shosaizu, but as the ideal one the little hut among
natural surroundings where a monk who had attained enlightenment and inner peace
lived.
6
Of course, the study rooms inside of a large temple complex in Kyoto were
completely different from the ones depicted in the ink landscapes, but the symbolic
linkage was very strong. Though involved in the process differently, both of them
78 Orientlistika
were abodes related to the individuals movement toward the revelation of truth, the
understanding of Buddhas nature and attaining enlightenment.
In addition, Shimada draws our attention to another aspect of shosaizu: a Zen
monk usually kept the painting of the ideal dwelling inside of his actual study
room. Therefore, shosaizu was a study painting also in the direct sense, as it was
physically placed in a monks study room, in front of his eyes.
7
Shosaizu in its image is far from the real landscape. As Shimada stresses, if
a spectator wants to fnd the corresponding landscape and building as depicted in
a shosaizu within a certain country or place, he will be disappointed.
8
Such, as it
may seem at frst glance, illogicality regarding the monks actual study room and
its surroundings can be noticed in the greatest part of shosaizu painted in the frst
half of the ffteenth century. It is important to understand that the monks-painters
who created the landscapes were not of the opinion that they should depict a real
landscape, albeit in China or Japan; the contemporary spectators of the poem and
painting scrolls did not expect to see a specifc scene and place either.
9
Their thoughts
were above the relationship between the image and the actual reality. Therefore,
this study which could be located wherever and whenever, study which was outside
the frames of reality was called kokoro-no-shosai [] a study of mind
or a study in mind a study which fnds itself in a monks mind, his heart, not
in a specifc place. It was not a place where a monks body lodged, but where his
mind and thoughts resided. Therefore, the term a study of mind included several
aspects: it was a place in a monks mind, and simultaneously a place where the
monks mind was dwelling.
Hereby, the symbolism of shosaizu the depiction of a study is revealed:
shosaizu was not an ink landscape which showed an actual place. It was a painting
which embodied a Zen monks ideal dwelling place where his mind and thoughts
resided. It is also important to remember that a Zen monks thoughts were engaged
in the process of reaching satori [] the Buddhist enlightenment.
10
Shosai
which in the original meaning is a study in the middle of nature, not behind the walls
of a big monastery was considered to be a place where a sage came in search of his
spiritual quests, where he reached satori and stayed to live an enlightened life. So
we can come to the conclusion that if shosaizu depicts a place where enlightenment
can be achieved, it can symbolize both the ideal dwelling place of a Zen monk and
his spiritual strivings to reach enlightenment.
As Parker explains, Zen monks of the ffteenth century, interpreting the natural
landscape in the context of the lively and bustling lifestyle of the capital, stress the
religious value and spiritual infuence of the landscape on their daily lives. At the
beginning of the ffteenth century, the idea of the natural landscape as the place
for religious practices and self-development is already well established, in addition,
natural world has always played a very signifcant role in Japanese culture. It was
important in the context of the meditative practices of Buddhism, syncretic shugend
pilgrimages, the nature worship of the Shint tradition, Japanese poetic tradition, and
other cultural phenomena.
11
Besides, the monks (and, of course, the contemporary
aristocracy) of the ffteenth century Japan perceived the natural world not in the
strict frames of Zen Buddhist sect, but in a syncretic and open manner.
12
One of the main themes Zen monks explored when interpreting their relationship
to the natural world was the hermit at court or hermit at the marketplace. This
idea originally comes from Sung Dynasty China [9601279].
13
It solved one of the
problems related to the supposed contradiction between the reality of life in a strictly
organized monastery and the ideal life of living in a secluded little hut among the
mountains and waters as symbolized by the scenes depicted in the monochromatic
landscape. Grounded in the hermit at court thought, a Zen monk could redeem
himself from the reproach of not following the established ideals. According to it,
although his body was located and functioned in a bustling, tense environment, his
mind was at peace secluded in mountains. Even more, the ability to attain inner
freedom of enlightenment while living in the bustle of a large temple complex with
strict social rules could be valued even more highly than reaching satori while being
alone in the mountains.
14
Therefore, the monochromatic landscape, which represented
and symbolized the natural world and the spiritual freedom gained in it, was a very
important component in the process of achieving enlightenment. It was particularly
important for a devoted monk, who resided in a Zen monastery of the capital; who
perceived a mountain retreat as the ideal dwelling place for reaching satori.
Monks of the ffteenth century Japan valued monochrome landscapes very highly.
Placing one or more of them in his study room, a monk could mentally experience
the purity, power, and spiritually inspiring qualities of nature, while physically
living in the mundane world next to the liveliest streets of the capital. Attaining
in mind was the main technique for perceiving a monochromatic landscape. It
meant submerging oneself into the monochrome landscape while looking at it and
then attaining in mind the natural landscape, fnding oneself in the middle of it
and reaching enlightenment there, in spite of the fact that behind the walls of the
study a most intensive social life takes place. Explaining this idea, Parker refers to
some ffteenth century Japanese monk who had rhetorically asked: Where in human
society can we not make our hut? thus suggesting that there is no place where a Zen
monk could not be active in his practice, in his strivings for satori.
15
Not knowing the Buddhist theory about the non-dualistic nature of illusion and
truth, at frst sight the monochrome landscape may seem like something artifcial
and unreal. At the same time, it represents the real existent world. When the
difference between the unreal (in this case, a landscape painting, or in some other
case, for example, a miniature garden) and the real has disappeared in a monks
mind, he has reached a condition, a state of mind when he understands that the real
and the unreal are not opposites, but exist in a close, non-dualistic relationship with
each other. When a person has understood it, he has reached the Buddhist eternal
truth, enlightenment, where there is no more difference between the illusory and
the real, as in the very essence they are combined into one, they create one and, after
all, are one.
The Zen monks of the ffteenth century Japan, particularly those in the capital,
understood that the natural landscape hence the ink landscape are not spheres to
study only in those moments when administrative duties were not calling them. They
realized that nature and landscape both natural and monochrome were signifcant
in the process of understanding their own identity and goals. The landscape paintings
helped the Zen monks to comprehend such concepts as the world and oneself,
80 Orientlistika
reality and illusion, and accept their mutual relationship. These study paintings
were a great example in the process of realization that a landscape created by an
artist (illusion) is also a natural landscape, therefore real; at the same time the
real landscape is insubstantial. Perceiving the ink landscape as something illusive
(created by a painters brush) and at the same time real (that is, symbolizing the
natural landscape and not only depicting its outer form), Japanese Zen monks
avoided idyllic worship of nature and its elements. They did not venerate the natural
landscape itself, but perceived it as a way to comprehend the non-duality of reality
and illusion to attain enlightenment. If the ink painting which symbolized the
natural landscape was illusive, then the natural landscape itself was not real the
supposed opposites did not exist anymore in a Zen monks mind. The same way
the putative opposites did not exist considering the lifestyle of a Zen monk in the
ffteenth century Kyoto: a monk in the bustling capital, following the hermit at
court concept, could attain satori as a sage could in his little hut nestled in the
mountains. The monk, physically being in the middle of different social activities
but in his mind dissociating from them, was striving for enlightenment looking at
the landscape on his studys wall at the painting that represented and symbolized a
dwelling place of a sage, a wise man who had already reached satori and understood
the eternal truth, the non-duality and oneness of everything existent.
If one takes a closer and more specifc look at the topic, such an important
religious practice as wandering in the mountains can be named an example of
the way to enlightenment. This practice in its direct sense actually involved an
unenlightened monk who wandered from one famous mountain to another in order
to fnd a religious teacher who would help free him of his doubts and perhaps even
provide stimulation to experience a sudden enlightenment.
16
The wise man, the one
who had already attained enlightenment was also wandering among mountains, free
from the attachment to things, free from the obligations of the profane world, living
in the middle of the sacred nature. Taking a short step back into the thirteenth century
Japan, it is interesting to fnd that Zen master Dgen [, 12001253], the founder
of the St [] sect in Japan and one of the most signifcant fgures in Japanese
religious thought of the thirteenth century, made references to wandering in the
mountains and enlightenment reached there.
17
Dgen was not famous as a poet, but
in one of his tanka
18
poems he talks about suddenly achieved enlightenment, while
walking distant mountain paths: he walks deep into the mountains and, coming back
to his little mountain hut, understands that he has reached satori.
19
In this regard, it
is interesting that Dgen points to attaining enlightenment when arriving back home
from wandering in the mountains. It may mean that the original enlightenment had
already existed (as the original home existed), even if it was not attained before.
Therefore, enlightenment is always existent and an individual exists inside it, but to
understand this truth he symbolically has to walk a certain road (the mountain paths).
Not only is this road the path to enlightenment, but it is enlightenment itself.
Following the Dgens example and associating his ideas
20
with the ffteenth
century landscape painting, the spectator can understand what the concept of
wandering in mountains may mean; not only a physical strolling deep into the
mountains but also the spiritual search of enlightenment in a persons mind. From
this aspect, a monochrome landscape painting may also be perceived as a road,
and looking at it can be understood as spiritual wandering in order to attain the
enlightenment. Hence, wandering in the mountains was an important concept not
only for a sage physically living in a mountain hut or a monk looking for the right
master but also for a Zen priest in the ffteenth century temple complex: walking
his road while looking at the monochrome landscape painting on his study wall.
Thinking in terms of the non-dualistic nature of the natural and the artifcial,
the real and the illusive, both physical strolling and spiritual wandering in the
mountains appear as real while looking at a landscape painting. The physical
roving in mountains may seem to be walking in the real world, and the looking for
the road in a monochrome landscape may seem to be illusive, but both practices
may help to attain the Buddhist enlightenment, thus showing the non-duality of
everything that exists.
Endnotes
1
Monochrome landscape painting was only one of these arts. N theatre, fower arrangement,
tea ceremony, calligraphy, garden design, literature, and pottery also were cultural and
artistic processes that were relevant and highly valued in Japan during the ffteenth century
and beyond.
2
Parker, J. D. Zen Buddhist Landscape Arts of Early Muromachi Japan (13361573). New
York: State University of New York Press, 1999, pp.155
3
Ibid., pp. 78.
4
Shimizu, Y., Wheelwright, C. [eds.] Japanese Ink Paintings From American Collections:
The Muromachi Period. An Exhibition in Honor of Shjir Shimada. New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1976, pp. 25.
5
Shimizu, J. Japan: the Shaping of Daimyo Culture 11851868. Washington: National
Gallery of Art, 1988, pp. 144.
6
York: State University of New York Press, 1999, pp. 81.
7
Shimada, S. Nihon Egashi Kenky. Tokyo: Chkronsha, 1987, pp. 128.
8
Ibid., pp. 126.
9
Ibid, pp. 128.
10
. : , 1993. .
11
York: State University of New York Press, 1999, pp. 135.
12
Fontein, J., Hickman, M. L. Zen Painting and Calligraphy. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts,
1970, pp. XXXII
13
York: State University of New York Press, 1999, pp.138
14
Ibid., pp. 144.
15
Ibid., pp. 152.
16
Ibid., pp. 191.
17
Heine, H. A. A Dream within a Dream: Studies in Japanese Thought. NY: Peter Lang,
1991, pp. 60.
18
Tanka () is a style of Japanese poetry (waka, ), usually with the 5-7-5/7-7 mora
pattern.
19
Heine, H. A. A Dream within a Dream: Studies in Japanese Thought. NY: Peter Lang,
1991, pp. 60.
82 Orientlistika
20
Tanka poems created by Dgen may be interesting and contain signifcant meanings,
but, of course, the most important of his writings was his life-work Shbgenz (
). In this writing, Dgen also refers to the natural landscape, for example, saying that
the mountains and rivers are the contemporary manifestations of the words said by the
ancient Buddhas. He also urges the reader to reconsider the real relationship between a
human and nature, not to perceive the human world and nature as opposites. Parker, J.
D. Zen Buddhist Landscape Arts of Early Muromachi Japan (13361573). New York: State
University of New York Press, 1999, pp. 137.
Kopsavilkums
Cilvks un daba 15. gs. Japnas monohromaj ainavu glezniecb
15. gs. Japn ainavu glezniecba (sansuiga) bija viens no populrkajiem mkslas veidiem,
ko ldztekus daudziem citiem ska praktizt lielko Dzen budistu klosteru mki. aj rakst
aplkots viens no monohroms ainavas paveidiem, t. s. studijas gleznojums (shosaizu). Var
apgalvot, ka ainavas studiju gleznojumos neattlo relas vietas, bet drzk rada Dzen mka vai
vientunieka mjoka ideltlu. Proti, monohromais gleznojums reprezent un simboliz k
dabas ainavu, t ar vientunieka gara brvbu un tdjdi ir uzskatms par svargu komponentu,
tiecoties sasniegt apgaismbu (satori).
Reliijas un kultru dialogs
Religion and Dialogue of Civilizations
Paradigmu atirbas civilizciju dialog (J. Ratcingera
2006. g. 12. septembra tzes Rgensburgas Universitt)
Paradigmatic Differences as an Obstacle to Dialogue of
Civilizations (Refections on J. Ratzingers 2006/09/12
Controversy)
Leons Taivans
e-pasts: leons.taivans@lu.lv
J. Ratcingers (pvests Benedikts XVI), uzaicinot musulmaus uz teoloisku diskusiju, kuras
centr bija varmcbas izpratne un ts nesavienojamba ar grieu flozofjas ieskatiem par
prtu (logoss) un kura notika 2006. gada 12. septembr Rgensburgas Universitt, izraisja
naidgu politisku reakciju islma pasaul. Notikuais liecina, ka kristg un islma civilizcija
nav spjgas uz dialogu paradigmatisku atirbu d. Eiropas civilizcijas paradigmatiska
sastvdaa ir kritiski vsturisk metode, kas neatbilst sakrlajam islma vstures redzjumam.
Islm nav notikusi zintnisks vstures noirans no reliisks vstures. Tas krasi ierobeo
vstures noriu adekvtu izpratni abs dialoga puss.
Atslgvrdi: J. Ratcingers, civilizciju dialogs, islms un kristietba, vsture islm, varmcba
islm, varmcba kristietb, reliijas uzspieana.
Kop Romas pvests Benedikts XVI 2006. gada 12. septembr ar savu
uzstanos Rgensburgas Universitt saniknoja pasaules musulmaus, o rindu
autoram nav gadjies atrast nopietnu zintnisku analzi par notikuo. Analtiskais
materils, kas pardjs pirmaj laik pc notiku, aprobeojs ar avu recenzijm
un prmetumiem, ka Romas pontifks nav mis vr sava amata diplomtisks
robeas, lai atautos politiski nekorektus izteikumus sav Rgensburgas run. Bija
aizrdjumi, ka Vatikns nebija gaidjis tik vtrainu reakciju, bija raksti par to, ka
Benedikts XVI ir nolmis uzskt stingrku politiku pret musulmaiem nek via
priektecis Jnis Pvils II. Datums bija zmgs t bija reakcija uz 2001. gada
11. septembra terora akta piekto gadadienu. Islma pasaule reaja ar sautumu.
Patiesb btu bijis jrun par civilizciju dialoga robem. Bez aubm, Romas
pirm priestera amats ir politisks jo vairk tpc, ka vi ir Vatikna valsts monarhs,
k ar pusotra miljarda liels kristgo kopienas galvenais runasvrs un ietekmgk
persona. Tai pa laik Eirop jeb judeokristinisk kultr ikvienam ir skaidrs, ka
Romas pvests ir ar profesors teologs ar tiesbm k savas nozares zintniekam brvi
spriest un analizt savu ptjumu priekmetu ar visu to zintnisko instrumentriju,
Leons Taivans. Paradigmu atirbas civilizciju dialog 85
kas atbilst attiecgai nozarei. os priekstatus neuztver pasaules islma civilizcijas
daa. Dieml man neizdevs atrast izteiktu izpratni par o nostdni islma teologu
vai zintnieku rakstos.
Profesora Ratcingera referts bija drzk atseviu, sav starp saisttu tu
savirknjums nek izvrsts un ski dokumentts referts, kdu parasti pieemts
prast no jauna zintnieka, kas aizstv disertciju. Tomr via piedvts tzes ir
skaidras specilistam, jo vairkums J. Ratcingera apgalvojumu islma ptniekiem ir
pietiekami pazstami k visprpieemti zintnes fakti. Zinot islma, k ar kristgs
teoloijas vstures ainu, veidojas diezgan skaidra J. Ratcingera uzskatu kopaina.
Bez aubm, taj nav nek naidga islmam, ja neskaita judeokristinisks tradcijas
kritikas brvbu, kas tiek vrsta viendi k pret paas kristietbas svtajiem tekstiem
un dogmatiem, t ar pret citiem ptniecbas objektiem.
Lai izprastu starpcivilizciju dialoga specifku, no skuma ielkosimies
J. Ratcingera teiktaj, veidojot kontekstus starp tveida apgalvojumiem. Kristietba,
kas ir veidojusies uz jdu un hellnistisks kultras robem, uztur pozciju, ka Dievs
un saprts (logoss) ir nedalmi. Piemram, nav atbilstgi saprtam ar iebaidanu
piespiest pieemt ticbu, jo ticba ir dvseles sfra. T iekji var ticbu nepieemt,
kaut ar rji cilvks var pakauties spaidiem. Agrns Mekas srs ir apgalvojums,
ka ticb nav piespieanas (Q. 2:256). Tau vlk perioda Mednas srs
ir atrodami spriedumi par dihdu t militrs forms. Citiem vrdiem, runa ir par
reliisku piespieanu jeb reliijas varmcgu uzspieanu iekarotm tautm (to skait
paiem arbiem).
Nepiecieams atzmt, ka Mekas sras ir tapuas laikmet, kad Muhammads bija
vienkrs jauns reliijas sludintjs, toties Mednas sras period, kad Pravietis
jau bija Mednas valsts valdnieks un karavadonis.
1
J. Ratcingeru eit interes
jautjums par to, kds attiecbs ir varmcba un ticba. problma nav jauna, un
t ir pastvjusi jau 14. gs. beigs, kad musulmau iekarotji mcs virs Bizantijai
vai, pareizk, tam, kas bija palicis no plas Austrumromas imprijas. K vsturisks
liecinieks ir palikusi Bizantijas imperatora Manuela II Paleologa dialogs ar kdu
mctu persieu tautbas musulmani. J. Ratcingers cit Manuela II Paleologa frzi,
kas tik oti saniknoja pasaules musulmaus: Saki, ko jaunu ir atnesis Muhammads,
un ms ieraudzsim tikai aunumu un necilvcbu, piemram, via sludints ticbas
izplatanu ar zobenu.
2
J. Ratcingers sav uzrun Rgensburgas Universitt, kur, starp citu, pats
agrkos gados bija strdjis, aizstvja viedokli, ka Dieva uztvere nevien no
reliijm nevartu bt savienojama ar cilvka racionl saprta noraidanu vai
ar apgalvojumiem, ka Dieva saprts nekd veid nesakrt ar cilvcisko. Via
piemums ttad ir, ka islmam, ldzgi k tas ir klasiskaj kristietb, vajadztu
balstties uz vesel saprta argumentiem, nevis uz t dvto voluntrisma teoloiju,
kuru savulaik izveidoja Duns Skots un via skolas prstvji. Ar islmam
teoloisks domanas paradigma nav gjusi secen, un J. Ratcingers pieminja
Ibn Hazmu. Pdjais uzskatja, ka Dievs ir transcendentls cilvkam tik liel mr,
ka nekas neliek Dievam dart cilvkam zinmu patiesbu.
3
Atteikans no grieu
mantojuma vlkos laikmetos turpina attstties cits kristietbas teoloijas skols.
86 Orientlistika
Atkpans no kristietbas pirmo gadsimtu hellnisks sintzes ir norisinjusies
trijos etapos: pirmais bija saistts ar 16. gs. reformciju, kad kristietbu minja
nodalt no sveermea grieu flozofjas. Imanuels Kants, kas turpinja o
domanas tradciju, aizgja ldz reformatoru idejas absurda robeai: vi novietoja
ticbu praktisk prta lauk, kas nozmja ticbas noiranu no ontoloijas un
dzves realittes k tdas. Otrs periods aj attstbas proces iestjs ar dolfa fon
Harnaka liberlo teoloiju. Liberl teoloija, sekojot Blza Paskla idejai noirt
flozofu Dievu no brahama, zka un Jkaba Dieva, lkoja attrt kristietbu no
tdiem flozofskiem un teoloiskiem elementiem k Sv. Trsvienba un Kristus
dieviba. Pie viena teoloija tiek izslgta no zintnes k tda, kas nav verifcjama
ar matemtiski empriskiem pamieniem. No ejienes cilvks ar savu morli
tisko koordinu sistmu tiek minimizts, tas neskaits zintniskas uzmanbas un
ptanas vrts. Treaj atkpans period uzskatja, ka hellnisk sintze nav nekas
cits k kristietbas inkulturcija. No t izriet, ka ir nepiecieams atrast kristietbas
pirmvariantu, kas ar viendiem pankumiem vartu savienoties ar jebkurm citm
kultrm. J. Ratcingers atbild, ka Jaun Derba rakstta grieiski un tas jau pats par
sevi apliecina grieu garu kristietb. Jaunaj Derb attiecbas ticbas un cilvka
saprta starp ir paas ticbas integrla sastvdaa.
Moderns pasaules etoss ir pakauans patiesbai. Tomr ne vienmr cilvki
atceras, ka pc izcelsmes tas ir kristietbas gars, kas tiek lietots izkropot un izmaint
veid. Rietumos ir izplatta prliecba, ka tikai pozitvisks saprts un flozofja,
kas uz t bvta, ir ticama. Reliija ai kontekst tiek atzta par subkultru. No t
izriet pilngi skaidri, ka starpcivilizciju dialogs nav iespjams (ja sekojam Arnolda
Toinbija teorijai, ka reliijas ir civilizciju kods). J. Ratcingers, k redzam, aicinja
islma teologus uz diskusiju par odienas karstko tematu varmcbu, kdu to
redz katra no divm konfrontjoajm reliijm un attiecgi civilizcijm. Ne velti
savas tzes prof. J. Ratcingers darja zinmas plakai publikai vien no veckajm
Vcijas universittm.
Islma sabiedrba J. Ratcingera akadmisko diskursu uztvra no pilngi citm
pozcijm. Ratcingers netika uztverts ne k profesors un intelektulis, bet gan k
kristgais kalifs, kas ar Praviea nozkanu lko izraist krusta karu pret islma
pasauli. Ar savu asimetriskumu reakcija liel mr atgdinja notikumus pc tam,
kad du avze publicja Muhammada karikatras. Musulmai prasja Dnijas valsts
pirmo personu atvainoanos un nekdi nevarja saprast to, ka Rietumu demokrtij
pirm valsts amatpersona nav ncijas tvs, kas atbild par katru savas valsts
pilsoni.
Otrs iemesls ir ds. Rietumu zintne (un teoloija nav izmums) princip
nepazst aizliegts zonas, kuras btu aizliegts ptt no kritiskm pozcijm, turpret
islms paredz priekmetu virkni, kuru nedrkst kritiski ptt. Aizliegto tmu skait
ir pravietis Muhammads. Ja kristietbas dibintja kritiskas ievirzes biogrfjas
kop D. F. trausa (Strauss) Jzus dzves (1835) jau prsniedz simtu, tad jebkuri
minjumi vsturisko Muhammada fgru saldzint ar citu reliiju dibintjiem
izraisa vtrainus protestus, ieskaitot prasbu prdronieku sodt ar nvi.
G. F. fon Grinebaums, analizjot vrdu umma, raksta di. o vrdu jau lietoja
pirmsislma dzejnieks Nabira reliiskas kopienas nozm. Islma vstures gait tas
pardjs aprit vienlaikus ar vrdu hidra un apzmja musulmau kopienu. No
lietvrda izveidoto pabas vrdu ummi, kas atbilda latu gentilis (dzimtas, ciltij
piedergs), lietoja kop ar Muhammada vrdu, lai apzmtu viu k [arbu] cilts
pravieti. Msdienu musulmau dogmatika im vrdam ir pierusi citu nozmi
(vienkrai tautai piedergs), kas atbilst latu incultus (rupj, meongs). da
nomaia bija nepiecieama, lai glorifctu Muhammadu k ne ar ko nesaldzinmu
zinanu nesju nevis arbu ciltm, kas daudzmaz atbilstu vsturiskai patiesbai, bet
gan visai pasaulei. s nozmes maias uzdevums ir nepieaut kritiskas teoloijas
un tekstoloijas attstbu, kda pastv kristietb.
4
Citiem vrdiem ja vsturisk
analze (pai strukturl analze) atvasina ptm perioda iekjs likumsakarbas
no agrka sabiedrbas attstbas perioda (piemram, agrn islma periodu no
pirmsislma Arbijas vstures), islma doma noir abus periodus, liekot saprast,
ka pcislma periods ir principili cits, pilngi nesaistts ar iepriekjo. Proti, islma
vsture tiek atvasinta no idelistiski tvertas Atklsmes, Korna jeb Muhammada
pasludinjuma, nevis no emprikas.
Vrtjot islma teoloiju kopum, fon Grinebaums raksta: Korna teoloija
pc savas iedarbbas ir ldzga pozijai, kas rosina iztli ar retoriska rakstura
pierdjumiem. Mint potisk tradcija sakojas pirmsislma senatn: Arbu
stils vienmr ir bijis raksturgs ar paslavinanu; pirmsislma dzejnieki nekad
nekautrjs bez ierobeojumiem sajsminties par sevi.
5
K redzam, publiskaj
sfr domin retorisk, nevis analtisk pieeja.
6
Raksturgi, ka daas dienas pc
J. Ratcingera referta iptes islma zintnieku asocicijas galva Jsufs al-Karadavi
(Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi) zintniska dialoga viet, ko vajadztu sagaidt no
zintnieku asocicijas prstvja, referentu nosodja un pieprasja paskaidrojumus:
Ms prasm no augst priestera atvainoanos islma tautu priek par to, ka vi
atvs aizvainot viu reliiju, Pravieti, ticbu, aritu bez jebkda pamata.
7
Vlk ar atkltu vstuli pie pvesta vrss simts islma ticbas autorittes no visas
pasaules.
8
Vstule satur tekstoloisku islma miermlbas apoloiju, tiek noraidts
termins svtais kar (k Korn neesos)
9
, k ar t vsturiskums (pretstat tam, ko
apliecina islma ideoloijas vsture). Varmcga reliijas uzspieana un iekarojumi
tur ir attloti k politisks dzves relijas, kurm nav nekda sakara ar islma reliiju.
Turklt tiek noklusta fundamentla islma nostdne, proti, ka ticba un politika
islm ir neirami jdzieni. (Tiesa gan, sfsms reinterpret dihdu k iekju
gargu cu ar netikumiem, bet visa islma vsture ir bagta ar nelgu cu pret
sfsmu, kas neatbilst Muhammada propontajai normai). Evalija naratvs par to,
k Jzus izdzina tirgotjus un naudas maintjus no Jeruzalemes tempa, musulmau
oponenti pasniedz k varmcbas sludinanu kristietb. Turpat ir piekabinta Jzus
frze: Nedomjiet, ka es esmu ncis mieru atnest virs zemes; es neesmu ncis atnest
mieru, bet zobenu. (Mt.10.34)
10
Vstules patoss, bez aubm, ir J. Ratcingera tu
noraidjums, nevis dialogs.
Vstures zintne, kdu to pazstam, ir judeokristinisks rakstu tradcijas
mantiniece. Ievrojamais krievu sanskritologs V. S. Semencovs savs publiskajs
runs biei atkrtoja, ka pirm vstures grmata ir Bbele. Viena no Bbeles
paradigmatiskajm pabm ir kritiska pieeja jdu tautas vsturei, kur tautas un
valdnieku rcba tiek kritiski vrtta bauslbas gaism. No ejienes vlk vstures
zintnes kritisk metode. Kaut ar islms ir prmis no judeokristinisks tradcijas
88 Orientlistika
daudz naratvu un kultisku reliju, tomr kritisk teksta ptniecisk tradcija ir
palikusi rpus t sistmas. Fon Grinebaums ai sakar atzm: T k viss vstur
notikuais tika pieemts k nepiecieamba pdj instanc jeb dievis gribas
un harismtiskas kopienas btbas realizcija, pie jebkuras politisks koncepcijas
izstrdes vsture ieguva tipoloisku formu, kas dzima no pagtnes analzes.
Praks t bija kalifta ideja.
11
Ttad runa bija par islma valsts ideju, kas izaug
no dievis gribas, nevis no vsturiskiem, sociliem, ekonomiskiem vai citiem
objektviem sabiedrbas prieknoteikumiem. Ldzg gar sprie krievu Klasisk
islma enciklopdijas autors K. Koroovs: .. islma tradcija, atirb no kristgs,
nepazst citu vsturi k tikai sakrlo: visi notikumi cilvces vstur skot ar pasaules
radanu un beidzot ar Pdjo tiesu, musulmaiem ir sakrlas jgas pilna. ai zi
islms atiras no citm pasaules raliijm: k kristietba, t jo vairk budisms pieauj
sakrls un sekulrs vstures parallu eksistenci, tau islms kategoriski noraida
pdjo. Tiei is apstklis veicinja islma noiranos, k ar t btbas neizpratni
no daudzu ptnieku puses.
12
Rezumjot ms redzam, ka kristietbas historiogrfsk
tradcija ir atvrta, t vispirms nozm atvrtbu kritiskai analzei, turpret islma
historiogrfja ir slgta, ar to saprotot ideoloiski iepriek determintu vstures
noriu izpratni.
13
Atklts vstules gnozeoloisk daa tomr satur interesantu apgalvojumu, kas
no principila viedoka opon J. Ratcingera grieiskajai kristietbas daai. T skan
di: Dihotomija saprts un ticba td veid islma dom nepastv. Drzk
musulmai apzins cilvka intelekta ierobeotbu, atzstot zinanu hierarhiju [..]
Islma intelektul tradcija cenas izvairties no divm galjbm: viena no tm ir
analtisk prta atzana par augstko instanci un otra cilvka prta spju noraidana
tur, kur runa ir par esambas robejautjumiem. Tlk seko vieta no Korna 41:53:
Ms (pa)rdsim tiem Msu zmes apvros un vios paos lai tiem ktu skaidrs,
ka tas patiesba.
14
vieta, bez aubm, nedod pamatu apgalvojumam, ka islm
nekad nav pastvjusi voluntrisma teoloija un ka voluntrismam islm ar odien
nebtu teoloiska pamata.
15

Atsauces un piezmes
1
Atkltaj vstul pvestam (Open Letter to His Holiness Pope Benedict XVI. Islamica
magazine, issue 18 2006, p. 2632.), kuru ir parakstjui simts islma ticbas autorittes,
apgalvo, ka mint Mekas sras 256. aijats ir interpolcija no Korna Mednas sras.
viedoka apstiprinjumam btu nepiecieama zintniska tekstoloiska analze, kuras
Atkltaj vstul, protams, nav.
2
Manuel II Palologue, Entretiens avec un Musulman. 7e Controverse // Sources Chrtiennes
n. 115 (Trad. A. T. Khoury), Paris 1966, p. 142143.
3
Ratcingers eit atsaucas uz franu islma ptniecbas autoritti R. Arnaldi (R. Arnaldez).
Sk. R. Arnaldez, Grammaire et thologie chez Ibn Hazm de Cordoue, Paris 1956, p. 13.,
p. 144. Ratcingera musulmau oponenti atzm, ka Ibn Hazms (Ibn Hazm) ir marginls
islma domtjs, piedvjot k autoritatvu avotu Al-Gazali (Al-Ghazali) darbus. Sk. Open
Letter p. 26.
4
G. E. von Grunebaum. Classical Islam. A History 6001258 (London, 1970); krievu val.
tulk.: . . . . . 6001258 (,
), 1988, . 40.
5
ibid, .125126.
6
ai kontekst nepiecieams atgdint, ka neviens cits k Eiropas orientlisti, biei riskjot
ar dzvbu, bija pirmie, kas deifrja petroglifus Sens Arbijas vsturiskos pieminekus.
Tikai pateicoties eiropieiem, arbiem kuva pieejami viu pirmsislma vstures materilie
liecinieki. Kas attiecas uz Arbijas islma vstures periodu, eiropiei, nevis musulmau
analtiskie prti bija tie, kas ierosinja nerto islma vstures faktu izpti. Sk. B. Walker.
Foundations of Islam. The Making of a World Faith (New Delhi, Rupa & Co, 2004),
p. 346347.
7
Muslim reaction to Pope // BBC News, 16 September 2006.
8
Open Letter p. 2632.
9
Korn mints ir Allha ce fl sabil-ullah (Q. 3:163; 4:76) , kas nav burtiski
tulkojams. Skku analzi sk. C. A. Majul. Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City:
University of Philippines, 1973), p. 353360. Atklts vstules autora (vai autoru)
pretenzijas par o terminoloijas un citm formla rakstura problmm liek domt par
atbildtja izvairanos no priekmetiska dialoga.
10
ibid., p. 27. Mt.10.34 eksezes nekd gadjum neskaidro Jzus izteicienu k politiski
vai militri ievirztu varmcbu. Visos skaidrojumos runa ir par cilvka grcgs dabas
nociranu ar zobenu. Tekstuls, normatvs kristietbas konteksts nesatur aicinjumu
uz sabiedrisku vardarbbu. Vsturiski pastvjus vardarbba, tda k taisngie kari (pc
Augustna) no kristietbas viedoka vienmr ir bijui nepietiekami motivti, jo tiem nav
atbalsta Sv. Rakstos.
11
. . . , . 80.
12
. (c.). . (-: ,
, 2005), .7778.
13
Msu vid da pieeja nav okjoa: padomju vstures koncepcija ar bija ideoloiski
determinta. Zinm mr tas attiecinms ar uz agrku laikmetu to vsturi, kuru bija
ierosinjis romantisms literatr, flozofj, teoloij. Skaisto pasaku par tautas pagtni
vsturnieki lkoja apaudzt ar vsturiskiem faktiem, to objektivizjot, iekms A. Toinbijs
neiestjs par patiesbu vsturisks mitoloijas viet.
14
Ms (pa)rdsim tiem* Msu zmes apvros** un vios paos lai tiem ktu skaidrs***,
ka tas**** patiesba (* Mekas bezdievjiem // **rpus tiem, rj pasaul // *** vai:
kamr tiem nebs kuvis skaidrs //**** Muhammadam nosttais jeb via saemt
atklsme). J. Eota tulkojums un komentrs.
15
Open Letter p. 2728.
Summary
The Pope Benedicts XVI Islam controversy arose from a lecture delivered on 12 September
2006 by the Pope (J. Ratzinger) at the University of Regensburg in Germany. The lecture
received much condemnation from Muslim political and religious authorities. They registered
their protest against what they said was an insulting mischaracterization of Islam. In part of
his explication, he referred to a specifc aspect of Islam that is irrational, namely the practice
of forced conversion. His point in detail here was that, generally speaking, in Christianity, God
is understood to act in accordance with reason, while in Islam, Gods absolute transcendence
means that God is not bound even by his own word, and can act in ways contrary to reason,
including self-contradiction. At the end of his lecture, the Pope said, It is to the great logos,
to this breadth of reason, that we invite our partners in the dialogue of cultures. The dialogue
never happened. The reason for the failure is basic difference in Christian and Islamic traditions
of scholarly thinking. One of the crucial obstacles to the dialogue is different approach to
90 Orientlistika
history. Christianity presumes that the secular history not necessarily coincides with the holy
history. Islamic point of view differs, saying that there is only one history the holy history of
Islam predestined by God. To make dialogue possible, scientifc grounds should be found.
Keywords: J. Ratzinger, dialogue of civilizations, Islam and Christianity, Islamic history,
violence and Islam, violence and Christianity, religious enforcement.
Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami raans vsture un ideoloija
Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami: the History of Rise and Ideology
Katrne Anspaha
Latvijas Universittes Socilo zintu fakultte, Politikas zintnes nodaa
Lomonosova iel 1a, Rg, LV-1019
e-pasts: katrine.anspaha@inbox.lv
aj rakst tiek aplkota viena no islmistu organizcijm Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami
(turpmk HT), ts raans vsture un ideoloija. HT rads Palestn, un ts skotnj
darbba bija saistta ar Tuvo Austrumu reionu, bet vlk HT tika aizliegta, un msdiens t
darbojas Eirop ar savu centru Lielbritnij. HT organizcijas ideoloija ar ts pamatmri
islma valsts jeb Kalifta izveidoanu piesaista daudzus Eiropas otrs un tres paaudzes
musulmaus, k ar tos, kas prgjui islm. Kaut ar HT ofcili nav atzta par teroristisku
organizciju, tomr teoloiski HT ir heterodoksla un ts ideoloija pieskaitma pie radikl
salafsma islma interpretcijas.
Atslgvrdi: Hizb al-Tahrir, ideoloija, islms, islmisms, Kalifts, Takiddns Al-Nabhani.
Hizb al-Tahrir raans vsture un darbba
Islmistu kustbas rads pc Otomau Kalifta sabrukanas 1924. gad k
reakcija uz straujm izmaim musulmau sabiedrb, ts modernizciju 19. un
20. gadsimt un Rietumu ietekmi. Atbildi uz jaun laika problmm islmisma
teortii meklja islma reliij. Pirms 1924. gada islma pasaul nebija nek
ldzga msdienu politiskajm partijm. Islma organizcija Musulmau Brlba
(Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin) tika dibinta 1928. gad, 1937. gad Al-Maududi publicja
savu grmatu Al-Jihd fl-Islam, un 1941. gad tika izveidota Jamaat-i-Islami.
Savukrt Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami tika dibinta 1952. gad.
Radikl islma organizcijas kuva pazstamas, kad ts ska stenot savus
mrus ar terorismu un politisku vardarbbu. Mazk pazstamas ir ts, kas piekopj
nevis aktvu darbbu, bet ideoloisko cu. No tm visnozmgk msdiens
ir Eirop aktv Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami jeb Islma atbrvoanas partija,
1
kas ir
transnacionl sunntu radikl islmisma organizcija. HT ir viena no kustbm,
kas rads Tuvo Austrumu reion, bet palaik atklti darbojas Eiropas teritorij un
aktvi izplata savu mcbu. T ir vieng radikl islmisma organizcija, kas legli
darbojas Lielbritnij. Ts loceki Eirop prstv vistrk augoo musulmau, pai
jaunieu musulmau, kopienu.
Takiddns Al-Nabhani un Hizb al-Tahrir
Hizb al-Tahrir partija ir dibinta 1952. gad
2
Palestn, Jeruzalem. Ts dibintjs
ir palestnietis eihs Muhammeds Takiddns Al-Nabhani (19091979), kas bija islma
zintnieks (alim), islma jurists (faqih) un tiesnesis (qadi). Vi dzimis 1909. gad
92 Orientlistika
Idzimas ciemat Haifas apgabal. Via tvs bija islma jurisprudences ptnieks un
strdja par Islma Likuma skolotju. Savukrt via vectvs eihs Jsufs al-Nabhani
bija pazstams rakstnieks, kas uzturja sakarus ar Otomau imprijas amatpersonm
un strdja par tiesnesi vairkos Otomau valsts apgabalos. Al-Nabhani kop brnbas
bija o divu cilvku ietekmts, un via pasaules uzskatu liel mr iespaidoja islma
jurisprudence ar tlaika politiskajm problmm. Al-Nabhani sama tradicionlo
pamatizgltbu un 1928. gad iestjs autoritatvaj Al-Azharas Universitt Kair.
Pc studiju beiganas etrus gadus vlk vi atgriezs Haif, kur ska strdt
Izgltbas ministrij par islma jurisprudences pasniedzju. 1948. gad Al-Nabhani
prvcs uz Beirtu un tika iecelts amat Jeruzalemes Bait al-Maqdis Apelcijas ties.
Al-Nabhani sistemtiski uzturja sakarus ar pazim un koliem gan sav valst,
gan ipt, sadarbojoties ar Musulmau Brlbu, lai veicintu islma politisks
partijas izveidoanu. iet, ka taj period Al-Nabhani bija neatkargi uzskati par
partijas dibinanu. Skotnji Al-Nabhani bija saistts ar arbu nacionlistiem, pai
ar Bath grupu un Ibrat Filastin.
3
Strdjot Jeruzalem divus gadus pirms Hizb al-
Tahrir partijas nodibinanas, Al-Nabhani saistjs ar jauno palestnieu intelektuu
grupu, kas pauda nacionlistiskus uzskatus. grupa publicja ikdienas avzi
Bath, no kuras t aizguva savu nosaukumu. Avzes galven vsts ir aicinjums pc
revolucionrm prmaim arbu pasaul, visu arbu valstu apvienoans. Bath
ticja, ka vieng iespja Palestnas atbrvoanai ir arbu vienotba. Al-Nabhani tpat
k iptes islmistu intelektulis un Musulmau Brlbas ideologs Sadu Kutbu
no skuma bija nacionlistiski orientts. Abi bija aizrvuies ar nacionlismu un
arbismu, bet vlk vii vls savos idelos un radikli mainjs viu uzskati. Citas
ldzgas grupas, kurs Al-Nabhani iesaistjs, bija ideoloiski dzii sekulras, tajs
islms bija tikai arbu kultras sastvdaa. Pretstat tam Al-Nabhani raksturo arbu
vsti k islmu, piebilstot, ka arbu nacionlisms ir rekonstrujams tikai tad, kad tiks
atjaunots islms. Vlk Al-Nabhani kdu laiku bija doctjs Jordn, Omnas Islma
universitt. Vi turpinja kontaktties ar tiesneiem, zintniekiem un prominentm
personm, piedvjot izveidot islma politisko partiju. Dai ptnieki apgalvo, ka aj
period vi notika btiskas prmaias islma izpratn.
4

Kaut ar saska ar dau drobas dienestu ziojumiem Hizb al-Tahrir tika
dibinta 1951. gad un ne agrk, citi uzskata, ka tas notika 1952. gad. Pdjais
datums mints ar iekjos partijas avotos. Tomr ofcili par partijas dibinanas
gadu tiek uzskatts 1953. gads. aj laik Al-Nabhani strdja Ibrahimiyya skol
Jeruzalem. Vi kop ar saviem koliem Asadu, Raabu Bajudu al-Tamimi un
Abdu al-Kdimu Zallumu neformls sanksms Jeruzalem un Hebron cents
prliecint citus, ka nepiecieams izveidot islmisku politisko partiju. No skuma
vii reprezentja savu organizciju k reliisku apvienbu, kuras mris ir stiprint
islma brlbas jtas cilvkos. Kaut ar dai autori apgalvo, ka Al-Nabhani kuva
aktvs Musulmau Brlbas loceklis, bet vlk sakar ar domstarpbm to atstja,
Hizb al-Tahrir iekjie avoti to noliedz.
5
Tomr daudzus Musulmau Brlbas
locekus piesaistja jaunizveidot partija, kas skum saucs Nabhaniyya. Formlais
lgums Hizb al-Tahrir dibinanai tika iesniegts Ammnas provinces gubernatoram
1952. gada 17. novembr, bet partiju nereistrja. Ofcili Hizb al-Tahrir tika
reistrta tikai 1953. gada janvra beigs. Pc Hizb al-Tahrir dibinanas Al-Nabhani
publicja vairkas grmatas un organizja manifestcijas Jordn, Srij un Libn,
Katrne Anspaha. Hizb al- Tahrir al- Islami raans vsture un ideoloija 93
lai vairotu savu politisko nozmi. Halds Hasns, viens no Palestnas Atbrvoanas
organizcijas militrs frakcijas Fatah dibintjiem, tpat k Islma dihda
gargais lderis eihs Asads al-Tamimi bija ar viens no Hizb al-Tahrir izveidotjiem.
HT pareizjo lderu personbas nav zinmas.
6
Ievrojamkie Al-Nabhani darbi ir Palestnas glbana (Ingadh Filastin, 1950),
Islma sistma(Nidham al-Islam, 1953), Valdanas sistma islm (Nidham
al-hukm fl Islam, 1953), Islma socil sistma (Mafahim Siyasiyya li-Hizb
al-Tahrir, 1953), Islms un valdanas principi (Al-Islam wa usul al- hukm,
1953). Pc Al-Nabhani nves 1977. gad par partijas vadtju kuva cits Palestnas
islma ticbas skolotjs un Al-Azharas Universittes bijuais profesors eihs Abduls
Kdims Zallums. Vi vadja HT organizciju piecpadsmit gadus ldz pat savai nvei
2003. gada aprl. Tagad HT vada eihs Ata Abu Al-Rita (Sheikh Ata Abu Al-Rishta),
kura laik HT ir kuvusi agresvka. Piemram, pc 2001. gada 11. septembra terorakta
HT pazioja, ka ASV un Lielbritnija ir pieteikusi karu islmam un musulmaiem,
td visi musulmai atrodas karastvokl, kur dihds pret amerikiem un
jdiem ir pasaprotams.
7
Daudzi vsturnieki uzskata HT par Musulmau Brlbas
frakciju. is viedoklis pamatojas uz faktu, ka daudzi HT loceki, to skait ar pats
Al-Nabhani, ir nkui no Musulmau Brlbas aprindm, un vii uzskatja to par
prk konservatvu, apsdzot viu sadarbb ar valdoo remu.
8
Hizb al-Tahrir bija tlaika politisk partija, kuras ideoloija bija islms un
mris islma dzvesveida atskana. Neskatoties uz ts vajanu atsevios
reionos, partija darbojs Tuvajos Austrumos, frik, zij un pdj laik, kstot par
starptautisku organizciju, ASV un Eirop. Nabhani rakstos jtamas raizes par arbu
musulmau valstm, kas atrodas Rietumu ietekm. Via pamatmris bija apvienot
ts vien Kalift, kur vartu atskt islma dzvesveidu. T k arbu zemes atrads
sekulro politisko remu var, Nabhani s valstis pieskaitja pie Rietumu pasaules,
nosaucot ts par neticbas zemi (dar al-kufr) un to lderus par neticgajiem, kas
nespj valdt saska ar Dieva atklsmi. Lai gztu to neislmisks politisks sistmas,
vi izplatja alternatvas politisks idejas, kas bija atvasintas no islma ideoloijas,
un aicinja stenot intelektulo revolciju, kas vestu pie politisks revolcijas,
lai transformtu sabiedrbas galvens institcijas. Jaunais kalfs izveidotu dar
al-islam, ievieot ariatu ar reliisks propagandas (dawah) un svt kara (jihad)
paldzbu. s partijas darbbas stratija balsts uz praviea Mekkas perioda modeli,
praviea biogrfju (Sira). Nabhani neticbu (kufr) sauc par galveno ideoloisko
izaicinjumu, kas prasa islma ideju ievieanu. Otomau imprijas sagrauana,
arbu nacionlo valstu izveidoana un Izralas valsts dibinana, viaprt, ir
novedusi pie ummas nespjas padart islmu par dominjoo spku sabiedrb un
valst. Bet atirb no citm Palestnas izcelsmes islmistu organizcijm Hizb
al-Tahrir neuzskata Palestnas problmu par galveno sav ideoloij, kaut ar zinms,
ka Izralas nodibinana 1948. gad kuva par iemeslu Nabhani partijas izveidoanai
1952. gad. Pagju gadsimta 80. gados HT atzari tika izveidoti vairks Eiropas
valsts, tds k Vcija, Austrija, kur HT darbojs galvenokrt musulmau
viesstrdnieku un studentu vid, izplatot rpus moejm urnlu Al-Khilafa. Pirm
Eiropas valsts, kas aizliedza HT darbbu, bija Vcija, kas 2003. gada janvr HT
darbbu apturja ts antisemtisks propagandas d. Msdiens HT aktvi darbojas
Lielbritnij un Dnij.
94 Orientlistika
Hizb al-Tahrir struktra
HT partijas organizatoriskai struktrai ir piramdas forma ar administratvajiem
orgniem trs atsevios lmeos. Ts hierarhijas pa virsotn ir centralizt Vadbas
komiteja (lajnat al-qiyada), savukrt apak provinces organizcijas vietj lmen.
Provinces lmen ir provinces komiteja (lajnat al-wilaya), kamr vietj lmen ir
divas vienbas: vietj komiteja (al-lajna al-mahaliyya) un mcbu pulci (halqa,
burtiski loks).
9
Sakari vienbu starp tiek uzturti tikai vertikli, un tas dara
partijas struktru vienotu un homognu. HT darbbas sfra ir provincs, kas tiek
domtas k nkotnes islma valsts pamats. Islma termina wilaya pieemana ir
svarga tpc, ka tas ir vsturisks islma valsts administratvais termins. HT vadbas
komitejas priekgal atrodas augstkais lderis amirs (amir), kas skotnji atrads
Jeruzalem, bet vlk Beirt. Provinces komiteju veido pieci ldz desmit loceki,
kurus vada mutamad. Pilstu centru vietjs komitejas vada naqib. Savukrt mcbu
pulcius, kas sastv no pieciem locekiem, vada mushrif. Mcbu pulci ir maza
vienba, kuru veido jaunvervtie loceki, kas intensvi stud HT ideoloiju kda cita
pieredzjua loceka uzraudzb veiksmgai ideoloiskai apstrdei. Mcbu pulci
dalbnieki parasti satiekas vienreiz ned vienu gadu, lai studtu galvenokrt
Al-Nabhani literatru, ar tdus darbus k Islma sistma, kas iepazstina ar
Nabhani piedvto islma valsts uzbvi, Hizb al-Tahrir koncepti un Partijas
struktra. Literatras apguves process ir ds: kds no locekiem nolasa fragmentu,
pc tam kds cits to koment, izraisot diskusijas. Mcbu pulci jeb loks (halqa) ir
mcbu pamiens, kas premts no tradicionl islma. Mcbu pulci galvenais
ir tas, ka ie jaunie loceki pulcjas ap gargo vadtju, lai defnts idejas ieviestu
jaunajos prtos tlkai prdomanai un attiecgai analzei.
10

Hizb al-Tahrir ideoloija
HT ir dibinta k atbilde uz Korna aicinjumu: Lai jsu starp izveidojas
grupa, kas aicina pie lab un pavl, kas ir pareizs, un aizliedz to, kas ir auns; un tie
ir veiksmgie.
11
Al-Nabhani savas organizcijas apzmanai lieto partijas jdzienu (hizb, no
darbbas vrda hazaba pieslieties, nostties kda pus), kas ir aizgts no Korna.
Taj tas pards k patieso musulmau grupa jeb Allha partija (hizb allah),
12

un parasti t ir pretstatta Stana partijai (hizb al-shaitan). Atirb no kornisk
lietojuma Nabhani sav defnjum uzsver jdziena politisko raksturu (hizb siyasi).
Agrn islma literatr partijas jdziens tiek lietots negatv nozm, jo islm ir
aizliegts veidot grupjumus.
HT ir pieskaitma pie islma radiklajm reliiski politiskajm kustbm,
kuras raksturo vairki pamatprincipi. Pirmkrt, tm raksturgs strikts monoteisms
(tawhid), Dieva suverenittes pieemana (hakimiyyah), tas nozm, ka reliijas
principi ir saistti ar valsts prvaldi, padarot valdanu par funkciju, kad cilvki tiek
subordinti Dievam. Atirb no prjm islmistu kustbm HT neievro abstraktu
Dieva suverenittes principu, iebilstot, ka islms pats par sevi ir skaidra un dievii
ordinta politisk sistma. aj sistm valdnieka viet ir islma likums, nevis islma
kopiena (umma). HT skatjum cilvku vara ir stenojama tikai kalfa iecelanas
proces. HT uzskata cu par Kalifta atjaunoanu par visu musulmau reliisku
pienkumu. Saska ar HT dievio likumu adoptana ir kalfa kompetenc un
nevar bt nekdas varas nodalanas starp dievio un laicgo. HT orientcija uz
socilpolitisko idelu ir ldzga vahbtu praksei.
Otrkrt, islmistu kustbas raksturo tas, k ts izprot ignorances (jahiliyyah)
jdzienu un t lietoanu. is jdziens parasti tiek saprasts k pirmsislma nezias un
neticbas stvoklis Arbij. Lai pamatotu savu cu pret politisko remu, islmistu
ideologi par dahiliju sauc visas ts sistmas, kas nebalsts uz Dieva likumu. Atirb
no viiem Al-Nabhani sav mcb pilngi izvairs no diskusijas par dahiliju.
Trekrt, islmistu doktrn ir svargs takfra princips (takfr), kad viens
musulmanis apsdz otru musulmani neticb (kufr), nosaucot viu par neticgo
(kafr). Islmisti bija tie, kas ieviesa dihotomiju musulmau sabiedrb, noirot
ticgos (muslimun) no neticgajiem (kafrun). Par kafr var kt ne tikai tie, kas aiziet
no islma, bet ar tie, kas izpilda visus piecus islma pilrus, bet neatbalsta radiklo
islma izpratni. HT attiecb uz takfru ir mrenka nek vairkums citu islmistu
kustbu, jo atir politisko sistmu neticbu no atseviu to cilvku neticbas, kuri
HT izpratn var palikt ticgi musulmai, dzvojot neticg sabiedrb.
Ceturtkrt, islmisti ir pret jebkuriem jauninjumiem (bida) un, ignorjot
vlko reliisko skolu tradciju, atbalsta brvu teksta interpretciju (ijtihad, burtiski
pieple). Prasba pc aktvas sabiedrbas attranas un ca pret jauninjumiem
nk no hanbaltu teoloijas, kas ir pretrun ar islma tradciju. Saska ar HT
musulmau umma ir atteikusies no islma intelektul pamata. T ska uztvert
islmu k ritulu kopumu un vsturisku mantojumu bez jebkda sakara ar pareizjo
dzvi.
13
Par das situcijas iemesliem HT min arbu valodas ignoranu, sveu
flosofju ietekmi uz musulmaiem, 19. gs. politisko invziju. HT uzstjas pret brvs
teksta interpretcijas jeb idtihda aizmiranu, jo tas dotu iespju risint jauns
problmas. Saska ar HT islmam ir ties sakars ar dzvi, jo tas risina cilvka
problmas. Islms liek priek dzves gudrbu; un Korna un Sunnas teksti kst
par juridisku avotu, kas ir interpretjams gan burtiski, gan ar idtihdu. HT uzsver
idtihda nozmi, jo tas dod iespju islmam risint problmas jebkur laikmet.
Mudtahdam (mujtahid) aj gadjum sav interpretcij ir jatsaucas uz Kornu
(Quran), Sunnu (Sunnah), islma zintnieku vienprtbu (ijmaa) un spriedumiem
pc analoijas (qiyas), citdi interprettjs var sajaukt savu persongo uzskatu ar
Hukm Sharai (likumdevja runa). Idtihds ir defnjams k mehnisms, ar kuru
Hukm Sharai kst sasniedzams. Saska ar HT atteikans no idtihda 9. gadsimt
ir viens no islma ummas pagrimuma iemesliem.
14
Al-Nabhani sav teoloij ir ietekmjies, pirmkrt, no mutaziltu teoloijas un
viu oponentiem, aartu kustbas, kuru prstv Al-Aari,
15
un, otrkrt, no salafsma,
kuru prstv Ahmads Ibn Hanbals
16
un vlk Sads Kutbs.
Al-Nabhani ir prmis no mutaziltu teoloijas dus pamatprincipus:
1. Prta izmantoana ticbas (iman) izpratn un arita likumu (ahkam
shariah) lietoan.
17
Saska ar Al-Nabhani ariats ir racionli un
loiski izskaidrojams. Al-Nabhani uzsver: pirms ticam, jatrod racionli
pierdjumi ticbai.
96 Orientlistika
2. Cilvka brvs gribas uzsvrana un Dieva gribas un liktea noliegana
(al-qadaa wa al-qadar).
18
Cilvks ir pilnb atbildgs par savu rcbu, un
aunums ir cilvka radts.
3. Ticba tam, ka Korns ir Allha radts, ka t ir Allha atklsme, nevis
Allha tie runa.
19
4. HT ldzgi agrn islma racionlistiem mutaziltiem atzst tikai
autoritatvos hadsus (ahadth mutawatir) un noliedz vairkus Praviea
izteikumus, kas nk no nedroiem hadsiem (ahadth daif).
20
HT atzst
mutawatir hadsu izmantoanu tikai atsevios gadjumos ariat.
Al-Nabhani raksta, ka tie hadsi, kas nav mutawatir, ir spekulatvi savs
nords un nav noteikti.
21
5. HT konsekventi noraida dus islma pamatprincipus, kuru liecbas ir
atrodamas neautentiskos hadsos: ticba uz aizkapa sodu (adhab al-qabr),
pcnves tiesu, ticbu uz Praviea prkumu pr visiem pravieiem; HT
noliedz visus Praviea brnumus, izemot Kornu; noliedz tiltu pr elles
ugunm (al-sirat), Praviea di (al-hawdh), darbu svarus (al-mizan),
Augmcelans dienas aprakstu, ieskaitot taj ar Korna ststu par to;
Praviea uzkpanu debess (Miraj), zmes pirms Pdjs tiesas dienas:
praviea sas nolaianos, Dadaa (Dajal) pardanos.
6. Mutazilti sevi sauca par ahl al-tawhid wa al-adl un cents, lai prjie
ummas loceki sekotu tikai viiem. HT tpat k vii nepieem dads
juridisks skolas, uzskatot sevi par viengi pareizo autoritti.
7. K zinms, mutaziltu dogmatika balstjs uz flosofskajm debatm un
diskusijm. HT tpat k mutazilti izplata savu mcbu diskusijs ar auu
masm, mcbu iestds, lekcijs, seminros, ar skrejlapm, grmats un
urnlos, k ar internet. is islma un HT ideoloijas izplatanas veids
ir ldzgs mutaziltu praksei agrn islma vstur.
HT apsdz neticb nemusulmau valdbas (pasludina takfr), bet ne paus
musulmaus, jo uzkata, ka tos ir iespjams pievrst islmam ar sludinanu (dawah).
Td veid HT cenas reislamizt sabiedrbu, nelietojot politisko cu. Vsturiski
pirm kustba, kas ska cnties pret valdniekiem, bija agrn islma haridtu
(khawarij) sekta un vlk salaftu kustbas. HT vlas gzt arbu valdbas, bet islm
ir aizliegts pretoties pastvoai varai, turpret Korn ir priekrakstta absolta
pakauans valdbai.
22
Tdjdi HT novirzs no tradicionls islma interpretcijas.
Sacelans pret pastvoo varu, ne visu hadsu pieemana, kas nozm ar islma
vairkuma pamatprincipu nolieganu, liecina, ka HT ticbas sistma (aqidah)
atiras no lielks daas musulmau (ahl al- sunnah) ticbas (aqidah).
Nabhani nostda islma civilizciju iepreretim Rietumu pasaulei, t sekmjot
civilizciju sadursmi. Civilizcijas jdzienu (hadarah) vi noir no materils
labkljbas jdziena (madaniyyah). Vi raksta, ka musulmai nevar pieemt Rietumu
civilizciju, jo t veidota uz reliijas un valsts separcijas principiem, kas ir svei
islmam.
23
HT nosauc Rietumu pasauli par neticgo (kuffar) pasauli, par islma
ienaidniekiem, apgalvojot, ka tie ska aptraipt islmu ar jdzieniem (to skait ir tdi
jdzieni k terorisms, fundamentlisms, ekstrmisms
24
), kas islmam ir svei. Sav
literatr HT, cenoties izskaidrot os konceptus, demonstr, ka tie apdraud islma
ummu, kuras mris ir padart islmu par globlu ideoloiju un politisku sistmu.
Piemram, pieminot terorismu (irhab), tiek apgalvots, ka ir aizspriedumaini uzskatt
musulmaus par teroristiem, jo Korns sankcion o darbbu.
25
Visdrzk, islms
un Rietumi neatrodas civilizciju konfikt, sadursmes stvokl. Konfiktu cenas
radt tie islma pasaules prstvji (ar Al-Nabhani), kas sapo nomaint pastvoo
pasaules iekrtu ar utopisku pasaules haliftu. HT skats uz globalizciju k uz labu
iespju no jauna izveidot musulmau ummu uz tri reliiskiem pamatiem, nevis pc
nacionl principa vai t, ka reliija ir atdalta no kultras un politikas.
26
Dau Nabhani rakstu veltta antisemtisma tmai, un sav retorik HT ir
neiecietga joprojm. Visticamk, ka HT antisemtisms izpauas nevis k reakcija
uz Izralas un Palestnas konfiktu, k teritorilais konfikts, bet gan k vsturiska,
eksistencila sadursme starp ebrejiem un arbiem.
Attiecb uz starpreliiju dialogu HT apgalvo, ka t ir islmam svea ideja.
27

Musulmaiem ir pavlts aicint nemusulmaus pieemt islmu, pametot neticbu
(kufr), nevis aicint uz starpreliiju dialogu. Rietumi, kas sauc uz dialogu, saredz
islm ienaidnieku.
28
HT uzskata, ka Rietumi sauc uz reliiju dialogu, atrodoties
naidguma pozcij un bdami naidgi noskaoti pret islmu. aj sakar tiek
piemintas visas darbbas, kas vrstas pret islmu: krusta kari, musulmau padzana
no Spnijas, Kalifta valsts sagrauana, Izralas valsts dibinana Palestn un islma
kustbu saukana par terorismu un ekstrmismu. HT secina, ka galvenais neticgs
Rietumu pasaules mris aj reliiju un civilizciju (hadharah) dialog ir nepieaut,
ka islms top par visaptverou sistmu.
29
HT formul tdus jautjumus k Kalifta dibinana, Allha varas ievieana,
kalfa iecelana (vi dotu zvrestu (baia) uz Korna un Sunnas), neticgo (kufr)
varas sagrauana un islma likumu ievieana; musulmau zemju padarana par
islma zemm, musulmau sabiedrbas prveidoana par islma sabiedrbu, islma
vsts izplatana gan miera ce, gan ar dihdu (jihad). Kd Nabhani uzskata,
ka nepiecieamas s izmaias? Musulmau, galvenokrt arbu reionu, zemes
prvalda neticgo likumi un sistmas, izemot daus tdus k laulbas, irans,
mantoanas un aizbildniecbas likumi. Visi tie tiek stenoti ar specili izveidotu tiesu
(mahkamah shariah). Tdjdi musulmai dzvo neticgo realitt, nevis islma
realitt. Saska ar ariata (Shariah) terminoloiju islma zeme (dar al-islam)
ir teritorija, kur valda islma likumi un kur drobu (aman) garant islms. Tas
nozm, ka musulmai tiek aizsargti gan iekzem, gan rzems, pat ja vairkums
iedzvotju nav musulmai. Savukrt neticgo zeme (dar al-kufr) ir teritorija, kur
valda neticgo likumi un kur nav islma garantts drobas, pat ja vairkums
iedzvotju ir musulmai. izpratne ir emta no Suleimana Bin Buraidas hadsa,
30

un tas norda uz to, ka musulmaiem ir jemigr no neislma zemes, kstot par
emigrantiem (muhajirin),
31
lai pilnb baudtu ticgo sabiedrbas tiesbas.
Savs socilajs reforms HT aprobeojas ar teokrtiskm normm. T seko
Praviea piemram islma valsts dibinan un teokrtisko normu lietoan valst
un sabiedrb.
32
HT secina, ka musulmau zemes un sabiedrbu nevar uzskatt par
islma teritoriju (dar al-islam), td partija koncentrjas uz darbu uz neticgas
(dahilijas) sabiedrbas prveidoanu par islma sabiedrbu ldzgi Muhammedam,
kad vi Meku pievrsa islmam. HT galvens direktvas ir izplatt islmu atbilstoi
98 Orientlistika
Korna pavlei: Un tad izveidosies no jums kopiena, kas aicins pie lab un
pareiz (maaruf), neataujot auno (munkar).
33
HT pakaujas Allha pavlei, kas
uzliek pienkumu (fard) musulmaiem darboties saska ar islma normm islma
ievieanai. Partija, pieemot dievis normas k viengo pamatu savai darbbai un
saviem uzskatiem par dadm ideoloijm, t noir atauto (halal) no aizliegt
(haram). Visi citi uzskati, sistmas, ideoloijas, reliijas ir neticba (kufr), un islms
ir vieng pareiz ideoloija. HT pieskaita pie neticgajiem (kuffar) gan citu reliiju
piedergos, gan citu ideoloiju piekritjus, k ar visus valdniekus, kas ievro neticgo
(kufr) principus. HT mris ir izjaukt neticgo prvaldes sistmas un ieviest islma
likumus (ahkam).
34
Kad realitte ir pretrun ar islmu, islmu nevar interprett
atbilstoi realittei, bet var maint realitti. Kalifta koncepts k musulmau
vienotbas un islma universlisma simbols ir kuvis par HT visraksturgko iezmi.
Interesanti, ka vahbisms, pc kura piemra Hizb al-Tahrir ir veidots, noliedz
Kalifta ideju, kuru Hizb al-Tahrir vlas no jauna izveidot.
35
Hizb al-Tahrir Kalifta prvaldes teorija
1953. gad Al-Nabhani publicja detaliztu islma valsts konstitciju (dustur),
kas ldzins Musulmau Brlbas teortiu piedvtajiem modeiem.
36
Nabhani
Kalifta (khilafah) jdzienu defnja k totlu visu musulmau valdanu, lai ieviestu
ariatu un izplattu islma vsti pasaul. Pretstat citiem msdienu islmisma
teortiiem, kas uzsver to, ka termins Kalifts nenorda uz specifsku valdanas
formu, kas btu tikai vsturisks islma valsts simbols, Al-Nabhani turpret
aicina pie autentiskas islma valsts, pie viduslaiku Absidu Kalifta atjaunoanas.
Vsturisk islma valsts ir piemusi likumus, kas attiecas uz ts politisko un
administratvo vienotbu tikai idtihda veicinanai, savukrt Al-Nabhani uzskata,
ka idtihda praktizana, nevis arita ievieana ir nopietns apdraudjums taqlid
jautjumiem. Valsts saska ar Al-Nabhani ir islma btiska daa, jo t ir Korna
un Sunnas priekrakstta. Islma valsts arhetipisk paradigma ldzins Praviea
Muhammeda dzves piemram. Al-Nabhani veido savu islma valsts paradigmu,
pamatojoties uz klasiskajm sunntu islma juridiskajm teorijm.
37
Islmisk
valdba balsts uz fundamentl principa. Saska ar to vara ir pieirta paai ticgo
musulmau kopienai. Al-Nabhani piebilst, ka islma varas koncepcija pieprasa, lai
umma deletu varu tikai kalfam. Vi uzsver vsturisku lguma zvrestu (baiah)
k Korna priekraksttu metodi kalfa izvlei.
38
Zvrests pats par sevi ir kolektvs
reliisks pienkums, tas attiecas uz visiem musulmaiem, tiem ir jbt ldzdalgiem
kalfa iecelan.
Kaliftu prvalda etras amatpersonas: kalfs (khalifah), delets palgs
(muawin), valdnieks (wali), prvaldnieks, majors (amil).
39
Kalifta varas sistma ir
balstta uz etriem principiem:
1. Augstk vara pieder ariatam, nevis tautai. Td veid tiek uzsvrta
Allha suverenitte (hakimiyyah).
2. Vara pieder ummai, ticgo kopienai.
3. Kalfa iecelana ir visu musulmau pienkums (fard kifayah).
4. Tikai kalfam ir pilnvaras pieemt ariata likumus (ahkam shariah).
Islma valstij ir das varas institcijas:
1. Kalfs (khalifa).
2. Deletie palgi (muawin al-tafwd).
3. Izpildvaras palgi (muawin al-tanfdh).
4. Dihda emrs (amir al-jihad).
5. Provinu prvaldnieki (wulah).
6. Tiesnei (qadah).
7. Ummas padome (Majlis al-Ummah).
8. Valsts iecirki (masalih al-dawlah).
40
Par vienu no musulmau sabiedrbas pagrimuma iemesliem Al-Nabhani min
arbu valodas pameanu novrt. Tas notika pai mamuku valdanas laik, kad
tika ierobeots idtihda lietojums, kam nepiecieamas oti labas arbu valodas
zinanas, un t viet tika priekrakstta sekoana iepriekjo islma juristu
viedokiem (taqlid), un tas vjinja musulmau reliijas izpratni,
41
kaut ar otomai
vlk atjaunoja Kaliftu, bet neieviesa islmu. Tie prma Rietumu institcijas un
likumus un nodroinja sevi ar fatvm, lai leitimtu Rietumu aizguvumus, ldz ar to
prkpjot islma principus. Nespja saprast, ka Rietumu idejas nav savienojamas ar
islmu, noveda pie islma modernistu centieniem integrt Rietumu kultru islm un
pie Rietumu kultras imperilisma.
42
Par intelektul pagrimuma zmi Al-Nabhani
min to, ka ulemi islma likumus pasniedz k abstraktu un hipottisku disciplnu:
vii sniedz tdu islma interpretciju, kas pielgo to situcijai, vii interpret
islmu, nevis maina sabiedrbu, ievieot islma standartus. Nenosaucot vrd
iepriekjs grupas un kustbas, Al-Nabhani vras pret tm ar kritiku, apgalvojot,
ka skolu dibinana, moeju celana, nodarboans ar labdarbu padara ts par
labdarbas organizcijm bez politiskiem mriem. Citi grupjumi cenas morli
attrt sabiedrbu ar sprediiem, lekcijm, publikcijm, bet tie cie neveiksmi, jo
saska ar Al-Nabhani viedokli socilas reformas ir iespjamas tikai ar visprjm
sabiedrbas izmaim, nevis mainot cilvku morli. Viaprt, no jauna ieviest islmu
nav iespjams ar moeju celanu.
43
HT uzskata, ka musulmau prtus savioja un ietekmja divi notikumi
Kalifta sabrukana un Izralas valsts dibinana, kas sekmja dadu islmisku un
neislmisku kustbu raanos.
44
HT secina, ka galvenie islma ummas jautjumi ir
islma ievieana, islma vsts izplatana (dawah) gan miera ce, gan ar dihdu.
HT ar savm metodm seko Praviea piemram. T ir kolektva, nevis individula
darbba. HT kritiz visas islma nepolitisks vai reliisks organizcijas, kas public
islma literatru vai aicina ievrot labo (marouf) un noraidt auno (munkar), jo ts
nespj risint galvens musulmau problmas. HT kritiz tdas islma izgltojos
iestdes k Al-Azhara, Al-Zaitna, Al-Nadfa, kas mca islmu k teortisku un
akadmisku, nevis praktisku dzvesveidu. HT izvirzja no jauna Kalifta radanas
ideju, izveidojot trs stadijas, bet neizstrdja konkrtu plnu par t atraans vietu.
Tdjdi, cenoties apiet eogrfsko un nacionlo jautjumu, HT Kalifta ideja nav
vsturisks institcijas atjaunoanas ideja, bet gan deteritorializta fantzija.
45
100 Orientlistika
Kalfs (khalifa) ir Kalifta valsts galva, ts prvaldnieks. Vi nav karalis vai
diktators, bet izvlts lderis, kam varas autoritte dota ar specilu valdanas lgumu
(baiah). Valdnieks nedrkst izdot likumus, kas nav pamatoti ariat. Kalifts nav
teokrtija, un kalfs taj nav ldzgs pvestam. ariata visaptvero sistma ietver
sev politisks, socils, ekonomisks, rlietu un juridisks lietas. Kalifts nav
imprija, un taj nacionlismam un rasu diskrimincijai nav vietas. Par kalfu var
kt jebkuras tautbas un rases prstvis, k ar jebkuras islma juridisks skolas
(madhab) piekritjs.
46
Kalifts nav ldzgs republikai, jo t ir balstta uz demokrtiju,
kur augstk vara pieder tautai. Tas nozm, ka cilvkiem ir tiesbas izdot likumus
un maint konstitciju. Augstk vara islm pieder ariatam un nevienam citam.
Kalifts nav totalitra valsts, un taj ikviens ts pilsonis var brvi izpaust savus
viedokus. Kalifts neapspie nemusulmau minorittes. Nemusulmai (dhimmi) ir
valsts aizsargti un nav spiesti maint savu reliiju. Sievietm Kalift ir tiesbas
uz bagtbu, pauma tiesbas, tiesbas uz laulbu un iranos, k ar tiesbas bt
socili aktvm un ieemt sabiedrb noteiktu vietu.
47
Saska ar Al-Nabhani ieteikto
krtbu sievietm galven ir mtes un sievas loma. Sabiedrb vriei un sievietes ir
savstarpji atdalti. Sievietm ir ts paas tiesbas un pienkumi, kdi ir vrieiem,
izemot atsevius gadjumus, kas ir ariata priekrakstti.
48
Sievietm ir jievro
specilas aprba valkanas normas, bet aizsegt seju musulmau sievietm nav
obligti.
49
Al-Nabhani Kalifta valsts teorija un politiskais diskurss reprezent specifsko
savienojumu starp islma reformismu un islma radiklismu. Islma reformisms
tika prstvts ar Damletdnu Al-Afgni, Muhammedu Abdu, Hasanu Al-Bannu.
Reformatori cents izveidot tiltu starp Eiropas prkumu un islma kultru. is
mris izpauds nemitgaj minjum samierint islmu ar msdienu pasauli,
lai islms pieemtu Rietumu standartus. Al-Nabhani noraidja du flosofsko
orientciju, un tas ar nosaka via islma koncepciju. Islms viam ir papietiekams
un neatkrtojams, un, viaprt, nav iespjams prveidot islma konceptus un
institcijas Rietumu kategoriju forms. Vi noraidja Rietumu civilizcijas
apolotiku, kas veido islma reformas intelektulo tradciju, un postulja kontrastu
starp islmu un Rietumu civilizciju. Al-Nabhani uzsvra fundamentlo dihotomiju
starp islmu un neticbu (kufr).
Atirb no Musulmau Brlbas, kuras ideoloij galvenais bija ariata
ievieana sabiedrbas dzv, HT ideoloij galvenais ir Kalifta izveidoana, un bez
t nekda islmiska krtba nav iespjama. Ja Al-Nabhani nevarja pat iedomties
islma likumu stenoanu neislma valst, tad Musulmau Brlba saredzja ariata
ievieanu k pirmo soli islma valsts izveidoan.
50
HT ar Musulmau Brlbu
vieno tas, ka abas kustbas defnja problmas, kas skar musulmau sabiedrbu,
un cents atrast to risinjumus.
51
Taj pa laik abas kustbas atiras ar veidu, k
refektt s problmas.Musulmau Brlba uzstj uz pakpenisku ariata ievieanu
un sabiedrbas islamizciju, kamr HT uzsver islma valsts izveidoanu un tikai pc
tam islma likumu ievieanu.
Nabhani uzskata, ka likumi jizzina no Korna un Sunnas, k ar dedukcijas
proces jeb ar idtihdu. Idtihds jeb brva tekstu interpretcija islma valst ir
kolektvs pienkums (fard kifayah). Al-Nabhani Kalifta konstitcij ir teikts, ka
katram musulmanim ir tiesbas uz idtihdu.
52
Citdi idtihda prombtne, viaprt,
paraliz ariatu, padarot neiespjamu jauno problmu risinanu. Nabhani uzsver, ka
tagad idtihda vrti ir va, un, ja idtihds kst par ummas kolektvo pienkumu,
katrs musulmanis ir potencili spjgs pats risint savas persongs problmas,
lietojot savu ariata interpretciju. Viaprt, ir svargi, lai musulmau sabiedrb
btu tie, kas veic idtihdu (mujtahidun), un sevii tie, kas veic neierobeoto
idtihdu (mujtahid mutlaq). Saska ar Nabhani tiei idtihda vrtu slgana
9. gadsimt, islma juridisko skolu izveidoana un iepriekjo ulemu (ulama)
viedoku imitana (taqlid) noveda islma sabiedrbu ldz pagrimumam. Tos ulemus,
kas ir pret idtihdu un atbalsta taqlid, Nabhani sauc par ummas postu.
53
Islma jurisprudences divi pamatavoti ir Korns (Quran) un Sunna (Sunnah).
Al-Nabhani par treo avotu pieem Praviea ldzgaitnieku vienprtbu (ijma
al-sahaba) un spriedumus pc analoijas (qiyas). Ldzgi zahirtiem un hanbaltiem
Al-Nabhani uzsver, ka tikai Muhammeda ldzgaitnieku vienprtba var tikt pieemta
par likumu avotu. Vi atbalsta striktu analoijas sprieduma procedru, kurai
jbt pamatotai tikai ar islma tekstiem. Viaprt, tikai Korn un Sunn nordtie
gadjumi var bt par t pamatu, ldz ar to vi noraida racionlos gadjumus (illa
aqliyya). Konsekventi Nabhani noliedza pieemt kaut k labvlga ieganas un
kaut k kaitga novranas (jalb al-masalih wa daraal-mafasid) galvenos principus.
Al-Nabhani noraidja ar citus tradicionls islma jurisprudences principus,
piemram, uzmanbas lietoanas principu (istihsan vai maslaha al-mursala) un
paraduma (urf vai ada) principu, kam bija svarga nozme ariata izveidoan.
54
Al-Nabhani dar al-islam un dar al-kufr defnan uzsver islma varu un
musulmau drobu, kas ir stenojama ar to varu (sultan). Msdienu musulmau
zemes ir dar al-kufr, jo ts neprvalda islms. HT uzskata, ka visa pasaule tagad ir
neticbas zeme dar al-kufr. Attiecb uz dihdu (jihad) Al-Nabhani apgalvo: ir
nepatiesi runt, ka dihds ir tikai aizstvans kar.
55
Tas, viaprt, apmelo islmu
un Kornu un ir pretrun ar dihda realitti, jo Praviea dzves laik musulmai
uzska karus pret neticgajiem (kuffar), pieemot tos par islma izplatanas metodi.
Al-Nabhani cit Korna dihda sras (srat Anfl un surt Taubah), lai attaisnotu
dihda praktizanu.
56
HT ideoloiju un teoloiju dareiz aizgst citas radikl islmisma grupas.
Kamr ts uzsver, ka viu reliisk interpretcija ir vieng pareiz vai ir premtas
tikai ar vienu specifsku problmu, HT orientjas uz plaku mri, proti, musulmau
apvienoanu, un uzsver globls problmas, kas skar civilizciju sadursmes jautjumu.
Citas islmistu organizcijas, atsaucoties uz HT un biei izmantojot ts konceptus un
literatru, tdjdi saredz HT nevis ka sncensi, bet k savu sabiedroto. HT mris ir
visu musulmau apvienoana, Rietumu iespaida mazinana uz musulmau zemm,
dihda sludinana pret Izralu, islma valsts (Kalifta) atjaunoana un islma
likumu (ariata) ievieana sabiedrb. HT ideoloiju, no vienas puses, raksturo
aizguvumi no hertiskm islma flosofski teoloiskm skolm, no otras puses,
islma leksikas izmantoana saska ar salaftu islma traktjumu. Islma doktrnu
savdabga interpretcija un organizcijas globlais raksturs padara HT par kustbu,
kas atiras no prjm 20. gadsimta islmistu kustbm, kuras clus Tuvajos
Austrumos.
102 Orientlistika
Atsauces un piezmes
1
Ir dadas HT nosaukuma varicijas, piemram, Hizbul Tahrir, Hizbut Tahrir, Hizb-ut
Tahrir, bet aj rakst lietots nosaukums Hizb-al Tahrir al-Islami.
2
Kaut gan dai apgalvo, ka HT ir dibinta 1951. vai 1953. gad, saska ar paas organizcijas
avotiem tas notika 1952. gad. Sk. Suha Taji-Farouki, A Fundamental Quest Hizb al-Tahrir
and the Search for the Islamic Caliphate (London: Grey Seal, 1996), 5.
3
Mateen Siddiqui. The Doctrine of Hizb ut-Tahrir. In: The Challenge of Hizb ut- Tahrir:
Deciphering and Combating Radical Islamist Ideology. Conference Report. Ed. Zeyno
Baran. The Nixon Center, September 2004: 1.
4
Suha, Taji-Farouki, op. cit., 3.
5
Ibid., 5.
6
Ibid., 6.
7
HT ideoloija ilgi tika saistta ar antisemtismu, citjot Korna fragmentus un izraujot tos
no konteksta, lai pamatotu, ka musulmaiem ir pienkums sagraut jdu identitti. Sk.
Baran, Zayno. Fighting the War of Ideas. In: Foreign Affairs, Nov/Dec 2005, vol. 84, Issue
6: 70.
8
Mateen Siddiqui, op. cit., 3.
9
Suha Taji-Farouki. A Fundamental Quest Hizb al-Tahrir and the Search for the Islamic
Caliphate, op. cit., 115.
10
Ibid., 126.
11
Korns (3: 104).
12
Korns (58: 22).
13
The Relevance of Islam Today. Available: http://www.khilafah.com/kcom/islamic-thoughts/
islamic-thoughts/the-relevance-of-islam-today.html.
14
Ibid.
15
Imms Abuls Hasans Al-Ari (873935) bija Irkas islma teologs, viens no dievbijgajiem
priekgjjiem (al-salaf al-salihin), kas lielko dzves dau pavadja Bagdd. Ldz 40
gadu vecumam vi bija mutaziltu (mutazili) skolas sekotjs, vlk dibinja savu aartu
(ashari) kustbu. Sav teoloij vi lietoja sengrieu un Indijas flosofskos principus,
bija grieu atomisma ietekmts. Vlk vi ska polemizt ar bijuajiem koliem
mutaziltiem.
16
Ahmads Ibns Hanbals (780855) islma teologs, hanbaltu juridisks skolas pamatlicjs.
Atirb no citm skolm t vieng radja savu teoloiju (hanaftu skola prma
teoloiju no maturdu skolas, aftu un maliktu skolas no aartu doktrnas). Savu
teoloisko tehniku Ibns Hanbals izveidoja nevis no kodofcts juridisks literatras (fqh),
bet pamatojoties uz Kornu un hadsu. Teoloisk koncepcija, kas pieder Ibn Hanbalam, ir
ideja par mgo un neradto Korna tekstu. Hanbalti palika minorittes stvokl, kamr
Muhammeds Abdels Vahbs izveidoja savu kustbu, lai attrtu islma monoteismu (tawhid)
no pirmsislma ticjumiem un vlk laika uzslojumiem.
17
Taqiuddin Al-Nabahani. A Warm Call from Hizb ut-Tahrir to the Muslims (London:
Al-Khilafah Publications, 1962), 47.
18
Ibid., 14.
19
Ibid., 33.
20
Hadsu autentiskuma kritrijs ir neprtraukta ststtju virkne (isnad), tad hadss tiek
uzskatts par autentisku (sahih) un labu (hasan). du hadsu ar sauc par secbas hadsu
(hadith mutawatir). Ja hadsa ststtju de ir prrauta vai tam ir tikai viens (ahad)
ststtjs, hadss ir vj (daif) un neautentisks (ahad hadith). Par autoritatvajiem
autentisko hadsu krjumiem uzskata Sahih Al-Bukhari un Sahih Muslim. Islm ir pieemti
gan autentiskie, gan neautentiskie hadsi.
21
Taqiuddin Al-Nabahani. A Warm Call from Hizb ut-Tahrir to the Muslims, op. cit., 51.
22
Korns (4: 59), (4: 155).
23
Taqiuddin An-Nabahani. The System of Islam (Nidham ul Islam) (London: Al-Khilafah
Publications, 2002), 81.
24
Dangerous Concepts to attack Islam and Consolidate the Western Culture (London:
25
Arbu valodas vrds al-irhab, kas nozm terorisms, ir atvasints no darbbas vrda
arhaba, kas nozm nobiedt. HT aj sakar atsaucas uz Kornu (8: 60). Ibid., 8.
26
Olivier Roy. Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (London: Hurst & Company,
2004), 258.
27
Dangerous Concepts to attack Islam and Consolidate the Western Culture (London:
28
Ibid., 17.
29
Ibid., 18.
30
No hadsa vlk tika atvasinti termini dar al-islam un dar al-kufr vai dar al-harb. Sk.
The Methodology of Hizb ut- Tahrir for Change, op. cit., 6.
31
Dar al-muhajirn bija islma zeme Praviea laik.
32
Allhs lika musulmaiem sekot dievim normm un Praviea piemram (Korns 3:32).
The Methodology of Hizb ut-Tahrir for Change (London: Al- Khilafah Publications), 28.
33
Korns 3:104, ibid., 29.
34
The Methodology of Hizb ut-Tahrir for Change, op. cit., 31.
35
Mateen Siddiqui. The Doctrine of Hizb ut-Tahrir. In: The Challenge of Hizb ut-Tahrir:
Deciphering and Combating Radical Islamist Ideology. Conference Report. ed. Zeyno
Baran // The Nixon Center, September 2004: 3.
36
37
Piemram, Al-Mavardi Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya un Ibna Taimjas Al-Siyasa al-Shariyya.
Sk. ibid., 66.
38
Taqiuddin An-Nabahani. The System of Islam (Nidham ul Islam) (London: Al-Khilafah
Publications, 2002), 121.
39
Ibid., 119.
40
Ibid., 120.
41
David Commins. Taqi Al-Din Al-Nabhani and the Islamic Liberation Party. In: The Muslim
World, vol. LXXXI nos. 34, 1991: 199.
42
The Methodology of Hizb ut- Tahrir for Change, op. cit., 13.
43
David Commins, op. cit., 200.
44
Ibid., 202.
45
Olivier Roy. Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (London: Hurst & Company,
2004), 275.
46
What is the Khilafah (Caliphate)? Available: http://www.khilafah.com/kcom/islamic-
thoughts/islamic-thoughts/what-is-the-khilafah-caliphate.html
47
Taqiuddin An-Nabahani. The Social System of Islam (London: Al-Khilafah Publications,
1999), 91.
48
Taqiuddin An-Nabahani. The System of Islam, op. cit.144.
49
Taqiuddin An-Nabahani. The Social System of Islam, op. cit., 58.
104 Orientlistika
50
David Commins, op. cit., 211.
51
52
Taqiuddin An-Nabahani. The Social System of Islam, op. cit., 117.
53
54
55
A Warm Call from Hizb ut-Tahrir to the Muslims (London: Al-Khilafah Publications, 1962),
12.
56
Korns (9: 29) un (8: 65), ibid., 13.
Summary
The research paper Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami: the History of Rise and Ideology focuses on
the history of rise, development, and ideology of the Islamist movement Islamic Liberation
Party (Hizb al-Tahrir al-Islami). It was founded in 1952 by Palestinian Islamic lawyer Taqi
al-Din al-Nabhani, and soon became the fastest-growing radical Islamic movement in the
Middle East and now in the West. Today Hizb al- Tahrirs radical ideas, such as the foundation
of an Islamic State (Caliphate), the implementation of the Sharia rules in society, the waging
of jihad against Jews and Israelis, attract many young Muslims and new converts in the West.
Analyzing the doctrine of the movement, the author shows it as a heterodoxy and a deviation
from the mainstream Islam.
Keywords: Caliphate, Hizb al-Tahrir, ideology, Islam, Islamism, Taqiuddin Al-Nabhani.
Jdziens atbrvoans Mahjnas budism
Agita Baltgalve
Visvala iel 4a, Rg, LV -1050
e-pasts: agita.baltgalve@inbox.lv
ai rakst apskatts viens no galvenajiem budisma jdzieniem atbrvoans. Ptjums
pamatojas uz nieu un tibetieu valodas avotiem uz Mahjnas budisma strm, kas
tulkotas no sanskrita. Par pamatu emti etri nieu vrdi (jie , tuo , du , du )
un trs tibetieu vrdi (grol, sgrol, thar), kurus visbiek lieto jdziena apzmanai un
kuri teortiski atbilst sanskrita vrdam moksha. Pirmaj noda attloti atbrvoans dadie
aspekti un pakpes. Otraj noda skaidrotas nieu un tibetieu vrdu nozmes un lietojums.
Treaj noda jdziens atbrvoans pardts saldzinjum ar citiem nozm tuviem
budisma jdzieniem (nirvna, pramit, nve, apgaismba, tukums).
Atslgvrdi: budisms, nieu valoda, literatra, leksikogrfja.
1. Jdziena visprj nozme
Atbrvoans jdzienam budisma mcb ir vairkas nozmes un pakpes. Vrda
tieaj nozm t var bt atbrvoans no konkrtiem kavkiem un riem.
Prnestaj nozm to izprot k negatvu pardbu un nevlamu pabu prvaranu.
d veid cilvks gst fzisk ermea neatkarbu, domu vai gara brvbu.
Ar vrdu atbrvoans budism apzm ar ikdien lietojamus priekmetus un
ikdienias darbbas, piemram, budistu dienu, mku aprbu, klostera celibta
likumus u. tml. eit vrds atbrvoans pievienots tikai k dekoratvs apzmtjs
un stenb runa ir par citiem budisma jdzieniem un aspektiem.
nieu budisma kanon Taio Tripitaka atrodamas vairkas stras, kuru
virsrakstos pards vrds atbrvoans, piemram, Jietuo jie jing
(Atbrvoans bauu stra) Jietuo dao lun (Traktts par atbrvoans
ceu). Tomr o rakstu un stru saturs ir oti atirgs un to galven ideja ne vienmr
ir atbrvoans. Tdjdi izriet ds secinjums: ja tas, ko cilvks dara, ir saska ar
budisma mcbas principiem un mri, tad gandrz katru labu pabu, budistu prakses
vingrinjumu vai labu darbu var apzmt ar vrdu atbrvoans un interprett k
ceu uz galgo atbrvoanos.
Atbrvoans var bt visaptveroa un iekaut sev veselu procesu ar daudzm
pakpm. No cita aspekta skatoties, atbrvoans var ar bt tikai viena atsevia
fze cilvka gargs attstbas proces. Atbrvoans procesu var ilustrt k budistu
prakses ceu uz galamri nirvnu.
1
Attlos pardti un nosaukti posmi, kuros
iespjams atbrvoans process.
106 Orientlistika
1) Attstbas ce samsras
2
pasaul nirvna
(bez skuma)
2) Prvrtbas moments nirvna
(mirka fze)
3) Mris (= nirvna)
(bezgalba) nirvna
4) Viss ce
(bez skuma un beigm) nirvna
Pirmaj gadjum atbrvoans ce ir budisma mcbas prakse ikdieniaj
dzv, kuras rezultts ir nirvna. Otraj gadjum tas ir prvrtbas (apgaismbas)
mirklis, kas sasaista ikdienio pasauli ar nirvnu. ie atbrvoans mirki var sekot
cits citam gar prvrtbu de. Treaj gadjum atbrvoans ir gan prvrtbas fze,
gan nirvna. Ceturtaj gadjum atbrvoans ir universla kvalitte bez ieskuma un
nobeiguma. T apzm gan pasaulgo ceu uz galamri, gan prvrtbu fzi, gan ar
galamri jeb nirvnu.
Vrda tieaj nozm atbrvoans vislabk atbilst otrajai fzei. fze attlo
atbrvoanos no pasaulgs realittes, un t ietver sev tikai konkrto prvrtbas
momentu visminimlko darbbas vienbu visskaj laika vienb. Prvrtbas
mirklis ir gargs process, kur subjektvos priekstatus par pardbm nomaina
trascendentls un visaptveros redzesloks bez saistbm un robem. Lai prvrtbas
mirkl patiem iegtu atbrvoanos, ir oti svarga pozitva pardbu uztvere. Jau
kop dzimanas cilvks ir sasaistts ar ilziju pasauli. Tikai via paa pasaules
uztvere nosaka, vai saistba turpina eksistt vai ar izbeidzas. Cilvka pasaules
uztvere un reakcija uz pasaulgajm pardbm un realittm var bt dada. eit
minu tikai etras iespjas, bet var bt vl vairkas citas uztveres pakpes:
3
1. Cilvks priecjas par pasaules pardbm. Tomr, ja kaut kas izmains
un s izmaias nesaskan ar via priekstatiem un cerbm, rodas
neapmierintba. Tdjdi cilvks ir atkargs no saviem priekstatiem un
cerbm.
2. Cilvks priecjas par pasaules pardbm. Vi auj tm attstties un ritt
savu gaitu. Ja notiek izmaias vai rodas kaut kas jauns, vi ir spjgs s
izmaias pieemt un ts uztvert pozitvi.
3. Cilvks nepriecjas par pasaules pardbm. Viam ir grti sev izvirzt
pozitvu mri un sekot jelkuriem noteikumiem. Negaidtas situcijas
ir netkamas un sadusmo. Gudrbas un ldzjtbas prakse saska ar
budisma principiem tdjdi tiek apgrtinta.
4. Cilvkam viss ir vienalga, jo vi visas pasaules pardbas uzskata par
iluzorm un relatvm.
Pirmaj un treaj gadjum cilvka dzve ir pilna cieanu, nelaimju, skumju un
negatvu domu, jo katra negaidta prmaia var tikt uztverta k zaudjums un izraist
pesimismu. Ceturtaj gadjum nerodas tiea atkarba, ne cieanas, ne ar prieks.
Tomr d gara stvokl cilvks neapzins ar steno realitti, jo pats atrodas ilziju
var un viam neeksist nekdas vrtbas. Atdoans viam ir svea, un vi nevar
Agita Baltgalve. Jdziens atbrvoans Mahjnas budism 107
pilngi auties ne sev, ne citiem. Tikai otraj gadjum atspoguojas patiesi pozitva
gara attstba. Cilvks spj priecties par pardbm, tai pa laik nesasaistot sevi ar
tm. is prieks ilgst mgi un neatkargi no pasaulgajm prvrtbm:
Baltie mkoi peld urp un turp, bet zaie kalni nekustas
nekad.
4
atbrvoans raksturojama ar prieku, paapziu, stbu un pastvbu.
Svargs atbrvoans aspekts ir atbrvoans paa spkiem un atbrvoana ar citu
paldzbu jeb aktv un pasv atbrvoana. is aspekts iezm galveno atirbu starp
agrn budisma flozofju un vlko Mahjnas budismu. Veco budistu mcba (skt.
sthavira) pazina tikai aktvo atbrvoanos, t. i., atbrvoanos paa spkiem:
Cilvkam piemt spja atbrvot paam sevi no vism atkarbm
ar paa centbu un gudrbu [..]. Ja budhu vispr var dvt par
glbju, tad tikai tai zi, ka vi atklja un pardja ceu uz
atbrvoanos. Bet is ce katram jiet paam. Cilvka glbana ir
atkarga tikai no via paa patiesbas atklsmes un nevis no dieva
vai kda cita rja spka augstsirdgs labvlbas.
5

Mahjnas budisms turpretim uzsver ticbu bodhisatvu
6
glbjoajam spkam,
kas rodas no ldzjtbas, bodhisatvas soljuma un maiskajm spjm. doma ir
pai izvrsta garaj Budhas Amitbhas Str. Viens no mka Dharmkaras (kur
vlk tapa par Budhu Amitbhu) bodhisatvas soljumiem skan di:
[Kad] es jau bu sasniedzis apgaismbu, [tad lai] neskaitms
dzvs btnes no neskaitmm sfrm [..], kuras izdzird manu vrdu,
attsta apgaismbas garu, stda labo darbu saknes un no visas sirds
vlas iedzimt (staj budhas zem), visas bez izmuma nokst
budhas zem. Lai vias visas sasniedz visaugstko apgaismbu.
7

No vienas puses, aktv un pasv atbrvoans veido pretstatus. No otras puses,
ie pretstati izzd galgs realittes priek. Absoltaj un galgaj brvb nav
pretstatu, jo eit vairs neeksist subjekta un objekta attiecbas:
Kas vai kur tiek glbts? Nekas un neviens. Neviens, kas ir eit,
nevar tikt aizvests pri uz turieni. Neviens ar nekad netiek glbts,
jo tas, kur izir starp sevi un citiem, vl joprojm atrodas
karmas
8
ietekm un td netiek glbts.
9
2. Atbrvoans jdziens nieu un tibetieu valod
2.1. nieu vrdi <jie> , <tuo> , <du> , <du>
Budistu strs, kas tulkotas no sanskrita nieu valod, atbrvoans jdzienam
visbiek izmanto etrus hieroglifus: <jie>, <tuo>, <du> un <du>. Tie var
tikt lietoti atsevii, savstarpjs kombincijs vai ar kop ar citiem hieroglifem.
Hieroglifs <jie> ir ideogramma un sastv no diem radikiem: <jiao> rags,
<niu> bullis, <you> roka; kopsumm veido nozmi ar rokm noemt bullim
108 Orientlistika
ragus. 3. gs. p. m. ., kad tika veikta rakstbas reforma, roku aizstja ar radikli
<dao> nazis. Tdjdi hieroglifs ieguva nedaudz citdku nozmi: ar nazi sadalt
liellopu.
Pirmo reizi nieu tradicionlaj literatr hieroglifs sastopams
grmat Jidzjin,
10
kur ar to skaidrota 40. heksagramma . Tas veido pretstatu
39. heksagrammai ar nozmi <jian> (kavklis).
11
Hieroglifs <tuo> ir fonoideogramma, un t skotnj nozme ir atdalt no
kauliem miesu. Kreisais radiklis <rou> (piln form ) nosaka vrda nozmi,
bet labajam radiklim <dui> ir tikai fontiska vrtba. Hieroglifs pirmo reizi
sastopams grmat idzjin
12
ar nozmi dkdiengs, slinks.
13
Kd cit viet aj pa
grmat tas tiek divreiz atkrtots un veido binomu ar nozmi miergi, lnm.
14

Hieroglifs <du> ir ideogramma un sastv no dm dam: <guang>
prsegs, <nian> divdesmit, <you> roka. Nozmi var interprett di: prvaldt
daudzus cilvkus, kuri dzvo zem viena jumta.
15
Atvasintaj nozm ir ar cits
skaidrojums: kontrolt vai labi valdt pr savm jtm. Konfucinisma mcb is
vrds tiek asocits ar mrenbu, pakontroli, likumu un normm. Pirmo reizi tas
piemints grmat idzjin ar nozmi mrt, mrs, izvrtt, skaitt, prdomt.
16

Hieroglifs ir fonoideogramma ar nozmi rsot upi vai kdu citu deni.
Hieroglifa kreiss puses radiklis parda sasinto dens formu, un lab puse
norda izrunu <du>. Skotnji nieu literatr hieroglifa viet lietoja <du>
(bez dens radika). Vlk tam pievienoja dens radikli, lai vrdu nozmes
vartu skaidrk izirt. Pirmo reizi vrds <du > lietots vstures grmat idzji
17

t pamatnozm rsot upi.
18
Ar o pau nozmi ai grmat lietots ar hieroglifs
<du> (bez dens radika).
19
No t izriet fakts, ka taj laik abm zmm vl nebija
strikti nodaltas funkcijas un aj nozm abi hieroglif varja viens otru aizstt.
Binoms <jietuo> budistu rakstos parasti tiek lietots k nieu ekvivalents
vrdam atbrvoans. nieu literatr tas lietots gan tieaj, gan prnestaj nozm
vairks konotcijs: atbrvot(ies) no cietuma, no dm, no nves, no gargiem
riem, no ilzijm. Budism is vrds pamat tiek saistts ar atbrvoanos no
prdzimanu apa, no cieanu okena vai no ilzijm. Teortiski ar vrdu <jietuo>
apzm pareizj moment notiekou procesu. Ja ir runa par galarezulttu,
t. i., atbrvotbas stvokli jeb brvbu, btu pareizi lietot frzi <jietuochu>
(burtiski: atbrvoans vieta).
20
Tomr praktiski strs atirba netiek emta vr
un vrdu <jietuo> lieto abs nozms. Pirmo reizi is vrdu savienojums lietots
vstures grmat idzji, 122. noda (Kuli liezhuan / ):
Nins ens bija notiests uz nvi un [apcietints]. Vi domja, ka
vi vairs nekad negs [ierda godu]. Pc tam vi atbrvojs no
[kakla des], izzags pri robeai un devs uz mjm.
21

Atbrvoans jdzienam eit ir divjda nozme: 1) atbrvot(ies) no vam un
2) izvairties no nves. Otr nozme ir oti ldzga k vlk budism, tikai ar to
atirbu, ka Nins ens izbg no nves, lai turpintu dzvi, bet budisma idels ir
izbgt gan no nves, gan ar no dzves. Turklt idzji sastopams ar vrds, kur abi
hieroglif samainti vietm: <tuojie> ar nozmi noemt un atraist.
22
2.2. Tibetieu vrdi <grol>, <sgrol>, <thar>
Vrdi <grol> un <sgrol> parasti apraksta atbrvoans procesu, atbrvoans
pakpes vai atsevius aspektus. <Thar> atspoguo vai nu garastvokli meditcijas
laik, vai ar absolto atbrvoanos. <sGrol> ir transitvs vrds un tiek parasti lietots
ar nozmi atbrvot, atbrvoana. Tas par prieknoteikumu izvirza rju spku. Vrds
<grol> dareiz sastopams k pretstats vrdam <bcings> (sasaistt) un ldz ar to atklj
atbrvoanos dulo pardbu fon, kura balsts uz relatvajm sakarbm. Vrds
<thar> norda tiei uz nirvnu bez jelkdiem pretstatiem un prieknoteikumiem.
Vrdi <thar> un <grol> var apzmt ar literru stilu. Tos pievieno grmatu
virsrakstiem ar dm nozmm:
<rang-grol> burtiski: dabiska brvba, paapzia, gara vai domu brvba.
Grmatas nosaukuma beigs uzsver darba svargumu un norda, ka grmatas saturs
ir oti svargs gara attstb un reliiskaj praks;
<mdud-dgrol> burtiski: atraist mezglus vai saites. Grmatas nosaukuma
beigs is ir standarta izteiciens klasisko tekstu komentriem un skaidrojumiem, kuri
it k atraisa nezinanas mezglus;
<rnam-thar> burtiski: pilnga atbrvoans jeb pilnga brvba. Grmatas
beigs norda, ka aprakstta kda izcila un svta budistu skolotja dzve, vi devis
oti lielu ieguldjumu mcbas izplatan un paldzjis vism dzvajm btnm.
Visas s izcils personbas darbbas (lganas, svtceojumi, studijas, meditcija
utt.) tiek uzskattas par svtm, un ts visd zi ved uz galgo atbrvoanos.
Vrdi <grol> un <thar> pieminti jau atsevios rakstos pirms budisma
visprjas izplatans Tibet. No 7. gs., kad Tibet tika izgudrota rakstba, paralli
ienkoajiem budistu rakstiem rads ar cita satura rakstiski darbi, piemram, zvanu
un stlu ieraksti, folkloras un reliiski ststjumi, administratva, hronoloiska
un politiska satura dokumenti.
23
ajos tekstos vrds <thar> lietots apmram trs
reizes biek nek <grol> un visbiek reliioz nozm, piemram, pareojumos
un zljumos. <Grol> turpretim nav das nozmes, tas lietots prsvar tekstos ar
sadzvisku saturu. Vrds <sgrol> atrodams tikai budistu tekstos, tas norda, ka is
vrds veidojies vlk un, iespjams, atvasints no senka vrda <grol>.
3. Atbrvoans jdziena saistba ar citiem budisma jdzieniem
Jdziens atbrvoans budisma tekstos ir oti ciei saistts ar etriem citiem oti
svargiem jdzieniem: pramit, nve, nirvna un apgaismba. Ar tad, kad ie vrdi
tekst nav tiei pieminti, ir jtama zemteksta kltbtne. Td ai noda tiks dots
ss apskats par o jdzienu savstarpjm sakarbm un nozmm.
3.1. Atbrvoans un pramit
Lielk daa reliiju prasa no cilvka tikai ticbu un atdoanos augstkajam
spkam. Budisms turpretim uzsver indivda nozmi un par prieknosacjumu
izvirza cilvka personbas rpgu attstbu un radiklu prveidoanu. im procesam
nepiecieama paa gara kvalitte. Lai to iegtu, ir oti svargi attstt seas pabas
jeb seas t. s. pilnbas (skt. pramit). Tulkojum no sanskrita is vrds nozm
(aktivittes), kuras ved uz otru (krastu). Dai autori ts tulko ar k braukanas
110 Orientlistika
mkslas
24
vai atbrvojos darbbas
25
. s pabas veido pamatu visai budisma
praksei un nosaka cilvka attstbas virzienu. Ts ir neiztrkstos starpposms ce uz
atbrvoanos, un bez m pilnbm paties atbrvoans nav iespjama.
Tabul ir uzskaittas visas seas pramits. Turklt eit saldzinti vairki nieu
tekstu varianti, kur var redzt sanskrita jdzienu nisko tulkojumu izmaias laika
gait. o vrdu tulkojums tibetieu valod ir homogns lielkaj da tekstu, tpc
eit pards tikai viens variants. Fontiskam saldzinjumam doti ar sanskrita vrdi.
Izskaidrojuma nolkos vrdi tulkoti ar latvieu valod. nieu vrdi emti no
Bodhisatvas desmit pakpju stras teksta trs variantiem. Vrdi sanskrit nk no
Kristofa Klaines vairkvalodu budisma vrdncas.
26
Skt. shat-pramit; n. liu boluomiduo , liudu ;
tib. pha-rol-tu-phyin-pa drug.
sanskrits
n. val.
(5. gs.)
27
n. val.
(7. gs.)
28
n. val.
(8. gs.)
29
n. val.
(20. gs.)
30
tib. val. latv. val.
dna tan tanna bushi bushi sbyin-pa ziedojumi
la shi shiluo chijie chijie tshul-khrims bauu ievroana
kshnti chanti chanti anren renru bzod-pa pacietba
vrya biliya biliya jingjin jingjin brtson- grus gribas spks
dhyna chan Channa jingl ding bsam-gtan meditcija
praj bore bore bore zhihui shes-rab gudrba
Apskatot tabulu, var secint, ka agrnaj tulkoanas fz n deva priekroku
translitercijai, kas lielk vai mazk mr atbilda sanskrita vrdu fontikai. Vlk
praktizja burtisku tulkojumu mrvalod. Tibetieu valod turpretim vienmr tika
izmantots burtiskais tulkojums. nieu valod ie dadie tulkojumi atstja iespaidu
ar uz jdzienu saturu un tekstu izpratni. Piemram, piekts pilnbas tulkojumus
<chan> (meditt, skt. dhyna), <jingl> (nosvrti prdomt) un <ding>
(koncentrties) iespjams skaidrot oti dadi.
Stru tekstos atbrvoans visbiek tiek saistta ar otro un sesto pilnbu (bauu
ievroanu un gudrbu). Baui budism, pirmkrt, asocijas ar pareizu valodu,
pareiziem darbiem un pareizu dzvesveidu. Gudrba ietver pareizu izpratni un pareizu
prliecbu. T paldz garam gt jaunu perspektvu un ved to pie patiess un stens
pasaules uztveres. Tdjdi atbrvoans eit norit divos aspektos:
1. Atbrvoans no maldgiem uzskatiem par ermeni un garu.
2. Atbrvoans k gudrbas un pilnbas iemantoana.
Bauu ievroana var attiekties gan uz celibta zvrestu mku sabiedrb, gan
ar uz pasaulgajiem cilvkiem, kas nedzvo kloster, bet ievro zinmus budistu
likumus. Ce uz galgo atbrvoanos visiem sekotjiem vispirms jatbrvojas
no sliktiem ieradumiem un jattsta pozitvas rakstura pabas.
31
Tpc nieu
valod izteiciena <chijie> (bauu ievroana) viet nereti izmanto ar vrdu
<jiedu> , kam var bt divjda nozme: 1) baui un mrenba, 2) baui un
atbrvoans. Budistu mcb ir ar jdziens persongs atbrvoans bauslis.
32
is
ir pas soljums, ko var izpildt gan mki, gan ar pasaulgie cilvki.
Tai pa laik noteikti jpatur prt ar gudrba un ts divi aspekti relatvais
un absoltais. Relatv gudrba uzkrjas ldz ar zinanm par pasauli un cilvkiem
konvenciju un sakarbu rmjos. Absolt gudrba spj ieraudzt pardbu un dzvo
btu patieso garu mbas perspektv.
33
gudrba ar abiem ts aspektiem ir
nepiecieama, lai sasniegtu pozitvu rezulttu, jo tikai jauna un pozitva dzves
uztvere ved pie sts atbrvoans.
3.2. Atbrvoans un nve
Budisma mris nav tikai atbrvoans no dzves, no ermea, no apzias vai
no matrijas vien. Ar tad, kad cilvks ir atmetis s saistbas, vi dareiz tik un
t paliek cieanu apl. Iziro nozme budism ir apzias prvrtbai. Cilvkam
jatbrvo sava apzia un ermenis no ilzijm, nezias un cieanm. Tai pa laik
var rasties aubas, vai cilvka dzve un ermenis pai par sevi nav ilziju un cieanu
cloi. Tpc daas budisma skolas uzskata, ka jatbrvojas ne tikai no ilzijm un
cieanm, bet vienlaikus ar jatmet ermenis un jaiziet rpus dzves un nves. ai
gadjum atbrvoans noris gan fzisk, gan ar garg plksn un k prieknoteikums
ir fzisk nve.
34
Tau lielk daa budistu tiecas pc atbrvoans no nepilngs, cieanu pilns
pasaules caur nematerilu nvi, kura var ar nebt saistta ar ermea fzisko
izbeiganos. ai proces mirst pasaulg uztvere un apzia un tiek radta jauna,
transcendentla apzia. nve un gara prdzimana var norisinties ar pirms
cilvka fzisks nves.
35
Jau agrnaj budism bija pazstams tds jdziens k atbrvoans vienas dzves
laik. Tau toreiz tas vl nebija pai izplatts. Tikai Mahjnas budism o ideju
izvrsa plak, atbrvoanos pieldzinot apgaismbai, ko iegst meditjot. Atbrvotais
jeb apgaismotais cilvks (saukts par bodhisatvu) turpina savu pasaulgo dzvi pilng
garg saska ar absolto stenbu.
Budistu izpratne par atbrvoanos liek garam atraisties no
atkarbas. .. Kad gars ir brvs no visa veida nosactbas, [..] tam
vairs nevar piedvt kdu identitti.
36

Cilvks, kur d veid atbrvojies jau dzves laik, var pc fzisks nves aiziet
no dzimanas-nves apa un sasniegt nirvnu. das nves apzmjumam budism
izmanto vrdus <miedu> un <yuanji> . Parasti tie attiecinmi uz mkiem
vai izciliem budisma skolotjiem. Parasta pasaulg cilvka nve budistu rakstos tiek
apzmta ar vrdiem <si> vai <zu> , kurus (atirb no abiem iepriekjiem)
lieto ar nieu sarunvalod. No t izriet secinjums, ka jdzieni, ar kuriem nvi
nosauc, parda atirbas gargaj un kvalitatvaj aspekt:
siwang (parasta nve, ar sarunvalod);
duzu (izcilas personbas nve, literr val.);
yuanji (mka vai menes nve);
miedu (budistu skolotja nve, ldzins nirvnai).
3.3. Atbrvoans un nirvna
oti biei atbrvoanos izprot k sinonmu nirvnai:
112 Orientlistika
Vl viens vrds [budistu] galamrim ir nirvna un vimukti,
kas nozm brvba. Nirvnu vislabk var izteikt ar vrdu
atbrvoans .
Skaidrojot nirvnu k vienu no etriem zmogiem
37
, ar to var nosaukt par
atbrvoanos:
Tikai nirvna ir atbrvoans [thar-pa], kuras prieks ir nemaings,
t ir skotnjais miers, kur vairs nebango traucjoo garastvoku
vii.
38

ais divos piemros defncijas nav prk preczas, jo, pirmkrt, skaidri netiek
izirti jdzieni atbrvoans un brvba, kuriem ir dadas konotcijas, un,
otrkrt, nirvna tiek pieldzinta iem abiem jdzieniem, kas ne vienmr atbilst
patiesbai.
Atbrvoans procesu nosaka atbrvojamais objekts (jeb indivds), atbrvotjs
(objekts jeb subjekts), kavki, ri un atbrvoans metode. Atbrvoans
prieknosacjums ir nebrvba un ilzija, kas veido tai tieu pretstatu. Ar brvba ir
duls pasaules jdziens, kuram bez sava pretstata nav jgas. Cilvks var atbrvoties
tikai tad, ja pirms tam vi bijis saistts. Nirvna turpretim pastv mgi, neatkargi
no ilzijm un nebrvbas. K neitrls stvoklis t nesaists ne ar vienu no iepriek
mintajm premism. Atsevios gadjumos brvbu vai atbrvotbas stvokli var
interprett k nirvnu. Atbrvoans tad btu atkarbas atmeanas process un nirvna
ts rezultts, stvoklis bez atkarbas.
oti biei nokanu nirvn saldzina ar upes rsoanu:
Koldz otrs krasts sasniegts, laiva ir jatstj un jaizmirst.
39
is saldzinjums oti skaidri iezm atirbu starp jdzieniem atbrvoans un
nirvna. Brauciens pri upei laiv ir k atbrvoans. im procesam nepiecieami
laiva un braucjs. Otrs krasts ai gadjum ir pieldzinms nirvnai (jeb brvbai).
Tur visi iepriek izmantotie palgldzeki un metodes zaud savu nozmi. Nirvnu
sasniedzot, tie radtu tikai kavkus.
Nirvna ir konstants stvoklis absoltaj realitt, un ldz ar to taj nav ne formu,
ne domu, ne ar prieknosacjumu. Atbrvoans turpretim norisins konkrt viet
un laik un ir atkarga no katra cilvka dabas noteiktajiem ierobeojumiem, paa
gribasspka un ar no apkrtjiem faktoriem. T ir process, kur saistts ar formm
un domm.
Ar nieu un tibetieu valodas ekvivalenti nirvnai nav vienldzgi ar jdzienu
atbrvoans. nieu valod ir divi izteicieni, ko lieto, lai apzmtu nirvnu.
Vrds <mie> burtisk tulkojum nozm izdzst, un ar to apzm nirvnu,
skatoties caur pasaulgs realittes prizmu. Gars vienmr pieeras relatvm pasaules
pardbm. Cilvku reakcija uz m maingajm realittm darbojas k degviela, kas
uztur dzves ritumu. Kad iestjas nirvna, is degvielas raoanas process izbeidzas.
Tpc nirvnu saldzina ar ar sveces nodzanu vai ar uguns izdzanu
ar deni.
40
Tomr izdzana vien neatklj patieso nirvnas pilnbu, jo t nav ne
eksistences izbeigana, ne ar vienaldzba:
Nirvna nozm aktvu izdzanu, k tiek nodzsta svece, k
gudrba izdz cilvka kaislbu liesmas [..]. Nirvna ir pastvga
esamba mier un laim [..]. Budisti netiecas tikai pc izbeiganas
vien, bet gan pc mg un pc nemirstg.
41

Otrais nieu vrds <niepan> ir fontiskais aizguvums no sanskrita
nirvnas. Ar o vrdu apzm galamri absoltaj realitt, kur vairs nav
pretstatu jdziena. Tibetieu valod nirvnu apzm k <mya-ngan-das> (izgjis
aiz cieanm). Vajadzbas gadjum to var ar paplaint <yong-su mya-ngan las
das> (mgi izgjis aiz cieanm). di apzm, piemram, ar Budhas kjamuni
nvi.
Sanskrita jdziens <nirvna> ir clies no darbbas vrda divdabja formas un
sastv no dm vienbm:
42
nis : prom no, r no;
va : gaiss, vj; okens, dens;
na : (divdabja formas galotne).
Angu valod ir vairkas iespjas, k tulkot o jdzienu:
43

(n.) blowing out, extinction, disappearance; liberation, eternal bliss, joy,
satisfaction;
(a.) extinguished, set (sun), liberated, blessed.
Latniskaj tulkojum fgur vrds <extinctio> (izzuana). Vlk t viet tika
lietots vrds <liberatio> (atbrvoans, brvba). Otr Vatikna koncila paziojum
(1962) Par bazncas attieksmi pret nekristgajm reliijm ar vrdu atbrvoans
apzmja budisma augstko mri:
Dads budisma tradcijas atzst maings pasaules radiklu
nepilnbu un mca ceu, pa kuru cilvki ar dievbijgu un uzticbas
pilnu prtu var sasniegt pilngu atbrvoans stvokli.
44

Lai pardtu nirvnas pozitvos aspektus, budistu tekstos tiek izmantoti dadi
gleznaini izteicieni, piemram, patvrums, miera osta, klusums, visaugstkais,
labsajtas mtne, cieanu beigas, nesatricinmba, nemirstba, pastvba, otrais
krasts u. c.
45
Ar atbrvoans ir viens no iem gleznainajiem apzmjumiem. Ttad
nirvnu var vienmr apzmt k atbrvoanos, bet ne jau katra atbrvoans obligti
ieved nirvn. Ir daudz un dada veida atbrvoans, un ts ne vienmr uzreiz
rezultjas absoltaj galamr.
Attiecb uz atbrvoans pakpm var izdalt divus nirvnas veidus: nirvnu ar
atlikumu un nirvnu bez atlikuma:
Kamr arhats
46
vl joprojm dzvo, tam ir ermenis, kas kalpo
k mtne via agrko darbbu un gargo sru izraist cieanu
uzkrjumam. iemesla d <nirvnu> dv par [nirvnu] ar
atlikumu. Kad vi nomirst un uzturas tikai mentlaj ermen, no
cieanu krjuma nepaliek ne mazko pdu. Td is stvoklis ir
zinms k <nirvna> bez atlikuma.
47

114 Orientlistika
os divus nirvnas veidus var asocit ar diviem citiem jdzieniem: pirmo ar
atbrvoanos aj dzv (skt. jvan-mukti) un otro ar atbrvoanos pc nves
(skt. videha-mukti). Aplkojot s norises detaliztk, var izdalt etras fzes:
1) atbrvoans no vlmju virztm iekrm; 2) nirvna ar atlikumu jeb atbrvotbas
stvoklis, kad iekres ir novrstas, bet saistba ar ermeni un ar paa radts karmas
sekm joprojm eksist; 3) atbrvoans no ermea un no paa radts karmas
sekm; 4) nirvna bez atlikuma.
Pirmaj un treaj fz norisins aktvs atbrvoans process. Otraj fz viena
veida atbrvoans ir noslgusies, kamr otra vl stv priek. Ceturtaj fz vrds
atbrvoans jau ir kuvis lieks un bezjdzgs. Apgalvojumi attiecb uz nirvnu,
piemram, Es esmu atbrvojies no visiem riem un kavkiem vai: Kds
[resp. atbrvotais vai brvais] ir iegjis nirvn, nav pareizi, jo eit vairs nepastv
subjekta un objekta attiecbas. Td var tikai teikt, ka nirvna iestjas.
48

K metaforu nirvnai un atbrvoanai var mint saullktu un tumsas izzuanu. s
divas pardbas ir oti grti vienu no otras atdalt, jo ts ir pretstati un nosaka viena
otru. Tumsas izzuanu vartu interprett k atbrvoanos no kavkiem. Saullktu
vartu interprett k atbrvoanos un ieieanu nirvn. Tomr iem abiem faktiem,
tumsas izzuanai un saullktam, nav tieas saistbas ar to, ka spd saule. Tie ir tikai
vietas un laika ierobeojumu nosacta cilvku pasaules uztvere. Tpat ar nirvnai
nav nekdas saistbas ar kavku novranu un atbrvoanos. T pastv vienmr un
mgi neatkargi no t, k cilvki to uztver un vai vii to apzins vai ne, sasniedz
vai ne. Kavki un atbrvoans no tiem eksist tikai cilvka prt. Turklt jautjums
par sauli un saullktu kst aktuls tikai tad, ja cilvks apzins, ka atrodas tums, vai
ja pastv iespja saules gaismu zaudt. Kad spd saule un pie debesm nav neviena
mkona, jautjumi par saullktu un tumsas izzuanu praktiski ir beznozmgi.
3.4. Atbrvoans un apgaismba
Mahjnas budisti apzm Hnajnas mcbu k atbrvoanos un Mahjnas
mcbu k apgaismbu.
49
Ar atbrvoanos eit tiek saprasta izzia, ka patbas
nav.
50
izzia paldz atteikties no pasaulgs realittes un ar nvi sasniegt nirvnu.
Apgaismba turpretim tiek saistta ar izziu un ar gudrbu:
Ja jaut par apgaismbu, tad t ir kop ilga laika uzkrtas
zinanas par zinanm. Ja run par atbrvoanos, tad t ir
attstans un nirvnas sasniegana.
51

oti skaidri atirba redzama nieu hieroglifos, kur apgaismbu apzm
ar <jiewu> un atbrvoanos ar <jietuo>. Abi vrdi skas ar vienu un to
pau hieroglifu <jie>, kas nozm atraisties. Apgaismbas otrais hieroglifs ietver
sev radika sirds jeb gars sasinjumu, turpretim atbrvoans otraj hieroglif
pardta miesa
52
.
Agrnais budisms galveno uzsvaru lika uz nirvnas sasnieganu un budhas
statusa ieganu. Mahjnas budism k centrl tma izvras apgaismba. Par
galveno tlu kst bodhisatva k persona, kura iemantojusi pilngi skaidrs gudrbas
esenci. Bodhisatva nav budha un neuzturas nirvn, kaut ar viu no nirvnas ir
tikai vairs viena dzve un nve. Bodhisatva darbojas cilvku pasaul uz zemes, jo
vi ir devis soljumu atbrvot visas dzvs btnes.
Atbrvoanos var izprast gan k apgaismbu, gan ar k nirvnu. Pirmaj gadjum
cilvks vl ir saistts ar pasauli, kaut ar viam ir absolts brvbas garantija. Turklt
vi tiecas uz clu mri atbrvot visas dzvs btnes no cieanm. ir tiska
un garga atbrvoans vrda visplakaj nozm. Otraj gadjum atbrvoans
attiecas tikai uz vienu konkrtu indivdu, kur trascendent pasaulgo dzvi un nvi
un sasniedz nirvnu, kamr citi vl joprojm paliek nebrvb.
Apgaismba reti kad ir galga. T sev ietver daudzas pakpes un fzes. Var
pat apgalvot, ka cilvka dzve sastv no daudzm mazkm apgaismbm, kuru
kopsumm rodas paties gudrba. Ar absolt atbrvoans budistu izpratn nav
tikai atraisans vien, bet gan visos gadjumos balsts uz morles un viedbas
sasnieganu. Tpc apgaismbu var uzskatt k atbrvoans vienu pakpi, kad caur
tiku, morli un gudrbu par gudrbu tiek pilngots viedums.
Jdziens apgaismba radies no sanskrita vrda <bodhi>, kas norda uz gaio
un pilngo gudrbu jeb viedumu un steno patiesbas izziu. Ir ar apzmjums
<bodhicitta> (apgaismotais prts), kur, izzinot absolto patiesbu, ved uz budhas
esambu. Vrds <buddha> nozm apzinjies jeb vieds. Budha ir ieguvis patieso
viedumu un ir brvs no vism eksistences formm. Vrds <buddhi> norda uz loisku
domanas spju un gara spju attstt un saglabt sev konceptus un priekstatus par
patieso realitti.
53

Turklt budistu stras izir ar visaugstko apgaismbu, ko sanskrit dv par
<anuttara-samyak-sambodhi>.
54
nieu valod is jdziens var tikt atspoguots gan
ar vrda fontisko transkripciju <anouduoluo sanmiao sanputi>
, gan ar burtisko tulkojumu <wushang zhengdeng zhengjue>
(bez augas / visas pakpes / paties izpratne). Tibetieu valod ir tikai tulkotais
apzmjums <bla-na med-pa yang-dag-par rdzogs-pai byang-chub-pa> (bez augas
/ pilnb pilngot / apgaismba). Tas, kur sasniedzis o visaugstko apgaismojuma
formu, tiek dvts par pilnb apgaismoto (skt. samyak-sambuddha) un atiras
no arhata
55
un no pratjekabudhas. o trs budisma adeptu stenot prakse ir atirga,
jo vii seko dadiem reliisks dzves ideliem. Skatoties no Mahjnas budistu
viedoka, pilnb apgaismot tls ir visaugstkais idels.
56
3.5. Atbrvoans un tukums
Atbrvoans k galamris var tikt pieldzinta ar tukumam, ar ko apzm
ierobeojumu un kavku neesambu. Noliegums un nolieguma noliegums caurvij
visu budisma flozofju:
Nezinanas izskauanu galgs realittes sfr sauc par
atbrvoanos [..]. Tukuma realitte, kur ar gudrbas pretspku
izdz visas kaislbas un nezinanas, ir [..] atbrvoans.
57

ds tukums ir pildts ar steno gudrbu un ldzins budhas esambai.
Ar tradicionlaj nieu un tibetieu kultr noliegums ir izveidojies par
flozofsku principu. Piemram, nieu jdziens <wu> (nebt) bija pazstams
jau flozofa un domtja Laodzi laik (apm. 6. gs. p. m. .). Tpat ar Tibet
116 Orientlistika
reliisks diskusijs vrds <med> ar to pau nozmi fgur k viena no galvenajm
pamattzm. ietami negatv izteiksme pieir teikumiem pau formu rpus laika
un vietas robem. Bet pati par sevi negcija ir tikai pieturas punkts patiess
realittes apstiprinjumam.
Eiropieu valods noliegums gramatiski tiek veidots ldzgi, tikai t saturs un
ietvert konotcija ir citdi. Apgalvojums, ka kaut kas neeksist vai kaut k nav,
rada iespaidu, ka kaut k trkst, kaut kas ir nepilngs vai pat beznozmgs. Lai o
prpratumu novrstu, manuprt, btu lietdergi izteicienus n, nav vai tuks,
aizstt, piemram, ar frzi brvs no, kurai eiropieu valods ir pozitva un apstiprinoa
nokrsa.
Atsauces un piezmes
1
Sk. skaidrojumu noda 3.3.
2
Ilziju pasaule, kas balsts uz prdzimanas-nves ciklu un clou-seku di.
3
Sekojoie punkti daji pc Shi Guangzong, 55.80. lpp.
4
Shi Guangzong, 78. lpp.
5
Brandon (red.), 72. lpp.
6
Burtiski no sanskrita: apgaismot btne. Cilvki, kas pasaulgs dzves laik guvui
apgaismbu un atbrvoanos, bet devui soljumu neaiziet no s pasaules tik ilgi, kamr
nebs atbrvotas visas prjs btnes.
7
T12n0363_p0319c14-17.
8
Clou un seku de, kur vism darbbm ir rezultts.
9
Brandon (red.), 78. lpp.
10
Burtisk tulkojum: Prvrtbu grmata. Vissenk nieu rakstu grmata, kur skaidroti
zljumi un pareojumi. Atsevias ts daas, iespjams, radus 11. 8. gs. p. m. .
11
Vairk par m heksagrammm sk. Legge (1882), 144. lpp., Wilhelm (1967), 153. lpp. un
Blofeld, 165. lpp.
12
Burtisk tulkojum: Dziesmu [vai dzejou] grmata. Tautasdziesmu un citu dziesmu un
dzejou krjums, kas daji nk no 9.5. gs. p. m. .
13
Sk. Yu Hang, 186. lpp. un Legge (1960), Book of Poetry, 765. lpp.
14
Sk. Yu Hang: Guofeng : Shaonan : Ye you sijun (Mao 23).
15
Sk. De Francis (red.): bt roks, (divdesmit) visi iedzvotji, mj: prvaldt,
kontrolt. Sk. ar Xu Shen.
16
Piem., Shijing dzejoos Xiaoya : Xiaomin zhi shi : Qiaoyan (Mao
198), Daya : Wen wang zhi shi : Huang Yi (Mao 241). Sk. ar Yu Hang
un Legge (1960), Book of Poetry, 712. lpp.
17
Burtisk tulkojum: Pieraksti par vsturi. Viens no pirmajiem darbiem, kas vl odien ir
vispopulrkais vstures darbs. Autors Sima Qian , 2.1. gs. p. m. .
18
Sk. Sima Qian, 8. sj., 2573. un 2579. lpp.
19
Sima Qian, 8. sj., 2613. lpp.
20
Sk. Eitel, 201. lpp.
21
Sima Qian, 3135. lpp. un Watson, 2. sj., 424. lpp.
22
Sima Qian, 8. sj., 2580. lpp.
23
Sk. Gaffney, 4. lpp.un Takeuchi (red.) tekstu krjumu.
24
Sk. Torakazu (tulk.), Kegon, 22. nod.
25
Sk. Seegers (2004), 105. lpp.
26
Sk. Kleine [et al].
27
Sk. Buddhabhadra (tulk.), T09n0278_p0561b26 un tlk.
28
Sk. ikshnanda (tulk.), T10n0279_p196b28 un tlk.
29
Sk. ladharma (tulk.), T10n0287_p556b21 un tlk.
30
Sk. Kleine [et al].
31
Sk. Bsteh (red.), 81. lpp.
32
n. <bie jietuo jie> , tib. <so-sor-thar>.
33
Sk. Nyadahl, 26. lpp.
34
Sk. Lhndub Spa, 94. lpp.
35
Sk. Bsteh (red.), 38. lpp.
36
Bsteh (red.), 76. lpp.
37
Bsteh (red.), 37. lpp. un Lad, 51. lpp. un 80. lpp.
38
1. Visi sasniegumi ir nepastvgi. 2. Viss aptraiptais ir cieanu pilns. 3. Visas pardbas ir
tukas un bez patbas.
39
Nirvna jeb atbrvoans ir miers un absolt laime. (Thupten Ngawang, 1. lpp.)
40
Frasch (red.), 164. lpp.
41
Bsteh (red.), 97. lpp.
42
nieu hieroglifs <mie> sastv no diem pamatelementiem: dens, ierocis (virs)
uguns.
43
Bsteh (red.), 88., 90. un 91. lpp.
44
Turpmkais pc Malten (red.).
45
Turpmkais pc Malten (red.).
46
Vukits, 2. .
47
Sk. Fojiao dianzi cidian.
48
Skt. <arhati> pareizais, ciengais, persona ar izcilm pabm. Agrnaj budism
persona, kas pabeigusi savu budista praksi un ai dzv sasniegusi pilnbu.
49
Shukla (red.), 18. lpp.
50
Sk. Schumann, 117. lpp.
51
Sk. Nyadal, 41. lpp.
52
Nyadal, 41. lpp.
53
Ouyang Jingwu, 568. lpp.
54
Ar is radiklis sasint form.
55
Sk. Malten (red.).
56
Burtiskais tulkojums: <anuttara> galvenais, svargkais; labkais, izcilais; bez atbildes,
kluss, noteikts; <samyak> viss, apkopots, pilngs; <bodhi> viedums. Sk. Malten (red.).
57
Skt. <arhati> pareizais, ciengais, persona ar izcilm pabm. Agrnaj budism
persona, kas pabeigusi savu budista praksi un ai dzv sasniegusi pilnbu.
58
Skt. <pratyeka> ar paa spkiem, patstvgi. Budhas, kas praktisko ceu veikui un
pilnbu sasniegui pai ar saviem spkiem un gribu.
59
Sk. Govinda 57. lpp.
60
Tendzin Gyatso, 92.93. lpp.
118 Orientlistika
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120 Orientlistika
Zusammenfassung
Der Aufsatz errtert einen der buddhistischen Hauptbegriffen Befreiung. Die Grundlage
der Arbeit bilden vier chinesische Wrter (jie , tuo , du , du ) und drei tibetische
Wrter (grol, sgrol, thar), die am hufgsten fr diesen Begriff eingesetzt werden und die
theoretisch dem Sanskrit-Wort moksha entsprechen. Um die Bedeutungen und Aspekte
des Begriffes festzustellen, sind mehrere aus dem Sanskrit bersetzten Texte der Mahyna-
Stras untersucht worden. Von einer allgemeinen Betrachtung des Begriffes im Mahyna-
Buddhismus am Anfang des Textes wird weiter auf einzelne Aspekte und Stufen der
Befreiung eingegangen. Ebenso werden die entsprechenden chinesischen und tibetischen
quivalente, ihre Bedeutungen und ihr Sprachgebrauch analysiert worden. Der letzte Teil des
Aufsatzes betrachtet den Begriff Befreiung im Zusammenhang mit anderen buddhistischen
Hauptbegriffen, denen er in der Bedeutung nahe kommt. Hier werden die gegenseitigen
Wechselbeziehungen von der Befreiung einerseits und von Nirwana, Vollkommenheiten, Tod,
Erleuchtung und Leerheit andererseits dargestellt.
Schlagworte: Buddhismus, chinesische Sprache, Literatur, Lexikographie.
Doctrines of Man in Orthodox Christian and Tibetan
Hagiographic Narratives
Mcba par cilvku ortodoksls kristietbas un Tibetas
hagiogrfskajos naratvos
Elizabete Taivne
Teoloijas fakultte
Raia bulv. 19, Rg, LV-1586
Abstract
The article is presented in the feld of comparative religious anthropology. The research
concerns the soteriological motifs in the Orthodox Christian and Tibetan hagiographic
narratives. Religious anthropology is always soteriologically oriented. Hagiography, in turn,
demonstrates how the soteriological models work in practice. To put it differently, hagiography
is a genuine storehouse of patterns of perfect religious conduct. In this article, we have tried to
analyze the way religious conduct is infuenced by certain religious doctrines conditioned, in
turn, by historical and cultural environment. At the same time, a phenomenological approach
to religion makes the search for the common essence of religions possible.
Keywords: Tibetan Buddhism, hagiography, Orthodox Christian tradition, soteriology,
comparative religion.
This article is presented in the feld of comparative religious anthropology.
Comparativism and anthropology are two vital dimensions of the contemporary
theology and religious studies. Today, when different Eastern religions come to the
West, Christian theology is not any longer self-suffcient. Christian theology cannot
ignore religious values suggested by Eastern religions. In turn, the spiritual values
suggested by Christianity have to be reviewed in an inter-religious context.
1
For this
reason comparativism is so important.
On the other hand, Christian theology experiences the so called anthropological
shift
2
, which is necessary in the present situation of spiritual vacuum. This
anthropological shift is intended to restore and revive theology from within, insisting
on genuine human values. Comparative religious anthropology provides a completely
new theological look at the classical Christian doctrines and values and at the status
of Christianity in the context of other religions.
The main thesis which is going to be defended in this article is the following:
religious experience determines religious doctrine and vice versa. In particular,
religious doctrine is an endeavour to describe religious experience
3
; nevertheless, we
are all born and brought up in a certain historical and cultural environment as Erich
Fromm points out, we all perceive reality through different social flters (notional
122 Orientlistika
apparatus, logic, and taboo) inherited from our parents.
4
Therefore, certain religious
ideas possessed by an individual from childhood give shape to their religious
experience and determine their religious conduct. Thus, religious experience and
religious doctrine are inseparable and interdependent.
Any religion proposes its doctrine of man which, in turn, entails certain models
of religious conduct. These models are not a mere speculation. Adherents of
different religious traditions always try to live according to certain rules which are
derived from anthropological ideas. Inside any major religious tradition, there are
persons whose religious conduct has been perfect enough to acquire the status of
saints. Hagiography is a subject inside theology exploring biographies of saints
and the phenomenon of sanctity as such. Hence, hagiography is a storehouse of
examples of perfect religious conduct. To put it differently, hagiography embodies
the anthropological models suggested by a religious tradition.
The core of any religion is soteriology or the doctrine of salvation. Religion
is a complicated system which is supposed to work for the mans beneft. Religion
is a means of salvation. Hence, religious anthropology is always soteriologically
oriented. Hagiography, in turn, demonstrates how these soteriological models work
in practice. In other words, hagiography is built on an experientially soteriological
basis.
The two religious traditions which are going to be compared are Orthodox
Christianity and Tibetan Buddhism. Mahyna Buddhism and Christianity may be
classifed as monistic
5
and theistic religions, respectively. The monistic world view
presupposes the oneness of all things. The ultimate reality emanates producing
phenomena and man is not exclusion. He also is the same ultimate reality in his
innermost being. If so, man is able to communicate with the ultimate only in the
process of introspection or meditation (Skt. dhyna), which results in a complete
destruction of personality and union with the ultimate. This sort of experience is
qualifed as knowledge because man acquires some sort of gnosis of himself and
reality. This return to the totality of things is fully a result of human effort. Any kind
of divine support is completely excluded in monism.
In Mahyna Buddhism, Buddha plays the role of the undifferentiated ultimate
reality. Besides, it is common knowledge that Tibetan Buddhism incorporates the
religious ideas of the indigenous Tibetan religion Bon. According to this religion, the
phenomenal world comes into being from the so called Primordial Basis (Tib. gzhi,
the equivalent of ultimate reality). The Primordial Basis manifests as light which
produces fve colours, i.e., the essence of the fve elements. These primal elements
interact and the gross elements appear, constituting the material dimension and the
physical body of the human being.
6
So, the task of a Tibetan Buddhist is to go against the current, namely,
against emanation and return to the totality of all things gzhi. Not only human
consciousness but also the gross elements of the physical body dissolve in its
essence, namely, in the fve colored lights and then in the Primordial Light gzhi.
This process represents regression as a result of a certain state of consciousness
when the dichotomous conceptualization is abolished and the body is analyzed as
the derivative of the Primordial Basis.
Elizabete Taivne. Doctrines of Man in Orthodox Christian and Tibetan Hagiographic .. 123
Innumerable Tibetan hagiographic narratives confrm the idea of such regression.
The alleged phenomenon of the dissolution (re-absorption) of the physical body in
colored light is denoted in Tibet as the Rainbow Body (Tib. ja lus). Tibetans
believe that it is enough to become aware of the wholeness of all things and the
relative character of a personality to achieve the soteriological goal, namely, the
state of rainbow body, liberation from reincarnation. I will mention here one
such narrative written down by Sogyal Rinpoche about a yogin in secret, Sonam
Namgyal, who died in 1952 in the East of Tibet. Many people witnessed the
experience of attaining the state of the Rainbow Body by Sonam Namgyal. Our
hero was a very common and modest man who travelled much, carving mantras
and sacred texts on stones. In his youth he was a hunter and he used to listen to the
teachings of some great master. Not long before his death, people saw him leaving
for the mountains, where he sat doing nothing but looking ahead. Nobody knew what
he was and what he was doing. He liked to compose his own songs and sing them
instead of the traditional ones. Some time later he fell ill. When his health became
very poor, his family decided to send for lamas and doctors. Sonams son told him
that it was now important to remember all the teachings, but Sonam said smiling, I
have forgotten all of them. There is nothing worth remembering. Everything around
us is a mere illusion. Nevertheless, I am convinced that everything will be fne. He
died at the age of 79, but before he passed away, he asked people not to touch his
body after his death for a week. When he died, his family wrapped up his dead body
and asked the lamas to start the practice
7
. The body was placed in a small room.
Soon the people could not help noticing that the body of Sonam, who was a tall man,
had become smaller in its size, and around the house they could see some unusual
iridescent light. When on the sixth day they peeped in the room, they saw that the
body was continuously diminishing. The cremation ceremony was set on the eighth
day. But when the cemetery people, who came to take the dead body, unwrapped it,
they saw nothing but his nails and hair.
8
One of the most recent events of Rainbow
Body took place in the province of Kham in Eastern Tibet in 1998.
The theistic world view, on the contrary, deals with the ultimate Other which
lies beyond us. The ultimate Other is a divine Person who has created the world
in an act of will. If this is true, His revelation to man depends only on His will.
Located outside human beings, God cannot be discovered in the process of psychic
introspection. He requires a Mediator in order to be revealed. In Christianity this role
is played by Jesus Christ who is the only path to the Father. In this context the idea
of the Divine Grace comes into being. If revelation and salvation depend on Gods
will, man can never participate in the Divine without mediation of the divine grace.
And, if grace does its work, it is enough for man to seek only Gods grace. This is
the source of devotion called bhakti in Hinduism and agape in Christianity. The path
of grace when man and God cooperate is of the same value as the introversive path
of Gnostics. These two paths are just two alternative ways to the Ultimate
9
.
The soteriological goal in Christianity is denoted as deifcation (Gr. thsis).
Hesychasm (Greek mysticism) inside the Orthodox tradition, which deals mainly
with the experience of the Divine Light, elaborates a unique teaching of deifcation
as participation in the Divine life. Notably, a deifed human being is united with
God at the level of the Uncreated Divine Energies and not at the level of the
124 Orientlistika
Divine Substance. Man becomes God, at the same time his physical substance and
his personality remain. In this way, the classical theistic scheme is not neglected.
According to it, union with God never means merging with God. Personality must
remain, because if it does not there will be nobody who continues to love. Here the
relationship between subject and object is important.
One more aspect of Christian soteriology is the eschatological one. Here we deal
with the notion of linear time and postponed salvation. Complete theosis is possible
only after parousa (Gr.) or the second coming of Christ. At present, only a partial
salvation is possible. Only the souls of saints are deifed whereas the body needs to
wait for resurrection which, in turn, will take place only after parousa. Resurrection
in regard to the saints means that the bodies of the saints will become subtle and
luminous.
What does that contribute to the Orthodox hagiography? Many bodies of the
deceased saints allegedly become incorruptible. This is a preliminary phase before
the body is deifed.
10
Sometimes the bodies are subject to decay; however, the bones
remain yellow and produce an odorous chrism, as it happened, for instance, in
Athos.
11
It is rather curious that there are six very unusual narratives in the whole corpus
of the Orthodox hagiography. These are events of unexplained disappearance of
the bodies of Christian saints after their death, which are little commented on by
the Orthodox theologians. Usually the explanation is reduced to a short formula,
the body was hidden by God. Sometimes it is stated that people were not worthy
of burying the saint, or that his/her disappearance after death means that the body
actually exists somewhere but is hidden by God because of the humble request of
the saint not to glorify him pronouncedly until the parousa.
According to the Orthodox tradition, St. Mary, the Mother of God, ascended
to Heaven with her body and soul united. The narrative is an obvious borrowing
from the apocryphal Gospel of the Assumption of the Virgin under the title The
Discourse of St. John the Divine Concerning the Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother
of God
12
. The event of the resurrection of the Virgins body depends on the idea of
her sinlessness. The Assumption is dogmatically asserted by the Catholic Church and
is also accepted by the Orthodox Church as a certain aspect of the tradition. Marys
case is considered to be an exclusion of the principle of the postponed resurrection
of the body.
13
Other saints whose bodies have allegedly disappeared are St. John, the disciple
of Jesus
14
, St. Irina from Ephesus (the 1st century)
15
, St. Dula, a monk from Egypt
16
,
St. Theoktista ( 881, Poros Island)
17
, Anthony of the Caves (of Kiev, 1073)
18
, and
St. Cosmas of Zograph, the ascetic of Bulgaria ( 1323)
19
.
If the biographies are believed to be authentic, the bodies of the saints, except
for the unclear case of St. Anthony, seem to be absorbed. In the case of St. Dula his
clothes remain, as it was also the case after the Resurrection of Jesus. The alleged
fact that St. Irinas dead body disappeared three days later, also resembles the passage
from the Gospel. The same three days are mentioned in the story of the assumption
of the Mother of God.
The above mentioned narratives which are not in strict accordance with
the Christian idea of the postponed Resurrection become a bridge between two
completely different religious traditions. From the descriptive point of view, the
above mentioned stories and the Tibetan narratives about the phenomenon of the
Rainbow Body are rather similar. In spite of the different anthropological schemes,
the two hagiographic traditions deal with the absorption of body and a few other
common features, for instance, the so called secondary mystical phenomena that
often accompany the moment of death of the saints and that are various photic
apparitions, fragrant odours, and heavenly sounds.
However, common features, including the reabsorption of the body, do not mean
that the anthropological models are ignored here. In the case of Tibetans the body just
dissolves whereas the liberated spiritual part of man becomes one with the cosmic
Buddha. On the other hand, according to the Christian anthropology, the personality
remains forever; the body does not dissolve, it resurrects and becomes subtle.
Nevertheless, the schemes are never so strict when incarnated in the alive
body of religious experience. The agapeic religiosity goes always together with the
gnostic. Christian deifcation without gnosis is impossible whereas Tibetan religiosity
includes agapeic elements. A deifed person of the Christian East completely loses
his individual psychic features in order to become one with God. In Tibet, in turn,
the phenomenon of sprul sku
20
is rather important sprul sku are the reincarnated
masters of the past. They are liberated beings who agree to reincarnate again for the
beneft of sentient beings.
Hence we can conclude that gnosis and agape are two religious instincts of man
which cannot be separated. They both are represented in our psyche. They cooperate
and are interrelated in a religious tradition. Different proportions of the two
religious instincts in various religious traditions build their anthropological doctrines
and determine their religious conduct. Just as the two anthropological schemes
cannot be completely separated, the different models of religious conduct also are
one and the same aspiration towards the Ultimate.
Endnotes
1
Such a confict between the Christian notion of the superiority of Christianity and the idea
of relativism of all religions has been sharply and in a very intimate way experienced by
the father of the historical relativism Ernst Troeltsch. (See Paul F. Knitter, No Other
Name? A Critical Survey of Christian Attitudes Toward the World Religions. Maryknoll,
New York: Orbis Books, 1991, pp. 2331.)
2
The term is proposed by Karl Rahner. The anthropological shift in theology is discussed
also by Modern Orthodox theologians, for instance, by S. S. Horuzhy.
3
An Orthodox theologian V. N. Lossky has discussed the issue in the context of Eastern
Christianity. He has not distinguished religious (precisely, mystical) experience from
dogmatic theology. The former is an individual manifestation of the common faith; the latter
is a common expression of what can be experienced by anybody. (. . ,
// . . ,
. . : , 1991, cc. 811.)
4
rihs Fromms, Psihoanalze un dzenbudisms, tulk. Andela uvajeva (Rga: Zvaigzne
ABC, 2002), 53.59. lpp.
126 Orientlistika
5
Designating Mahyna Buddhism as a monistic system we make use of the competent
position of Th. Stcherbatsky. (See Th. Stcherbatsky, The Conception of Buddhist Nirvna.
Leningrad: Publishing Offce of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1927, pp. 3943
(In: Buddhism, ed. Richard A. Gard. New York: George Braziller, 1962, p. 118).)
6
, : ,
, . , . . .,
. . . . :
, 1991, c. 57.
7
Supposedly, pho ba (Tib.) or the principle of transference of consciousness is meant here.
8
Sogyal Rinpoche, The Tibetan Book of Living and Dying, ed. Patrick D. Gaffney and
Andrew Harvey. New York: HarperSanFrancisco, 1994, p. 172.
9
According to the classifcation proposed by Aloysius Pieris, S. J. Buddhism and Christianity
are denoted as gnostic and agapeic religions, respectively. (Aloysius Pieris, S.J., Love Meets
Wisdom: a Christian Experience of Buddhism. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1990,
pp. 110113.)
10
As D. I. Protopopov explains, the deifed soul infuences the body in such a way that it
becomes delicate and transforms into spirit. (. . ,
. , 1991, . 13.)
11
For instance, in 1837, Nicodemus, a monk of skhima died in Athos. In 1840 his bones were
exhumed and washed. According to the accepted order they were put in a basket and left
in the church for the all-night vigil. The fragrant chrism started to ooze out of the ears of
the skull. This phenomenon was interpreted in the following way: the saint was fond of
listening to the Holy Scripture; therefore, the chrism came out of his ears even after his
death. (. . , . ., cc. 21, 3536.)
12
Montague Rhodes James, trans., The Discourse of St. John the Divine Concerning the
Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother of God (15) in The Apocryphal New Testament Being the
Apocryphal Gospels, Acts, Epistles, and Apocalypses with Other Narratives and Fragments.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1950.
13
According to the tradition, the disciples of Jesus buried Mary in a cave of Gethsemane,
rolling a large stone over the entrance. For three days and three nights they stayed near the
tomb, praying and singing psalms. It so happened that due to the divine providence apostle
Thomas was absent from the funeral. He only appeared in Gethsemane on the third day,
grieving a lot, as he had missed Marys blessing. Sympathizing with Thomas, the apostles
decided to roll back the stone from the entrance to comfort him. However, entering the
cave, they found only the veil of the Saint Virgin, while Her body had gone. Thus, they
became witnesses to the miraculous Assumption of Marys body into Heaven. (
,
, , ,
, . . : -
. , 1904, cc. 184202.)
14
, . 2. . , 1978, c. 124.
15
Accompanied by a large number of Christians, she went into the mountains near Ephesus.
Then she made a sign of the cross, went into the cave, and asked the people to close
the entrance of the cave with a large stone. On the next day the people opened the cave
but did not fnd the body of the saint. ( , . 3.
. , 1979, c. 278.)
16
The dead body of Dula was locked up in a church until the arrival of the abbot and the
brothers of the neighboring monastery. When the church was unlocked, the body was
no longer there, only the clothes and the shoes were left. The biographer motivates the
disappearance of the relics in a very simple manner: the brothers were not worthy of
burying the saint. (Ibid., cc. 441442.)
17
Theoktista lived on the non-inhabited Poros Island alone in a forgotten Church of St. Mary
for 35 years. Hunters found her a short time before her death and burried her on the same
island. The body disappeared from the grave. ( ,
. 2. , . 259260.)
18
He was buried in his cave after his death. Allegedly nobody has managed to see or touch
his body for the bright light and natural disasters like fre or water have not allowed people
to take the body. ( , . 3. , c. 550;
. . , , c. 37.)
19
St. Cosmas was a monk living in the desert not far from Athos. Before his death, Jesus
Christ came to him in a vision and said that at the end of Cosmas life Satan and his angels
would torture him. Three days after the foretold torture the saint took Holy Communion
and died. He was buried in his cave, and during the burial many animals and birds glorifed
his death with their presence and howls. Forty days later the monks opened the cave
to take the body to the monastery, but the relics had disappeared. (
, . 2. , c. 105.)
20
Sprul sku equivalent in Sanskrit is nirmnakya (the body of incarnation).
Kopsavilkums
Rakst izmantota komparatvs reliijas antropoloijas metode. Ptjuma objekts ir
soterioloisks tendences pareizticgs kristietbas un Tibetas budisma hagiogrfskajos
aprakstos. Reliijas antropoloija ir soterioloiski orientta, kamr hagiogrfja ir o
soterioloisko ideju iemiesojums praks. Citiem vrdiem, hagiogrfja ir reliisks uzvedbas
paraugu krtuve. aj saj ptjum mints analizt, kd veid kultrvsturiski nosacts
reliisks doktrnas ietekm reliisks uzvedbas paradigmas, k ar mints atrast dadu
reliisko tradciju kopsaucju, par izejas punktu padarot fenomenoloisko pieeju reliijas
zintn.
Atslgvrdi: Tibetas budisms, hagiogrfja, pareizticba, soterioloija, komparatv reliiju
zintne.
na barbari: etnonmu semantika
China Barbarians: the Semantics of Ethnonyms
Karens Petrosjans
Latvijas Universittes Filoloijas fakultte
Visvala iel 4a, Rg LV-1050
e-pasts: petrosjans@yahoo.com.sg
Lai gan Sen na ir eogrfski izolta no prjiem pasaules civilizciju centriem, nieu
etnoss attstjs nehomogn vid. nas civilizcija ar ts vsturiski kulturlo centru
Dzeltens upes vidustec robeojs ar tautm, kurm bija dadas vsturisks attstbas
pakpes un cits saimniecisks darbbas tips (piemram, nomadisms), ts piederja citm
valodu saimm. Avoti liecina, ka senie niei sevi pretnostatja barbariem. raksta autors
izgaismo nieu attieksmi pret kaimitautm caur dadu cilu nosaukumu prizmu. Tas kst
iespjams, pateicoties nieu hieroglifsks rakstu valodas patnbm, kur vrdi ir attloti
nevis ar burtiem, bet ar ideogrammm.
Atslgvrdi: etnonms, na, hieroglifs, cilts.
raksta autora mris nav izgaismot etniski eogrfsks zinanas Senaj n,
nedz ar izklstt to cilu enzes vsturi, kas apdzvoja nas teritoriju senajos laikos.
Mans uzdevums ir ar hieroglifos pausto domanas veidu rekonstrut priekstatu
par tm zemm un tautm, kas ielenca Vidusvalsts teritoriju. im ptjumam ir
starpdisciplinrs raksturs, un taj prkljas divas zintu nozares floloijas un
etnogrfjas zintne. Tomr d darb nav iespjams nepiemint ts zemes, kuras
senlaikos apdzvoja nenieu ciltis. Tpc ir jzina vsturisk eogrfja.
nieu apdzvot teritorija senajos laikos nebija tik plaa, kda t ir msdiens.
Par sennieu civilizcijas teritorijas kodolu var uzskatt Huanhe vidusteci ar ts
centru msdienu Henaas provinc. Sennieu etnosa apdzvots teritorijas sauca
par zhongyuan () jeb Vidusldzenumu. Tajs ietilpa tdas msdienu provinces k
Henaa, aduna, Hebejas dienvidaa, asji, Dzjansji ziemedaa, Ahuja, aasji.
Bet zemes, kas neietilpa zhongyuan teritorij, bija stepes, kas ziemeos prgja
tuksneos un rietumos kalnos. m zemm bija ne tikai cita ainava, ts bija ar citas
kultras pasaule. Un, jo tlk ts atrads no nieu pasaules centra, jo barbariskkas
ts ita nieu acs. Sprieot pc pirm nieu folkloras krjuma idzjin ()
jeb Dzejas kanona, kas tapis 11.7. gs., taut nenieu zemes sauca par gui fang
() jeb velna pusi, bet A. tukina tulkojum par dmoniskajm valstm.
1

Senaj laikmet ir iespjams izirt divus nas centriskuma iemeslus. Pirmkrt,
t bija ilglaicga izolcija no citu seno civilizciju centriem, ts d izveidojs nieu
prkuma sajta, kas kuva par nieu nacionls identittes komponentu. Otrkrt,
Vidusldzenuma iedzvotji objektvi atrads augstk vsturisks attstbas stadij
nek stepju perifrijas iemtnieki.
Karens Petrosjans. na barbari: etnonmu semantika 129
Pirms erties pie raksta praktisks daas, nepiecieams izdart vl daas
piezmes. Ir zinms, ka, tulkojot svevalodu terminus nieu valod, tiek lietoti divi
vrda tulkoanas principi, proti, vrda nozmes princips un translitercijas princips.
Tulkojot nozmi, tiek uzsvrta vrda jga, tau vienlaikus tiek ignorta vrda
fontisk struktra. Otraj translitercijas jeb transkripcijas metod tiek uzsvrta
tulkojam vrda fontika. raksta autors uzskata, ka Senaj n, pai etnonmu
tulkoanas gadjum, dominja pirmais princips. Un otrdi jo tuvk msdienm,
jo vairk ir pamanma tendence atdarint vrda skanjumu, piemram, msdienu
valstu nosaukumos, izemot (Miguo) jeb brnig valsts, ASV.
Lai btu skaidrks nieu tautas priekstats par barbariem vai tiem, kas nepieder
huaxia () kategorijai, japlko lietoto simbolu semantika. D. Dzjina (J. Ching),
man skatjum, pareizi atzmja, ka hieroglifem vai to komponentiem, kas tiek
lietoti etru barbaru debespuu nosaukumos, nereti ir pazemojos raksturs.
2
Td
veid par izptes objektu kst lieteratr atrodamie nehau (jeb nenieu) cilu
etnonmi. Ms interes hieroglif vai to komponenti, ar kuriem apzm dzvniekus un
kukaius. Tdjdi etnonmus iespjams sistematizt ne tikai pc vsturisks cilu
raans vai pc cilu piederbas pie valodu saimm un etniskm grupm, bet ar pc
komponentiem, kuri apzm dadas dzvnieku sugas.
Etnonmu animlisma simbolisms
Viens no izplattkajiem etnonmiem, ko sastopam sennieu literatr, ir
(di). Di ciltis ir pat piemintas flozofskaj traktt Mendzi (),
3
k ar
daudzos citos avotos. Vsturnieki di cilu pardanos uz sennieu vstures
horizonta dat ar 7. gadsimtu pr. Kr. Hieroglifs, kas apzm Sennas ziemerietumos
dzvojus di ciltis, sastv no diviem komponentiem, viens no tiem ir suns.
nieu valodas hieroglifa atslga suns ( quan), kas atrodas hieroglifa kreisaj
pus, parasti tiek izmantota vrdos, kuri apzm plsgu zvru un mjdzvnieku
nosaukumus. Piemram , (lang) vilks, (hu) lapsa, (wei) ezis, (zhu)
cka. K redzam, tiei kreisais komponents parasti veido hieroglifa nozmi.
Vienas no senkajm ciltm, kas tika piemintas avotos, bija (xianyun),
dareiz apzmtas ar ar (xunyun). Xianyun tika minta kanona idzjin (jeb
Dzejas kanons) mazajs ods.
4
nas tradicionl historiogrfja identifc ts ar
sjunnu (Eirop vii ir pazstami k hui) tautas seniem (protams, ir acmredzama
vrdu fontisk saistba), kuri pardjs vstures arn 3. gs. pr. Kr. K redzam abu
hieroglifu gadjum, kreis puse norda uz saistbu ar kdu dzvnieku. Interesanti, ka
hieroglifs (xian) apzm suu irni ar garu purnu.
(liao jeb lao) ciltis Tanu dinastijas laik tika lokaliztas nas dienvidos
(msdienu Guansji provinc). Saska ar veiktajiem ptjumiem tas ir kopgs
nosaukums daudzm dienvidu etniskajm grupm. To pierda ar avoti, kas tapui 7.
gs. pc Kr. un kur tas tiek mints sakar ar soda karagjieniem pret lao ciltm.
5
K
redzam, hieroglifa kreisais komponents ir radiklis suns () un vrds tiek tulkots
k medbas nakts laik.
Radiklis suns () ir sastopams etnonm (yao), kas, iespjams, ir
msdienu dienvidu (miao-yao) tautu seni, kuri dzvo galvenokrt Guidou,
Junaas un Siuaas provinc. Pc M. Krjukova domm, pirmie etnonma (yao)
130 Orientlistika
pieminjumi sastopami Sunu () dinastijas hroniks imperatora Lidzuna (Lizong,
12251264) valdanas laik.
6
Hieroglifs (yao) tika lietots ar k otrs nosaukums
tapra ( ) apzmanai.
7
Ir vrts atzmt, ka tapru apdzvotais

arels tolaik skra
nas dienvidu provinces Siuau un Junau. Jatzm ar, ka etnonm (yao)
pareiz sua elementa nav un t viet ir ielikts elements (vai yu). Tas liecina
par tradicionls etnonmu pazemojoo elementu lietoanas sistmas degradciju.
nieu etnonms mongou valod runjou oiratu cilu apzmanai bija
(weila), ts dzvojo rietumu Mongolij. Oirati dzvoja kalnu taig Sajnu grd.
8

Vii tika pieminti Juai hronik k naimau sabiedrotie kauj ar ingishana
karaspku 1205. gad.
9
Hieroglifam (wei), neskatoties uz kreisaj pus esoo
sua komponentu, nav tam atbilstoas nozmes. Viens no iespjamiem vrda
tulkojumiem var bt nepiekljgs, nearistokrtiskas izcelsmes cilvks. Tomr
hieroglifa etimoloija ir saistta ar skam, ko izdve suns, proti, ar rieanu,
vaukanu.
10
Interesanti, ka taj pa Juai oiratu ciltis tiek sauktas par
(wo yi la) pc to labprtgas apvienoans ar mongoiem 1208. gad.
11

Viena no rong () cilu apakgrupm bija (quanrong), kas iegja nas
vstur tpc, ka izbeidza Rietumu Dou periodu (11. gs. vidus 721. g. pr. Kr.),
proti: uzbruka Dou ( valsts, kur atrads valdnieka galven mtne aut. piez.)
un nogalinja You-wan ( pdjais Rietumu Dou valdnieks aut. piez.).
12

Viu teritorija bija ts zemes, kas atrads ziemeos no sens frsta valsts Qi (),
kuras savukrt atrads msdienu adunas provinces teritorij. Ts nosaukum
pirmais vrds ir suns (quan), un tam nav citas nozmes. Hieroglifs suns
pards etnonm (quanyi), kas mints Vstures pierakstu ( idzji, 2.
gs. pr. Kr.) 32. noda sakar ar zhou cilu vadoni Wen-wan (11. gs. pr. Kr.). Wen-
wan uzbruka Chong un Mixu ( neliela frsta valsts msdienu Gasu provinces
teritorij aut. piez.) valstm, quanyi () ciltm.
13
R. Vjatkins uzskata, ka
quanyi ir viens no rietumu rong atzariem, kurus sauca ar par jau mintajiem
(quanrong).
Jpievr uzmanba etnonmam (tujue). Tiei t nieu transkripcij skan
sentjurku klejotju cilu apvienbas nosaukums. Centrlaj zij dibint valsts
Tjurku kagants (522745) tolaik bija galven sncense nas imprijm Suju (,
589618.) un Tanu (, 618907) dinastijai. Hieroglifs (tu) tiek lietots galvenokrt
ar nozmi pki (, turan). Tomr ir vrts pievrsties hieroglifa etimoloijai.
Suns (quan), kas atrodas zem alas (xue) saska ar Sennieu
hieroglifu vrdncu nozm suns, kas pki izskrja no savas alas.
14
Iespjams,
ds hieroglifa traktjums ir skaidrojams ar pkiem klejotju uzbrukumiem, kas
raksturo to kaujas taktiku.
Cits gadjums ir viena no ziemeu ciltm (mo), kas reti ir sastopama Vstures
pierakstos, piemram, idzji 27. noda. Hieroglifam (mo dareiz rakstts
k ), kas tiek lietots s tautas apzmanai, ir divi lasjumi. Pirmais lasjums ir
he ar nozmi jenots, savukrt otrs lasjuma variants ir iepriek mints mo cilts
nosaukums. Senaj hieroglifk hieroglifa (zhi) kreisais elements, nozmja
kukainis bez kjm.
15
Savienojum hieroglifa atslga (zhi) atrodas k kreisais
komponents vrdos, kas ir saistti ar plsgo zvru nosaukumiem, piemram,
(bao) leopards, (diao) sabulis, (chai) aklis. Ir viegli pamant, ka
s tautas lokalizcija nas ziemeu reion sakrt ar jenota apdzvoto teritoriju
ziemeaustrumu reion.
Tekstos tiek minta (date) cilts. Acmredzot t bija viens no rietumu
rong cilu atzariem. Avotos t minta sakar ar Cjiu valsts valdnieka Wen-gong
karagjienu (8. gs. pr. Kr.).
16
Msdienu nieu valod hieroglifs (te) tiek lietots
galvenokrt ar nozmi pas (, tebie). Tomr senajos laikos is hieroglifs apzmja
vrsi, kas vecks par diviem gadiem.
17
Uz saistbu ar mjdzvniekiem norda
hieroglifa kreisais komponents (niu) vrsis. K zinms, (niu) komponents
hieroglifu kreisaj pus ir saistts ar mjdzvniekiem un lopiem, piemram , (jian)
vrsis, (gu) bullis.
Rietumu ciltm (qiang), kas apdzvoja msdienu Siuaas un Cjinhajas
provinci, par hieroglifa pamatu ir (yang) aita vai jrs. Dareiz literatr ts ar
sauc par (xiqiang) jeb rietumu qiang. Neapaubmi, bez pazemojo rakstura
nosaukum tiek uzsvrta o cilu pamatnodarboans, proti, lopkopba. Qiang ciltis
tiek mintas jau pirmajos nas civilizcijas rakstu avotos uzrakstos uz zlanas
kauliem (, jiaguwen), kas attiecs uz anu () dinastijas periodu (17.11. gs.
pr. Kr.). Sprieot pc iem uzrakstiem, senajiem nieiem qiang ciltis bija diezgan
nopietns ienaidnieks. Zinms, ka pc veiksmgas kaujas niei vius upurja
dieviem.
18

Hieroglifs aita () veido kreiso elementu etnonm (jie). Jie bija viena no
piecm ciltm, kas pardjs nas vstur 4. gs. pc Kr., bet to vadonis Shi Le kuva
par dibintju barbaru Vlns Dao dinastijas nas teritorij. Jie k neatkarga
cilts ska veidoties, atdaloties no sjunnu klejotjiem. Sprieot pc avotiem, etnonms
jie tika atvasints no vietas nosaukuma, kur uzturjs sjunnu cilts.
19
M. Krjukovs
pieskaita to pie ciltm, kas nca no Centrls zijas. Patiem, to paraas krasi
atiras no kaimitautm, piemram, eksistja miruo sadedzinanas jeb kremcijas
rituls.
20
Hieroglifam (jie) bez cilts apzmjuma ir ar cita nozme Senaj n
tas tika lietots kastrta auna apzmanai. Hieroglifs (jie) tiek lietots vien no
sjunnu tautas cilts nosaukumiem. Dzjiu hronikas autors uzskaita devipadsmit
sjunnu ciltis, vienu no tm sauc (lijie).
21

(lirong) cilts tiek minta Vstures pierakstos bedzji sada, kur tiek
runts, ka ai ciltij ir dadu spalvas krsu auotji.
22
R. Vjatkins uzskata, ka ts
senlaikos dzvoja blakus Dou (sennieu valsts) aasji provinc.
23
Pirm hieroglifa
grafsko pamatu veido (ma) zirgs, kas ir saistts ar cilts nodarboanos, proti,
zirgu audzanu. (li) apzm zirgu, kas ir tikai meln krs.
Atslga zirgs sastopama vien no dienvidu cilu nosaukumiem (luoyue),
kas tiek mints Vstures pierakstu 113. noda. aj etnonm var novrot aloismu,
jo Sens nas dienvidos tolaik neprzinja zirgu audzanu. Saska ar sennieu
valodas vrdncu hieroglifs (luo) apzmja baltas nokrsas zirgu ar melnu asti.
24

nieu vsturnieks Lidzja Mi min vl vienu dienvidu cilti (luoyue) no
(yue) cilu saimes, kas, pc via domm, dzvoja msdienu Vjetnamas teritorij.
25

Tomr iespjams, ka divi iepriek mintie etnonmi bija ekvivalenti. Hieroglifs
(luo) ir ar saistts ar zirgu audzanas tmu un nozm melnu zirgu ar baltm
krpm. Tomr etnonmiem ar zirga komponentu acmredzot nebija pazemojo
rakstura tpc, ka Senaj n zirgs vienmr tika cients. Turklt hieroglifs zirgs
132 Orientlistika
(-ma) ir vairkuma msdienu valstu nosaukumu komponents, piemram, Malzija
(), Maedonija (), Malta ().
Entomoloiskais simbols
Nkamo apakgrupu veido etnonmi, kas kaut kd mr ir saistti ar vrdu
komponentiem, kuri apzm kukaius. Kopbas vrds, kas apzm dienvidu cilti
(man), ir mints paos agrnajos nieu avotos, piemram, anu (jeb Augstk
grmata) Jao kanon.
26
Dareiz literatr lieto terminu (nanman), kas nozm
dienvidu man, nordot uz ts eogrfsko atraans vietu. Apakjais hieroglifa
elements tiek lietots nieu valod dadu kukaiu (chong) apzmanai,
piemram, (wen) ods, (yi) skudra. Interesanti, ka hieroglifs (man) tika
lietots ar vlkaj period. Piemram, nas dienvidu cilts (mangman), kas
dzvojusi msdienu Junaas provinc, pc nieu ptnieku domm, ir msdienu
(daizu) vai (bulanczu) seni.
27
(mangman) tautas raans nas
vstur ir attiecinma uz Tanu dinastijas valdanas laiku (618907). Tomr hieroglifs
(man) ne vienmr tika lietots saistb ar dienvidu ciltm. Vienu no ciltm, kas
dzvoja rietumu Mongolijas teritorij pirms ingishana imprijas raans, sauca
(naiman) naimani.
Etnonms (shu) ir sastopams Augstkaj grmat (anu),
28
k ar
Vstures pierakstu 4. noda, kas satur analoisku fragmentu. Tas attiecas uz 11.
gs. pr. Kr., kad zhou cilu vadonis Wu-wang () uzstjs ar runu pirms slavens
kaujas pie Muje ( kaujas vieta, kur tika nogalints pdjais anu dinastijas
valdnieks). (shu) eit ir zhou sabiedroto cilu lom. Yong, shu (), qiang (
ciltis, kuras ms jau minjm msu ptjum), mou, wei, lu, peng un pu, paceliet
savus spus, t skan is teksta fragments.
29
Janjao Ku, citjot o fragmentu, lieto
vrdu zu ( tautba) attiecb uz astoiem uzskaittajiem etnonmiem.
30
Turpmk
etnonms shu nozm frsta valsti msdienu Siuaas provinces teritorij, kuru
apdzvoja dadas nenieu tautas. Hieroglifs (shu) pards senaj literatr
(piemram, traktt Ha fei-dzi 3. gs. pr. Kr.) un nozm taurea kpuru).
31

Entomoloisk simbolika ir (min) ciltij, kuras hieroglifa centr atrodas
kukaia zme (chong), kas iespiesta vrtos. Par to ir piemints idzji 113.
noda.
32
Par min cilts lokalizciju uzskata msdienu Fudzjaas provinces teritoriju.
2. gs. pr. Kr., vien laik ar Nanyue (), dibinja Minyue () valsti nas
dienvidos. Jatzm, ka im hieroglifam ir ar otrs lasjums, proti, wen. Hieroglifa
otraj lasjum hieroglifs ir sinonms vrdam ods (). Ttad nas dienvidos
blakus divm iepriek mintajm tautm dzvoja daudz dadu cilu (yue)
saimju.
No ciltm, kas vstur radus vlk, var mint klejotju cilti (ruanruan
jeb msdienu izrun ruru). Eiropas literatr to parasti dv par uaiem. Ts
varas apogejs iekrt 5. gs., kad steps no Hingana kalnu grdas ldz Altajam valdja
uau hans Shelun.
33
Ldzgi k iepriek mintajm ciltm, hieroglifa formas
pamatu veido kukaia zme (chong). (ruan) nozm trpu, kas rpo un loks.
nieu ptnieks Cjudzju Run sav rakst minja s cilts nosaukuma sinonmu
(rouruan)
34
. Hieroglifs (rou) ar ir saistts ar kukaiiem, proti, ar zemesvu
dzimtu. Msdiens nieu vsturnieki s tautas apzmanai lieto neitrlkus
hieroglifus (rouran).
Etnonmu ornitoloisk tematika
Starp etnonmiem iespjams izirt to cilu apakgrupu, kuru nosaukumi ir saistti
ar putnu apzmjumiem vai putnu tematiku, piemram, tda ir leendr cilts
(niaoyi). Ts pirmais hieroglifs nozm putnu, otrs ir visprgs termins visu austrumu
barbaru apzmanai. Citos avotos tos sauc par (daoyi). R. Vjatkins, atsaucoties
uz Kang-xi (Cjiu dinastijas imperators) vrdncu, uzskata, ka abos gadjumos is
etnonms ir lasms k daoyi,
35
kas aj gadjum nemaina putna () hieroglifa
nozmi. Cilts (niaoyi) ir minta Vstures pierakstu 2. noda: [..] valdnieks
Yu (), mitoloisks dinastijas Sja () dibintjs, apskatja savus paumus, un
apskates laik (niaoyi jeb daoyi) cilu prstvji pienesa viam aprbus no
dzvnieku dm.
36
Tomr jautjums par s cilts dzvesvietu paliek atklts.
Uiguru tautu, kas msdiens dzvo Sjidzjanas Uiguras autonomaj rajon nas
rietumos, sauc (weiwuer). Tomr skotnji is etnonms skanja citdk. Ir
grti apgalvot, kad tiei uiguri pirmoreiz pards nieu avotos, bet Uiguru kaganta
izveidoans laik (745. g. pc Kr.) tos dvja par (huihu jeb huigu). (hu)
nozm plsgu putnu no pieknu dzimtas. Uz sakaru ar putniem norda komponents
(), kas atrodas hieroglifa labaj pus.
Pirms iepriek mints tautas apzmanai bija ekvivalents etnonms (di). Ma
anou uzskata, ka ar hieroglifu (di), kas ar ir sastopams avotos, apzmja vienu
un to pau tautu.
37
Hieroglifs apzmja vienu faznu paveidu ar garu asti. Trijiem
nkamajiem etnonmiem kopgais elements ir hieroglifs (wu) krauklis, vrna.
Vstures pierakstos mintas klejotju ciltis (wusun), kas apdzvoja Septiupi
un Tiananu. 176. g. pirms Kr. ts sagstjis un paverdzinjis sjunnu karaspks.
38

Ar otru etnonmu (wuhuan) apzm cilti, kas dzvoja nas ziemeaustrumu
reion (Iekjs Mongolijas austrumos) Hau imprijas laik. Uhuai pieskaitmi
pie senm mongou ciltm, kas atdaljs no klejotju savienbas donghu (), kad
tos sakva sjunni 3. gs. pr. Kr. Daa bgu no donghu apmets pie Uhuau kalna, no
kurienes ar rads to cilts nosaukums.
39

(wuti) cilts ir pieminta Dzjiu hronik. aj nosaukum abi hieroglif
ir saistti ar putnu tematiku. Pirmais ir (wu) krauklis, otrs hieroglifs (ti)
var tikt lietots k putnu radtas skaas, proti, dziedana, vidinana, ivinana.
cilts tiek pieminta 5. gs. skum sakar ar Mengsun (Ziemeu Lianu dinastijas
valdnieks, dinastija atrads nas rietumos) karagjienu. Avotos rakstts:
[..] izbraucot uz rietumiem, uz Tiaotiao, Mengsun stja Fuen, kam bija karavadoa
tituls, un t karaspks bija prks par visiem citiem, lai pki uzbruktu barbaru
klejotjiem biha un wuti ar 30 tkstoiem jtnieku priekgal.
40
Spriest par s cilts
lokalizciju paldz jau iepriek mint teritorija, proti, Tiaotiao. V. Taskins raksta, ka
Tiaotiao ir Hau (dinastijas) apgabala Panhe vidiene, un apgabala galven pilsta
atrodas rietumos no msdienu pilstas Junanas Gasu provinc.
41
Pilsta Junana
() atrodas s provinces centrlaj da. Tomr centieni meklt negatvu nozmi
trijos iepriek mintos nosaukumos var bt bezjdzgi. Skau wu msdienu valstu
134 Orientlistika
eogrfskajos nosaukumos (piemram, Urugvaja, Ukraina) niei transkrib ar
hieroglifu (wu).
Pamatojoties uz izklstto materilu, var izdart dus secinjumus. Izptto
etnonmu semantikai ir pazemojos raksturs. Etnonmu hieroglif vairkos gadjumos
netiei ir saistti ar zooloijas tematiku un dareiz tiei norda uz konkrtu dzvnieku
vai putnu. Senie niei identifcja kaimiu ciltis ar dzvniekiem, kuri mita nas
imprijas perifrij. Zmgi ir sennieu vsturnieka Ba Gu (1. gs. pc Kr.) uzskati,
ka barbariem ir cilvku sejas un plsgu zvru sirdis, k ar gudrs valdnieks
izturas pret barbariem k pret plsgiem zvriem.
42
Var apgalvot, ka animlistiskos
elementus etnonmos nevar uzskatt par sakritbu. Kas attiecas uz paiem nieiem,
tad, k raksta D. Dzjia, Sens nas centrls daas iedzvotji ldzgi sengrieiem
uzskatja sevi par viengiem civiliztajiem cilvkiem pasaul, kurus ielenc barbari.
43

Atsauces un piezmes
1
/ . . // . . , 2004, c. 344.
2
J. Ching. ysticism and Kingship in China. Camdridge, 1997, p. 4.
3
- (. . . ). -, 1999, c. 39.
4
/ - , , 2006. Shijing (Dzejas kanons) / Red. Wang Jie-
Taijuanja, 2006, 189. lpp.
5
. . . . , 1984, c. 80.
6
Ibid., c. 79.
7
.-, 2005. Sennieu vrdnca. Pekina, 2005, 1829. lpp.
8
. . . , 2002, c. 101.
9
() // . . .
. , 2005, c. 454.
10
.-, 2005. Sennieu hieroglifu vardnca. Pekina, 2005, 826. lpp.
11
(), c. 457.
12
. . . 2 / . . . . , , 1975,
c. 19.
13
. . . 5 / . . . . , , 1987,
c. 32.
14
Sennieu hieroglifu vrdnca. Pekina, 2005, 797. lpp.
15
Sennieu vrdnca. Pekina, 2005, 2026. lpp.
16
. . . 2, c. 20.
17
Sennieu hieroglifu vrdnca. Pekina, 2005, 778. lpp.
18
. . -
- // 2005, 6, c. 29.
19
IIIV . . 2: / . .
. . , , 1990, c. 28.
20
. . . . , 1979, c. 76.
21
IIIV . . 1: / .
. . . , , 1989, c. 152.
22
. . . 1 / . . . . , , 1972,
c. 82.
23
Ibid., c. 307.
24
25
. .- , 2004. Linjian Min. Cjiu un Hau dinastijas vsture. anhaja,
2004, 60. lpp.
26
/ , 2004. Shangshu (Augstk grmata) / Red. LuoqingYun,
2004, 13. lpp.
27
. // .- , 2004. Hushao Hua. Dai, jinchi
un manmang tautu seni // Sens nas etnogrfja. Pekina, 2004.
28
Shangshu (Augstk grmata) / Red. Luoqing Yun, 2004, 71. lpp.
29
Ibid.
30
. // .- , 2004. Yangyao Kun. Di cilu vsturisk
attstba // Sens nas etnogrfja. Pekina, 2004, 89. lpp.
31
32
.- , , 2001. Sima Qian. Shiji (Vstures pieraksti)
Changsha, 2001, 646. lpp.
33
. . . -, 2002, c. 15.
34
. // .- , 2004. Qiujiu Rong. Rouran // Sens nas
etnogrfja. Pekina, 2004, 34. lpp.
35
. . . 1 / . . . . , , 1972,
c. 257.
36
Ibid., c. 152.
37
. .- , 2006. Ma Changshou. Zieme di un xiongnu.
Guanxi, 2006, 1. lpp.
38
( ) / . .
. . , , 1968, c. 43.
39
. , 1986, c. 86.
40
IIIV . . 1: / .
. . . , , 1989, c. 129.
41
Ibid., c. 214.
42
. . . . , 1983,
c. 347.
43
J. Ching. ysticism and Kingship in China. Camdridge, 1997, p. 4.
Summary
Chinese names of neighbour ethnicities (ethnonyms) are based on Chinese characters or their
sub-parts which were used to refer to animals, birds, and insects. The fact that ethnonyms are
linked to the fauna subjects is not a mere coincidence. Ethnonyms are dealing with animalistic
theme, and they are not fortuitous. This paper shows that these patterns were already used
in the early years of the Chinese civilization, continued to be in use during the Middle Ages
and almost disappeared from use in the Modern Times. In addition, the author of the paper
suggests that the assignment of derogatory proper names to neighbouring nations by the
Chinese was based on the Chinese view of sinocentrism, which appeared during early years
of the Chinese civilization.
Keywords: China, ethnonyms, hieroglyphs, tribes.
Taisnguma izpratne sfsm: Dell ad-Dns Rm un
Muhji ad-Dns Ibn al-Arab
Suf Understanding of Justice: Jalal Al-Din Rumi and
Muhy Al-Din Ibn Al-Arabi
Jnis Eots
Latvijas Universittes zijas zintniskais institts,
Visvala iel 4a, Rga, LV-1050,
e-pasts: jeshots@inbox.lv, tel. 65152994
Kopsavilkums
Rakst apskatta taisnguma jdziena interpretcija sfsm (islma misticism), konkrtk
divu izcilko sfsma domtju Dell ad-Dna Rm (12071273) un Muhji ad-Dna Ibn al-
Arab (11651240) darbos. Rm saista taisngumu ar harmoniju un skaistumu, traktjot to
k reiz tisku un esttisku fenomenu (kur var tikt ne vien pakauts loiskai analzei, bet ar
esttiski izbaudts). Ja uztveram taisngumu k ldzsvaru un harmoniju, tad jatzst, ka tas
atrodas lietu dabas pamat. Savukrt pc Ibn al-Arab domm bt taisngam nozm ierdt
katrai lietai tai atbilstou vietu. Tdjdi, lai cilvks vartu bt taisngs, viam vispirms jbt
zinoam (proti, jzina, ko prasa katra konkrta lieta un kas tai pienkas). Pazt lietas savukrt
nozm pazt to nostiprints substances (ajn sbita) (lietu pirmtlus, kas fksti Dieva
zinan).
The notion of justice in Arabic and Persian is commonly conveyed by the word
adl
1
(or its derivative adla
2
). As a substantive, adl means justice; as an adjective
(which applies both to live beings and things), it means rectilinear, just, well-
balanced. Hence, adl must, by necessity, refer to a well-balanced state of affairs,
which is achieved by putting everything in its proper place. An antonym to adl is
zulm (injustice). Literally, it signifes something not in its right place.
Among the early schools of Islamic thought, these were defnitely the
Mutazilites who were most concerned with the issue of justice. This concern found
its expression even in the self-attributed name of the school: as it is well known, they
called themselves the people of justice and unifcation (ahl al-adl wa l-tawhid)
or sometimes just the people of justice (ahl al-adl). But what exactly did the
Mutazila mean by justice?
According to the Mutazilites, man is the creator of his own acts via contingent
power (qudra), which God has given to him. Since man has the freedom to choose
either good or evil, he is responsible for his choice. On his turn, God is obliged
to reward or punish man according to his deeds. This principle of the necessary
justice of God, in fact, means that while man enjoys freedom of choice in his acts,
God does not enjoy such freedom in reward and punishment. In conformity with the
Jnis Eots. Suf Understanding of Justice: Jalal Al-Din Rumi and Muhyio .. 137
Mutazilite tenets, God is compelled to reward man for his good acts and to punish
him for the evil ones.
In Asharism, regarding the issue of freedom of choice, two different trends
radical and moderate can be distinguished. The radical trend tends to deny
mans freedom of choice altogether, thus professing sheer determinism. The
moderate trend treats mans choice as the occasion (sabab) for God to cause an
action, corresponding to that choice. The moderate Asharites put forward the so-
called theory of acquisition (kasb). According to it, mans actions are created by
God and man only acquires (kasaba) them. Hence, man possesses some derived
power/potency to act, which, however, can create nothing without the aid of Gods
original power. In either case, God is the creator of human acts, while man is only
their receiving subject or acquisitor. Nevertheless, God attributes these acts to man,
thus making him responsible for something which he was compelled to do by God
Himself. This looks like a blatant injustice, which is, however, mitigated by another
Asharite postulate contrary to the Mutazilite tenets, God is under no obligation
to punish man for his wrongdoings. If He wishes, He can pardon the wrongdoer,
or pretend not to notice his misdeeds. Thus, Asharite God is the supreme ruler (an
absolute monarch), who is not accountable to anyone. Usually, He acts according to
a certain pattern (habit). However, He is not obliged to follow it and can deviate from
it at any given moment, according to His will or whim. Gods being just/execution
of justice, in accordance with the Asharite teachings, must be taken exactly as His
habit (sunnat Allah) the usual (but not the only possible) way in which things
occur.
I shall now discuss the treatment of the issue of justice in the thought of two
outstanding Suf thinkers Jalal al-Din Rumi and Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-Arabi
attempting to draw some parallels between Rumi and the Asharites and Ibn al-
Arabi and the Mutazilites.
Rumis Mathnawi ([The Book of] Couplets with Hidden Meaning)
perhaps the most signifcant Suf book composed in Persian and often named the
Persian Quran contains a good number of symbolic tales, which deal with the
issue of justice. I shall briefy discuss two of them the tale of the lion and the hare
(Mathnawi, I: 9001372) and the tale of the Prince of Bukhara and his minister/
trustee (wakil) (III: 36863699; 37893921; 43774420; 46014624; 46644749).
The lion, which relies on his own efforts (jahd) to provide himself with food
(and thus follows the principle From you striving, from me blessing), has a
habit to hunt in the forest. Every day he roams around in search of prey and kills the
frst animal he meets in order to satisfy his hunger. Other animals (which are much
weaker than he, therefore, cannot resist him (except by cunning)) have no choice
but to trust in God and hope for His help. After long and diffcult negotiations, an
agreement is reached between the lion and other animals that, from now on, every
day one animal will be sent to the lion as his daily ration. In turn, the lion agrees not
to harm other inhabitants of the forest, as long as the agreement is duly observed.
(That is, he, though unwillingly, agrees to change striving/acquisition (kasb) to trust
(tawakkul).)
138 Orientlistika
Everything goes on as agreed until one day the hares turn comes. He manages
to cheat the lion by telling him that another lion, who challenges his authority, has
appeared in the forest. The hare then takes the lion to a deep well and shows him his
own refection on the water, telling the lion it is his rival who dwells in the depth of
the well. The cheated lion jumps into the well and is drowned, and the inhabitants of
the forest are relieved of the tyrant.
It is evident that at least one level or dimension of the tale deals with justice
because we learn from it that a tyrant and oppressor is, sooner or later, punished
and the oppressed are liberated from his yoke. It is in the nature of things to tend to
return to the state of rest (sukn) and equilibrium (itidl). For Rumi, to be just and to
exercise justice means to establish harmony in every aspect, thus creating something
that is not only morally impeccable but also aesthetically enjoyable. Hence, justice is
inseparable from beauty or rather, it is just another name for the latter.
Another conclusion we draw from the tale is that, strictly speaking, it is not in
power of a human being (or any other creature) to achieve perfect justice. Justice
cannot be achieved by means of our own efforts in principle. It is only God who
can restore justice; our actions can serve as preparatory causes (asbab) at best, or
channels through which God exercises His justice and manifests His beauty.
The fate of the lion shows us that the (alleged) Gods promise: From you
striving, from me blessing is not always fulflled, especially when striving
manifests itself as oppression of other creatures. In turn, those who place their trust
in God are never deceived though the deliverance may come later than expected.
Hence, justice is achieved not through human actions and decisions, but through
trust in God (tawakkul al Allh).
The second tale is rather poor in events. The minister of the ruler of Bukhara
was accused of certain grave wrongdoings. Fearing the punishment, he ran away
and spent some ten years in exile. His longing for the prince (there appears to have
been a kind of lover-beloved relationship between them) grew stronger and stronger,
though, until it became unbearable. Then the minister decided to return to Bukhara
in order to have a glance at the prince and then come what may. Upon seeing the
prince, he fainted and remained unconscious for a long time while the prince was
trying to restore him to life. Slowly, his limbs began to move and there the story
ends.
Love is greater than justice and overcomes it thus, perhaps, the moral of the
story can be summarized. It is pointless to try to treat the relationship between a
lover and beloved in terms of justice and injustice. On the part of the lover, it is rude
and impolite to even mention the very word of justice in the presence of the beloved.
As for the beloved, he/she is never expected to be just to the lover. On the contrary,
he/she is expected to either torture the lover without a good cause or forgive him/
her his wrongdoings completely (as the prince of Bukhara forgives everything to his
minister).
Now, if we assume that Rumi means by the ruler of Bukhara none other than
God, the tale can be read as the account of the episode of the love affair between
God and one of His chosen friends.
3
In this account, God presents Himself as an
absolute monarch whose only law is his own will/wish and who is not accountable
for his actions to anyone (He shall not be questioned as to what He does (21:23)
4
).
One will notice that such image of God is peculiar to Asharism and alien to
Mutazilism.
A few words must be said here about the concept of friendship (walya) with
God. According to certain Suf beliefs (defnitely shared by Rumi and his circle),
there is always a certain number of Gods friends (awliy) present on the Earth,
who beneft from a special relationship with God (which is, to a degree, similar
to the patron-client relationship that existed in the ancient Rome and in the pre-
Islamic Arabia). A famous hadith quds says, My friends are [hidden] under my
robe. In practical terms, this means that God has singled out from mankind a
special group of favourites, whose blameworthy deeds He changes into/makes them
look like praiseworthy ones. In turn, the friends (or clients) of God are expected to
support His cause in whatever circumstances and at whatever cost.
It is important to mention here the fact that Gods friends may have no
achievement of their own at all: Gods special favours are shown to them simply
because God happens to be their patron. In His capacity of patron, He is obliged to
protect His clients, regardless of whether they are righteous or sinners. The belief in
such kind of patronage seems to refect the well-established mechanism of mutual
support that existed in the pre-Islamic tribal Arab society.
To sum up, Rumis treatment of justice is not free from certain contradictions. He
associates justice with harmony and beauty and seems to treat it as both moral and
aesthetical phenomenon i.e., as an affair that can be not only mentally considered
and refected upon but also experienced through witnessing (mushahada) and tasting
(dhawq). As far as justice means equilibrium and harmony, it constitutes the very
nature of things. If, however, justice is understood as ones right to receive his
proper share (reward) without an undue delay, in certain cases Rumi appears to treat
demand for such justice as bad manners (biadabi). He seems to believe that between
friends and lovers, justice is replaced with love and mutual devotion. Although Rumi
dismisses certain tenets of the Asharite theology (in particular, their teaching on
acquisition (kasb)), his God is Asharite God an absolute monarch, who does what
he wants and is not accountable for what he is doing. It is not incumbent upon Him
to reward the righteous and punish the wrongdoers: although this is His habit (sunna
or ada) to do so in the majority of cases, He is under no obligation to follow it.
Moreover, Rumi seems to be certain that He does not follow it in respect to His
chosen friends (or clients) (awliya).
Muhy al-Din Ibn al-Arabi discusses the issue of justice in a number of passages
in the Futuhat al-Makkiyya (e.g., I: 389; II: 163, 435, 463, 480; III: 106, 163
5
) and
in several other works, in particular, in the sixth chapter of the Kitab al-tadbirat al-
ilahiyya f islah mamlakat al-insaniyya (Measures, Taken by God Concerning the
Improvement of the Human Kingdom)
6
and the eighth chapter of the Kitab tajj al-
tarajim (The Crown of Explanations).
7

As W. Chittick aptly remarks, for Ibn al-Arabi, justice means to put everything
in its proper place.
8
It is evident that in order to do so one must frst come to know
the proper place of each thing. To do this, in turn, one must know its fxed entity
(ayn thabita) the image of this or that particular thing that exists or rather, is fxed
140 Orientlistika
in Gods knowledge. Is it possible in principle? Ibn al-Arabi answers that not to its
full extent. Therefore, both knowledge and justice in their absolute (non-delimited)
sense pertain only to God (the Real). However, perfect Knowers (urafa) see the
things (i.e., their entities) almost such as the Real Himself sees them during the
Reals essential self-disclosure (at-tajalli al-dhati) to them a mere instant, like
a fash of lightning, when the bounds and delimitations of their own fxed entities
are lifted (or almost lifted). Therefore, they are also able to do them justice or
at least, to be almost just to them. The class of Knowers, which is closest to the
perfect ones, see the fxed entities of things vaguely and less distinctly because their
spiritual sight is impaired by the delimitations of their own entities that are only
partially removed through the Reals self-disclosures by its names and acts. Each
following class sees/ perceives the fxed entities more vaguely and vaguely because
their own entities become more and more delimited in respect to the higher levels.
The so-called common people those who are entirely immersed in the natural
world and seek only sensual pleasures see almost nothing. Hence, they cannot do
justice to most things in fact, to anything because they perceive them extremely
obscurely and indistinctly. Precisely due to this imperfection of the spiritual sight
they attempt to change things in such a way that would suite their imperfect and
distorted conceptions of good and justice. In turn, the perfect Knowers those who
see things as they really are do not try to change them in any way because they
believe that the current state of affairs, whether it seems just or unjust in respect
to someone, is demanded by the essential preparednesses (istidadat dhatiyya) of
the things. Any attempt of interference and exercise of aspiration (himma) will only
aggravate and worsen the situation.
9
By doing so i.e., by not interfering in the state of affairs and not attempting to
change it the Knower (Gnostic) (arif) follows the Real, which never attempts to
change the entities, fxed in its knowledge, because it is impossible by defnition: if
one knows X to be a rogue, he cannot change the content of his knowledge and come
to know X as an honest man. The Real manifests and existentiates these entities
or properly speaking, their rulings and properties (ahkam) exactly as they are.
Therefore, the Real is like a mirror of them. But it is not an unpolished or otherwise
faulty mirror, which distorts the image of the refected object; on the contrary, the
Real is the most perfect and an extremely well polished mirror, which refects the
image of the thing as it really is. In the case of the Real, therefore, knowledge (ilm),
action (amal), and justice (adl) is one and the same thing. It is almost the same
thing in case of perfect Knowers. The less perfect the Knowers, the wider the gap
between knowledge and justice and action and justice becomes.
Ibn al-Arabis teaching on the fxed entities, as it is well known, represents a
further development of the Mutazilites
10
theory of non-existents (madumat). I
would like to argue that Ibn al-Arabi was infuenced by the Mutazilite teaching
on justice, namely, by their postulate that it is incumbent upon God to reward the
virtuous and to punish the sinners because in both cases (the Mutazilites and Ibn
al-Arabi) the justice exercised by God is a passive and negative one: it is a kind of
justice that manifests itself as non-interference.
On the basis of the above discourse and provided evidence, it can be stated that
in their treatment of the issue of justice Rumi and Ibn al-Arabi followed different
trends of Islamic thought. Rumis approach can be described as based mostly on
Asharite tenets while Ibn al-Arabi seems to rely on certain Mutazilite principles.
Alternatively, focussing on different levels of reality as well as different audiences
can perhaps explain the difference between their approaches.
Endnotes
1
In numismatics adl means of full weight; this word is stamped on coins to show that
they have the right weight and are current (adl).
2
Adla describes the state of a person who obeys the moral and religious law.
3
Another possibility is to interpret the tale as an account of the development of relationship
between spiritual master (shaykh or murshid) and his disciple (murid). In Sufsm, it is not
possible for a spiritual disciple to change his master as long as the latter is alive, unless,
for certain reasons, the master himself hands his disciple over to another spiritual teacher.
Hence, if a disciple has left his master for whatever reason and he wants to succeed in his
spiritual perfection, he has no choice but to return to the master and ask his forgiveness.
(Importantly, the ruler is called the breast/ heart of the world (sadr-e jahn). This is an
old habit of the Sufs to name their masters kings and princes, which surely has to be
understood in a spiritual sense.)
4
The Koran, translated by A. J. Arberry, 5
th
Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1998,
p. 324.
5
I give the pagination of the standard Bulaq edition (reprinted many times by different
publishers) because there is no complete modern edition of the Futuhat as yet.
6
Ibn Arabi, Rasail, ed. Said Abd al-Fattam, Beirut Al-Intisharat al-Arabi 2002, vol. 2,
pp. 342343.
7
Ibn Arabi, Rasail, vol. 5, p. 37.
8
William C. Chittick, The Suf Path of Knowledge: Ibn al-Arabis Metaphysics of
Imagination, New York: SUNY Press 1989, p. 174.
9
Rumi seems to take the same stance in certain cases. I have dealt with one of them
namely, the tale of Daqq (Mathnavi, vol. 3, verses 18782305) in my paper In Quest
for the Abdl: Refections upon the Tale of Daqq in Rms Mathnaw (forthcoming in
the Proceedings of the Conference Meetings with Rumi (Istanbul, 17 Dec 2005)).
10
Perhaps the frst Mutazilite thinker who argued that non-existents are things was Abu
Yakub al-Shahham from Basra (lived in the 3
rd
/ 9
th
century).
Summary
The article deals with the Suf interpretation of the notion of justice as represented in the
works of two most eminent Suf thinkers Jalal al-Din Rumi (12071273) and Muhy al-Din
Ibn al-Arabi (11651240). Rumi associates justice with harmony and beauty and seems to
treat it as both moral and aesthetical phenomenon i.e., as something that can be not only
mentally considered and refected upon but also experienced through witnessing and tasting.
As far as justice means equilibrium and harmony, it constitutes the very nature of things. For
Ibn al-Arabi, in turn, to exercise justice means to put everything in its proper place. It is
evident that in order to do so one must frst come to know the proper place of each thing. To
do this, one must know its fxed entity the image of this or that particular thing that exists
in Gods knowledge.
Musulmau svtais kar dihds un Eiropa
(dihds krievu islma ptniecb)
Muslim Holy War Jihad and Europe
(Jihad in Russian Islamic Studies)
Olga Petrova
Latvijas Universittes Teoloijas fakultte
Raia bulv. 19, Rg, LV-1586
e-pasts: olga.petrova@inbox.lv
s tmas aktualitti nosaka msdienu sabiedriski politisk situcija pasaul. Viens no
nozmgkajiem s problmas jautjumiem, kas rodas par dihda izpratni Eirop un pasaul
odien, ir: kpc t izpratne musulmau umm ir atirga un ko islms iegst, dadi traktjot
vrdu dihds. Iespjams, ka nevis islms, bet islmisms brvi interpret dihda izpratni,
izmantojot to savos ekstrmisma nolkos. Tpc nepiecieams apskatt jdziena dadas
interpretcijas vai traktjumus, strikti atdalot jdzienu un to defnciju robeas (piemram,
dihds un dihdisms, islms un islmisms, tradicionlais, fundamentlais, politiskais
(preczk, politiztais) islms utt.).
Atslgvrdi: dihds, Korns, gazavats, faths.
Vrdu dihds Eirop pieemts tulkot k svtais kar, kuru musulmai
ved pret neticgajiem (neticgie ir visi nemusulmai
1
). Lai pareizi saprastu vrda
dihds nozmi, japlko vrda etimoloija. Vrds dihd ir clies no arbu
valodas darbbas vrda dhada, kas nozm censties, plties vai cnties
2
.
Jdzienu plties vai cnties islm var attiecint uz Korna pavu izpildanu,
piekljgu un dievbijgu uzvedbu, cu ar savm sliktajm tieksmm vai uz karu ar
ienaidnieku. Ievrojot vrda dads nozmes, ir strikti jnorda ts sfras, kurs
tiek izmantots s jdziens.
Vrdi kar un svts, kuri funkcion vrda dihds tulkojum Eirop,
arbu valod ir harb un muqaddas. Raugoties uz burtisku izteiciena svtais kar
tulkojumu, var pamant, ka taj nav vrda dihd. Pc iepriek teikt rodas jaut-
jums cik pareizi ir tulkot vrdu dihds tik vienpusgi k svtais kar pret
visiem neticgajiem, neemot vr citas t nozmes. Lai atbildtu uz o jautjumu,
jzina, ka izteiciens, kas pau svt kara ideju islm (svtais kar ticbas/Dieva
ce), arbu valod skan dihdu f sabl aldn/(llh).
Vispirms ir jpievras dihda izpratnes vsturei, proti, vsturiskajiem dihda
raans pirmskumiem un prieknoteikumiem. Karu ptniecbai ir plas izptes
lauks, kas ietver sev vsturisku, fenomenoloisku, tiesisku, taktisku un psiholoisku
pieeju, k ar politisko zintni, starptautisks attiecbas, tiku, reliijas ptniecbu,
antropoloiju u. c.
3
Noteikt, k radies dihds vsturiski jdzienisk pln, ir grts
Olga Petrova. Musulmau svtais kar dihds un Eiropa 143
uzdevums, jo objektvai un korektai pieejai jem vr visas iepriek mints
sfras.
Dihda institts umm pardjs neilgi pirms Muhammeda. Uzbrukumi, lai
sagrbtu laupjumu (gazavat/gazw), bija izplatta pardba pirmsislma perioda
starpcilu attiecbs. Pastv viedoklis, ka pirmos musulmau uzbrukumus, kurus
veica Muhammeds no Mednas pret saviem pretiniekiem, sauca par gazavat. Vlk
ar gazavatu ska apzmt musulmau reidus pret neticgajiem, musulmau pasaulei
karojot un konfrontjoties ar apkrtjo vidi.
Eksist vl viens jdziens fath (atklana, iekaroana, uzvara), kuru vieni
noir no gazavata
4
, bet otri fath un gazavat uztver k sinonmus
5
. Fath norda
uz jaunu zemju iekaroanu, lai izplattu islmu
6
. Faths ir bruotas iekaroanas
rj fzisk forma, turpret dihds ir saistts ar ar gargo sfru. Turpinot attstt
o ideju, jatzm, ka, pc R. Petera domm, Muhammeda prcelans no Mekas
uz Mednu 622. gad bija iziroa musulmau un neticgo attiecbs
7
. 622. gad
dai no via sekotjiem, it sevii tie, kuri emigrja kop ar viu no Mekas, ska
piedalties uzbrukumos. Iespjams, lai ierosintu citus pievienoties viiem, Korn
tiek runts par karu Dieva ce. Eksist ar pretjs viedoklis, ka Muhammedam bija
jpierun Mednas iedzvotji, kuriem prmeta nevlanos piedalties kar (Korns
2:212213 Pavlta jums ca, bet t ir necieama jums. Varbt js necieat kaut
ko, bet tas jums ir labums; varbt js mlat kaut ko, bet tas jums ir aunums tiem,
Allahs zina, bet js nezint!)
8
. Dai uzskata, ka Muhammeds veicinjis uzbrukumus
karavnm
9
, kas devs uz Meku vai no Mekas. Vi bija dzii prliecints, ka
Mekas tirdzniecbas intereses ir tlaika socilo nelaimju avots un trauc reliiskai
reformai
10
. No iem trim viedokiem patiesbai tuvks iet pirmais un otrais, kaut
zinms loikas grauds ir ar treaj. Pirmais piemums var bt iespjams tpc, ka
Korn k vis islm pamat ir doti specifski piemri, kds situcijs ir juzbrk.
Tpc musulmau vadoi varja lietot Dieva vrdu (k to dareiz trakt cilvki, lai
iegtu iespju slpties aiz t), motivjot cnties pret nemusulmaiem. Jpiebilst,
ka taj laik un vid uzbrukumi bija visprpieemta lieta
11
. Otrais piemums ar
balsts uz Korna tekstu Muhammedam, atsaucoties uz Dieva vrdu, bija jpierun
cai citi. Pc btbas pirmo un otro piemumu var saldzint, jo abi balsts uz
Kornu. Treais piemums atkrt, jo pats Muhammeds nodarbojs ar tirdzniecbu
un, bdams talantgs uzmjs, nevarja nesaprast, ka, prtraucot karavnu kustbu,
musulmai var saskarties ar fnansilm un reliiskm problmm. Tirdzniecba
iema svargu vietu ne tikai valsts ekonomik, bet ar cilvku informcijas apmai.
Ar tirdzniecbas paldzbu nemusulmai varja iepazties ar islmu vai nodot tlk
zias par jauno reliiju. B. Tibi raksta, ka islma izplatans ar kara un tirdzniecbas
paldzbu bija musulmau ekspansijas forma
12
, tpc karavnu kustbas prtraukana
btu neloiska rcba no Muhammeda puses, jo tad btu cietusi islma izplatans.
Te jatzm svargs Muhammeda jaunievedums. Vi aizliedza uzbrukumus
musulmau kopien
13
. Muhammeds ar nostiprinja principili jaunus politisks
organizcijas pamatus. T ir solidra uzstans pret rjiem ienaidniekiem un
visu ummas loceku aizsardzba, noziedznieku atbildbas personalizcija, atemot
dzimtas aizsardzbu; dzimtu cu aizliegums
14
. Muhammeds ar savu likumu paldzbu
savienoja valsts varas instittu ar reliisko dzvi. Tas deva un dod iespju islmam
ldz pat msdienm palikt par reliiju, kurai ir stipras pozcijas pasaul.
144 Orientlistika
Savas darbbas skumposm Muhammeds rekomendja neiet uz tieu
konfrontciju ar pagniem (Korns 15:94 Sadali tau, k tev pavlts, un
novrsies no politeistiem). Elku pieldzji bija jmina pierunt priet st ticb
ar prliecinanas paldzbu (Korns 16:126 Sauc uz Dieva ceu ar gudrbu un
ar labu vrdu un strdies ar viiem, kas ir labk! Tiem, tavs Dievs Vi labk
pazst tos, kuri ir nogjui no Via cea, un Vi labk zina tos, kuri iet pa taisno
ceu!). Tomr Mednas period (pc hidras
15
), kad notika uzbrukumi no mekieu
puses, kar tika sankcionts (Korns 22:3940 Ir atauts tiem, ar kuriem cns par
to, ka vii ir apvainotie... Tiem, Allhs var paldzt viiem; Korns 2:190 Un
cnieties Allha ce ar tiem, kuri cns ar jums, bet neprkpiet. Tiem, Allhs
neml prkpjus!)
16
. Var secint, ka pirmais Muhammeda solis kareivg dihda
koncepcijas formulan musulmau umm tika izdarts pc via bganas uz Jasribu
(Mednu), kad musulmaiem bija jaizstv sevi. d veid pravietis: 1) aizliedza
cnties musulmaiem sav starp, ar o aizliegumu nordot uz sveiniekiem,
kas nepieder ummai (no t laika redzams k dihda institts sk modifcties; t
izpratn pards ar kareivgs konfrontcijas ideja ar citu reliiju prstvjiem),
2) vadja uzbrukumus, motivjot tos ar reliiskas reformas neiespjambu bez kara.
d veid var aplkot dihdu k ldzekli, ar kura paldzbu tika risinti reliiski,
teritorili un ekonomiski jautjumi.
Svarga nozme dihda tapanas vstur bija vairkiem kariem, pc kuriem
var izsekot dihda vsturisks evolcijas posmus. Tie notika starp mednieiem
(ar Muhammedu priekgal) un mekieiem. Piemram, pirmo veiksmgo mednieu
uzbrukumu karavnai 624. gad, lai lauptu,
17
var saukt par gazavatu. is uzbrukums
izraisja kauju pie Badras, jo Muhammedu iedroinja iepriekj uzvara un
laupjums. Tlk sekoja kauja pie Uhudas, kura bija k atmaksa mednieiem no Ab
Sufjna par bojgjuajiem c pie Badras. Muhammeda pavle Uhudas kaujas
dalbniekiem vajt Ab Sufjnu
18
ir uzbrukuma dihds.
Jdziens svtais kar ir eiropieu izgudrojums
19
. Viduslaiku Eiropas taisng
kara teorija balsts uz reliisku attaisnoanu, kas bija ideoloiska un iesakota
reliisks doktrns M. Hairetdinovs skaidro: Nebtu korekti tulkot dihdu
k svtais kar, jo is jdziens tika ieviests ldz ar krustneiem Palestnas
iekaroanas laik.
20
Jem vr, ka eiropiei pilnb neprvaldja arbu valodu un
nepazina islmu, td musulmau kareivgo konfiktu skaidroja no savas reliijas,
mentalittes un kara idelu viedoka, neemot vr, k o jdzienu trakt musulmai,
un neiedziinoties musulmau teoloij. Dihda jdzienu pieldzinanu jdzienam
svtais kar noraida ar R. Peters. Vi raksta, ka vrdu dihds var lietot ar
reliisk kontekst ar nozmi: 1) cnties ar savm tieksmm, 2) censties uzlabot
sabiedrbu, 3) cnties, lai izplattu islmu, nordot, ka saska ar Kornu Sauc
uz Dieva ceu ar gudrbu un labu paziojumu un strdies ar viiem lab ce
(Korns 16:125). Pdjais var bt miera paskums valodas dihds vai rokas
dihds, bet, lietojot spku zobena dihds: Un cnieties ar viiem, kamr vairs
nebs krdinjuma un visa reliija pieders Allham (Korns 2:193). Un, ja vii
notursies, nebs naida, izemot pret neticgajiem.
21
Tdjdi gan M. Hairetdinovs,
gan R. Peters apliecina aplamu vai nepilngu jdziena tulkoanu no eiropieu
puses, un tas izraisa vienpusgu un nepareizu pieeju ai tmai. Ja ar pieemam,
ka dihda pieldzinana svtajam karam ieviess ldz ar krustneiem (ielkojoties
Korna srs, var skaidri redzt dihda jdziena vairkus paveidus, k ar t dadu
lietojumu, kas eksistja jau laika posm no 610. ldz 632. gadam
22
), nevar pilnb
piekrist M. Hairetdinovam, jo vairkas dihda jdziena izpratnes bija musulmau
umm jau Korna laik (daudz agrk par krustneiem).
Runjot par dihda pieldzinanas pamatotbu svtajam karam, var secint,
ka dihdu nevar pieldzint svtajam karam t plas nozmes d
23
. Te jpiekrt
R. Fajerstounam, tomr jpreciz, ka, lai ar nevar pieldzint dihda instittu
svtajam karam, tas ir pieldzinms vienai no dihda gradcijm. Primri is
jdziens rads gan k jauns reliijas izdzvoanas mehnisms samr naidg vid,
kur uzbrukumi bija normla pardba, gan k morles mehnisms. Tomr jatceras,
ka primr gazavata/dihda nozme bija laupjuma iegana bez jebkdm
reliiskajm motivcijm. Turpmk dihda institts attstjs, paplainjs un kuva
elastgs reliijas nepiecieambas, dzves apstku un vairku mazhabu interpretciju
d.
Korna teksts ir visa pamats islm tpat k citi Svtie Raksti, piemram, Tanah
jdiem vai Bbele (Vec Derba un Jaun Derba) kristieiem. Tomr pastv liela
atirba jdu, kristieu un musulmau Svto Rakstu uztver, kas ir atkarga no
Muhammeda musulmau sabiedrbas izpratnes. Jatceras, ka Muhammeds redzja
stu ticgo draudzi (millu) nekonkrti, ka ts radana nevarja notikt bez valsts
izveidoans
25
. Citiem vrdiem sakot, musulmau valsts prvaldes forma netiek
dalta sekulr un reliisk form k, piemram, Eirop (valsts un baznca) vai
cits nemusulmau valsts (Turcija var bt izmums). Tpc var pieemt, ka Svto
Rakstu uztveres citdba ir skotnji ietverta musulmau valsts uzbv, kas ir ciei
saistta ar stingru reliijas instittu.
Te nedaudz jpakavjas pie jdziena harb nozmes. Jdzieni kitl (ca) un
harb (kar) ir atrodami korniskaj un postkorniskaj reliiozaj literatr
26
un
tiek traktti k karojoais. Jdzienam harb bija ar visprga kara jdziena nozme,
kura attiecinma uz reliiski nesankciontu karu. Jdziens kitl
27
, un sevii kitl
Dieva ce, faktiski ir dihda sinonms
28
. Tdjdi var secint, ka jdzienu harb
nevar pieldzint jdzienam dihds. Jdzienu harb lieto, runjot par karu, kur
nav musulmau valsts pasludints kar par reliiju (te ir jmin, ka kar ir musulmau
valsts, nevis individuls ticgo pienkums,
29
sankcionts kar), bet bija saistts ar
sadzves lietm. emot vr iepriek minto, var pieemt, ka jdzienu harb, runjot
par karu (iekaroanu), var lietot kontekst ar jdzienu fath, jo abi vairk skar karu t
materil, nevis garg izpratn.
Jpievras dihda jdziena saturam un citiem btiskiem jautjumiem,
kuri ir svargi t traktjum. Te ir aplkojami vairki problmas izptes aspekti:
1) problemtika un uzbve, 2) islma un musulmau attiecbu vsture, kas ir
saistta ar:
a) nemusulmaiem,
b) Grmatas audis (jdiem un kristieiem).
Visi Korna komenttji atzst, ka Korns satur skaidrus un saprotamus ajtus
(muhkam) un neskaidrus un nesaprotamus ajtus (mutaabih). Interpretcijas
eksist tiei tpc, lai provoctu ticgo aubas
30
. Tomr politiskais islms
31
nepieauj
un neatzst nekdu Korna komentanu. Korn ir pieemts izdalt Mekas un
146 Orientlistika
Mednas sras
32
, kurm ir atirgs raksturs. Mekas sras dals 3 periodos. Pirmaj
period (610.615. g.) domin eshatoloisks tmas un Pastars dienas tmas. Sras
ir sas, ldzgas buramvrdiem un lstiem, kas vrstas pret ienaidniekiem. Otr
perioda sras (615.619. g.) ir miergkas galven tma ir ticba vienam Dievam.
Tre perioda sras (619.622. g.) ststa par pravieiem, kurus Dievs stjis tautm.
Mednas sras (622.632. g.) ir vairk monotonas, miergas, tajs tiek reglamentta
musulmau ummas socil un politisk dzve. Mednas sru tapanas period
saasinjs attiecbas ar jdiem un notika dogmatikas norobeoans no kristietbas,
k ar nostiprinjs Grmatas auu (Ansr al-Kitb vai Ahl al-Kitb) statuss.
Pardjs tahrif koncepcijas, kurs ir nordts, ka jdi un kristiei esot izkropojui
Svto Rakstu tekstus un brahama reliiju
33
.
Attieksmi pret nemusulmaiem skaidri var redzt Korn 60:89: Neaizliedz
jums Allhs dart labo un taisnbu tiem, kuri nekaro ar jums reliijas d... .
Aizliedz jums Allhs draudzties ar tiem, kuri karo ar jums reliijas d... .
34

Ajti run par taisngumu un labvlgu attieksmi pret nemusulmaiem, kuri nekaro
pret musulmaiem. paa attieksme musulmaiem bija pret Grmatas audm
(Korns 42:13: Reliij, kur Dievs jums deva to, ko deva Noasam, to, ko ms
devm Muhammedam atklsm, to, ko pavljm ms Ibrhmam, Msam un sam,
sacdams: Ievrojiet reliiju un nesadalieties; Korns 2:136: Sakiet: Ticam
ms Allham un tam, kas tika dots mums un kas tika dots Ibrhmam, Ismalam,
Ishakam , Jakubam un ciltm, tam, kas tika dvints Msam un sam un kas tika
dvints pravieiem no viu Dieva; Korns 29:46: Ja js strdaties ar Grmatas
audm, tad dodiet viiem labkus pierdjumus. Un nestrdieties ar tiem, kuri
uzvedas piedauzgi. Sakiet: Noticjm ms tam, kas tika dots mums un kas tika
dots jums. Msu Dievs un jsu Dievs ir viens, un nododamies ms Viam; Korns
5:5: Ir atauts jums Grmatas auu diens, un jsu diens ir atauts viiem. Ir
atauts jums precties ar stm sievietm, kuras noticja, un ar stm sievietm,
kurm tika doti Svtie Raksti jsu priek; 5:82: Tu neapaubmi prliecinsies,
ka visdraudzgkie pret ticgajiem ir tie, kas run: Tiem, kristiei ms esam. Tas
ir tpc, ka viu starp ir mki, kuri nav augstprtgi)
35
. eit ir vairkas patnbas
gan musulmai, gan Grmatas audis drkst st viens otra dienu. Toties precties
drkst tikai musulmai ar nemusulmanietm (tpc, ka sieviete dzvo tur, kur vias
vrs, un dzemd brnus, kuri pc islma pieder tva reliijai), tau nemusulmai ar
musulmanietm precties nedrkst. Sra 5:82 apgalvo ( sra ir no Mednas perioda
36
,
kad Muhammedam sks problmas ar Arbijas valstu jdiem), ka musulmaiem
tuvki ir kristiei, nevis jdi. Tdjdi var secint, ka sveinieku (nemusulmau vai
Grmatas auu) agresivitte pret musulmaiem izraiss nekavjou spka atbildes
reakciju.
Korna un hadsu
37
tekstu saturs par dihdu ir daudzpusgs, dareiz pat
pretrungs, un tas ir likumsakargi, jo katru dihda izpratni veidoja konkrti
musulmau draudzes un Muhammeda dzves nosacjumi dados to darbbas
posmos. Tiei tas dod gandrz neierobeotu dihda traktjuma brvbu un parda
islma attieksmi pret karu un mieru
38
. Divs tredas piemru, kur sastopams
darbbas vrds dhada vai t atvasinjumi, Korn tas nozm karu. K tika mints
iepriek, biei vien dihda darbba ir saistta ar frzi Dieva ce f sabl Allh
39
;
frze nozm dihda darbbu k Dieva valstbas stiprinanu uz zemes
40
.
Nordjumi par karu Korn ir atirgi un atspoguo konkrtus Muhammeda
darbbas nosacjumus mekieu un mednieu dzves posmos
41
. Pc vairkiem
dihda paveidiem var novrot t pakpenisku evolciju no miermlga (ar
starpposmu piespiesto/uzspiesto dihdu) ldz kareivgam dihdam. Savukrt
Dihda enciklopdij doti divi dihda pamatveidi uzbrkoais un aizstvoais
dihds (Korns aicinja musulmaus piedalties uzbrko dihd. Ja o svargo
pienkumu musulmai ignor, vii tiek pakauti aizstvoajam dihdam)
42
, bet nav
sniegts o dihda pamatveidu skks daljums.
A. Sagadejevs izir dus dihda paveidus, kuri atrodami Korn:
1) miera dihds dihds, kas dod priekroku risint politiskus strdus
miera ce
43
, nenonkot konfrontcij ar politeistiem
44
(Muhammeds savs
skotnjs sludinans pierunja citas tautas ar miergiem ldzekiem),
2) paaizsardzbas dihds dihds, kas ir atauts ar noteiktiem
nosacjumiem (kad jaun reliija tika apdraudta, tad rads jaun atklsme
(Ir atauts tiem, ar kuriem cns par to, ka vii tika apvainoti. Tiem,
Allhs var paldzt viiem Korns 22:4041))
45
,
3) uzbrukums neticgajiem ar nosacjumu, lai kar neiekristu svtajos
mneos
46
, (eit jatzm viena avota zia, proti, ka Muhammeds
piedaljs uzbrukum karavnai svtaj radab
47
. Al-Vakdi
48
o notikumu
skaidro t, ka uzbrukums notika radaba pdj dien un musulmaiem
atlika vai nu prkpt mieru svtaj mnes, vai ar aut karavnai nokt
Mekas haram, kur tai vairs nedrkstja pieskarties. Citi avoti liecina,
ka uzbrukums notika radaba un iepriekj mnea (dumada II) mij.
Jpiemin, ka ar turpmk Muhammeds neatturjs no karadarbbm
radab
49
),
4) zobena dihds dihds, kas mudina musulmaus karot ar neticgajiem
bez paiem nosacjumiem. Skum zobena dihds tika vrsts pret
Arbijas elku pieldzjiem. Vietas Korn, kur tiek runts par karu
Dieva ce, nozm cu par jaunas monoteistiskas reliijas raanos
Arbij. T ir dihda jdziena evolcija skotnj islm
50
.
Islma skumposm dihds rads k paaizsardzba un ca par islma
izplatanos
51
, un tam bija svarga nozme jauns reliijas pirmaj gadsimt
52
.
Ar lielu varbtbu var apgalvot, ka Mekas sru laik rads miera (un, iespjams,
paaizsardzbas) dihds. Mekas perioda srs dihds drzk tiek aplkots k ples
dvseles glban
53
nek ca par pievranos ticbai
54
, piemram, Korns 29:6 (Tie,
kas pieplas, vii pieplas sevis d. Tiem, Allham nav vajadzgas pasaules!).
Tomr Mednas sru laik ir zobena dihds, Korns 2:190193 (Un cnieties Allha
ce ar tiem, kuri cns pret jums... Un nogaliniet vius, kur satiksiet... Un cnieties
ar viiem, kamr nebs vairs krdinjuma...); Korns 9:41 (Stjieties vieglie un
smagie un cnieties ar saviem paumiem un ar savm dvselm Allha ce...!)
55
.
Jpiemin Korna sras un ajti, kur runts par lielo un mazo dihdu
56
: 1) dihds
Dieva ce, kas pelna apbalvojumu (Korns 2:218; 3:142; 4:95; 5:35 un 5:54; 8:72,
7475; 9:19 un 9:24); 2) aicinjums cai (Korns 9:41, 9:73; 22:78; 66:9); 3) cas
pavle (Korns 2:190 (sra, kurai piemt agresvas cas raksturs (Korns 2:194)
57
);
148 Orientlistika
Korns 2:244; 4:95; 8:39; 9:13, 9:29 un 9:36; 9:123; 22:39; 47:4)
58
; 4) pavle cnties
par islma valsti bez jebkdiem ierobeojumiem (Korns 9:5)
59
.
Korns (Korns 4:95; 8:74) nerun par karu pret neticgajiem. Ajtos tiek
runts par citu cilvku gargo un materilo atbalstu, par kuru cilvki saems
balvu. Cas pavles (Korns 2:190193 un 2:194; 9:5) srs un ajtos ir skaidrs
nordes, ka neticgie ir jizdzen no viu dzvesvietm un jnogalina tie, kas cns
pret musulmaiem, k ar ir jsit, japlenc politeisti un jiegst viu paums.
ie panti ir aicinjums mazajam dihdam, un tajos var ieraudzt dihda idejas
relatvu evolciju. emot vr A. uravska rakstto, ka pirms sras ir vlnas, ts ir
agresvkas nek turpmks sras.
T k ptjuma tma vairk ir saistta ar kareivgo dihdu, jpievras tuvk
zobena dihdam.
No bruota uzbrukuma viedoka izir seus dihda veidus:
pret Allha pretiniekiem (pret tiem, kas apdraud ummas eksistenci un
vaj musulmaus, k ar pret pagniem),
pret tiem, kas mina prkpt robeu neaizskarambu,
pret ticbas atkritjiem (k viltus pravietis Musailima
60
),
pret uzurpatoru (al-bagi),
pret lauptjiem,
pret monoteistiem-nemusulmaiem, kas atsaks makst dizju
61
.
Jatzm, ka Allha pretinieki islmistu acs
62
ir nemusulmai (to skait ar
eiropiei un sfji-musulmau mistii).
Gan vsture, gan cilvciskais faktors (piemram, fakihu viedoki) ienesa savas
korekcijas dihda jdziena izpratn. Skum Muhammeds k ummas galva sama
no Dieva musulmau draudzes dzves situcijm piemrotas atklsmes. Ar laiku citas
dihda nozmes pardjs Sunn, un vlk, izmantojot iepriekjo gadu pieredzi, ts
pardjs fkh.
Ttad skotnji var novrot, ka dihds bija nepiecieams izdzvoanas
ldzeklis vid, kas ir naidga musulmau ummai. Ar laiku, biei prvroties par
varas ieganas ldzekli, ds dihds ska kompromitt pau islmu. Pdjo gadu
notikumi pasaul, piemram, uzbrukums Dvu toriem ASV (11.09.2001.), skolnu
un skolotju sagstana Beslan (01.09.2004.) u. c., apstiprina o apgalvojumu.
Atsauces un piezmes
1
Jatzm, ka teroristi sludina dihdu ar pret saviem ticbas briem, kuri, pc viu domm,
ir atkritui no st islma.
2
R. Peters. Jihad // The Encyclopedia of Religion. Vol. 8., ed. by M. Eliade. Macmillan
Publishing Company, NewYork, 1987, p. 88.
3
R. Firestone. Jihd. The Origin of Holy War in Islam. NewYork, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1999, p. 14.
4
. . . : ,
2003, c. 75.
5
. . ?
// ,
6/26, c. 44.
6
. . . : ,
2003, c. 75 (autors atzm, ka ir vairki ldzgi jdzieni (k gazavats un faths), kuri ietver
sev vienu no dihda nozmm, bet kurus nevar pilnb pieldzint dihdam).
7
R. Peters. Jihad // The Encyclopedia of Religion, p. 89 (pc Muhammeda bganas
uz Mednu notika sadalans musulmau umm, pagnos, kas dzvoja Mek, un
nemusulmaos-monoteistos).
8
. . . :
, , 2002, c. 401.
9
K Dieva stnis varja veicint uzbrukumus? Atbildi dod O. Boakovs sav grmat
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 95 (Muhammeda praviea reputcija varja stipri ciest no t, ka
viam nav relu uzvaru, tpc vi ne tikai veicinja uzbrukumus, bet ar pats tos vadja).
10
. . . : ,
2003, c. 76.
11
piemuma loika ir ietverta pamatojum, ka cilvkiem Allhs atauj uzbrukt. Var
pieemt, ka laupjums netika uztverts msdienu izpratn k kaut kas apkaunojos, bet gan
otrdi k drosmga uzvedba.
12
. . ?
// ,
6/26, c. 47.
13
. . . : ,
2003, c. 76.
14
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 94.
15
Hidra Muhammeda bgana no Mekas uz Jasribu (Mednu) 622. gad; hidra ir ar
musulmau gadu skaitana.
16
. . . : ,
2003, c. 78.
17
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 95.
18
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 116.
19
Hairetdinovs u. c. saka, ka tiei krustnei/eiropiei ieviesa jdzienu svtais kar. Jatceras
karagjiena ideoloija, lai pareizi sasprastu, kpc vii piemroja o jdzienu musulmau
dihdam. Krustnei gja uz Jeruzalemi, lai atbrvotu kristieu pasaules svtvietu Kunga
kapu, un tas viiem bija svtais karagjiens/pienkums (is karagjiens neizbgami
prvrts par sadursmi un karu ar vietjiem iedzvotjiem).
20
. . . : , 2005,
c. 8.
21
R. Peters. Jihad // The Encyclopedia of Religion. 88, 89.
22
K jau tika mints, saska ar A. uravska darbu (. . ), Korns sastdts
no Mekas un Mednas srm. Mekas sras tika uzraksttas apm. no 610. ldz 622. gadam un
Mednas sras no 622. ldz 632. gadam. Kas attiecas uz krustagjieniem, tad, pamatojoties
uz J. Lortcu (. . , .
150 Orientlistika
. 1, : , 1999, 346, 347), ir zinms, ka krustneu karagjieni
uz Palestnu notika no 11. gs. ldz 13. gs.
23
R. Firestone. Jihd. The Origin of Holy War in Islam, p. 18 (autors raksta, ka ne tikai
valodas, sirds un rokas dihdu, bet ar zobena dihdu nevar glui pamatoti pieldzint
svtajam karam).
25
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 135136.
26
Korniskais periods ir VII gs., postkorniskais periods VIII gs.
27
. . a-p c. 2 . : ,
9 , 2000, c. 621, 622 (skaidro, ka vrds qitl nozm mrdt, nogalint,
izncint, sodt ar nvi, slaktt, (cnties, karot)).
28
R. Firestone. Jihd. The Origin of Holy War in Islam, p. 18.
29
. . . . . : ,
2005, c. 210.
30
. . // , , .
. . . . : - .
. , 2004. c. 86, 87.
31
Uzreiz jatzm, ka vrdkopa politiskais islms nav glui pareiza. Islm reliija netiek
nodalta no politikas. Tpc politika ir islma dabiska sastvdaa, un tas ir politizts jau
pc savas btbas. Mana darba kontekst pareizk btu izmantot jdzienu politiskais
islmisms. Runjot par jdziena lietojuma aplambu, jatzm, ka nepareizi btu teikt
musulmau dihds, jo dihds ir cas forma un piemt tikai islmam.
32
Sras tiek izvietotas nevis hronoloisk secb, bet otrdi. Tdjdi vlks sras
nonca lielkoties Korna skum un agrns beigs. Muhammeds savas sludinanas
skumposm runja oti si, lakoniski, bet vlk, jau uzturoties Medn, vi mainja savu
runas stilu un runa bija garka (sk. . . .
. . : - . . ,
2000, c. 28; par Korna sru sastdanu var last: R. Firestone. Jihd. The Origin of Holy
War in Islam, p. 49).
33
. . . c. 28, 29, 30 (tahrif Dieva pavu izkropoana vai neievroana.
Ar jdzienu Grmatas cilvki ir domti jdi, kristiei un sabiei (jeb arbu valod
alsbin), kuri ldz ar jdiem un kristieiem tiek minti Korn (2:62, 5:69, 22:17) k
Grmatas audis, kas ir noirti no pagniem un Dieva apbalvoti. Visticamk, ka Korns
di sauc Mezopotmijas mandieus jeb sv. Ja kristieus. VIIIXI gs. musulmau
autori par sabieiem uzskatja gnosticismam tuvu stvoo Harnas draudzi. Ar pret
zoroastrieiem Korn pausta labvlba (sk. . . .
. . : - . .
, 2000, c. 341. Skk par sabieiem sk.: . . .
. . : - . .
, 2000, c. 308, 315, 316).
34
. . . : , 2 ., 2005,
c. 312.
35
Ibid., c. 312, 313.
36
. . . : , 2002, c. 511 (tiek nordti
sru tapanas laiki).
37
Hadsi praviea izteicieni, kuri tika apliecinti ar lieciniekiem.
38
. . // . 6, 1989, c. 18.
39
R. Peters. Jihad // The Encyclopedia of Religion, p. 89 (R. Peters min divus vrdus, kuri
tiek lietoti Korn ar nozmi kar, kauja: 1) dhada, 2) qtala. Pc btbas tie atspoguo
musulmau draudzes raanos. Abi vrdi gandrz netiek lietoti Mekas srs, atkljot, ka
musulmaiem tika nordts pacietgi izciest neticgo agresvo uzvedbu. Prsvar di teksti
ir sastopami Mednas srs).
40
R. Firestone. Jihd. The Origin of Holy War in Islam, p. 17 (tiei frze f sabl Allh ir
terorisma atslga, terora uzbrukumus veic islmisti msdiens).
41
. . ?
// ,
6/26, c. 44.
42
Encyclopaedia of Jihad. Vol. 1, Ed. by R. K. Pruthi. NewDelhi: Anmol Publication PVT,
2002, p. 58, 59.
43
. . // . 6, 1989, c. 18.
44
. . ?
// ,
6/26, c. 44.
45
. . // . 6, 1989, c. 18.
46
. . . : ,
2003, c. 75.
47
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 96.
48
Al-Vakdi, musulmau hronists (dzimis VIII gs. beigs IX gs. skum).
49
. . . 570633. :
, , 2002, c. 96.
50
. . // . 6, 1989, c. 18.
51
. . . : ,
2003, c. 75.
52
. . . :
, , 2002, c. 100 (pieci islma plri: 1) al-ahada apliecinjums viengajam
Dievam, 2) alsalt 5 lganas, 3) zakt lastbas dvana, 4) alsaum gavnis un
5) had svtceojums uz Meku).
53
Garga dihda izpratne ir sastopama sfsm, sk.: . .
?
, c. 44.
54
. . . : ,
2003, c. 77.
55
emot vr, ka sras nav sastdtas pc hronoloijas, pc to rakstura, var orientjoi noteikt,
uz kdu periodu ts attiecas, lai gan biei pc konteksta preczi nevar noteikt, kuram laikam
pieder viena vai otra sra.
56
A. uravskis (. . c. 93) raksta, ka fakihi (musulmau juristi) paplainja
dihda jdzienu, ietverot taj liel un maz dihda gradcijas, bet ( .
. . . , c. 345) apgalvo, ka saska ar hadsiem pravietis
Muhammeds atra mazo un lielo dihdu. Ar mazo dihdu Muhammeds saprata tiei
zobena dihdu un ar lielo cilvka papilnveidoanos, t. i., sirds un valodas dihdu.
57
58
. , . . . . . , -: , 2005,
c. 226227 (autors turpina dihda lietojuma sarakstu, tomr uz ptjuma tmu prjie
piemri neattiecas, un tpc netiek aplkoti di piemri: 4) cas svtajos mneos (Korns
152 Orientlistika
2:217; 9:36); 5) nevlans cnties (Korns 2:246; 4:77); 6) krituie par ticbu (Korns
2:154; 3:157; 47:5); 7) ticgo prkums (Korns 8:65)).
59
60
Ab Summa Muslima bin Kabir bin Habib jeb musulmau avotos pazemojoi dvtais
Musailima. Musailima bija Muhammeda idejiskais pretinieks. Via sludinanas darbbas
preczs laiks nav zinms. Tomr O. Boakovs sav grmat (. .
) atzm, ka pc daiem datiem par viu zinja jau Mek un Medn ldz hidrai
k par Rahmna (viens no Allha vrdiem, kas nozm lastgais) pravieti. K var noprast,
Musailima nebija musulmanis, bet bija monoteistiskas mcbas pravietis. Musailimas valsts
bija Austrumu Jamam.
61
. . . : ,
2003, c. 77 (dizja dvseles nodoklis no monoteistiem-nemusulmaiem, kas dzvoja
musulmau valst).
62
Jautjumu par zobena dihda izpausmi jeb dihdismu, kas piemt islmistiem msdiens
(no 1979. gada ldz msdienm), skatt autores maistra darb.
Zusammenfassung
In dieser Arbeit wird die bliche europische Bedeutung des Wortes Jihad beschrieben.
Dabei wird auf die Synonyme dieses Wortes eingegangen: Gazavat und Fatch. Es werden
Parallele zwischen den oben genannten Wrtern und dem heiligen Krieg gezogen. Die
Arbeit betrachtet die historische Konnotation des Jihad whrend der koranischen Periode und
die Evolution des Jihad.
Schlagworte: Jihad, Koran, Gazavat, Fatch.
Gudrbas mlestba k ce uz neizncbu Pseudosalomona
Gudrbas grmat
Love of Wisdom as the Way to Incorruptibility in the
Pseudo-Solomons Book of Wisdom
Jnis Priede
Latvijas Universittes Moderno valodu fakultte, zijas zintniskais institts,
e-pasts: jaanispriede@inbox.lv
Rakst analizta Gudrbas grmat aizskt hellnisks flosofjas un jdaisks tradcijas
sintze. Aizgstot Epikra dievu nemirstbas pamatojumu un attiecinot to uz cilvka nemirstbu,
Pseudosalomons atrisina jdu domtju izvirzto jautjumu par universl taisnguma principa
un individuls retribcijas diverenci. Ar sorta paldzbu Pseudosalomons identifc gudrbas
mlestbu ar ceu, kas ved uz individulo neizncbu. No stoiiem aizgto izpratni par pneumu
Pseudosalomons identifc ar personifctu Dieva gudrbu, liekot pamatus vlkajai izpratnei
par Kristu k mgo gudrbu.
Atslgvrdi: gudrba, pneuma, nemirstba, neizncba, Gudrbas grmata, Pseudosalomons,
Epikrs, stoicisms, sorts.
Prdomas par cilvka neizncbu sksim ar grieu flosofu vid satura zi
nebt ne oriinlo Epikra aicinjumu rpties par dvseles veselbu, mekljot
gudrbu
1
, un, no otras puses, ietami prsteidzoo, proti, Epikra mcbai tik tuvo
2

Pseudosalomona apgalvojumu, ka bauda rodama, mlot gudrbu:
N1t Vto 1I mV tIIt1m IIoootIV,
1t tpmV uEopmV xoEIo1m IIooomV.
ou1t op ompo outI to1IV ou1t Eopmpo
Epo 1o xo1o yuV uIoIVoV
Jauns bdams, neviens lai nekavjas meklt
gudrbu, vecs kdams, nepagurst gudrbas
mekljumos. Jo nevienam nav par agru, nedz
vlu bt veselam dvsel.
3
Epikrs, Vstule Menoikejam.
aa|acta .ct| .| cu,,.|.ta ce|ta;
-at .| |tta au; .(t; a,a
nemirstba bt rados gudrbai,
ts mlestb lieliska bauda.
4
Pseudosalomons,
Gudrbas grmata 8,17b-18a.
Hellnisks flosofjas un jdaisks tradcijas sintze
Vispirms pievrssimies Pseudosalomona Gudrbas grmatas jeb Slamana
Gudrbas grmatas izcelsmei, it pai hellnisks
5
kultrvides galvenokrt
stoiu, bet ar epikrieu un neliel mr ptagorieu ietekmei grmatas
tapan. Noskaidrosim, ko sti no Epikra ir vai nav aizguvis Pseudosalomons, un
prliecinsimies par s grmatas nozmi Jauns Derbas flosofsks bzes izveid.
Hellniskaj kultrvid gudrbas mlestbai, proti, flosofjai, bija izcila
nozme, kaut ar pai flosof nereti lauzja galvu, taujjot, kas sti ir gudrba vai t
154 Orientlistika
ir dzveszia vai kas cits.
6
Agrnajai jdu tradcijai, kur dominja Dieva atklsme,
ko svtraksttji ietrpa gan mtoloisk, gan juridisk, gan kultiski liturisk, gan
pravietisk, gan sapiencil form, flososofskais pasaules skatjums bija visai
sves, lai gan atsevii reliiski flosofskie elementi ir ietverti daudzu svtraksttju
darbos.
Kristgs kultras, ttad ar msdienu Eiropas judeokristgs kultras, pamat ir
gan jdaisk, gan hellnisk tradcija. o divu tradciju sintze stenojusies vairkos
posmos dados laikmetos, kad no jdaisks, bet vl jo vairk no hellniski
flosofsks, tradcijas jdu un kristieu domtji ir smluies, aizguvui un aizgstot
nereti transformjui gan flosofskus jdzienus, gan izpratni par pasauli. Hellnisks
tradcijas elementi veidoja pamatus jaunam pasaules skatjumam. Vlk, attstoties
kristgajam pasaules skatjumam, paa nozme ir bijusi dadiem flosofjas
virzieniem, kas izrdjuies aktuli kd noteikt laikmet. Veidojot jdaiski
kristgs atklsmes un hellnisks tradcijas sintzi, Hiponas bskapa sv. Augustna
laik judeokristgaj sistm tika iekauta, piemram, sokratisk flosofja, savukrt
sholastisk laikmeta domtji (sv. Alberts Lielais, sv. Akvnas Toms u. c.) liel mr
pamatojs uz Aristotea flosofju. Rodas jautjums, kur un kad sti ir mekljamas
saknes, aizskums, minjums apvienot s divas tradcijas hellnisko un
jdaisko? Kad hellnisks flosofjas elementi kuva par sava laika jdaisks un
kristgs tradcijas sastvdau? Vl vairk kad ie elementi kuva par Svtajos
Rakstos fksts Atklsmes sastvdau?
Lai cik nozmgs btu Aleksandrijas Origena vai Hiponas Augustna devums,
ie domtji tau bija tikai Rakstu skaidrotji, interprettji, kristgie flosof un
ekseti. Kaut ar augstu vrtti, viu darbi netika iekauti sakrlaj tekst, bet,
piemram, Apustuu darbos ir ietverts Atnu Aeropag teikts runas atststjums
Pvils uzrunja epikrieus un stoius (Ap. d 17). Tau Pvils ar savu so, trim
jautjumiem veltto runu (Dievs k tiesnesis; cilvka neizncba pc nves; pcnves
atalgojums saska ar taisnguma principu) nebt nebija pirmais, kas minja
apvienot hellnisko un jdaisko pasaulskatjumu. Ar apustua Ja izpratne par
Kristu k mgo logosu, mgo gudrbu, ar kuru pasaule radta, nav tapusi bez
iepriekjas bibliski flosofsks bzes: via teoloija turpina attstt tradciju, kur
jau bija sapldis jdaiskais un hellniski flosofskais pasaules skatjums.
Ne Toms, ne Augustns, ne Pvils, ne Jnis neveica tik lielu apvrsumu
jdaisks un hellnisks tradcijas sintz k jdu domtjs, kas dzvoja hellnisma
centr, Aleksandrij, apmram trsdesmit gadus pirms Kristus dzimanas. Tiei
Gudrbas grmatas autors nodroinja nepiecieamos prieknoteikumus logosa
jdziena izmantoanai kristgaj teoloij. Przindams gan jdaisko tradciju, gan
hellnisks flosofjas strvojumus, Gudrbas grmatas autors radja nebijuu sintzi,
kur izmantoja grieu flosofskos jdzienus, terminoloiju un loiku. Btu aplami
raksturot o sintzi k sinkrtisku. Pseudosalomons k brvs domtjs apvienoja
Vecs Derbas mentalitti, monoteismu un pasaules izpratni ar stoiu, ptagorieu un
epikrieu flosofsko bagtbu.
No kopjs hellnisko flosofu jdzienu krtuves Pseudosalomons aizgst:
ideju par Dievu k pasaules pirmcloni, visa veidotju, k ar pasaules
grandiozitt un skaistum balstto secinjumu par Dieva esambu
7
(13,1-5);
Jnis Priede. Gudrbas mlestba k ce uz neizncbu Pseudosalomona Gudrbas grmat 155
daudzus specifskus flosofskus terminus: a -aa labais, skais-tais
8

(4,12; 10,8), |ta|a:e; flantrops
9
(1,6; 7,23; 12,19), .u.,.t-e;
labvlgums (7,23), -.|eeeta tuka iedoma
10
(14,14), tce.|ta
naids pret sveiniekiem
11
(19,13);
pozitvu vrtjumu par sabiedrbas atztm vrtbm varu, bagtbu,
zinanm, veselbu, skaistumu, bet vispirmm krtm par gudrba, ko
autors uzskata par prjo vrtbu avotu
12
(7,8-12);
literro formu Gudrbas grmatas centrlo dau veido slavinjums
(gudrbas enkomijs), kas pilnb atbilst grieu un latu enkomiju
tradcijai;
etru pamattikumu uzskaitjumu
13
(8,7);
pasaules elementu harmoniju, ko meklja gan ptagoriei, gan stoii,
proti, saldzinjumu ar mzikas instrumentu skanjumu (Gudr 19,18);
no Mesenes Euhmera (4.3. gs. pr. Kr.) un via ideju prmjiem
vismaz daji aizgto elkdievbas skaidrojumu: dievi skotnji bijui izcili
valdnieki un nopelniem bagtas personas, kurm tauta paudusi atzinbu,
ceot votvtemus un slejot skulpturlus atveidus (14,1520);
sirdsapzias nozmes vrtjumu
14
(17,11), minot defnt bailes ar
flosofsku jdzienu paldzbu
15
(17,8-13);
pamatojoties uz stoiu flosofju, Pseudosalomons lika pamatus logosa
jdziena izmantoanai vlkaj kristgaj teoloij. Pseudosalomona
skatjum gudrba it visu caurau (7,24). K stoiu logoss vai pneuma
dzvina Visumu, t Pseudosalomona Dieva gars piepilda zemi (1,7),
un gudrba k Dieva nemirstgais gars ir it vis (12,1), esot viena
spj visu, sev nemainoties visu atjauno (7,27). Pat ja stoiu mcba ir
principili atirga (dieviums piemt Visumam un kst ar to identisks),
nevaram nepamant, ka vismaz terminoloijas zi Pseudosalomons seko
stoiu tradcijai. Ar stoii lieto terminu u ae|e; bezveidgais,
lai raksturotu skotnjo haosu (11,17), k ar apredzbas jeb providences
jdzienu :e|eta (14,3; 17,2), ko stoii uzskatja par Visuma harmonijas
fnlo principu, Visuma harmonijas avotu. Savukrt uz iem jdzieniem
bzto un tekst ietverto ideju zi Pseudosalomona Gudrbas grmata
ir Vecs Derbas augstkais flosofsks domas lidojums,
16
bez t kristgs
atklsmes skaidrojums Jaunaj Derb, oti iespjams, btu ieguvis krietni
citdku formu.
17
No Epikra dabas flosofjas (dvseles izncg rakstura)
atvasint hdonisma un netaisnbas kritika Pseudosalomona
Gudrbas grmat
Runjot par Gudrbas grmatu, dakrt mdz mint, ka svtraksttjs kritiz
Epikru. is apgalvojums ir oti nepreczs. Lasot nekrietn apoloisko runu (Gudr 2),
prliecinmies, ka svtraksttjs, iespjams, tik tiem kritiz dmokritiskos
elementus, kas aj run daji prveidot veid premti no Epikra dabas flosofjas
156 Orientlistika
un pau materilistisko dvseles izpratni, kas ir Epikra tikas pamat.
18
o Epikra
flosofjas bzi Gudrbas grmatas autors ietver vrdos, kas, skanot no nekrietn
mutes, nav zaudjusi savu aktualitti ar msdiens.
2.1 sa un skumja ir msu dzve,
nav dziedinms, mam beidzoties, cilvks,
nav zinms neviens no miruo valstbas atlaists,
19
2.2 jo nejaubas d ms piedzimstam,
k nebijui reiz bsim:
vien dmi msu dvaa,
dzirksts, sirdij sitoties, domas;
2.3 tm izplnot, ermenis prvras pelnos
un dvsele izst k netverams gaiss.
No s flosofsks bzes izrietoie nekrietn secinjumi, vismaz skum, iet
visai loiski:
2.4 Laika ritum tiks aizmirsts msu vrds,
msu darbus neatminsies neviens,
k mkoi bez pdm paies msu dzve
un izklds k migla,
ko saules stari vaj, saules svelme spie.
2.5 Msu laiks aizsld garm k na,
msu dzves gals ir neatsaucams,
aizzmogots, neatgrieas neviens.
Ne jau pamatojuma, proti, ne uzskata d, cilvks ir izncgs, Pseudosalomons
runtju sauc par nekrietno
20
(1,16; 2,21). Jautjums par cilvka likteni pc
nves cilvka izncgumu vai neizncgumu ir bijis aktuls visos laikos. Jdu
domtji bija piedvjui dadus risinjumus. Ldzgi Epikram izteicies ar Vecs
Derbas Pulctjs (Kohelets), kas, tpat k Gudrbas grmatas autors, mina izzint
gudrbu (1,17) un, tpat k Gudrbas grmatas autors, izmanto literru pamienu
rakstt senas un pai respektjamas personas, aj gadjum Jeruzalemes nia
Slamana vrd (1,1). Gan Pulctja gudrais Salomons, gan Pseudosalomona
nekrietnais priekpln izvirza no Dmokrita mcbas atvasinto un savulaik Epikra
izmantoto nepiecieambas un gadjuma principu, un pai nenovramo izncbu:
Cilvkbrniem un lopiem iznkums viens k is mirst, t tas mirst, viena dvaa
tiem visiem, un cilvks nav prks par lopu, jo viss tikai dvesma! ... visi nk no
piem un atgrieas pos. (Pulc 3,19-20). [...] Tikai laiks un gadjums valda pr
viiem visiem... (Pulc 9,11)
21
Pulctjs nav nosodts par apgalvojumu, ka ar nvi viss beidzas. Savukrt
Gudrbas grmat Pseudosalomona nekrietnais, kas ar ir prliecints par dvseles
izncbu un visu notikumu gadjuma raksturu, tiek nosodts nevis savu spriedumu
flosofsks bzes d, bet gan aplamo tisko secinjumu d. Nekrietn apoloija
uzskatma par dau no flosofsks diskusijas, kas turpinja risinties jdu vid
(saduceji pret farizejiem), neskatoties uz deuterokanonisko Makabieu grmatu
autora iebildm, kurs pausta ticba, ka cilvku gaida augmcelans (2. mak
7,9.11.14.23.29 u. c.). Makabieu grmatu autora apgalvojums ir tri reliisks, jo
nav sniegts pamatojums, ir tikai cerba, vlme, ticba, turpretim Pseudosalomons ir
pirmais Vecs Derbas autors, kas piedv flosofsku skatjumu jautjum par cilvka
nemirstbu. Via Gudrbas grmat attlotais nekrietnais izpelns nosodjumu ar
savu dmokritiskaj dvseles izpratn balstto aicinjumu neapvaldti baudt dzvi un
it pai ar dievi taisnguma principa noraidjumu:
2.6 Tad nu urp izbaudsim esoos labumus,
k jaunbu steigsim radto izmantot!
2.7 Pildsim sevi ar drgko vnu un smarm,
pavasara ziedam neausim aizsldt garm!
2.8 Vainagosim sevi rou pumpuriem, pirms tie novtui!
2.9 Lai tdas pavas nav, kur nebtu ms dzrojui
22
,
lai visur zmes liecina par msu lksmi,
jo t ir msu daa, msu mantojums!
2.10 Apspiedsim taisngu nabago,
atraitni nesaudzsim,
neemsim sirmgalvi vr!
2.11 Turpretim msu spks
lai top par likumu un taisngumu,
jo nelietdergs, izrds, ir nespks.
Nekrietn aicinjums ir pilng pretrun ar Epikra mcbu, jo, k zinms, grieu
domtjs noraidja hdonisko saukli tvert un izbaudt dzvi. Epikrs apgalvoja, ka
dzve ir jbauda vien tiktl, cik baudas trkums sagd cieanas:
1o1t op oV ptIoV totV, o1oV tx
1ou EoptIVoI 1V oVV oImtV
Kad baudas trkums mums sagd cieanas,
tad un tikai tad, ms jtam vajadzbu pc
baudas.
23
Kas tad ir bauda pc Epikra domm?
ItmtV oVV ... 1o 1t oItIV xo1o
omo 1t 1opo11to0oI xo1o yuV
Ar baudu ms saprotam spju neesambu
ermen un satraukuma neesambu dvsel.
24
Ar iem vrdiem Epikrs raksturo savu idelu, ataraksiju dvseles rimtumu,
nebaidanos no nves un cieanm. K redzam, Epikrs ir asktiskks par Pulctju,
kas saska ar jdaisko tradciju aicina baudt dzvi:
d savu maizi ar prieku, dzer lksm prt savu vnu, ... lai tavas drnas
vienmr ir baltas un svaidm ea tev uz galvas! Baudi dzvi ar sievieti, kuru
tu mli... jo t ir tava daa (Pulc 9,8-9).
Vienlaikus vi skubina bties taisng tiesnea Dieva, nosoda nekrietnumu un
netaisnbu, kuru redz plaukstam un zeam zem saules.
Td apgalvot, ka Pseudosalomons nosoda Epikru, ir tikpat aplami k apgalvot,
ka vi nosoda kanonisko autoru jdaisko Pulctju. Turklt Pseudosalomons
nepiedv hdonisko skatjumu Epikram. Pseudosalomona nekrietnais nemin grieu
flosofa vrdu vi tikai izmanto t flosofskos argumentus, lai, tos saasinot, k
bija ierasts flosofskajs diskusijs,
25
liktu no nekrietn mutes atskant hdoniskiem,
pret taisnguma principu vrstiem, bet taut populriem secinjumiem.
158 Orientlistika
Epikra argumentu izmantoana: neizncba un nemirstba
No Epikra Pseudosalomona nekrietnais nav aizguvis hdonisma principu. Glui
otrdi, no Epikra Pseudosalomons ir aizguvis argumentus vai principus, lai pilngi
pretji grieu flosofam pamatotu individuls dvseles neizncbu.
Vispirms jnoskaidro iemesls, kd Pseudosalomons cenas pamatot dvseles
neizncbu? Iemesls ir vienkrs jdaiskaj tradcij nebija rasta pietiekama atbilde,
k apvienot absolt taisnguma principu ar emprisko atziu, ka dzves laik ne
vienmr uzvar taisngums: netaisnie tau plaukst un ze, turpretim taisngais nereti
cie, mirst jauns, bez brniem. K Pulctjs teica: Es esmu redzjis ... gan taisno
ejam boj sava taisnuma d, gan nekrietno pastvam sava aunuma d (7,15).
Dvseles neizncba, atldzba pc nves to visu Pseudosalomons tlaini
apraksta dialog, ko Gudrbas grmat risina nekrietnais un taisngais. aj dialog
ir ietverta atbilde gan Pulctja, gan jaba flosofskajiem jautjumiem, nespjot
izskaidrot Dieva taisnguma principa ietamo nestenoanos cilvka izncbas
un gadjuma principa priek. Ja jdaisma ietvaros pagaidm pietika ar reliiski
motivtu taisnguma principu ievroanu, hellniskajai pasaulei, kurai vismaz
daji Gudrbas grmata bija adresta, bija jatrisina acm redzam pretruna starp
dievi taisnguma principu un empriski novroto, ietami neatgriezenisko
netaisnbu. Dvseles neizncba un atldzba pc nves problmu atrisina, bet
hellniskajai pasaules izpratnei bija nepiecieams flosofsks cilvka neizncbas
pamatojums. Sniedzot o pamatojumu, Pseudosalomons izmanto argumentciju, ko
bija izstrdjui epikriei.
Epikrs apgalvoja, ka dievi ir neizncgi. To varam noprast, lasot Epikra
Galveno atziu pirmo atziu:
Jo oxopIoV xoI o0op1oV ou1t ou1o
Epoo1o ttI ou1t oIIq EopttI
Svtlaimgajam un neizncgajam nav rpju
paam, un tas nesagd rpes ar citiem.
26
Vstul Menoikejam Epikrs norda:
pm1oV tV 1oV 0toV qoV o0op1oV xoI
oxopIoV VoImV...
Uzskatot, vispirmm krtm, Dievu par
neizncgu un svtlaimgu btni...
27
o atziu Epikrs uzskata (to pieprasa ar saviem sekotjiem) par pasaprotamu,
par pamatu flosofa attieksmei pret Dievu: no Dieva nav jbaids, jo neizncga un
svtlaimga btne nedars sliktu nevienam un vl jo mazk cilvkam, kas atirb
no Dieva ir izncgs un tomr ldzgs viam ldzgs gan sav veidol, gan iespj ar
nemirstgu labumu paldzbu atbrvoties no ldzbas mirstgajm btnm:
ou0tV op toIxt 0V1q qq mV oV0pmEo
tV o0oVo1oI oo0oI
Cilvks, kas dzvo nemirstgos labumos,
neldzins nevienai mirstgai btnei.
28
Epikram Dievs ir materila vai gandrz materila btne, ko, tpat k visu
citu pasaul, veido atomi. Turpretim Gudrbas grmatas autoram gan Dievs, gan
dievis gudrbas personifkcija ir absolts, it visu caurstrvojos gars pneuma
(gudrba sk iegt dieviajai hipostzei raksturgus elementus, bet pagaidm
nesasniedz hipostzes lmeni, kas raksturo trsvieng Dieva izpratni kristgaj
teoloij). Raksturojot o garu, Pseudosalomons, protams, prsvar izmanto nevis
epikrieu, bet stoiu jdzienus. Par to ir vienisprtis visi ptnieki.
29
Turklt Epikrs
nebija viengais, kas aizstvja dievu nemirstbu un svtlaimgumu. Stoii nereti
uzskatja, ka sti nemirstgs ir tikai Zevs, turpretim prjos dievus sagaida bojeja.
Daudzi stoii noraidja dvseles neizncbas ideju.
Ar Pseudosalomons tpat k Epikrs uzskata, ka Dievs ir neizncgs, jo
neizncba ir t, kas [cilvkus] dara tuvus Dievam (6,18). Pseudosalomons ir pirmais
jdu autors, kas Vecaj Derb, proti, Svto Rakstu grieu tekst Septuagint
lieto jdzienu a|acta neizncba. Tau atirb no Epikra Pseudosalomons
attiecina to ar uz Dieva radto un Dievam ldzgo cilvku:
.e; .-tc.| e| a|a:e| .:` a|acta
-at .t-e|a ; teta; atetee; .:etc.| aue|
neizncbai cilvku ir radjis Dievs,
par savas dabas atspulgu darjis (2,23).
Tau, k uzskatja griei, jebkura ermeniska btne ir mirstga. Ar Epikram
atomi pajk kur kurais, un tiei iemesla d ar cilvka dvsele ir mirstga. Te
saskaramies ar btisku jautjumu: k gan Epikrs var uzskatt Dievu par materilu
btni un vienlaikus apgalvot, ka materilais Dievs ir nemirstgs (aa|ae;)?
30

Epikrieu skolas patnba skaidri izpauas atbild: atirb no cilvka dieviem
piemt spja saemt eksistenci bezgala ilgi, proti, dieviem piemt neizncba.
31

Tas nozm nevis to, ka dievu eksistencei nebtu skuma, bet gan to, ka tie spj
turpint savu eksistenci bezgala ilgi. Pseudosalomons no epikrieiem aizgst
abus jdzienus: gan nemirstbu (aa|acta), gan neizncbu (a|acta). Atirb
no Epikra Pseudosalomons os terminus attiecina nevis uz dieviem (kuriem
Pseudosalomons netic, jo, viaprt, Dievs ir viens), bet gan uz cilvkiem. Turklt
Pseudosalomona izpratn neizncba ir nevis abstrakta spja vai paba, bet gan
Dieva providences (:e|eta stoiu lietotais termins) iecertais cilvka liktenis,
via mris: Neizncbai cilvku ir radjis Dievs (2,23a). Pc savas dabas cilvks
ir izncgs un mirstgs, bet Dievs ir iecerjis dalties ar cilvku sav nemirstb, td
to ir darjis par savas dabas atspulgu (2,23b).
Terminu nemirstba (aa|acta) Pseudosalomons attiecina gan uz nezdou
piemiu (fama imperitura), ko cilvks iegst, pateicoties gudrbai (8,13):
.a et` au| aa|acta|
-at || ata|te| et; .` .. a:e.t(a
pateicoties viai, ar nemirstbu bu apveltts
un palicju vid paliku mg piemi,
gan uz individulo nemirstbu pc fzisks nves (3,1-4):
et-ata| e. (u,at .| ,.tt .eu [...]
.:t; aua| aa|acta; :;
taisngo dvseles ir Dieva roks [...],
pilna nemirstbas viu cerba.
Pc Pseudosalomona uzskatiem dzve nebeidzas ldz ar nvi, t turpins ar
pc nves. Turklt t nav dzve mtisk nu valstb, kdu sastopam grieu mtos
vai jdaiskaj eola izpratn, bet neizncga un svtlaimes pilna dzve, ko bauda
taisngie, nevis dievi k Epikram. Ldz ar to Pseudosalomons atrisina ar jautjumu
par universlo taisnguma principu.
160 Orientlistika
Uzsverot tikumbas nozmi un svtlaimes atkarbu no radniecbas ar dievio,
Pseudosalomons atkal ir daudz tuvks stoiiem nek Epikram. Tau no Epikra
vi aizgst dievis neizncbas ideju, ko attiecina uz mirstgo cilvku, uz via
dvseli, kas ir samusi dvan neizncbu, tiei tpat k Epikrs uzskata, ka
neizncba piemt dieviem, kas s neizncbas d ir nemirstgi. Ldz ar to jautjums
par dvseles neizncbu un nemirstbu Gudrbas grmat ir atrisints, izmantojot
Epikra argumentciju, ko Pseudosalomons ir radikli prveidojis.
Protams, vartu jautt, vai tad Epikrs nav aizguvis dvseles nemirstbas ideju
no Platona? Atirb no Platona Pseudosalomons neuzskata, ka dvselei pc savas
dabas piemt neizncba, via skatjum dvsele nav dabiski nemirstga. Turklt
jatceras, ka, runjot par dvseles nemirstbu, Platons vl ir ciei saistts ar senajiem
grieu ticjumiem un mtiem. Td var droi apgalvot, ka Pseudosalomona flosofjas
pamat nav Platona mcba nepastarpint veid. Pseudosalomons neizncbu uzskata
par dvanu, ar ko cilvku apvelta neizncgais Dievs. Turklt o neizncbas dvanu
ldz ar mgu svtlaimi saem visi, kas dzvojui taisngi un tikumgi.
Loikas izmantoana: sorts
Lai atbildtu uz jautjumum kds ir ce, kas ved uz nemirstbu, Pseudosalomons
izmanto antkaj retorik biei lietotu, bet jdaiskajai retorikai pagalam neraksturgu
loikas pamienu sortu (ca.tv; ev,e;). Tas ir polisiloisms, kam ir daudzas
(caev; kaudze) premisas un viens secinjums. Klasiskaj variant sortu veido
spriedumu virkne: A ir B, B ir C, C ir D utt., ttad A ir D. Sorta piemru ceu no
gudrbas uz svtlaimbu piedv, piemram, stoiu sekotjs Seneka (ap 4. pr. Kr.
65. pc Kr.):
Qui prudens est, et temperans est,
qui temperans est, est et constans,
qui constans est, imperturbatus est,
qui imperturbatus est, sine tristitia est,
qui sine tristitia est, beatus est,
ergo prudens beatus est
et prudentia ad beatam vitam satis est.
Kas prtgs, tas ir savaldgs;
kas savaldgs, tas ir rakstur stingrs;
kas rakstur stingrs, tas ir brvs no afektiem;
kas ir brvs no afektiem, tas nepazst skumjas;
kas nepazst skumjas, tas ir laimgs;
ttad prtgais ir laimgs
un ar prtgumu vien pietiek laimgai dzvei.
32
Lai izvairtos no monotonas atkrtojumu virknes, flosof un literti biei
vien izmantoja sinonmus. Ldzgi polisiloismi sastopami ar vlnaj tannamu
literatr: Hillla laikabiedri, Minas sastdtji (1.2. gs.), tpat k pirms viiem
Pseudosalomons, o sprieduma veidu aizguvui no grieu un romieu domtjiem.
Paraudzsimies, k sortu izmanto Pseudosalomons, runjot par gudrbu (6,17-20):
a, ,a au; a.ca :ate.ta;
.:tuta
|e|t; e. :ate.ta; a,a:
a,a: e. ct; |ea| au;
:ece, e. |ea| .atact; a|acta;
a|acta e. .,,u; .t|at :et.t .eu
.:tuta aa ce|ta; a|a,.t .:t act.ta|
Ts [gudrbas] patiesais aizskums alkas
audzinanai
33
auties,
pc audzinanas tiekties nozm to mlt,
mlt nozm ts likumus ievrot,
paklausba likumiem ir neizncbas la,
neizncba ir t, kas dara tuvus Dievam;
ttad ts ir alkas pc gudrbas, kas ved augup
uz valstbu
Shematiski Pseudosalomona spriedumu virkni varam attlot di:
gudrbas pamats, aizskums = alkas audzinanai auties
tiekans pc audzinanas = mlestba
mlestba = [gudrbas ieteikto] likumu ievroana
likumu ievroana = neizncbas garantija
neizncba = t, kas cilvku dara ldzgu (tuvu) Dievam [kas ir neizncgs]
secinjums:
alkas pc gudrbas (gudrbas mlestba sal. |tta ce|ta; Gudr 8,18a) ved augup uz valstbu
Runjot par gudrbas aizskumu, nav domta gudrbas izcelsme. Par gudrbas
dievio dabu un izcelsmi Pseudosalomons vst Gudrbas grmatas nkamajs
nodas. eit ir runa par nepiecieamajiem prieknoteikumiem un pamatu, lai
gudrba vartu izpausties atsevias personas dzv. Audzinana ietver gan
teortiskas zinanas, gan o zinanu lietojumu morlaj un reliiskaj dzv
cilvka integrlu attstbu. Td ilgoties pc audzinanas nozm ilgoties pc
gudrbas (Sak 8,4-11). Tiekans pc gudrbas ir mlestbas izpausme: tiecas pc
t, ko ml. Mlestba ietver mlt objekta pieemanu pilnb: ttad ar gudrbas
priekrakstu un likumu pieemanu. VD gudrba ir nesaraujami saistta ar Likuma,
it pai ar bauu, ievroanu. Tau ar likumiem Pseudosalomons eit saprot ko
vairk. K Pseudosalomons norda, via grmata ir rakstta ne vien jdiem, kam ir
jievro Likums, bet visas zemes valdniekiem (6,1.2.21). Td eit visdrzk ir runa
par sirdsapzias likumiem, kas ir ierakstti ikviena cilvka sird (sal. Jer 31,31-33).
Likumu ievroana nodroina mra sasnieganu. Mri cilvkam noteicis Dievs:
cilvka mris ir neizncba (sal. ar 2,23). Neizncba auj izvairties no mgs
nves (nav runa par anihilciju, bet mgu atirtbu no Dieva). Neizncba tuvina
cilvku Dievam. Neizncba ir stvoklis, kas vl nepiemt cilvkam virs zemes. Virs
zemes cilvks var iegt tikai neizncbas garantiju.
Pseudosalomona teiktajam ir tlejos skanjums. Ar valstbu varam saprast
ar pc prdesmit gadiem Jzus sludinto Dieva valstbu (act.ta eu .eu). Ar
Pseudosalomona izmantotais termins .,,u; tuvu piln mr sasaucas ar Jzus
sacto (Lk 10,9): Jums ir pietuvojusies (,,t-.|) Dieva valstba (act.ta eu
.eu).
No otras puses, aj sort Pseudosalomons run ne vien par neizncbu, kas dara
tuvus Dievam, bet, iespjams, ar par stoiiem raksturgo tisko gudrbas valstbu.
Ikvienu savu sekotju gudrba dara par valdnieku sav valstb. Gudrais ir viengais
valdnieks, un via valstba ir gudrba.
34
Te ir jpiemin kristgais domtjs Origens,
kas Ja Kristtja aicinjumu maint domanas veidu, jo pietuvojusies ir debesu
valstba (Mt 3,2), skaidro ar nepiecieambu dzvot tikumgi:
txoo1 opt1 oupoVou to1I pooIItIo, xoI
EoooI oo pooIItIo
ikkatrs tikums [atsevii] ir debesu valstba, un
visi tikumi kop ir valstba.
35
162 Orientlistika
Ldzgs priekstats par valstbu bija apustulim Pvilam, kas norda (Rom
14,17):
eu ,a .ct| act.ta eu .eu act; -at
:ect; aa et-atecu| -at .t| -at ,aa
.| :|.uat a,ta
valstba nav ana vai dzerana, bet taisngums
un miers un prieks Svtaj Gar.
K ms prliecinjmies, deuterokanoniskaj Pseudosalomona Gudrbas
grmat ir ietverti un transformti hellnisko domtju priekstati un atzias.
Pseudosalomons uzskatms par izcilko pirmskristg laika jdu domtju, kura
veikums, kas tika iekauts Septuagint, bija nozmgs paraugs tlkai hellnisks
flosofjas un jdeokristgs tradcijas sintzei Jauns Derbas svtraksttju darbos,
k ar kristgs teoloijas un tikas tlkai attstbai agrno kristgo teologu darbos.
Atsauces un piezmes
1
Stoii, piem., teica: k ermenis pakauts iesnm vai caurejai, t dvsele sliktm
nosliecm.
2
Epikrs mcja, ka patiesa bauda ir rodama gargaj.
3
Autora tulkojums. Sal. Aijas Mikines tulk. Epikrs. Vstule Menoikejam. Kentaurs XXI
(1997) 13. lpp., k ar pc raksta sagatavoanas klaj nkuais Agneses Gailes un Aijas van
Hofas tulk. Epikrs. Vstules. Atzias. Fragmenti, 89. lpp.
4
eit un tlk autora tulkojums. Sal. Slamana gudrbas grmata (tulk. J. Priede). //
Deiterokanonisks grmatas. Rga: LBB, 2005. 310. lpp.
5
Deukaliona dls vai brlis Hellns (E|) bija teslieu cilts vadonis, ko senie autori
(Tkidds, Pindars, Hsiods) uzskatja par visu grieu (hellu) ciltstvu. Savukrt Zeva un
Ldas meitas Helenas ('E.|) tls, iespjams, ir saistts ar pirmsdorieu laikmeta dievbu,
bet Ilid un Odisej via ir Menelausa sieva, kuras d skas Trojas kar. Nav atbalstma
padomju flologu aizskt un joprojm dau literro redaktoru turpint tradcija atbrvoties
no ldzskaa l dubultojuma un patskau pagarinjuma, atvasinot jdzienu hellnisk kultra
no vrda Helena (helenisms).
6
Sal. T. Semane. Gudrbu mekljot. Rga: Zintne, 2003.
7
...jo tam, kas radts, piemt dienums un daile, no k var visa aizscju, visa radtju
iepazt.
8
...nekrietnbas burvba vjina labo, un kaislbu virpuos sagrieas prts, kas nepazst aunu
(4.11). Tik tiem tie, kas gudrbai pagja garm, ne vien pai pazaudja spju pazt labo,
bet ar pasaulei par savu neprtu atstja piemiu, lai neaizmirstos, ar ko tie pievls (10,8).
9
...cilvku motjs ir gudrbas gars (1,16).
10
...tukas cilvka iedomas d pasaul ienkuiem drz tiem [elkiem] paredzts gals.
11
Msdiens biei vien nepareizi lieto terminu ksenofobija (gr. bailes no sveniekiem),
kas tpat k daudzajos ldzgi darintajos salikteos, piem., hidrofobija, klaustrofobija,
norda uz bailm no kaut k, piem., no dens, noslgtas telpas u. tml. T viet btu jlieto
esoais, jau antko flosofu darbos un Gudrbas grmat lietotais termins mizoksenija (gr.
sveinieku nana), kas tpat k daudzos ldzgi darintajos salikteos, piem., mizantropija
(gr. cilvku nana) vai mizoginija (gr. sievieu nana), norda uz ienanu vai naidu.
12
... [gudrbu] augstk vrtju par scepteriem un troiem, saldzinot ar to, man bagtba nebija
nekas. Nevienu drgakmeni, lai cik vrtgu, ts vrtu neatzinu, jo ldzs gudrbai viss zelts
tik vien k sauja smilu, k dubi sudrabs ts priek. Par veselbu un par skaistumu to
karstk iemlju, vl vairk nek gaismu vljos, jo pat nakti nemitas t spulgot. Reiz ar
gudrbu ncis, man iekrita klp viss labais, neizmrojama bagtba, kas viai roks, bet, t
k gudrba valda pr labo, par visu lksmojos, nezindams, ka via to radjusi.
13
...tikumi tie ir gudrbas pliu auglis: mrenbu (ca|ecu|) via iemca un apdombu
(|e|ct;), taisngumu (et-atecu|) un drosmi (a|e.ta), par tiem nekas nav dzv
nodergks cilvkiem. Platonam etri tikumi formulti nedaudz citdk: mrs/mrenba
(.e|), saprtgums (ca|ecu|), taisngums (et-atecu|) un drosme (a|e.ta). Stoii
o kodeksu precizja. 1. gs. pr. Kr. termins ca|ecu| bija ieguvis aurku nozmi
mrenba, apvaldtba, populr lietojum galvenokrt dzimumdzias apvaldtba,
ko uzskatja par sievietes pamattikumu. No otras puses mrenbu jeb pasavaldanos
uzskatja par valdnieku pamattikumu. Tiei to kristgaj laikmet vljs redzt bskapos
(1 Tim 3,2; Tit 1,8).
14
Tik oti gvs ir aunums, pc paa liecbas tiests, un, sirdsapzias mktu, aizvien to pavada
viss smagi nospiedoais.
15
...bailes jau nav nekas cits k tikai prta spju atteikans paldzt. Jo dzik skarta spja
iepriek apjaust to, kas sagaidms, jo neizprotamks iet clonis, kas mokm pamat.
16
Par Gudrbas grmatas vietu kristgaj kanon vsturiskaj aspekt sk.: J. Priede.
Deuterokanonisks grmatas (s. l.) // Pasaules reliiju enciklopdisk vrdnca. II. sj.
Kristietba. Red. L. G. Taivans. Rga: LU Akadmiskais apgds (iesniegts publicanai).
17
Turpat, kur Gudrbas grmatas autors, 2. gs. vlk dzvojuais Aleksandrijas Klements (ap
150215) norda uz atirgo un kopgo stoiu flosofj un kristgaj teoloij: Stoii
apgalvo, ka pc savas btbas Dievs un tpat ar dvsele esot ermenis un gars. [...] ka
Dievs caurauot Visuma substanci. Turpretim ms viu saucam par viengo Radtju par
radtju, kas ir radjis ar Logosu. Vii nav sapratui, ka Gudrbas grmat sactais, proti,
pateicoties savai skaidrbai, it visu caurau, ir teikts par Gudrbu vispirmo, ko Dievs ir
radjis (Stromati V.14.89.24). (Autora tulk.)
18
A. Rubenis. Sens Grieijas kultra. Rga: Zvaigzne ABC, 1998, 329. lpp. S. Lasmane.
Rietumeiropas tika no Sokrata ldz postmodernismam. Rga: Zvaigzne ABC, 1998,
37-38. lpp.
19
No miruo valstbas atlaists cits iespjamais tulkojums: nav zinms neviens, kas atbrvotu
no miruo valstbas.
20
Akli sav aunum, tie di sprie un alojas (2,21).
21
Pulctjs [U. Brzia tulkojums]. Rga: Zintne, 2000.
22
Cits iespjamais tulkojums: lai izslgts nav neviens no msu dzru loka.
23
Epikrs. Vstule Menoikejam. Autora tulk.
24
Ibid.
25
Atcersimies, piem., Cicerona prmetumus Epikram darb De natura deorum.
26
Autora izclums. Sal. Epikrs. Galvens atzias // Kentaurs XXI, 13 (1997), 9. lpp., kur
A. Mikines tulkojum (svtlaimgajam un nemirstgajam) nav ievrota btisk atirba
starp nemirstbu un neizncbu. Atirba ir ievrota A. Gailes un A. van Hofas tulk. Epikrs.
Vstules. Atzias. Fragmenti, 100. lpp.
27
Autora tulkojums un izclums. A. Mikines tulkojums nepreczs. Sal. Epikrs. Vstule
Menoikejam // Kentaurs XXI, 13 (1997), 13. lpp. A. Gailes un A. van Hofas tulkojums
daudz preczks. Sal. Epikrs. Vstules. Atzias. Fragmenti, 89. lpp.
28
Epikrs. Vstule Menoikejam. Autora tulk.
29
Di Lella A. A. Sirach // The New Jerome Biblical Commentary. Ed. R. E. Brown
J. A. Fitzmyer R. Murphy, London: G. Chapman,
2
1989. p. 496522; Gilbert M.,
Sagesse de Salomon // Supplment au Dictionnaire de la Bible. T. XI, Paris: Letouzey
et An, 1991. p. 58-119; C. Larcher C. Le Livre de la Sagesse, ou, La Sagesse de Salomon
164 Orientlistika
(EtB 3). T. II. Paris 1984; Scarpat G. Libro della Sapienza. Testo, traduzione, introduzione
e commento. Brescia: Paideia, 1989; Vlchez Lndez J., Sabidura. Estella: Verbo divino,
1990; Winston D., The Wisdom of Solomon. A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary (AB 43). New York: Doubleday, 1979 etc.
30
o nostdni kritiz, piemram, Marks Tullijs Cicerons, De natura deorum, 6164,
apgalvojot, ka mcba par atomiem ir muga. Ja jau dievi veidoti no atomiem, tiem
jbt mirstgiem. Tas btu pretrun ar Epikra uzskatiem par dievu nemirstbu. Savukrt
patvagajam izteicienam gandrz materili neesot nekdas jgas.
31
J. M. Reese, Hellenistic Infuence on the Book of Wisdom and its Consequences. Rome:
PBI 1970, p. 65. L. Vlchez Lndez. Sapienza. Roma: Borla 1990, p. 110.
32
Seneca. Vstules 85,2, . Feldhna tulkojums. Sal. Lcijs Annjs Seneka. Vstules
Luclijam par tiku. Rga: Zintne, 1996.
33
Jau Dmokrits ir uzsvris audzinanas nozmi gudrbas iegan: Neviens nesasniegs ne
mkslu, ne gudrbu, ja nemcsies.
34
Filons, De sobrietate, 5657.
35
Origens, Mateja ev. komentrs (ad loc.).
Literatra
Slamana gudrbas grmata [tulk. J. Priede] // Deiterokanonisks grmatas. Rga: LBB. 2005,
292.342. lpp.
Epikrs. Galvens atzias [tulk. A. Mikine] // Kentaurs XXI. 1997 (13), 9.12. lpp.
Epikrs. Vstule Menoikejam [tulk. A. Mikine] // Kentaurs XXI. 1997 (13), 13.15. lpp.
Epikrs. Vstules. Atzias. Fragmenti. A. Gailes un A. van Hofas tulkojums no sengrieu
valodas. Rga: Liepnieks & Rtups, 2007.
Di Lella A. A. Sirach // The New Jerome Biblical Commentary. [Ed. R. E. Brown
J. A. Fitzmyer R. Murphy]. London: G. Chapman, 1989
2
, p. 496522.
Gilbert M. La Sapienza di Salomone. Vol. III. Roma: Edizioni ADP, 1995.
Gilbert M. Sagesse de Salomon // Supplment au Dictionnaire de la Bible. T. XI, Paris:
Letouzey et An, 1991, p. 58119.
Held K. Hdon und Ataraxia bei Epikur. Paderborn: Mentis, 2007.
Kle M., Klis R. Filosofja. Rga: Burtnieks, 1996,184.193. lpp
Larcher C. Le Livre de la Sagesse, ou, La Sagesse de Salomon. T. II. Paris, 1984.
Lasmane S. Rietumeiropas tika no Sokrata ldz postmodernismam. Rga: Zvaigzne ABC,
1998, 36.47. lpp.
Mazzinghi L., La Sapienza. Cinisello Balsamo: San Paolo 1998.
Reese J. M. Hellenistic Infuence on the Book of Wisdom and its Consequences. Rome: PBI,
1970.
Rubenis A. Sens Grieijas kultra. Rga: Zvaigzne ABC, 1998, 320.329. lpp.
Scarpat G. Libro della Sapienza. Testo, traduzione, introduzione e commento. Brescia: Paideia,
1989.
Sisti A. Il libro della Sapienza. Assizi: Editioni Porziuncola, 1992.
uvajevs I. Par Epikru // Kentaurs XXI. 1997 (13), 18.19. lpp.
Vlchez Lndez J. Sabidura. Estella: Verbo divino, 1990.
Winston D., The Wisdom of Solomon. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary.
New York: Doubleday, 1979.
Summary
The article treats the synthesis of the Hellenistic philosophy and Judaic tradition in the Book of
Wisdom. By applying Epicurean argumentation in favour of divine immortality to the human
immortality resulting from the gift of incorruptibility, Pseudo-Solomon provides his answer to
the Old Testament question about the divergence between the principles of universal justice
and individual retribution. By using sorites, Pseudo-Solomon identifes love of wisdom as
the way to individual incorruptibility. He identifes the stoic pneuma as the personifcation
of divine wisdom, thus paving the way towards later understanding of Christ as the eternal
wisdom of God.
Keywords: wisdom, pneuma, immortality, incorruptibility, Pseudo-Solomon, Wisdom of
Solomon, Epicurus, Stoicism, sorites.
Austrumu reliisks idejas Rietumos: Rrihu joga
The Eastern Religious Ideas in the West: Yoga of the
Roerichs
Anita Staulne
Daugavpils Universitte
Vienbas iel 13, Daugavpil, LV-5401
e-pasts: anita.stasulane@du.lv
Austrumu reliisko ideju popularizan Rietumos paa nozme ir teosofem, kas interpret
hinduismu un budismu Rietumu ezotrisma gaism. Papildinot H. Blavatskas mcbu par
gargs sfras evolciju ar jdzienu enerija, Rrihi ir izveidojui jaunu jogas variantu
Agni jogu. T k vii nav izstrdjui sistematiztu savas jogas metou izklstu, raksts veltts
Agni jogas ideju apkopoanai, kas vartu rosint hinduism praktizts jogas un msdienu
Rietumu pasaul piekopts jogas saldzinoo analzi.
Atslgvrdi: Agni joga, teosofja, Dzv tika, jauns reliisks kustbas.
Austrumu reliisko ideju ienkanu Rietumu pasaul (to ir veicinjui gan vcu
flosof un romantii, gan ameriku transcendentlisti) 19. gs. beigs sekm ar
teosof, kas sav mcb ir iekvui ne vien spiritisma un okultisma, bet ar budisma
un hinduisma elementus. T k Austrumu reliijas teosof interpret Rietumu
ezotrisma gaism,
1
Eirop un Amerik ienk deformtas hinduisma un budisma
formas.
Deformto Austrumu reliisko ideju popularizan Rietumos teosofja kst pai
aktva 20. gs. skum. T gst milzgus pankumus, jo teosofja ir pirm internacionl
parareliisk forma, kas, apvienojot Rietumu un Austrumu gargo kultru, cer radt
vienotu un pilngu pasaules spiritualitti. Tiei d kontekst, aicinot veidot jaunu,
universlu kultru, Nikolajs Rrihs (18741947) ar savu dzvesbiedri Helnu Rrihu
(18791955) izveidoja, viuprt, pau cilvka transformcijas sistmu Agni jogu,
jo N. Rriha izpratn iet kultras ceus nozm iet gargs pilngoans ceus.
2

Uzskats, ka kultra pirmm krtm mjo cilvku sirds,
3
sasniedza kulminciju
idej, ka universls kultras veidoanas process ir jsk ar cilvka sirdi. T k
attstta sirds vispirms nozm paplaintu apziu
4
, varam noprast, ka Rrihu
izveidots Agni jogas mcbas mris ir cilvka transformcija.
Lai ar par Rrihu mcbu ir pieejami plai materili, viu izveidot joga nav
guvusi uzmanbu ne Rriha sekotjos, ne akadmisku ptnieku aprinds. N. Rriha
vrdu visbiek saista ar kultras jdziena interpretciju
5
, bet Rrihu mcbu, kas tika
aizskta ar apzmjumu Agni joga, tagad dv par Dzvo tiku. Veltot o rakstu
Rrihu jogas ideju apkopoanai, ir iecerts ne vien aizpildt o balto plankumu, bet
Anita Staulne. Austrumu reliisks idejas Rietumos: Rrihu joga 167
ar rosint citus ptjumus, kas btu veltti hinduism praktizts jogas un msdienu
Rietumu pasaul piekopts jogas saldzinoajai analzei.
1. Uguns joga
Interesjoties par Tlo Austrumu reliijm, H. Rriha ir pamanjusi, ka Vds
Agni
6
ir Uguns Dievs, vissenkais un visvairk godtais no visiem Indijas Dieviem.
Ar senajos Indijas rakstos, ko sauc par Purnm, vienas nodaas
7
nosaukums
ir Agni Purna.
8
Savukrt N. Rrihs, atsaucoties uz trimrti
9
(Indra, Agni
and Srja gaiss, uguns un saule
10
), uzsver, ka uguns ir viens no senkajiem
reliiskajiem simboliem. Nonkt pie da secinjuma viam ir paldzjui paa
vrojumi, piemram, Centrls zijas ekspedcijas laik (19251928) N. Rrihs esot
pamanjis vien no vissenkajiem drudu
11
kultras pieminekiem tlaj Mongolij
[..] akmens mila roks liesmojou kausu.
12
Atzmjot, ka uguns simbols ir kopgs
vism pasaules reliiskajm sistmm, krievu mkslinieks secina, ka visdadkajs
reliijs tiek pielgta viena un t pati dievba, kas sevi cilvkam ir atkljusi ugun:
Tautas gudrba ierda Ugunij nozmgu vietu. Dievs nk pie tautas Ugun. Ugung
stihija tika izraudzta ar par Augstko Tiesu.
13
Tlab glui likumsakargi, ka,
izstrdjot jaunu teosofjas variantu, par centrlo simbolu Rrihi izvlas uguni un
savu jogas sistmu dv par Agni jogu jeb Uguns jogu. Paziojusi, ka viss
augstkajs izpausms gars pardjs k uguns vai liesma,
14
H. Rriha uzdroins
pravietot pasaules reliisko nkotni: garu gods k svto uguni,
15
un N. Rrihs,
pilnb piekrtot ai domai, sludina svto uguns garu.
16
Jem vr, ka N. Rriha izpratn uguns prsniedz simbola robeas, t. i., via
skatjum uguns ir transcendenta realitte: Itin vis ir t pati uguns: Agni Visvarenais
un visur esoais
17
Transcendento uguni dvjot par nededzinoo liesmu,
18

Rrihi sniedz liecbas par ts manifestcijm Tibet. Piemram, N. Rrihs atminas:
Mani uzmodinja H. I. [Helnas Ivanovnas] kliedziens: Uguns, uguns! Atveru
acis, redzu H. I. siluetu uz audgas, zilganas liesmas fona. Pamazm uguns noplaka.
Izrds, kad H. I. piegjusi pie guvietas, pieskrusies segai, uzvusies zila liesma,
silta, bez smaras. H. I. minjusi to apdzst ar rokm, bet uguns degusi arvien
spcgk, un tad via man uzsaukusi. Uguns apdzisa tikpat pki k bija skusies,
neatstjot uz lietm nekdas pdas. Neaizmirstama ir audg liesma, nededzinoa
un spoa. Visa telts bija izgaismota. K vienmr, saskaroties ar fenomeniem
19
, tikai
pc tam ms varjm apspriest s uguns neparasts iezmes.
20

T k telt vrot uguns bijusi nededzinoa, Rrihi secina, ka t bijusi
enerija, enerija kst par viu jaunizveidots teosofsks sistmas atslgvrdu.
Lai ar vartu ist, ka, izstrdjot savu doktrnu, Rrihi ir pamatojuies uz saviem
vrojumiem, nedrkst piemirst, ka vii ir uzticgi Helnas Blavatskas (18311891)
sekotji. Lai ar nav dokumentlu pierdjumu, ka Nikolajs un Helna Rrihi btu
bijui Teosofjas biedrbas loceki, laik no 1916. ldz 1921. gadam tapuie gleznotja
dzejoi
21
neapaubmi liecina, ka autors ir H. Blavatskas doktrnas sekotjs. Savukrt
H. Rriha ir tulkojusi krievu valod H. Blavatskas The Secret Doctrine (Slepen
mcba).
22
Labi przinot teosofsko literatru un atsaucoties uz H. Blavatskas
Slepeno mcbu, H. Rriha pazio, ka dievb ir apslpta dzv (vai kustg)
168 Orientlistika
Uguns, un s Neredzams Kltbtnes mgie liecinieki ir Gaisma, Siltums un
Mitrums [..]
23
Lai atbildtu uz jautjumu, kpc H. Blavatska ir pievrsusi uzmanbu uguns
elementam, jatceras, ka 1878. gad Teosofjas biedrba apvienojs ar rya Samaj.
1875. gad dibint kustba, ko vadja Dajnanda Sarasvat (18241883), piekopa
ritulu, kas bija veltts uguns dievam Agni.
24
Lai ar Teosofjas biedrbas sadarbba
ar rya Samaj nebija ilgstoa, tomr tai ir bijusi zinma ietekme H. Blavatskas
teosofsks koncepcijas izveid. Varam secint, ka ideju par eneriju k transcendentu
realitti Rrihi ir izkristalizjui, pamatojoties uz H. Blavatskas Slepeno mcbu,
bet viu radt teosofsk sistma ir vrtjama k Teosofjas biedrbas dibintjas
mcbas jauns variants, kur centrlais elements ir uguns/enerija.
2. Agni jogas biedrbas izveide
N. Rrihs uzskatja, ka tuvojas laika rituma krtj cikla noslgums, proti,
gaidms jauns laikmets Liesmas ra
25
, uguns laikmets,
26
par ko vstot,
pirmkrt, neierasts dabas pardbas. Uzskatot ts par augstks varas zmm,
N. Rrihs raksta: Pdjs zemestrces laik Itlij daudzi audis redzja debess
liesmu mles. Virs Anglijas ir redzts uguns krusts. Vai t ir mticba? Varbt kds
ir saskatjis to, kas citos gadjumos pasld garm nepamants?
27
Otrkrt, jaunas ras tuvoanos N. Rrihs cenas pamatot, atsaucoties uz Tlo
Austrumu reliiskajiem tekstiem. Uzverot, ka Vds un budistu sakrlajos tekstos ir
nordts uguns enerijas tuvoans laiks, N. Rrihs pazio: Saska ar m senajm
mcbm msu gadsimta etrdesmitie gadi bs kosmisko eneriju un apzias
paplainanas laikmets.
28
N. Rrihs ir prliecints, ka Visuma uguns vii bs pai
stipri 20. gs. 40. gados, jo Zemes sfrm tuvojas ugungas enerijas, lai attrtu
msu plantu no cilvku noziegumu radts smags atmosfras, kas ieskauj Zemi.
29

Turklt uguns, kas tuvojas Zemei, ir viena, bet ms zinm par melno uguni un
sudraboto uguni. Przemes uguns un pazemes uguns ir radniecgas, bet tlas savas
iedarbbas zi.
30
Citiem vrdiem runjot, Rrihi uzskata, ka ugunij piemt divja
daba: meln jeb pazemes uguns ir destruktv enerija, bet sudraba jeb prpasaulg
uguns ir rado enerija. T k audis var izsaukt visbriesmgks destruktvs
enerijas,
31
augstks enerijas, kas tuvojas Zemei, varot radt izncinoas
katastrofas. Tlab Rrihi uguns ru uzskata par bstamu periodu, un, priecjoties par
cilvces sapiem par Gaismas Mjokiem,
32
uzsver nepiecieambu attrt domas
un sirdi un asimilt Visuma ugunis. Pc viu uzskatiem, ir rkrtgi svargi sagaidt
uguns vius ar modru garu.
Lai veicintu gara modrbu,
33
Rrihi sapulcina nelielu interesentu grupu, kas
nodarbojas ar gargo disciplnu.
34
Uz pirm interesentu pulcia pamata tiek dibinta
Agni jogas biedrba. Runjot par biedrbas izveidi, jem vr Rrihu apgalvojums,
ka Teosofjas biedrbu esot dibinjui mahtmas
35
jeb skolotji: Mahtma K. H.
[Koot Hoomi] veltja daudz spku teozofjas centra nodibinanai [..]
36
Vl jo
vairk Rrihi aizstv ideju, ka Teosofjas biedrbu vadjis mahtma: Mahtma
K. H. piekrita vadt du biedrbu, un ar H. Blavatskas, pulkvea G. Olkota, Deda
un vl vairku personu atbalstu tika uzskts is minjums. Tas viss vlk izvrts
par tagadjo teozofu kustbu.
37
emot vr o kontekstu, top skaidrs H. Rrihas
apgalvojums, ka ar Agni jogas biedrba tikusi dibinta pc mahtmas gribas: Kop
nordjuma [autores pasvtrojums] par Jauns Pasaules
38
radanu apritjui jau
septii gadi
39
T k H. Rrihas vstule ir rakstta 1932. gada 10. novembr,
varam lst, ka lmums (rkojums) dibint jaunu biedrbu ir saemts 1925. gad.
Ttad pirm Agni jogas grupa ir izveidojusies 1925. gada beigs vai 1926. gada
skum.
40
3. Agni jogas mcbas teksti
Rrihu sekotju grupa ir veidojusies no pirmajiem interesentiem, kas pulcjs,
lai studtu 1924. gad publicto jauno atklsmju pirmo grmatu The Leaves from
Moryas Garden (Morijas drza lapas). Apgalvojot, ka H. Rriha saemot vstis no
skolotja Morijas, kas agrk sazinjies ar ar H. Blavatsku, Rrihi public Agni jogas
grmatu sriju, ko 1938. gad nosldz Supermundane (Prpasaulgais). Lai izceltu
H. Rrihas lielos nopelnus, via tiek dvta par Agni jogas mti, bet pati H. Rriha
sev piedv uguns nesjas titulu: T Apslpts Uguns Kausa nesja atness msu
plantai liesmainu stanu.
41
Rrihu doktrnas pararedemptvo raksturu atklj
apgalvojums, ka Agni Jogas Mte nes cilvcei glbanas kausu.
42
Cerot, ka
nkotn cilvce sps novrtt vias pauzupuranos, H. Rriha ir prliecinta,
ka via atsts pierakstus, kas ieguls par Jauns Pasaules slieksni,
43
jo via
pildot skolotja rkojumu: Pierakstiet k dzves ieguldjumu Agni Jogas Mtes
doto Izplatjuma uguu pieredzi. Pierakstiet k diu gara skolu Agni Jogas Mtes
pieredzi.
44
Rrihu izpratn Domas dien Uguns
45
dv jaunas atklsmes, un ikvien
laikmet tiek saemta jauna philosophia perennis daa, respektvi, o laikmetu
raksturo Agni joga jeb Dzvs tikas mcba. rkrtgi zmgi ir raksturots veids,
kd vstis tiekot saemtas: Izplatjuma vads [autores pasvtrojums] ne vien
savieno ar vairkiem Skolotjiem, bet ar dod iespju saemt kosmisks zinanas.
46

Msdiens New Age (Jauns ras) vid biei lietotais jdziens channel (kanls),
liecina, ka s kustbas saknes ir mekljamas tiei teosofj.
4. Agni jogas metodes
Veicot lauka ptjumu teosofu grups, ncies secint, ka Latvij msdienu
Rriha sekotji nepiekopj jogu. Iemesls ir visai vienkrs: Rrihi nav izstrdjui
sistematiztu Agni jogas metou izklstu. Tomr Agni jogas jeb Dzvs tikas
grmats atrodams izkliedts nordes auj secint, ka Rrihu jog ir paredzti trs
posmi: stans, apzias paplainana un ugung transmutcija. Lai vartu veikt
o trs posmu ceu, Rrihi ir lietojui vairkas metodes, par kurm liecina Agni
Jogas Mtes eksperiments,
47
proti, H. Rrihas subjektv jogas pieredze, kuras
mris ir iekjs Uguns pakpes sasniegana.
48
4.1. stans
Atzmjot, ka viss pasaules reliiskajs sistms gargs dzves pamat ir domu,
vrdu un darbu stba, H. Rriha apgalvo, ka tuvoans Gaismai prasa no mums
ne tikai morlu skaidrbu, bet ar fzisku trbu,
49
t. i., svargs Agni jogas elements ir
ermea higina. Lai to ievrotu, Rrihi iesaka, pirmkrt, attrt gaisu: Vienmr ir
170 Orientlistika
lietdergi istab turt nelielus skujkokus vai izsmidzint sveu esences. Tdjdi tiek
attrta atmosfra un izskaustas dadas nevlamas btnes, kuru ir tik daudz cilvka
auras tuvum. im nolkam labas ir ar piparmtras, kas esences veid izsmidzintas
gais, tpat daas esences lstes var iepilint karst den un nolikt to netlu no
galvgaa.
50
Agni jogas sekotji nedrkst lietot narkotikas, lai gan H. Rriha atzst, ka ir
tdu neizturamu spju gadjumi, kad rstam nav citas izejas k viengi narkotikas.
51

Kaut gan Rrihi ir kategoriski sav nostj pret alkohola lietoanu, tomr vii
pieauj, ka ir slimbas, kuru rstan alkohols ir nepiecieams.
52
Agni jogas
veicjiem nav ieteikta gaas lietoana uztur, jo kara gars ienk cilvk kop ar
asiu barbu, bet miera gars kop ar bezasins barbu.
53
Lai ar priekroka tiek dota
vetrismam, Rrihi pieauj stipri novtas gaas lietoanu uztur, jo t satur
daudz mazk kaitg dzvnieku magntisma nek msu iektelps mtoo dzvnieku
aura.
54
Nkamais Agni jogas solis ir mentl ermea attrana. Lai piektu
jogas stenajiem Svtumiem,
55
jatbrvojas no vism zemes lietm. Tlab
ir svargi disciplint savas domas un jtas. K skaidro H. Rriha, disciplint
domas nozm mcties ilgu laiku domt par vienu priekmetu, ne uz mirkli
nenovroties no t.
56
Savukrt, lai disciplintu jtas, ts ir stingri jiegroo.
57
Lai ar H. Rriha sludina stingru padisciplnu, via nepieprasa atteikanos no
seksulajm attiecbm. Vias skatjum mku piekoptajai dzvei celibt nav paas
vrtbas, jo seksuls attiecbas nevar uzskatt par netrm, un tikai prmrbas
attiecb uz tm kst kaitgas, rdoas un nelikumgas.
58
Turklt H. Rriha skaidro:
Dzimumenerij ir ietverts milzgs spks, dzvotspjas un jaunrades pamats,
tpc atliek viengi rpties par ts ldzsvaroanu un pareizu virzanu, bet jebkura
mkslga nomkana nav pieaujama.
59
Analizjot Rrihu mcbas tekstus, top skaidrs, ka stanos ir iecerts stenot,
lai sekmtu iekjo cilvka atdzimanu, kas ir galvenais asktisma prieknosacjums.
Iepazinusies ar Viveknandas grmatu Raja Yoga or Conquering the Internal Nature
(Rada joga jeb iekjs dabas iekaroana), ar H. Rriha uzsver, ka tikai pc
iekjs cilvka atdzimanas ir pieaujami mehniskie vingrinjumi.
60
4.2. Apzias prveide
Lai izprastu nkamo Agni jogas posmu, vispirms jem vr N. Rriha
uzskats par pareizjo cilvka apzias stvokli. Apgalvojot, ka cilvka apzia nav
pavirzjusies uz prieku ne par mata tiesu,
61
savus laikabiedrus N. Rrihs dv par
civiliztiem meoiem
62
, zvriem
63
utt. Via izpratn cilvce iet nevis evolcijas,
bet involcijas ceu, jo cilvki ir prstjui apzinti domt.
64
Mkslinieks skaidro:
daudzi msdienu jauniei vispirms uzmekljot avz sporta un kino jaunumu
lappusi. Daudzi ar grtbm varot nosaukt visizcilkos flozofus, bet taj pa laik
nekdgi uzskaitot bokserus, ckstous un flmu zvaigznes.
65
N. Rriha bargs kritikas
objekts ir vispirms pseidocivilizcija, pc tam pseidozintne, pseidodraudzgums,
pseidociea un tad jau vis sastingum atbaidoais pseidocilvks.
66
Atgdinot, ka evolcijas vrd cilvcei ir pienkums nemitgi paaugstint apzias
lmeni, N. Rrihs norda: Nav nepiecieamas paas drgas laboratorijas, lai veidotu
apziu.
67
Pc Rrihu domm, apzias prveide norit pakpeniski: vispirms ir jatver
apzia, tai seko apzias paplainana, nkamais solis apzias padziinana un
visbeidzot apzias rafnana. Metodes, ko piedv Rrihi apzias prveidei, ietver
vairkas tehnikas.
Rpjoties par apzias atvranu, N. Rrihs atgdina par krsu un skau nozmi.
Vi uzsver: iztle ir jizkopj, lai t sptu aizvest rpus odienas ietvariem.
68

Mkslinieka skatjum apzias paplainanu var nodroint, pieemot mcbu
par evolciju,
69
kas sniedz izpratni par pagaidm apslptajiem smalks enerijas
likumiem. Zmga ir H. Rrihas piezme par apzias paplainanas robem: Esiet
gara valdnieki un paplainiet savas domanas ietvarus ldz planetram vrienam!
70

Nkamais solis apzias padziinana, ts stenoanu Rrihi plno ar vienotbas
izpratni, kas neaubs, bet tiecas pc apgaismbas
71
. Vrdu sakot, padziinta apzia
nevis vienkri uzkrj informciju, bet tiecas pc visaugstk. Savukrt apzias
rafnanu ir iecerts pankt ar pozitvo kultras skaistumu,
72
jo kultra, it pai,
literatra, mksla un zintne, rada o domas izsmalcintbu radoo iztli un spju
samant jaunu progresa vilni.
73
Tpc N. Rrihs pazio, ka rafnta apzia var
vienldz labi izprast pagtni un nkotni.
74
4.3. Transmutcija
Zmgi, ka pc Rrihu uzskatiem visi kosmosa spki un enerijas tiek atkltas
cilvcei tikai tad, kad t ir akumuljusi augstks enerijas. Ttad, ja cilvce vlas
saemt sttos starus
75
un pietuvoties Augstkajai Apziai,
76
tai jbt spjgai
uzemt un uzkrt Visuma uguni, t. i., Visuma ugun transformt savu zemko dabu.
ai kontekst H. Rriha pazio, ka msu eneriju transmutcija jeb prveidoana
par augstkajm ugunm tad ar ir msu eksistences mris.
77
Agni jogas koncepcijas centr ir ideja par Uguns pasaules augstk garguma
pasaules sasnieganu, atverot un transmutjot septius centrus.
78
Lai gan H. Rriha
apgalvoja, ka pastvot 49 akras,
79
Agni jog ir mints skaitlis 21, bet, t k
Rrihu teosofskaj sistm domin 7, H. Rriha uzskaita septias galvens akras:
1. Mldhara Kundalin atrodas pie mugurkaula pamatnes. 2. Svadisthna akra
vder, starp mugurkaula pamatni un nabu. 3. Manipra akra jeb saules pinums. 4.
nahata akra jeb kausa centrs. 5. Viudhi akra jeb balsenes centrs. 6. d akra
jeb tre acs. 7. Bramarandra akra jeb pakaua zvana centrs.
80
Tdjdi Agni jogas
piedvts ugungs transmutcijas realizcija ir iecerta septios pakpienos
septios Vrtos.
81
H. Rrihas skatjum Mtes spks jeb Kundalin enerija
82
snau dzii jo dzii
cilvk, tpc Agni jogas galvenais uzdevums esot to pamodint. Vitlo spku jeb
psihisko eneriju, kas darbojas caur mugurkaula pamatnes centru,
83
Rrihi cer
uzmodint un vadt, izmantojot vairkus vingrinjumus:
1. Ieemot noteiktu ermea stvokli, nkas sdt nemaing poz.
84
2. Koncentrjoties. Lai gan H. Rriha ir atzinusies: Personiski man ir
pilngi vienalga, uz ko skatties, lai iegtu rezulttu,
85
tomr via uzsver,
ka visnepiecieamkais prieknoteikums ir alla domt par Augstko
Hierarhu.
86
H. Rriha iesaka koncentrties uz Lielo Veidolu, septias
172 Orientlistika
reizes atkrtot Vrdu un doms ieskaut sevi necaurlaidgs gaismas
brus.
87
3. Saucot uguni. Par vingrinjuma piekopanu atrodamas liecbas
H. Rrihas vstuls: Kad aizdedzam, teiksim, sveci, ms ldz ar to liekam
uz Zemes izpausties izplatjum apslptajai ugunij.
88
Turklt uguni no
kosmosa drkst saukt viengi ar labu nodomu un labiem mriem un
saukanai jnotiek vienlaikus ar laba vljumiem.
89
Iespjams, ka laba
vljumi ir izpauduies pa lgan, jo, k liecina H. Rriha: Mums ir
dota lgana: Tev, Vadoni, kalpoju ar visu, vienmr un visur! Lai viss
mans ce ir paaizliedzbas varodarbs.
90
Praktizjot Agni jogu, atveras ar [..] nervu centri.
91
Paziojot, ka via
vienmr ir pret personisks pieredzes plau reklamanu,
92
H. Rriha tomr dals
sav centru atvranas pieredz, proti, centru atvrans notiek tikai pc 30 gadu
vecuma
93
un to alla pavada:
1. Lielas un mokoas spes
94
, kas koncentrjas saules pinum. d gadjum
par spes remdinou ldzekli H. Rriha iesaka nekavjoties lietot sodu.
95
2. Asinspiediena paaugstinans. Lai no t izvairtos, H. Rriha pamca:
atveroties centriem, jogi dodas augstu kalnos.
96
3. Gairedzba. Dadus krsu plankumus,
97
ko redzot jogi, H. Rriha skaidro
k pravietiskas zmes: pavisam melns un melns ar gaismas maliu ms esam
pieradui uzskatt par draudgm zmm, kas biei apdraud veselbu un liecina par
ienaidnieka kltbtni. Dzeltens brdina un aicina uz piesardzbu; sarkans norda uz
spriedzi atmosfr, un var gaidt zemestrces un viesuvtras.
98
4. Vzijas. H. Rriha apgalvo, ka, attstoties gargajai uztverei, var gt septiu
lmeu vzijas, un augstk ir Skolotja Veidols.
99
Via atzm: Protams, viss skas
ar mentlo jeb gargo priekstatu, kam jkst iespjami skaidrkam, un pc tam,
kad tas bs spilgti fksjies tres acs lok, Js varsiet to ieraudzt
100
ar aizvrtm
acm.
101
Lai to sasniegtu, H. Rriha iesaka uzturt sev nemitgu ugungu tiekanos
pret izvltajam tlam.
102
Via skaidro: Dzvs tikas grmats ir domts
Skolotja attls, kuru ikviens skolnieks glab sav sird. [..] Bet stenbai pilnb
atbilstoa attla nevienam nav. Msu aram
103
ir viens no vistuvk atbilstoajiem,
bet ar tas neatspoguo skaisto stenbu.
104
Par to, kas tad sti ir Rrihu rama tls, var noprast pc P. Belikova skaidrojuma:
Otraj nama stv atrads glui vai vissvtkais visjaukk un noslpumaink
vieta. [..] No vestibila ms iencm galvenaj zl, kurai nebija logu un kur virs
kamna atrads apzeltta Budas skulptra [..]
105
Visbeidzot rodas jautjums, vai Rrihi ir piekopui kdu pau ritulu? Lai ar
skaidru un neprprotamu atbildi nav iespjams sniegt, visai zmgs ir H. Rrihas
padoms Agni jogas piekopjiem pulcties neliels grups noteikt laik, lai
sttu Skolotjam savus labkos centienus.
106
5. Agni jogas prkums
Noslgum atliek atbildt uz jautjumu, kpc Rrihi ir centuies izstrdt jaunu
jogas sistmu? Atbilde ir mekljama H. Rrihas vstuls. 1934. gada 12. decembr
via raksta: Atkinsona jeb joga Rmaarakas
107
grmatas esmu lasjusi. Pirms liel
kara [Pirm pasaules kara] via grmatas prpldinja trcgo krievu tirgu jautjumos
par Austrumu flozofju un vism ts psihofzioloiskajm skolm.
108
K liecina
vstule, jogas pasaul H. Rrihu ir ievadjis ameriku okultists. Tomr laika gait
vias attieksme pret V. V. Atkinsona darbiem ir mainjusies: Toreiz nek slikta es
tajs [Atkinsona jeb Rmaarakas grmats] neatradu, bet mani ts neaizrva, jo
vienmr dotu priekroku tieajiem avotiem.
109
1935. gada 5. septembra vstul
izskan vl aska kritika: t saucamais jogs Rmaaraka, lai gan bija viens no
Viveknandas klaustjiem, tomr nekad nav bijis jogs.
110
Visbeidzot H. Rriha
pazio: es vienmr izsaku nolu, ka tdi rakstnieki k Rmaaraka, labi
aprakstdami daas indusu jogas sistmas, taj pa laik ar diletanta vieglprtbu
run par to, cik viegli ir apgt visaugstkos Rda Jogas
111
sasniegumus.
112
Varam secint, ka Agni jogu Rrihi izstrd, vroties pret V. V. Atkinsona
jogas interpretciju. Tomr, iet, ka tas nav viengais iemesls. Uzsverot, ka ikvien
laikmet Lielie Skolotji izvlas tikai vienu vai divas personas, kam atklt mcbas
nkamo pakpi, Rrihi pazio, ka tiei viiem esot uzticta cilvces tlkajai
evolcijai btiski nepiecieam doktrna, un kritiz gan citus teosofus, kas pretend
uz H. Blavatskas gargo mantinieku titulu, gan V. V. Atkinsonu, kas ir ciei saistts
ar New Thought kustbu.
Msdiens, kad jogas metodes tiek piedvtas un populariztas gan inter-
nacionl (piemram, sahada joga), gan lokl mrog (piemram, Klavdijas joga
Daugavpil), aizvien skaidrk iezmjas tendence pielgot tradicionlo hindu jogu
Rietumu patrtjsabiedrbai. Tiei s pielgoanas d Rietumos rodas arvien jauni
jogas veidi, kuru vid ierindojama ar Rrihu izstrdt Agni joga.
Atsauces un piezmes
1
Cf. Rriha H. (1999) Budisma pamati. Rga: Vieda.
2
Rrihs N. (1998) Nesatricinmais. Rga: Vieda, 14.
3
Ibid., 12.
4
Rriha H. (1998) Vstules. 1. sj. Rga: Vieda, 460.
5
Interpretjot vrda kultra morfoloisko struktru, N. Rrihs apgalvoja, ka jdziens
kultra radts sintzes ce: cult pielgana esot Rietumu cilmes sakne, bet ur gaisma,
uguns Austrumu cilmes sakne. Tdjdi kultras jdzienu vi skaidroja k gaismas
kultu vai, vl preczk, k rados uguns pielganu. Skk sk. Stasulane A. (2005)
Theosophy and Culture: Nicholas Roerich. Roma: PUG.
6
Agni ir uguns dievs (cf. latniski ignis) [lietuviski ugnis, latviski uguns], indo-iru
izcelsmes dievba, ko senatn pieldza Centrls zijas rieu klejotji (Walker B. (1995)
Hindu World: An Encyclopedic Survey of Hinduism, I vol. New Delhi: Indus, 12. eit un
turpmk autores tulkojums).
7
Mintais apzmjums nodaa (vstuls angliski section, krieviski ) auj noprast,
ka H. Rriha s zias ir smlusies no sekundra avota, jo Purnas ir plai sacerjumi,
un Agni Purna ir nevis nodaa, bet atsevis, galvenokrt dievam Brahm veltts,
sacerjums. (Skk par Purnm un Agni Purnas fragmenta tulkojumu sk. Ivbulis V.
174 Orientlistika
(2003) iva izdejo un sagrauj pasauli: Ievads tradicionlaj hindu dom. Rga: Zintne,
38.41.; 485.486. lpp.)
8
Rriha H. (1998) Vstules. 1. sj. Rga: Vieda, 476 lpp. Agni Purnu mdz dvt ar par
Agneya Purna. (Cf. Walker B. (1995) Hindu World: An Encyclopedic Survey of Hinduism,
II vol. New Delhi: Indus, p. 256.)
9
Rriha trimrti visai maz atbilst tradicionlajai hindu izpratnei: trimrti veido Brahm,
Vinu un iva.
10
Rrihs N. (1998) AltajsHimalaji: Ceojuma dienasgrmata. Rga: Vieda, 89.
11
Ir visai grti identifct, ko krievu gleznotjs ir uzlkojis par vissenko drudu kultras
pieminekli Mongolij, bet jem vr, ka Rrihu interpretcij drudi ir nevis eltu
priesteri, bet gan Atlantdas laikmeta zintnieki, kuru galven priesteriene drudu mte
sargja zinbu no sagrozanas. (Dzvs tikas Mcba. (1999) II sj. Rga: Vieda, 66. lpp.)
Drudi Mongolij tas ir teosofsk mta elements. Izrds, ka mtdarinanas tradcija nav
zudusi arhaiskaj pagtn: cilvks vienmr ir radjis un rads mtus, jo to pamat ir spja
lietot simbolus. Tas, ka msdiens rodas arvien jauni mti, nav nekas prsteidzos, jo tiei
augsto tehnoloiju pasaule ir simbolos domjoa pasaule. Vartu pat apgalvot, ka msdienu
cilvks mt nevis dabiskaj pasaul, bet gan mtoloiskaj visum. (Sk. Frye N. (1982) The
Great Code: The Bible and Literature, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, xviii.)
iemesla d msdienu reliiju vsturnieki run par neprtraukto mtdarinanas tradciju.
(Noll R. (1994) The Jung Cult: Origins of Charismatic Movement. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 176.) aj kontekst Rrihu mcbu varam uzskatt par vl vienu s
tradcijas lappusi.
12
Rrihs N. (2001) ambala. Rga: Vieda, 214.
13
Rrihs N. (1999) Ugungais cietoksnis. Rga: Vieda, 172.
14
15
Ibid., 400.
16
Cf. Rrihs N. (2001) ambala. Rga: Vieda, 213.
17
Roerich N. (1931) Realm of Light. New York: Roerich Museum Press, 2.
18
19
T k pirms aizrauans ar teosofju Rrihi aktvi apmeklja spiritistu seansus, viu
mcba ir mantojusi ne vienu vien spiritisma jdzienu, tai skait ar spiritistu izpratni par
fenomeniem.
20
Rrihs N. (1998) AltajsHimalaji: Ceojuma dienasgrmata. Rga: Vieda, 112.
21
Cf. . (1984) : . ka: . .
22
Blavatsky H. P. (1888) Secret Doctrine, III vol. London: The Theosophical Publishing
Company.
23
24
Cf. Walker B. (1995) Hindu World: An encyclopedic survey of Hinduism, I vol. New Delhi:
Indus, 271.
25
Roerich N. (1946) Himavat. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 122.
26
Ibid., 304.
27
28
29
30
Ibid., 180.
31
Roerich N. (1946) Himavat. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 318.
32
33
Rrihu izpratn modint garu nozm pamodint savas latents enerijas.
34
35
Mahtma (sanskr.) dia dvsele. Indij jdzienu mahtma lieto k pagodinjuma titulu
(Mahtma Gandijs), bet teosof to ska izmantot k sinonmu slepens brlbas loceku
apzmjumam, t. i., Himalaju gargos skolotjus ska dvt par mahtmm. Laikam ritot,
H. Blavatska izstrdja du mahtmas defnciju: Augstks pakpes adepts. Cildena
btne, kas, guvusi varu pr saviem zemkajiem principiem, dzvo tdjdi bez miesisk
cilvka ierobeojumiem. Mahtmm piemt zinanas un vara, kas atbilst tai evolcijas
pakpei, ko vii sasniegui. (Blavatsky H. (1893) The Key to Theosophy, London: The
Theosophical Publishing Society, 1893, 228.)
36
37
Ibid., 396.
38
Visai neskaidrais latvieu valodas tulkojums ir tapis, izmantojot H. Rrihas vstules
krieviski: . (autores pasvtrojums)
... ( , I. : , 1992, 126127.)
Izmantojot Helnas Rrihas vstules angu valod, var noprast, ka te ir runa par jaunas
organizcijas dibinanu: From the time when it was indicated that the New Society
(autores pasvtrojums) should be established, seven years passed [..] (Letters of Helena
Roerich 19291938, I. New York: Agni Yoga Society, 1954, 131.)
39
40
Ar G. D. Meltons uzskata, ka Agni jogas biedrba tika dibinta 20. gadu vid.
(Melton G. J. The Encyclopedia of American Religions. Detroit: Gale, 1988, 757.)
41
Dzvs tikas Mcba. (1999) II sj. Rga: Vieda, 273.
42
Ibid., 271.
43
Dzvs tikas Mcba. (1999) III sj. Rga: Vieda, 216.
44
Ibid., 223.
45
46
47
Dzvs tikas Mcba. (1999) III sj. Rga: Vieda, 216.
48
49
50
Ibid., 181182.
51
Ibid., 580.
52
Ibid., 580.
53
54
Rriha H. (1998) Vstules. 1. sj. Rga: Vieda, 186. H. Rriha brdina, lai nekdi
dzvnieki netiek ielaisti dzvojams istabs. Guamistabs nedrkst atrasties pat putni. Viss
zemkais piesaista zemko. (Rriha H. (1998) Vstules. 1. sj. Rga: Vieda, 98.)
55
Ibid., 216.
56
Ibid., 119.
57
Ibid., 279.
58
Ibid., 498.
59
Ibid., 101.
60
Ibid., 476.
61
62
Ibid., 13.
63
Ibid., 13.
176 Orientlistika
64
Ibid., 249.
65
Ibid., 7.
66
67
68
69
N. Rrihs, (1998) AltajsHimalaji: Ceojuma dienasgrmata. Rga: Vieda, 35.
70
71
Rrihs N. (1946) Himavat. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 271.
72
Ibid., 246.
73
74
75
76
Ibid., 86.
77
Ibid., 421422.
78
H. Rriha ir nordjusi, ka vienkra viena vai divu centru atvrana noved tikai pie
zemk psihisma un daudzjd zi ir bstama. (Ibid., 492.)
79
Cf. Ibid., 491492.
80
Ibid., 492.
81
Ibid., 232.
82
Ibid., 418.
83
Ibid., 375.
84
Ibid., 422.
85
Ibid., 440441.
86
Ibid., 227.
87
Ibid., 348.
88
Ibid., 282.
89
Ibid., 283.
90
Ibid., 230.
91
Ibid., 453.
92
Ibid., 416.
93
H. Rriha apgalvoja, ka visi centri tau var skt darboties tikai pc 30 gadu vecuma
sasnieganas, bet tie, kas jaunos gados pietuvojuies Dzves Mcbai, tri nogura un
atkrita, sav ce sadruies ar pirmo rsli. Bet tds cilvks, kura dzve ir bijusi pilna
grtbu un kur izjutis aubas un gara cu, nostjoties uz Gaismas Cea, var kt par
uzticamu darbinieku. (Ibid., 322.)
94
Kad iedegas plauu centrs, pie katras kustbas ir negribot jkliedz. (Ibid., 422.)
95
Ibid., 241.
96
Ibid., 476.
97
H. Rriha skaidro: Ldztekus violetm [zvaigzntm], zilm un sudrabotm var bt melnas
ar gaiu maliu un vienkri melnas, k ar dzeltenas un sarkanas. ( Ibid., 505.)
98
Ibid., 505506.
99
Ibid., 167.
100
H. Rriha skaidro: Dakrt attlu iezms mirdzoa lnija, dakrt to veidos gaisma un
nas bez skaidrm lnijm. Turklt daiem Attls skum vibr un kontras izplst. Bet
pakpensiki vibrana priet un Attls nostabilizjas. (Ibid., 168.)
101
Ibid., 167168.
102
T k ikviens Agni jogas piekopjs drkst brvi izvlties sekot savai sirdij tuvkajam tlam,
Rrihi auj izvlties ar kdu katou svto: ja Jums tik tuvs ir sv. Franciska brnigais
tls, tad izvlieties viu par savu Skolotju. (Ibid., 297.)
103
Transkribjot latvieu valod, btu lietojams garais patskanis: rams.
104
Ibid., 289.
105
, . . (1978) // . .: . :
, 1978, 211.
106
107
20. gs. ameriku okultists V. V. Atkinsons (18621932) aktvi popularizja jogu Rietumos,
savus sacerjumus piedvjot indieu mistiim Rmaarakam (1799 apm. 1893). Lai
gan V. V. Atkinsons nebija viengais, kas Rietumiem piedvja ezotriskas hinduisma,
budisma un sikhisma interpretcijas, via darbba btiski sekmja eksotisk orientlisma
nostiprinanos Rietumos, kam, jatzstas, ir zinms iespaids pat msdiens.
108
109
Ibid., 415.
110
111
Rda joga bija visai populra teosofu aprinds, piemram, ar to aizrvs 1888. gad
H. Blavatskas dibint Ezotrisk sekcija.
112
Literatra
Blavatsky H. P. (1888) Secret Doctrine. III vol. London: The Theosophical Publishing
Company.
Blavatsky H. (1893) The Key to Theosophy, London: The Theosophical Publishing Society.
Dzvs tikas Mcba. (1999) II sj. Rga: Vieda.
Frye N. (1982) The Great Code: The Bible and Literature, New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich.
Infnity, I. (1956) New York: Agni Yoga Society.
Ivbulis V. (2003) iva izdejo un sagrauj pasauli: Ievads tradicionlaj hindu dom. Rga:
Zintne.
Melton G. J. (1988) The Encyclopedia of American Religions. Detroit: Gale.
Noll R. (1994) The Jung Cult: Origins of Charismatic Movement. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Rriha H. (1998) Vstules. 1. sj. Rga: Vieda.
Rriha H. (1999) Budisma pamati. Rga: Vieda.
Rriha H. (1999) Vstules. 2. sj. Rga: Vieda.
Rrihs N. (1998) AltajsHimalaji: Ceojuma dienasgrmata. Rga: Vieda.
Rrihs N. (1998) Nesatricinmais. Rga: Vieda.
Rrihs N. (1999) Ugungais cietoksnis. Rga: Vieda.
Rrihs N. (2001) ambala. Rga: Vieda.
Roerich N. (1931) Realm of Light. New York: Roerich Museum Press.
Roerich N. (1946) Himavat. Allahabad: Kitabistan. Allahabad: Kitabistan.
Stasulane A. (2005) Theosophy and Culture: Nicholas Roerich. Roma: PUG.
178 Orientlistika
Walker B. (1995) Hindu World: An Encyclopedic Survey of Hinduism, III vol. New Delhi:
Indus.
, . . (1978) // . .: . :
, 1978, 201219.
, I, : , 1992.
. (1984) : . ka: . .
Summary
Theosophists have a particular role in the popularization of Eastern religious ideas: they
interpret Buddhism and Hinduism in the light of the Western Esotericism. The Roerichs have
created a new variant of Yoga by supplementing H. Blavatskys doctrine of spiritual evolution
with a key notion of energy. Nevertheless, the Roerichs did not elaborate a systematic and
detailed exposition of their Yoga methods. The article treats the ideas and methods of Agni
Yoga in a systematic way to prepare ground for a comparative analysis of the Yoga practices
in their original context of Hinduism and the Yoga by the Roerichs as practised in the Eastern-
oriented esoteric circles and theosophic subcultures of the Western world.
The publication has received research funding from the EC Sixth Framework Programme.
This article refects only the authors views and the Community is not liable for any use that
may be made of the information contained therein.
Keywords: Agni Yoga, theosophy, Living Ethics, new religious movements.
Vsture
History
Latvieu organizciju darbba bgu lab Tlajos
Austrumos 19181920
Laura are
Latvijas Universittes Moderno valodu fakultte, zijas studiju nodaa
e-pasts dzeltens@inbox.lv
Rakst aplkotas latvieu organizcijas Tlajos Austrumos un to darbba, lai atvieglotu
latvieu civilo bgu stvokli. Bgi bija izkldui Krievijas Tlajos Austrumos, td galvenais
uzdevums bija tos savkt kop un organizt transportu, kas tos nogdtu mjs. Tas tika izdarts
ar Pirm pasaules kara sabiedroto paldzbu. Latviei, kas nespja aizbraukt 1920. gad, varja
no m organizcijm saemt pases, kas bija dergas, lai atgrieztos pau spkiem.
Atslgvrdi: latvieu organizcijas, Tlie Austrumi, patvrums.
Msu, latvieu, kopum nemaz nav daudz, tau mums piemt dvains niis
liel skait uzturties visnegaidtkajs viets. Par trimdas latvieiem Amerik un
Austrlij ir dzirdts daudz, tau nez vai daudzi ir iedomjuies, ka laika posm
starp Pirmo un Otro pasaules karu diezgan liela latvieu kopiena ir bijusi ar tik
eksotisk zem k na.
Ir atrodams daudz rakstu un atmiu krjumu par Troickas un Imantas pulku un
sarkanajiem strlniekiem, tau diezgan maz tiek pieminti citi latviei, kas taj pa
laika posm klda pa Tlajiem Austrumiem vai ar bija tur apmetuies. Apraksttaj
laik Tlajos Austrumos uzturjs daudz cilvku, kas vlk iema svargu vietu
neatkargs Latvijas kultr, politik un dzv tie bija gan vlkie brvvalsts
politii, rakstnieki, vsturnieki un folkloristi, ar vlkie Otr pasaules kara brvbas
cu vadoi. Konkrts vstures lappuses ir prk spilgtas un savdabgas, lai ts
nepelnti aizmirstu.
Raksta pamat galvenokrt ir arhva dokumenti, k ar uz dadu cilvku atmiu
ststos atrodami izteikumi par o atmiu autoru dzvi un darbbu Tlajos Austrumos
laika posm no 1918 ldz 1920. gadam.
Tlajos Austrumos 20. gs. pirmajs divs dekds bija sakoncentrjies
prsteidzoi daudz latvieu Pirm pasaules kara bgi, bijuie latvieu strlnieku
pulku kaujinieki, politiskie bgi, k ar agrkie emigranti, galvenokrt strdnieki un
inenieri, kuri strdja uz nas Austrumu dzelzcea lnijas. Tau vislielk bgu
plsma sks pc 1917. gada Oktobra apvrsuma Krievij. Tkstoiem latvieu,
kas bgot no kara bija nonkui Krievij, bga vlreiz oreiz no pilsou kara un
komunisma. is ce aizveda vius ldz Krievijas Tlajiem Austrumiem un nai.
Laura are. Latvieu organizciju darbba bgu lab Tlajos Austrumos 19181920 181
1918. gada skum aktvkie latviei, starp kuriem bija gan emigranti Roberts
Valdmanis
1
, valodnieks un etnogrfs Pteris mits
2
, Jnis Mazpolis
3
, gan ar
bgi, tdi k politiskais bglis Voldemrs Salnais
4
un atvaintie virsnieki Jnis
Kurelis
5
un Jnis Ozols
6
, pc Krievijas Eiropas daas parauga ska dibint latvieu
panolemans sapulces, kas prauga Sibrijas un Urlu Latvieu padom. padome
aptvra milzgas teritorijas nu, Sibriju un Japnu. Padomes galvenie uzdevumi
bija latvieu karaspka organizana sabiedroto pasprn un bgu repatricija, kas
patiesb nozmja vienu un to pau. Tas bija svargs darbs; laika posm no 1918.
gada ldz 1919. gadam Vladivostok varja bt apmram tkstotis latvieu
7
, Harbin
vismaz divtik. Pateicoties Sibrijas un Urlu Latvieu padomes Centrl Biroja
darbbai, ar Troickas un Imantas pulku caur Vladivostoku Latvij atgriezs ap 2000
cilvku. Pc tam kad abi pulki bija devuies mjs, bgu straume pavrss nas
virzien.
aj darb tiek apskattas latvieu kolonijas Tlajos Austrumos, galvenokrt
Vladivostok, Harbin un anhaj. Lai gan politisk karte rda, ka s pilstas ir divu
dadu valstu teritorij, tau aplkojamaj laika posm tre liek pilsta, lai cik
dvaini istu, ir anhaja, nevis Vladivostoka. Vladivostoku un Harbinu kop saistja
nas Austrumu dzelzce, milzga maistrle, ko 19. gadsimta beigs na Krievijai
atva uzbvt sav teritorij
8
. Ldz ar dzelzcea bvi s laik rads jauna pilsta
Harbina, kas savas liels krievu iedzvotju masas d
9
vairkas desmitgades palika
Krievijas ietekmes zon. aj baltgvardu midzen
10
ldz pat 1920. gada rudenim
na atzina carisks Krievijas iecelto diplomtu un konsulro darbinieku tiesbas
prstvt un pastvt par savu pilsou tiesbm
11
. ie faktori noturja Harbinu
Krievijas ietekm, lai gan juzsver, ka t bija baltgvardu, nevis komunistu Krievija.
Ststs par Tlo Austrumu latvieu politiskajm aktivittm Latvijas, un
galvenokrt latvieu bgu, lab skas 1918. gada vasaras skum. Pasaules karam
(tolaik to vl nesauca par Pirmo pasaules karu) vl neredzja beigas. 1917. gada
apvrsums bija noticis; Krievij plosjs pilsou kar. Pirm pasaules kara laik no
Latvijas bgu gaits bija devuies vairk nek 400 000 cilvku. Citi bija izceojui
vl pirmskara gados. Daudzi 1918. gada vasar atrads savos karapulkos kd no
Krievijas armijas dam, ne viens vien latvieu inteliences prstvis bija Pterburg,
piemram, vlkos gados slavenais vsturnieks Arveds vb un brvvalsts politiis
Voldemrs Salnais.
Pc lielinieku apvrsuma pilsou kara frontes lnija prdalja Krieviju divs
das, neaujot tkstoiem latvieu atgriezties Latvij. 1918. gada 23. oktobr
Zigfrds Meierovics zio Lielbritnijas rlietu ministram A. D. Belfram (Arthur
James Balfour): Pc pdjm zim no Krievijas atrodoamies latvieu kareivjiem
apmram 1/10, respektvi, ap 2000 cilvku ir vl atkargi no lieliniecisks Krievijas
un atrodas eina Krievijas da, kamr prjs 9/10 ir vai nu neitrlas jeb kaujas
kop ar sabiedrotiem Arhangeskas un Volgas fronts.
12

Strlnieku stvokli Krievij koment Troickas bataljona komandieris Pteris
Dardzns
13
: Pc 1917. gada oktobra revolcijas Krievij, kad varu prma
boeviki, veco latvieu strlnieku stvoklis bija neapskauams. Dzimteni jau bija
okupjui vciei un atgrieans turp bija saistta ar lielm grtbm un risku. [..]
Daa latvieu strlnieku palika savos pulkos, turpinja kalpot lieliniekiem, vl jo
182 Orientlistika
sevii td, ka lielinieki mazajm tautm solja patstvbu. [..] Liela daa latvieu
strlnieku un virsnieku tomr uzskatja par neiespjamu iet kopsol ar boevikiem un
pirmaj izdevgaj brd demobilizjs, lai nebtu jturpina gaitas pulkos.
14
Latviei
liel skait karoja ar balto pus, tau vsturnieki uzsver, ka, izemot virsniekus,
balto kustbai latviei labprtgi nepiesljs
15
.
Ldz 1917. gada 7. novembra apvrsumam vairkums latvieu pieprasja tikai
politisku autonomiju, t. i., Brvu Latviju brv Krievij. Komunistiem nkot pie
varas, stvoklis mainjs. Daa latvieu, to skait zinma daa Rgas pilsonbas, ska
orientties uz Vciju. Latvieu strlnieki, kas cnjs Sarkans armijas rinds, ar
daa strdnieku un bezzemnieku, turpinja atbalstt Latvijas autonomiju Krievij,
bija ar Federls Krievijas virziena piekritji. Tau vienlaikus ska ieskanties
vairk un vairk balsu, kas pieprasja Latvijai pilngu neatkarbu. ie cilvki savos
plnos vairk orientjs uz sabiedrotajiem.
16
jaun nostja datjama apmram ar
1918. gada skumu, turklt kuva arvien populrka konkrtos politiskos apstkos.
Pirmkrt jau jmin, ka neatkarbas ideju veicinja Brestitovskas lgums eina
solts politisks autonomijas viet. Tau ldz Tlajiem Austrumiem zias tik tri
nenonca. Vladivostok, Harbin un anhaj ajos lielkajos Latvieu centros
valdja gandrz pilnga nezia par notikumiem dzimten.
eit sti viet btu atsaukties uz Klva Lorenca
17
atmim. Raksturodams Tlajos
Austrumos dzvojoo latvieu nostju 1917. gad, vi raksta: Dzvodami tlu prom
no dzimtenes un nesaskatdami iekjos un rpolitiskos apstkus, kas noteica tur
sabiedrisk darba un politisks cas virzienu, k ar iespaidoja spku raksturu un
attiecbas, ms nesapratm msu turienes draugu nostju, stratiju, viu politiskos
mrus un vadugunis. Ms turjmies joprojm pie vecajiem lozungiem: Brva
Latvija brv Krievij, ko ar Rainis propagandja rzems. Patstvgas, neatkargas
un brvas Latvijas republikas nodibinanai ms nevarjm saskatt vsturiski
attaisnotjus motvus. Tpc savs runs, rakstos un deklarcijs kritiski nostjmies
pret o separtismu un negribjm to pieemt.
18
1918. gada pavasar Pterburgas Latvieu Panolemans savienbas
19
pagaidu
birojs laida klaj bietenu Brva Latvija (izstrdjui F. Cielns
20
, A. Kurcijs,
P. Saldavs)
21
, kuru, k vlk sav ziojum rlietu ministrijai raksta Arveds vbe
22
,
Vladivostok sama tikai maij,
23
t. i., laik, kad lieliniecisma vilnis tikko bija
atvlies no Sibrijas uz Tlajiem Austrumiem [..] Atvrt te [Vladivostok L. .]
Latvijas panolemans savienbas nodau nebija ne mazks iespjas. Tamd it
dabgi, ka panolemans ideja vispirms tika iznesta plaks mass tur, kur jau
lielinieciskums bija likvidts pa skum, tlk koment vbe.
24

nas Austrumu dzelzcea atsavinanas josla ar visu Harbinu jau kop 1917.
gada vasaras bija kuvusi par pretlielinieku bufera joslu, k ar par baltgvardu
interverences placdarmu
25
. 1917. gada pavasar nieu armija pc sabiedroto
japu, angu un franu pieprasjuma, atbruoja revolucionri noskaots nas
Austrumu dzelzcea apsardzes daas un iztrenkja Harbinas krievu strdnieku
nodibinto padomi
26
. Tpc tiei Harbin, aj krievu uzceltaj nas pilst, 1918.
gad latviei ska organizties cai par savu valsti. 16. jnij tika nodibinta pirm
Latvijas Panolemans savienbas nodaa.
Nedaudz vlk, 22. jlij
27
, tika nodibinta savienbas anhajas nodaa. Ts
izveidoanai tiei aj nas pilst bija milzga nozme, jo anhaja no Vladivostokas
un Harbinas atrs ar to, ka aj reion krievu baltgvardiem nebija varas.
Vladivostok, kura 1918. gada vasar vl bija Tautas padomes roks, drz vien
nodibinjs Kolaka vara. Harbin, nieu enera un vietvala Dana Zuolia
28

() pakautb esoaj teritorij, baltgvardu politikai bija oti liela nozme. Un
topo Krievijas Federcija negrasjs tpat vien dot mazajm tautm autonomiju.
anhaja savukrt atrads angu un franu, ttad sabiedroto ietekmes sfr.
Informcijas pieejambas zi pilsta bija krietni labk stvokl nek prjie
Tlo Austrumu latvieu centri. anhaj, tolaik pasaul vien no lielkajm un
dzvkajm ostm, informcijai pieejas netrka, bet tikmr Vladivostoku un Harbinu
no informcijas pieejas bloja pilsou kara fronte un cenzra. Piemram, par
Vladivostoku Pteris mits vstul raksta: e gan mums pienk kdas telegrammas
par Baltijas apstkiem, bet latviei tiek vienreiz samainti ar leiiem, otrreiz ar
igauiem, t k nek sti nesaprotam.
29
Cit sav vstul vi o informcijas badu
apraksta skk: Ms eit gandrz neko nedzirdam ne par Eiropas Krieviju, ne par
Baltiju. Turklt viena telegramma run pret otrai, nezinm ko tict, ko netict. [..]
Telegrammas e pienk oti maz un rzemju laikrakstus nosta oti vlu, ttad ms
maz ko zinm, kas pasaul notiek. To tiesu jo vairk tiek izdomtas melu zias,
kdas nu katram btu vairk pa prtam. Tdos apstkos ir grti ko spriest par
nkambu.
30

Visspilgtko piemru tam, kdu jucekli varja radt informcijas trkums, un vl
jo vairk sagrozta informcija, ir aprakstjis A. vbe. 1918. gada 11. decembr Tlos
Austrumus pralca zia avzes rakstja, ka Rg 22. novembr tikusi izsludinta
Livonijas Republika. informcija tika pamatota ar 30. novembra Reitera ziu
aentras telegrammu
31
. Livonijas Republikas nosaukums varja nozmt prieka
vsti neatkarbu, tau vairkumam latvieu tas liks vstam, ka piepildjies
aunkais pie varas Latvij ir vciei. Centrlais Birojs bija spiests nekavjoties
lgt franus noskaidrot, vai gadjum nav domta Latvija, vai to nav izsludinjui
vciei un kas ir valdb
32
.
1918. gada maija mnes, glbdamies no lielinieku vajanas, iebrauca
anhaj no Vladivostokas Latvieu strlnieku pulku virsnieki: pulkvedis J. Kurelis,
virsleitnanti J. Ozols un K. Upelnieks
33
un praporiks H. Stre. Kamr izdevs atrast
kdu nodarboanos, vii apmets pie manis, raksta anhajas latvieu priekstvis
Roberts Valdmanis
34
. Kurelim un Ozolam atrodoties Roberta Valdmaa mjs, rads
ideja vajag organizt latvieu strlnieku vienbas. Msu augmintie virsnieki
[Kurelis, Ozols L. .] anhaj nca pie sldziena, ka latvieu strlnieku kara
vienbm jceas no jauna un jstjas par jaunu pie Tvijas atsvabinanas darba,
atceras Valdmanis. Braucot caur Sibriju, msu virsnieki prliecinjuies, ka
Sibrijas apgabalos bija atkldui pietiekos skaits strlnieku pulka bijuie dalbnieki,
un pai tamd paskums solja sekmes.
35
Jau 12. august Roberts Valdmanis
anhajas latvieu kolonijas vrd raksta uz Harbinu: Laikam poruiks Ozols ar
nkoo kui brauks uz Vladivostoku [..] Vi brauks [..] specila nolka latvieu
strlnieku (rotu) atjaunoanas organizanas d.
36
28. august prstvji griezs
pc paldzbas pie franu enerlkonsula anhaj, kur prieklikumu atbalstja.
184 Orientlistika
20. septembr leitnants Ozols izbrauca no anhajas uz Pekinu, kur vi uzska
sarunas ar Francijas un Krievijas stni par latvieu militrs vienbas dibinanu.
Pa to starpu ehi bija nogzui Padomju valdbu Vladivostok un tuvk
apkrtn, un Tlie Austrumi kdus 3 mneus bija nogriezti no Sibrijas. T it dabgi
nodibinjs cies kontakts starp trim Tlo Austrumu kolonijm anhajas, Harbinas
un Vladivostokas kur prvrts par cieu organizatorisku vienbu, kad august
ierads Vladivostok uz pastvgu dzvi Harbinas delegts V. Salnais un septembr
anhajas delegts J. Ozols.
37
Lai gan par jaundibinm Imantas pulka ofcilo izveidoanas mri tika izvirzta
ca ar vcieiem krievu front kop ar ehu-slovku armiju
38
, tomr princip
Centrl Biroja nolks bija organizt Sibrijas latvieu un Krievijas pilsou kara
bgu atgrieanos Latvij. 1918. gada 7. novembr tika noslgts lgums ar franiem,
kuri uzms pulka uzturanu un apbruoanu.
Jau etras dienas vlk, 11. novembr, Vcija atzina sevi par sakautu. Tau tas
nebt neatturja Centrlo padomi 28. decembr ar franu atbalstu publict jaunu
uzsaukumu Sibrijas latvieiem iestties formjamaj pulk
39
. Iemesls, kpc pc
ofcili plnota ienaidnieka sakves latvieiem va turpint darbu pie sava pulka
organizanas, ir glui vienkrs neskatoties uz visiem pasludintajiem principiem,
Francija tomr cerja, ka jaunizveidots latvieu vienbas Imantas un Troickas
pulku vars tomr mest kaujs pret komunistiem.
40

Kara lietu emisri (no tiem redzamk fgra bija Jnis Ozols) pa visu Sibriju
vervja brvprtgos, lai gan dadas vietjs varas to negribja pieaut. dai
rekrutanai bija milzga nozme. Tikai pateicoties im darbam, daudzi jo daudzi
latviei varja nonkt Vladivostok. Sprieot pc latvieu enera Goppera
atmim, brvi izbraukt cauri dadu atamanu kontroltajm Krievijas Tlo
Austrumu dam nemaz nebija tik viegli. Bija nepiecieami dokumenti. Un kapteia
Ozola k nacionls armijas formtja paraksttie dokumenti, ko vi izsniedza
brvprtgajiem, paldzja strlniekiem un bgiem nonkt pie pulka.
41

Par savu ceu uz Vladivostoku 1918. gada ruden Klvs Lorencs izsaks, ka
brauciens bija mokoi grts. Tlie Austrumi vrjs pilsokara liesms. Varas mainja
cita citu. Dadu atamanu remi, balstdamies uz Japnas okupcijas karaspku
aizmugur, nca ar neiedomjamu teroru, laupanm un slepkavbm. Apkrt un
apkrt siroja visdas bandas, kas terorizja, laupja un va cilvkus pie mazkm
aizdomm. Ik uz soa vilcienos lauzs iek ar dadiem apsjiem uz rokas vietjie
varas vri, prbauddami dokumentus un personbu.
42

Uzreiz jpiebilst, ka ne visi tli mets stties jaunformjamos pulkos. Centrl
Biroja kara lietu emisrs J. Ezergailis 1919. gada 28. janvr raksta savai organizcijai:
Bija enerlis Meaks
43
un izteica savu noloanu par to, ka vi nevar iestties
latvieu armij aiz t iemesla, ka Latvieu Centrlais Birojs nevars viam makst
tdu algu, kdu piedv krievu valdba.
44

Protams, btu velti iedomties, ka atgriezties Latvij gribja ikviens Tlajos
Austrumos sastopamais latvietis. T nekd zi nebija. Tie, kas tur dzvoja labi
un jau daudzus gadus (un tie galvenokrt bija dadi uzmji), vienkri nespja
iedomties savu dzvi Latvij. eit btu jnosauc aldari Zilgalvji, mintais enerlis
Meaks, ar muitas eksperts un aktvs latvieu biroja darbinieks Eduards Zilgalvis
45
.
Galu gal daudzi no agrkajiem emigrantiem, kas bija ieraduies Tlajos Austrumos
labkas dzves mekljumos, tiem to ar bija atradui. Nodibinoties bgu reistrcijas
nodam, tika savkti dati par reistrtajiem latvieiem, un A. vbe, dzvodams
Vladivostok, ir apkopojis interesantus datus: Uz jautjumu, vai dom atgriezties
Latvij, atbildts tiek galvenm krtm ar j. Bet jo senk kolonists ir atstjis
Latviju, jo nenoteiktkas paliek atbildes: latviei, kas atronas sveum 1015 gadu
un ieem labu materilu stvokli, atbild ar tikpat jau, tas vl nav nosprieams,
uz brvu Latviju j, pagaidm n, varbt, ja Latvijai bs panoteikans, bet ja
zem Vcijas, tad n, [..] atkarjas no politiskiem apstkiem
46
u. tml.
urnls Brv Latvija 1919. gada mart rakstja: Centrl Biroja bgu
nodaai pienkui vairki pieprasjumi no Sibrijas kolonijm, kuri visi grozs ap
vienu jautjumu: kad ms varsim atgriezties Latvij? Uz o spgo jautjumu
Centrlais Birojs pagaidm var dot tikai vienu atbildi: kamr nav noslgts miers,
bgu evakucija nevar ieskties. Caur Krieviju tamd ne, ka divas frontes ir
Sibriju no Latvijas. Pa jru tamd ne, ka pagaidm vl nav atsvabints vajadzgais
tonns, kas vl arvien tiek izlietots demobilizto armiju prveanai, kara materilu
piegdanai un okupcijas kara spka stanai uz dadm iekjm un rjm
frontm, ar visas Eiropas apgdanai ar prtiku, kas tiek stta no Amerikas un
Kandas.
47

Ar kuiem Vladivostoku izdevs atstt tikai retajam. Tur bija nepiecieami
dokumenti. Tpc oti daudzi latvieu bgi ce uz Latviju vai nereti uz Ameriku
vai Austrliju cerja doties no anhajas. anhaja, pirmkrt, jau bija daudz lielka
osta, otrkrt, ts kui bija aizemti ar tirdzniecbu, nevis kara lietm. K ststa
Jnis Kurelis
48
: [Pterburg, 1918. gada 28. februr L. .] es izbraucu ar saviem
3 biedriem uz tiem austrumiem ce uz Ameriku. Aizbraucis uz Vladivostoku,
dabju zint, ka uz Ameriku krievu pavalstniekus nelai. T bij jmekl cits ce.
Izvljmies braukt uz Austrliju. Aizbraucu uz nas pilstu anghaju, no turienes
nekur tlk nelaida. Apmram pusgadu nodzvoju n un 22. oktobr atgriezos
atpaka uz Vladivostoku.
49
Ar vbe, aprakstot savu izbraukanu no Vladivostokas uz Parzi, piemin
savdabgu epizodi: 1919. gada 6. septembr A. vbe, J. Kurelis un Centrl Biroja
Juridisks nodaas vadtjs rakstnieks E. ipsna tika norkoti k biroja ofcili
priekstvji doties uz Parzes miera konferenci, lai tdjdi patrintu Imantas
un Troickas pulka prveanu dzimten. Izbraukana uz rzemm bija savienota
ar lielm grtbm, tlk turpina vbe. Krievu iestdes prasja, lai izemam
Krievijas rzemju pasi, bet ms deklarjm, ka neuzskatm sevi vairs par Krievijas
pavalstniekiem un ka dokumentcijai pietiek ar C.B. [Centrl Biroja L. .]
izdotm personas apliecbm latvieu, angu un franu valod, kur msu tautiei bij
atzmti k Latvijas republikas pilsoi. Kdu mnesi ieilga telegrafsk sazinans ar
Tokio, Parzi un Londonu, ldz beidzot attiecgs valdbas deva rkojumu vzt C. B.
izdoto latvieu pasi. Tas bija diezgan nolojams papra gabals, bet izraibints ar
japu hieroglifem un 3 Eiropas lielvalstu zmogiem deva C. B. delegcijai leglu
iespju rsot visu Eiropu un atgriezties Rg. Viengi krievi konsekventi atteics to
atzt, kpc galu gal izbraukanai no Vladivostokas bij jizem Krievijas rzemju
pase. Jau esot uz kua, pc notikus dokumentu kontroles atdevm o pasi atpaka
186 Orientlistika
krievu policijai k nevajadzgu dokumentu, par ko t bij nepatkami prsteigta un
aizvainota.
50
Kpc no anhajas nelaida uz Ameriku un Austrliju, ir daudzmaz skaidrs
bgu tur jau t bija prk daudz. Nokt Latvij gan, protams, ne pa taisnko
ceu, bet k matrozim braucot no ostas uz ostu, btu bijis iespjams, ja vien btu
dokumenti. Liel ost darbu vienmr var atrast. Bet, lai dabtu vietu uz kua,
k ststa Zemgalietis
51
, vajadzja uzrdt krtgu rzemju pasi: ja tdas nebija,
tad neviens konsults, caur kuriem notika auu pieemana, neielaids nekds
saruns.
52
eit paldzt varja tikai nas atzti dokumenti.
Un atkal vrsim pie ragiem nolma erties anhajas aktvists Roberts Valdmanis.
1919. gada 14. jnij Omskas latvieu Nacionls padomes vrd vi H. E. Janam
enam
53
nas valdbas paajam prstvim anhaj aizrakstja, ka 1918.
gada 13. novembr ir proklamta
54
un 11. novembr no Lielbritnijas puses atzta
de facto jauna valsts Latvija. aj vstul Valdmanis ldza nas pusi atzt anhajas
latvieu Nacionls padomes izdotos dokumentus, kad un ja tie tiks izdoti
55
.
Acmredzot ldzgu vstuli aptuveni taj pa laik ir nostjui igaui, jo arhv
blakus 1919. gada 28. augusta vstulei Valdmanim ir atrodama ar gandrz identiska
satura vstule igauu pusei. Abs ajs vstuls visbtiskk daa skan di: Jsu
abu valstu cilvki, kas obrd ir apmetuies msu valst, turpmk vairs netiks uzskatti
par krieviem, un uz viiem, k uz to valstu pilsoiem, kas nav noslguas lgumu ar
nu, tiks attiecints msu prezidenta 22. apra mandts [..] Kas attiecas uz prasbu
[anhaj ievltajiem L. .] prstvjiem [dot tiesbas ofcili L. .] aizsargt
savu tautieu intereses, [rlietu] Ministrija inform, ka tdas tiesbas viennozmgi
nevar tikt pieirtas.
56

Ldz 1919. gada augustam latviei n k jau rzemnieki baudja eksteritorils
tiesbas k carisks Krievijas pilsoi, lai gan carisk Krievija, ar kuru savulaik
noslgtie lgumi nodroinja s tiesbas, vairs nepastvja. Pc tam, kad nieu varas
iestdes sama mints igauu un latvieu vstules, sekoja negaidts pavrsiens
tika ofcili paziots, ka latviei un igaui turpmk par Krievijas pavalstniekiem
vairs netiks uzskatti un tiks padoti nas likumu jurisdikcijai
57
. Sav 1920. gada
23. janvra vstul Roberts Valdmanis raksta: n nav vl tdu likumu, kuriem
eiropietis vartu padoties.
58
Jau vairkus gadus na izstrd savus jaunos likumus,
bet nekdi rezultti [..] vl nav ldz im sasniegti. Ja mums, k tas faktiski palaik
ar ir, btu jpadodas nas prezidenta mandtam, tad reiz ar to ms ar btu piln
mr padoti nieu valsts ierdu neaprobeotai patvarbai.
59
o patvarbu vid
izceltas trs galvens korupcija, kukuemana un kukupieprasana.
Harbinas un Vladivostokas nodaas asi kritizja Valdmani par o it k prsteidzgo
soli
60
, tau kopum fakts, ka nieu varas iestdes beidza uzskatt latvieus par
Krievijas pavalstniekiem, ir vrtjams pozitvi.
20. gadu pirmaj pus bgu straume neapska. T vairs nebija organizta, Tlo
Austrumu latviei vairs netika organizti pulkos, ar transports un dinana bija pau
latvieu zi. Neskatoties uz 1920. gada noslgto KrievijasLatvijas miera lgumu,
kur, starp citu, paredzja brvu latvieu atgrieanos, ja rodas tda vlans, tomr
komunistu organizcijas bgu atgrieanos Latvij kavja, cik spja. Vsturnieks
. Klve raksta: Cas numurs, kur konvencija [par bgu atgrieanos L. .] bija
iespiesta, pazuda past, lastjus nesasniedzis, vai k par to zobojs pai komunisti,
tika bgot noauts. [..] Tlajos austrumos ofcila zia par iespju latvieiem
atgriezties mjs nemaz nenonca.
61
Ir pilngi skaidrs, ka daudzi baltgvardu armijas
latviei, kop ar savm kolakieu dam aizbgui uz nu, nonca vai nu Harbin,
vai anhaj.
ajs pilsts jau bija priek Latvijas prstvji. Lai gan viiem bija tikai Goda
konsula statuss, latvieu priekstvji varja izsniegt saviem tautieiem dokumentus,
kas deva iespju tikt pie nas valdbas atztas vzas un nodroinja atgrieanos
mjs.
Ne visi atgriezs. Palicju dzves relijas sav atmiu stst Zem desmit valstu
karogiem spilgti apraksta bijuais harbinietis E. Katajs, tau ar ai dzvei pienca
gals. 50. gadu vid Padomju Savienbas un nas attiecbas ska krietni pasliktinties
un konsulti neatlaidgi aicinja n dzvojoos atstt nu.
62
Ar Tlo Austrumu
latvieu kopienas loceki izklda kur kurais.
Aktva latvieu darbba Tlajos Austrumos sks strauji un savu kulminciju
sasniedza jau ap 1920. gadu. Pilsou kara frontei nogrieot mjupceu caur Krievijas
Eiropas dau, bgu straume pavrss Tlo Austrumu virzien. Nozmgkie
latvieu darbbas centri glui likumsakargi izvietojs galvenajos transporta krust-
punktos Vladivostok, Harbin un anhaj. o trs pilstu latvieu kopienm ciei
sadarbojoties, izdevs paveikt milzgu darbu nodroint iespju atgriezties Latvij
tkstoiem latvieu.
Latvieiem, ldzgi k Sprdtim, iet, ir asins meklt laimi cits zems, tpc
nav brnums, ka bgu repatricijas problma latvieiem bija daudz lielka nek,
piemram, lietuvieiem vai somiem. Tomr, neskatoties uz daudzajiem kilometriem,
kas ra Tlajos Austrumos izkaistos latvieus, sadarbba viu starp izrdjs
prsteidzoi efektva un asi kontrast ar to ierasto neizlmgumu, kas odien
raksturgs sabiedrbai, pieemot pat vienkrkos lmumus.
Atsauces un piezmes
1
Roberts Valdmanis (18741932). Dzvojis n no 1905. gada. Ierdnis Krievijasnas
bank. 1918. gad iecelts par Tlo Austrumu Centrl Biroja Sibrijas un Urlu latvieu
Nacionls padomes prstvi anhaj. Latvijas Goda konsuls n laika posm no 1919.
ldz 1920. gadam. 1920. gad atgriezies Latvij. [Latvijas rlietu dienesta darbinieki
19181991. Biogrfsk vrdnca. Rga, 2003, 315. lpp.]
2
Pteris mits (18691938). Valodnieks un folklorists. No 1891. gada studjis Maskav un
vlk Pterburg austrumu valodas. No 1899. gada bijis nieu valodas profesora vietas
aizstjjs Vladivostok. Piedaljies Imantas pulka organizan un kop ar to atgriezies
Latvij. Pc atgrieans (no 1920. gada) pasniedzis zijas kultru un nieu valodu
Latvijas Universitt. [urnls Students (1938) un Latvieu konverscijas vrdnca //
mits, Pteris].
3
Jnis Mazpolis (18851938). 1918. gad strdjis Krievu-latvieu biedrb Vladivostok.
Taj pa gad ievlts par latvieu Tlo Austrumu Centrl Biroja locekli. No 1919. gada
Sibrijas un Urlu latvieu Nacionls padomes Centrl Biroja prieksdtjs. 1919. gad
ieskaitts Imantas pulk. 1919.1920. gad diplomtiskais prstvis Sibrij un Tlajos
Austrumos ar sdekli Vladivostok. Caur Japnu atgriezies Rg. [Latvijas rlietu dienesta
darbinieki 19181991. Biogrfsk vrdnca. Rga, 2003, 204. lpp.]
188 Orientlistika
4
Voldemrs Salnais (18861948). Pc 1905. gada notikumiem nometints uz mu
Irkutskas guber. 1913. gad izbdzis uz ASV. 1917. gada ruden cauri Sibrijai minja
nonkt Latvij, bet Sibrija tobrd jau atrads lielinieku roks. 1917. gada beigs ieradies
Harbin. [Latvijas rlietu dienesta darbinieki 19181991. Biogrfsk vrdnca. Rga, 2003,
263.265. lpp.]
5
Jnis Kurelis (18911954). No Krievijas armijas atvaints 1918. gada janvr. Pc
demobilizcijas devies uz Tlajiem Austrumiem un caur Vladivostoku noncis anhaj.
[Lpla ordea kavalieri. Biogrfska vrdnca. Rga, 1995, 279. lpp.]
6
Jnis Ozols (1888 ?). 1917. gada ruden Kerenska valdbas uzdevum vadja Krievijas
Satversmes sapulces vlanas ziemeu front, 1918. gada skum aizbrauca uz nu.
Piedaljs Imantas pulka organizan, kop ar to atgriezies mjs. [Latvieu konverscijas
vrdnca, Ozols Jnis].
7
[5965.2.8]
8
Katajs, E. Zem desmit valstu karogiem. Rga, 2000, 7. lpp.
9
, , 2003, 61. lpp.
10
11
Fishel, R. The End of Extraterritori ality in China. Los Angeles, 1952, p. 44.
12
23.10.1918. Sarunas pieraksts starp Latvieu Pagaidu nacionls padomes pilnvaroto
sakaros ar Lielbritnijas valdbu Z. Meierovicu un Lielbritnijas rlietu ministru
A. D. Belfru. [Dokumenti ststa. Rga, 1988, 50. lpp.]
13
Pteris Dardzns (18981934). 1917. gada decembr piekomandts Latvieu strlnieku
rezerves pulkam, 1918. gada februr atvaints. August Kaza iestjies Satversmes
sapulces loceku komitejas Tautas armij. [Latvijas rlietu dienesta darbinieki 19181991.
Biogrfska vrdnca. Rga, 2003, 123. lpp.]
14
Dardzns, P. Ar Latvijas karogu pri Sibrijai un trijiem okeniem. Atmias par Pirm
Latvijas atbrvoanas bataljona gaitm Sibrij un ceu uz Latviju // Strlnieks, Nr. 17-18-19,
1969, 8.9. lpp.
15
Sprde, V. Karotji ar raksturu, nevis neliei // Latvijas Avze, 06.02.2004.
16
Latvju enciklopdija. Stokholma, 1950 // rpolitika.
17
Lorencs, Klvs (18851975). Politiis, viens no LSDSP vadoajiem darbiniekiem. Laika
posm no 1917. ldz 1920. gadam ar nelielu prtraukumu Krievijas Patrtju biedrbu
Centrls savienbas uzdevum darbojies Tlajos Austrumos, atverot s organizcijas
nodaas ar flilm n un Japn. [Kda cilvka dzve. Klva Lorenca atmias. Rga,
2005.]
18
Kda cilvka dzve. Klva Lorenca atmias. Rga, 2005, 161.162. lpp.
19
Savienba dibinta 1817. gada 27. aprl. 1918. gada ruden, lielinieku spiesta, Pterburgas
nodaa savu darbbu beidz. [Latvieu konverscijas vrdnca // Latvijas panolemans
savienba].
20
Cielns, Felikss (18881959). Politisks darbinieks un publicists. 1918. gad Petrograd
nodibinja Latvijas Panolemans savienbu. 1919. gada janvr ierads Vladivostok,
lai no turienes izbrauktu uz Parzes miera konferenci k Tlo Austrumu Nacionls
padomes delegts. 1919. gad darbojies k Latvijas delegcijas loceklis Miera konferenc.
1923.1933. gad Saeimas rlietu komisijas prieksdtjs, 1926. 1928. gad rlietu
ministrs.
21
Latvieu konverscijas vrdnca // Latvijas Panolemans savienba.
22
No 1918. ldz 1919. gadam Sibrijas un Urlu latvieu Centrl Biroja sekretrs
Vladivostok. [Latvieu konverscijas vrdnca // vbe Arveds]
23
[2574.2.11]
24
[2574.2.11]
25
, . . 20- .
, 1984, c. 45.
26
, . . 20- .
, 1984, c. 45.
27
No 1918. ldz1919. gadam Sibrijas un Urlu latvieu Centrl Biroja sekretrs Vladivostok.
[Latvieu konverscijas vrdnca // vbe Arveds].
28
(18731928). nieu enerlis, kam piederja visa vara Mandrij.
[ 1982, 560. lpp.]
29
RTMM 476055 P. mits K.Vtolai (msai). Vladivostok, 1919. gada 8. janvr.
30
RTMM 476056 P. mits E. Sommerei (msai). Vladivostok, 1919. gada 8. janvr.
31
[2574.2.11]
32
[2574.2.11]
33
Kris Upelnieks (18911944). Demobilizts 1917. gada decembr. Lai izvairtos no
iespjamm vcu represijm, kas draudja viam k bijuajam latvieu strlnieku pulku
virsniekam, vi devs no Latvijas uz Vladivostoku. 1918. gada maij prceas uz anhaju,
kur sk strdt kd ameriku frm, tad Krievijaszijas bank. Otr pasaules kara
laik t saucams Kurea grupas tba prieknieks un faktiskais organizators. [Pieejams:
http://www.historia.lv/alfabets/U/up/upelnieks/upelnieks.htm (03.09.2007.)]
34
[2574.2.9]
35
[2574.2.9]
36
[2574.2.11]
37
[2574.2.11]
38
Brv Latvija, 1919. gada 25. mart.
39
Latvieu konverscijas vrdnca // Imantas pulks.
40
Kreicers, H. Imantieu gaitas // Strlnieks, Nr. 17-18-19, 1969, 25. lpp.
41
Goppers, K. etri sabrukumi. enera Goppera atmias. Rga, 1920, 181.182. lpp.
42
Lorencs, K. Kda cilvka dzve. Klva Lorenca atmias. Rga, 2005, 168. lpp.
43
Meaks Pteris (18581941). Piedaljies bokseru (Ihetuaas) sacelans apspiean
n. Bijis Austrumnas dzelzcea apsardzbas prieknieks. No 1918. ldz 1920. gadam
Aizbaikla kara gubernators it. 1922.1925. gad Goda vicekonsuls Harbin, turpmk
Goda konsuls. 1940. gad atgriezies Latvij, 1941. gad Rg apcietints un izvests uz
Vjatkas soda nometnm. Latvijas rlietu dienesta darbinieki 19181991. Biogrfsk
vrdnca. Rga, 2003, 207. lpp.]
44
[6033.1.40]
45
K noskaidrojusi V. Knospe, kas ir ptjusi RTTM kolekcij esos Vladivostokas latvieu
1919. gada rakstts un adrestus nesasniegus vstules, is Zilgalvis un aldari Zilgalvji
neesot bijui radinieki.
46
[5965.2.8]
47
Brv Latvija, 1919. gada 25. mart.
48
K noskaidrojusi V. Knospe, is Kurelis nav imantieu Kurelis, bet gan via vrda un
uzvrda brlis.
49
RTTM 476043 J. Kurelis M. Kurelei (mtei) Vladivostok, 1919. gada 9. janvr.
50
vbe, A. Mana dzve // Trimdas rakstnieki. Kemptena, 1947, 206. lpp.
51
staj vrd Ludvigs Griens (18681930). Tirgotjs, urnlists, avantrists, dzejnieks. Pc
Pirma pasaules kara atstjis Latviju un devies klst apkrt pa pasauli. Klejojumu laik
190 Orientlistika
uzturjies ar nas dienvidos, galvenokrt anhaj. [Zemgalietis (Griens, L.) Latviea
13 gadu ceojums apkrt pasaulei. Rga, 1991.]
52
Zemgalietis (Griens, L.) Latviea 13 gadu ceojums apkrt pasaulei. Rga, 1991, 63. lpp.
53
Dokument Yang Tscheng, Special Envoy for Foreign Affairs at Shanghai.
54
eit kds Valdmanis, nevis darba autore.
55
[2574.2.9]
56
[2574.2.9]
57
[2574.2.9]
58
n 20. gados pastvja 3 veidu tiesas: t saucams nieu tiesas, attiecgo valstu
tiesanas sistmas tiesas koncesijas zems un t saucams jaukts tiesas, kuras tika
mints ieviest k alternatvu nodaltajai tiesanas sistmai. [2574.2.9]
59
[2574.2.9]
60
[2574.2.9]
61
Klve, . Latvijas neatkarbas gadi: Latvijas politisk veidoans un augana. ujorka,
1979, 127. lpp.
62
Summary
The paper deals with the Latvian organisations in the Far East, and the actions that were
carried out to relieve the situation of Latvian refugees of the Russian Civil War. The refugees
were scattered all over the Russian Far East, so the main task was to bring them together and
organize transport that would carry them home. This was done with the help of the Allies of
the First World War. Those Latvians who did not manage to leave in 1920 were able to obtain
passports from Latvian organisations, valid for returning home by their own means.
Keywords: Latvian organisations, the Russian Far East, refuge.

Orientālistika: Latvijas Universitātes Raksti

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LATVIJAS UNIVERSITTES

tiekans pc audzinanas = mlestba

mlestba = [gudrbas ieteikto] likumu ievroana

likumu ievroana = neizncbas garantija

neizncba = t, kas cilvku dara ldzgu (tuvu) Dievam [kas ir neizncgs]

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