Identities in The Greek World Granada 2010 Congress Vol 5 2011 Isbn 978 960 99699 7 01

, 9-12 2010
( 1204 )

:
.

2011
( 1204 )
Identities in the Greek world (from 1204 to the present day)

E-mail: dimadis@zedat.fu-berlin.de
ISBN (vol.) 978-960-99699-7-0
ISBN (set) 978-960-99699-0-1
:
(pezanos@otenet.gr)
Copyright 2011:
()
European Society of Modern Greek Studies
www.eens.org

, 9-12 2010

( 1204 )

:
.

2011
4th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies

Granada, 9-12 September 2010
Proceedings
Identities in the Greek world

(from 1204 to the present day)
Vol. 5
Edited by
Konstantinos A. Dimadis
European Society of Modern Greek Studies

Athens 2011

()
, 9-12 2010

( 1204 )

,
,

Comit Cientfico
/ Presidente y coordinador:
Konstantinos A. Dimadis (Freie Universitt Berlin)
/ Miembros:
( )
Asterios Argyriou (Universit de Strasbourg)
Vangelis Calotychos (Columbia University)
Philip Carabott (Kings College London)
Lia Brad Chisacof (Academiei Romne)
Isabel Garca Glvez (Universidad de La Laguna, Canarias)
. . ( )
David Holton (University of Cambridge)
-Ferrari ( )
. ( )
. ( )
Olga Omatos Senz (Universidad del Pas Vasco)
(Walter Puchner) ( )
- ( )
Henri Tonnet (Universit de Paris IV-Sorbonne)
Dimitris Tziovas (University of Birmingham)

Comit Organizador
/ Presidente:
Moschos Morfakidis Filactos (Universidad de Granada)
/ Coordinador:
Konstantinos A. Dimadis (Freie Universitt Berlin)
/ Miembros:
Javier Alonso Aldama (Universidad del Pas Vasco)
Jos Antonio Costa Ideias (Universidad Nova de Lisboa)
Isabel Garca Glvez (Universidad de La Laguna, Canarias)
Ernest Marcos Hierro (Universidad de Barcelona)
Antonio Melero Vellido (Universidad de Valencia)
Alicia Morales Ortiz (Universidad de Murcia)
Encarnacin Motos Guirao (Universidad de Granada)
Penlope Stavrianopulu (Universidad Complutense de Madrid)
/ Secretaria Tcnica
,
Centro de Estudios Bizantinos, Neogriegos y Chipriotas de Granada
Maria Salud Baldrich Lpez
Isabel Cabrera Ramos
Paraskev Gatsiofa
Panagiota Papadopoulou
(2006-2010)
Konstantinos A. Dimadis,
Lucia Marcheselli,
Maria A. Stassinopoulou,
Ann Chikovani,
Isabel Garca Glvez,

Marjolijne C. Janssen ()
Ekkehard Wolfgang Borntrger,
Lia Brad Chisacof,
(2010 )
Konstantinos A. Dimadis, ()
Marjolijne C. Janssen, ()
Javier Alonso Aldama, ()
Ann Chikovani, ()
Tudor Dinu, ()
:
Stphane Sawas,
Anna Maria Zimbone,

,
,
(),
,

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,
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www.eens.org

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. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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of Artemes/Efthimes: Constructing a Greek identity with the
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, , , .
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El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

Alejandro Garca-Aragn
con la colaboracin de Andreas Spyrou
Nuestro propsito es recordar y subrayar la controvertida identidad del

Partenn desde su cualidad como smbolo desmembrado ayudndonos
de sus transformaciones y paradojas. Comenzamos desde 1204 intentando
recomponer en espaol el mayor nmero de piezas y teniendo como gua la
pregunta que se planteaba Mavrikios: se puede responder adecuadamente
a la belleza del Partenn si ignoramos o tenemos una concepcin errnea
de algunos de sus aspectos ms bsicos?
Es en 1205 cuando Bonifacio II de Montferrato, cruzado y ahora rey de
Tesalnica, aparece en Atenas con sus borgoeses y lombardos triunfantes,
saquea las iglesias y las transforma en catlicas. As, tica y Beocia pasaron
a dominio de Otto de la Roche, quien estableci su residencia en la
Acrpolis. El Partenn pas de iglesia bizantina a sede del arzobispado del
dogma latino en 1206, 1205 segn et al., como la Catedral
Latina de Nuestra Seora. Se le aadi un arco de ladrillos y una torre viga
o campanario ms alto que el tejado, con escalera de caracol.
En 1303 Andrnico II contrat a la llamada Gran Compaa catalana
como mercenarios para luchar contra los turcos. sta se revel por
cuestiones econmicas y se hicieron con el control del ducado de Atenas
desde 1311 a 1388. En 1380 pidieron la proteccin de Pedro IV de Aragn
y en 1388, Nerio I Acciaioli se hizo con el poder convirtiendo en un
mausoleo el mismo Partenn, con su enterramiento en el mismo en 1394.
Atenas floreci con esta dinasta de duques florentinos.
Desde mediados del s. XV al XVI la identidad del edificio era dudosa,
pues era llamado Panten o templo al dios desconocido. Ciriaco de
Pizzicoli, de Ancona, fue el primer viajero occidental en visitar Grecia en
1436 y 1444, y por fin ve el gran templo de mrmol de Palas, la admirable
obra de Fidias. Sus informes adquirieron un valor inestimable tras la
conquista de Bizancio en 1453 por los turcos, que limit los viajes a Grecia.
No se conoce exactamente cundo se convirti el Partenn en mezquita,
pero cuando el sultn Mehmet II visita la ciudad por primera vez tras su
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
68
conquista, expres que se haba enamorado enormemente de ella y sus

maravillas, establecindose en la Acrpolis, convirtindola en fortaleza
y residencia del Disdar-Aga, y dejando el Partenn como lugar de culto
cristiano en seal del triunfo otomano, hasta que, tras sufrir una conjura,
castig a los griegos convirtiendo la iglesia en mezquita, el campanario en
minarete y aadiendo un mihrab y un mimbar.
En el s. XVI la mezquita-Partenn se llamara Ismadi, y en el s. XVII la
mezquita del castillo.
La primera guerra turco-veneciana, finalizada en 1669, dio mayor
acceso a Atenas y sus monumentos. De esta manera, en 1674, el Marqus de
Nointel, visit la ciudad con el artista Jacques Carrey de Troyes con quien se
le suele identificar, cuyos dibujos del edificio, de importancia incalculable,
representan el frontn occidental antes de la explosin de 1687. Francis
Vernon, en 1675, lo describira doce aos antes de la explosin.
1683 supuso un punto de inflexin en las relaciones entre Oriente y
Occidente, ya que, despus de ms de trescientos aos de agresin turca,
era el turno de Occidente gracias a una alianza auspiciada por el Papa, el
emperador de los Habsburgo, Polonia y la Repblica de Venecia, entre otros.
As, el general veneciano Francesco Morosini decidi invadir Atenas con
un ejrcito principalmente mercenario, con el Conde Knigsmark como
segundo. Sus 10.000 hombres intentaron minar toda la Acrpolis, labor
imposible para la poca. Un desertor turco, con la esperanza de disuadirlos
y sabiendo que el edificio les era muy admirado, les avis de que corran
el riesgo de volarlo porque era un polvorn. Sin embargo, el desertor se
equivocaba: se convirti en el blanco principal, y adems la plvora era
slo la suficiente para un da. Tras pedir la rendicin a los turcos, los cuales
se negaron, bombardearon sistemticamente la Acrpolis, y el tercer da de
sitio, el 26 de septiembre, una bomba dio en el blanco.
Segn Morosini, fueron ms de trescientos muertos de diferente
sexo por la sola prodigiosa bomba, que caus un incendio de dos das,
daando todos los edificios y templos aledaos. El Partenn sufri daos
incalculables.
Es destacable la controversia respecto a si fue un mero accidente el de
1687 o si fue intencionado. Segn Morosini, sebbe il contento di vederne
fra le altre cader una, la sera del 26, con fortunato colpo. Debemos hacer
hincapi en il contento, por muy fortunato que hubiera sido el tiro.
Leopold Ranke public un artculo en 1835 llamado Die Venezianer in
Morea, en el que arguye que fue un desafortunado accidente, basndose
en un informe de un oficial veneciano, Muazzo. Sin embargo, la conclusin
a la que llegamos es que fue intencionado, sobre todo tras revisar todo
69
el material disponible de participantes o testigos del sitio: el diario de

Sobiewolsky (apud Comte de Laborde, Athnes aux XVe, XVIe et XVIIe
sicles), la Relazione delloperato dellarmi venete dopo la sua partenza da
Corinto e della presa dAtene; y Francesco Muazzo, con su Storia della guerra
tra li Veneti e Turchi dal 1684 a 1686. La nica explicacin es que no se fiaban
del bombardero, Antonio Mutoni, sobre todo debido a la impenetrabilidad
del tejado, pero sa era la intencin. Tambin existe controversia respecto
a la identidad del autor: un tiro directo de un proyectil veneciano, un oficial
de Luneburgo, o tenientes de dicho ejrcito (francs, alemn o veneciano).
Morosini no qued satisfecho e intent llevarse los maravillosos caballos
de Atenea y Poseidn del frontn occidental, pero la polea se parti y se
hicieron polvo contra el suelo.
Ese precio pag Venecia o quizs toda la Europa cristiana por la
posesin de la Acrpolis durante 6 meses y la ocupacin de Atenas durante
un ao y medio, ya que en 1688 abandonaron el castillo por falta de
intereses estratgicos, por lo que desde entonces la Acrpolis se convertira
en un denso barrio turco. Despus de 1699, en el Partenn se construira
una segunda mezquita con cpula, ms pequea, de transepto octogonal y
sin minarete, y la Atenas otomana sera objeto de todo tipo de pillajes por
parte de turcos, los vndalos eruditos y Elgin.
Thomas Bruce Elgin, sptimo Conde de Elgin y undcimo Duque de
Kincardine, lleg en 1800 a Constantinopla como embajador extraordinario,
comisionado de Constantinopla (1789-1803). Su propsito era que su
embajada fuera beneficiosa para el progreso de las Bellas Artes en Gran
Bretaa. No obstante, rara vez se cita la segunda parte de dicha frase del
lord: Bonaparte no tiene algo as tras todos sus robos en Italia (Hoock
2007: 61, Hitchens 2008: 32).
Elgin contrat, entre otros, al paisajista Giovanni Battista Lusieri para
que dibujara los monumentos de Atenas. El acceso a la Acrpolis dependa
del comandante militar o Disdar, por lo que Elgin obtuvo un permiso
(firmn) del gobierno turco. Su gente de confianza haba contemplado el
ritmo al que las antigedades estaban siendo destruidas (Cook 1997: 70,
Hunt y Smith 1916: 177), y en 1801, inspirado por las acciones colonialistas
de los ingenieros franceses en Egipto, contrat a 300 hombres para hacerse
con ms esculturas antes de que fueran presa de los franceses o argamasa
de los turcos (Chancellor 1995). Influy mucho su eterno deseo de decorar
su mansin escocesa ya que el efecto sera admirable, tengo otros lugares
en la casa que lo necesitan (Gazi 1990: 243; Hitchens 2008: 29-31).
El original turco del firmn se entreg a los oficiales en Atenas, el cual
no ha sido hallado. La traduccin al italiano peda que nadie impidiera
70
que se llevaran qualche pezzi di pietra, y no bloques de piedras con

inscripciones o figuras, como escribe Cook de la traduccin en ingls. Fue
entonces cuando Lusieri sugiri a Elgin segar las esculturas para poder
transportarlas a Inglaterra.
As, la primera metopa se la llevaron el 31 de julio de 1801, continuando
hasta 1804, labor dirigida principalmente por Lusieri, quien para lo cual
contrat, curiosamente, a 30 griegos. Entre otras cosas curiosas est que
Elgin no visitara Grecia por primera vez hasta 1802, cuando muchas
de las esculturas estaban ya rumbo a Inglaterra. Lady Elgin, casi nunca
mencionada, fue quien convenci a la flota inglesa de que transportaran
las cerca de 200 toneladas, incluso con la flota francesa al acecho. Es decir,
el proyecto hubiera sido inconcebible sin el apoyo incondicional del estado
britnico.
En 1802, Lusieri, moralmente ambiguo, rog a Elgin permanecer en
Atenas para que algunas de las barbaridades que me he visto obligado
a cometer en vuestro servicio puedan ser olvidadas. Igualmente, sugiri
que se restauraran los mrmoles en Roma por el seor Canova, el escultor
ms famoso de nuestra era (Hunt y Smith 1916: 202-3). En 1803 Elgin
invit a Canova a encargarse de la restauracin pero ste afirm que sera
un sacrilegio por su parte o cualquier hombre pensar en tocarlas con un
cincel (Cook 1997: 78), lo que ayudara a cambiar la moda.
De vuelta a Inglaterra, Napolen hizo prisionero a Elgin hasta 1806,
debido, entre otros, a la inquina personal que senta por el ya famoso
expoliador.
En 1807, los mrmoles fueron expuestos y empezaron a causar sensacin.
Cuando la paz entre Gran Bretaa y Turqua se restableci dos aos ms
tarde, el transporte estaba asegurado y tambin Lusieri pudo regresar. El 22
de abril de 1811 las ltimas cajas partieron a bordo del Hydra, aunque ya
desde 1810 Lord Elgin estaba presionando al gobierno britnico para que
comprara su coleccin.
El Comit especialmente designado por el Parlamento (Select
Committee) dictamin que la coleccin se haba obtenido con la aprobacin
de las autoridades turcas, aunque no es concluyente, y que Elgin haba
actuado por cuenta propia. Richard Payne Knight, personaje influyente,
consider entonces que las esculturas eran del tiempo de Adriano, lo
que redujo el valor y precio artstico e histrico que estaba dispuesto a
pagar el Parlamento. Los mrmoles le haban costado al lord 74.240 libras
con intereses, unos cuatro millones de dlares actuales. Finalmente, el
Parlamento la confi en 1816 al Museo Britnico (MB de ahora en adelante)
tras pagar, 35.000 libras segn la mayora de expertos.
71
Las acciones del lord provocan reacciones diametralmente opuestas:

los restitucionistas y los retencionistas. Estos ltimos suelen representar la
situacin del Partenn entonces de forma catastrofista (cf. Jenkins 2004:
16), y el lord como diplomtico y helenista, una distinguida figura de la
Ilustracin que realiz un acto de rescate (Jenkins 2001: 19, Murray 2007),
ya que en las mencionadas circunstancias sus actos fueron menos graves.
Adems, como comenta Smith, si algunos perciben dicha coleccin como
las joyas de la corona de la Grecia moderna, es precisamente gracias a su
adquisicin y exposicin por parte de Gran Bretaa (Merryman 2009),
lo que incluso influy considerablemente en la percepcin artstica de
Occidente.
Esta paradjica obligacin a estar agradecidos a Elgin nos choca en
especial, ya que est sobradamente demostrado que quera las originales
para su uso particular y lleg a considerarlas para comprar su libertad, entre
otros, como prisionero de guerra de Napolen. Adems, segn Merryman,
un firmn era un edicto/orden/decreto/permiso/carta de un gobierno
otomano dirigido a uno de sus oficiales ordenando/sugiriendo/pidiendo
que se le concediera un favor a alguna persona, de lo cual se desprende
que, aunque hubiera existido el original, simplemente sera un permiso
administrativo, y no ttulo de posesin, aunque sirvieran para ratificar dos
veces sus acciones.
Resulta especialmente sorprendente que slo dos lores le acusaran de
expolio: Sir John Newport y Hugh Hammersley. Este ltimo sugiri que
se devolviera la coleccin de donde se obtuvo ilcitamente cuando sea
reclamada, lo que sent el primer precedente de su devolucin, ya en 1816.
Segn Gazi, debido a su dbil posicin, los sentimientos de los griegos
fueron ignorados. No en vano se presentan a los atenienses de entonces
paseando con supina indiferencia entre las gloriosas ruinas de la
Antigedad, y tal es la degradacin de su carcter, que son incapaces de
admirar el genio de sus predecesores (Gibbon 1829: 232), o que la gente
reaccionaba ante la destruccin de su patrimonio simplemente porque
teman enfadar a los espritus que vivan en ellos.
Suponemos que fue en una reciente pilastra del Erectein donde Elgin
grabara su nombre y el de su mujer o, segn otros autores, se poda leer
(obra de Elgin). Cuando en 1810 Lord Byron visit la
Acrpolis, tal fue su ira al descubrir sus expolios y dicha inscripcin, que
borr el nombre de Elgin, y junto con su compaero Hobhouse inscribieron
en el muro exterior: Quod non fecerunt Gothi, hoc fecerunt Scoti! (lo que
no hicieron los godos, lo hicieron los escoceses). Lo ms curioso es que
ambos amigos visitaron el lugar acompaados por el mismsimo Lusieri,
72
del que se dice que era ntimo de Byron, quien consideraba bellsimos sus
dibujos. Incluso le mostr Sunio en una excursin, durante la cual quizs
Byron dejara su nombre en el templo de Poseidn.
Byron plasm sus sentimientos de ira y desprecio hacia Elgin en las
primeras estrofas de Childe Harold, y sobre todo en The Curse of Minerva
(La Maldicin de Minerva), considerada una stira breve sobre el arrogante
saqueo del patrimonio griego (Franklin 2007: 8). Fue escrita en 1811 pero
publicada pstumamente en 1828. Proponemos la traduccin de varios
fragmentos, inditos en espaol, y que hemos credo ms relevantes. Nos
basamos en Complete Poetical Works, Oxford University Press (1970: 143144); traduccin y tipografa de Alejandro G. Aragn:
Mortal! as fue cmo habl. Ese rubor de deshonra
me anuncia que eres ingls, nombre de un pueblo otrora honroso;
primero entre los poderosos, el ms destacado de los libres,
ahora honrado menos por todos, y por m an menos:
pues desde ahora Palas ser, de tus enemigos, el primero.
Buscas el motivo de tanto desprecio? Mira a tu alrededor.
Helo aqu! Sobreviviendo a la guerra y el fuego consumidor,
he visto perecer una tirana tras otra.
De los turcos y los godos, escap de los estragos,
y tu pas enva a un expoliador peor que ambos.
Contempla este templo, vaco, profanado;
vuelve a contar los vestigios que an quedan, destrozados:
Ccrope coloc stos, ste lo orn Pericles,
y cuando la Ciencia decaa, aqul lo alz Adriano.
La gratitud d fe de otras deudas que agradezco
mas sabe: Elgin y Alarico hicieron el resto.
Para que todos sepan la procedencia del saqueador,
un muro ofendido reza su nombre odioso:
as, por la fama de Elgin, Palas suplica agradecida,
abajo, su nombre contemplad sus acciones, arriba!
El monarca godo y el par picto
con los mismos honores aqu sean aclamados:
las armas le dieron el derecho al primero, el ltimo no tena,
y, an as, ruinmente rob lo que los brbaros ganaron.
Y es que cuando el len abandona a su presa,
merodea primero el lobo, por ltimo el vil chacal:
carne, miembros y sangre devora el primero,
y la ltima y pobre bestia roe tranquila el hueso.
73
Sin embargo, los dioses son justos y los crmenes, castigados:

Mira aqu lo que Elgin perdi, y lo que ha ganado! ().
Ces un momento y, as, me atrev a replicar,
con tal de calmar la venganza encendida en sus ojos:
Hija de Jpiter! En el ofendido nombre de Gran Bretaa,
un legtimo ingls renegara de tal hazaa.
No le frunzas el ceo a Inglaterra, no pertenece a suelo ingls:
No, Atenea! Tu saqueador fue un escocs ().
Mortal! reanud la doncella de ojos azules,
() La irrevocable orden de Palas, en silencio, pues, escucha;
escucha y cree, que el tiempo se encargar del resto.
Primero, sobre la cabeza de aqul que cometi este crimen
mi maldicin caer, sobre l y toda su estirpe:
sin una chispa de fuego intelectual en ellos
sean todos los hijos tan insensatos como su padre:
y si uno hubiere con seso, que traiga la ignominia sobre su progenie,
de una raza ms brillante, se le considere bastardo:
que contine parloteando con sus artistas mercenarios
y el elogio de la Locura compense el odio de la Sabidura;
que hablen mucho todava del deleite del patrn,
cuyo deleite ms noble y ms nativo es ser vendedor ().
Oh, que te repugnen en vida y no perdonen a tus cenizas,
que el odio persiga su sacrlega codicia!
Vinculado al insensato que incendi el templo de feso,
mucho ms all de la tumba la venganza le persiga,
y brillen los nombres de Erstrato y Elgin
en muchas pginas deshonrosas y renglones ardientes;
conservados para que sigan malditos, ambos por siempre,
acaso el segundo, que el primero, ms aciagamente.
Parece que la maldicin de Atenea o de los espritus del lugar surti

efecto aos antes que la de Minerva de Byron, ya que los mrmoles le haban
costado a Elgin su libertad, dinero, reputacin, carrera, el hundimiento del
Mentor, su mansin confiscada por deudas, incluso su mujer, puesto que
al regresar de Francia encontr que estaba conviviendo con otro hombre.
Incluso huy a Pars, donde haba vivido encarcelado, y se gan el odio
de Napolen y el posterior de los griegos independizados. Perdi, por
74
supuesto, el ttulo de barn, que recay en su hijo, a quien se le recuerda

por haber destruido el Palacio de Verano de Pekn en 1860, lo que quizs
demuestra que los hijos estaban siendo tan insensatos como su padre.
El 22 de abril de 1811, el mismo ao en que se escribiera La Maldicin,
las ltimas cajas partieron de Atenas a bordo del Hydra acompaadas por
Lusieri y, curiosamente, por Byron. Lusieri morira a los 70 aos en Atenas,
a la vspera de la sublevacin griega, con sus dibujos, a juicio de Byron y
Hobhouse, inacabados. El fruto de 20 aos de trabajo iba a bordo del HMS
Cambrian en 1828 cuando naufrag. Quizs tampoco Lusieri se libr de la
maldicin.
En lo que concierne a la etapa arqueolgica del Partenn, podramos
situarla en la conciencia neohelena desde que los atenienses se sublevaran
contra el turco el 25 de abril de 1821, asediaran Atenas y el 10 de junio de
1822 tomaran control de la Acrpolis. Segn Ousterhout, la Roca Sagrada
sufri ms daos en dicho sitio cuando los turcos sitiados descolocaron
las piedras para sacar el plomo que las una y hacer balas. Fue entonces
cuando los atenienses les entregaron balas para que cesaran. Otra muestra
del inicio de dicha etapa es la decisin griega de construir un museo en
la Acrpolis, que data de 1824, incluso antes de la independencia, por lo
que la conciencia arqueolgica estaba muy arraigada al contrario de lo que
suele exponerse. A estas ideas se podran aadir la de en sus
Memorias: no permitis que salgan [las antigedades] de nuestra patria.
Por ellas luchamos.
Aunque Bizancio empez a adquirir ms peso en el s. XIX que el
argumento clsico, ya el discurso de bienvenida del rey Otto en 1834
auguraba una concepcin ms purista: todos los vestigios de barbarismo
sern eliminados. Desde entonces, se aseguraron de que nadie pudiera
mirar al Partenn y decir que una vez fue lo que fue durante mil aos:
la iglesia de la Theotokos. De tal manera, en ese mismo ao de 1834, en
busca del helenismo a travs de la remodelacin del paisaje, Karl Friedrich
Schinkel propuso construir el palacio del primer rey griego en la Acrpolis,
reduciendo el Partenn a un mero patrn decorativo en los jardines.
Se podra afirmar que el Partenn no es un monumento antiguo
estrictamente hablando, como afirma Kaldellis (2007), que el parque
arqueolgico central es como un agujero negro de un recuerdo ajeno, cuyo
significado es cada vez ms escurridizo e incierto. Tanto se ha forzado al
Partenn que casi se ha llegado a convertir en un puro smbolo.
Con estas ideas puristas, en 1842 se desmantel la segunda mezquita al
derrumbarse parte de su estructura, y en 1865 se cimentara el primer Museo
de la Acrpolis en una hondonada frente al Partenn. Desgraciadamente,
75
un ingeniero llamado Balanos restaur lo ms que pudo durante 30 aos

(1894-1932), siendo un gran error haber seguido un valor esttico en lugar
del estudio y precisin arqueolgicos, sobre todo debido al uso excesivo de
elementos de hierro, de cuya corrosin se tiene constancia desde 1943.
Sin embargo, la historia del Partenn no es slo la de Atenas. A comienzos
del s. XX, el principio que guiaba la exposicin de los mrmoles en el
Museo Britnico (MB) era presentarlos de la forma ms completa posible,
por lo que se fueron juntando fragmento a fragmento en Londres, no en
Atenas, hasta 1919, segn Cook. Este mismo autor admite que la Duveen
Gallery, donde se alojaban, fue bombardeada en 1940 y no volvi a abrirse
hasta 1962. De igual manera, el museo de la Acrpolis anterior al actual se
inaugur en diciembre de 1964, y, as mismo, los alemanes entraron en la
capital griega el 27 de abril de 1941, colgando tambin su bandera nazi en la
Acrpolis, pero respetndola. La devolucin de los mrmoles estuvo a punto
de llevarse a cabo en 1941 debido a que el Foreign Office y el MB queran
premiar el valor que demostraron los griegos en dicha guerra. Recordemos
por ejemplo a Manolis Glezos, que tuvo el coraje de destruir dicha bandera,
y el episodio de la radio ateniense llamando a la resistencia. Sin embargo,
se tema que la devolucin de los mrmoles ofendiera el orgullo griego
siendo ms un favor que un derecho (Gazi 1990: 245). Los britnicos ya
haban prometido devolver los mrmoles tras la independencia de Grecia,
as como en esta ocasin, pero ninguna promesa se cumpli pese a estar en
igualdad de condiciones blicas.
De acuerdo con los fiduciarios del MB, puesto que las esculturas son
parte del patrimonio cultural mundial, deberan estar en un museo
universal. Significa esto que ningn museo que se haga en Grecia puede
ser universal? La devolucin de las antigedades griegas no supone limitar
su universalidad, aunque lo griego est en todas partes y su patrimonio sea
problemtico.
Segn Cook, es de destacar la larga tradicin del MB en promover
el entendimiento y la apreciacin del Partenn y sus esculturas al mayor
pblico posible, sin embargo, como indica Osborne, la colocacin de los
bloques del friso en los muros interiores de la sala es completamente ajena
a la disposicin original, y, lo que es peor, la distorsiona. El MB arga
tambin que en Londres estaran mejor conservados, pero en 1938 se
emiti un informe de una auditora del MB en que se aseguraba que se
haban utilizado mtodos inapropiados para la limpieza de los mrmoles,
como brochas de cerdas de cobre y una solucin de jabn, agua y
amonaco. El efecto fue devastador: se eliminaron varias capas reconocidas
como parte integral de la escultura: la ptina o epidermis, ms profunda,
76
marrn anaranjada, y la otra ms superficial, de color beige, denominada

coating (capa). De hecho, a juzgar simplemente por las lminas de los
bloques contiguos de A. H. Smith de 1910 reproducidas en Jenkins en 2004
se pueden comparar y llegar a la conclusin de que la conservacin de los
bloques llevados a Londres es mucho peor que la de los que permanecieron
en Atenas, recordemos a merced del francs, del turco y la intemperie.
Durante los aos de dictadura griega (1967-74) hubo un gran vaco
arqueolgico, hasta restablecida la democracia en 1974 y la adhesin
de Grecia a la Comunidad Europea de entonces en 1981, lo cual dio un
nuevo impulso a los argumentos para la reunificacin. Desde que en el
ao 1982 Melina Mercuri entonces ministra griega de Cultura planteara
oficialmente ante Gran Bretaa la reclamacin de los mrmoles griegos
del Museo Britnico, la cuestin no ha dejado de estar en el candelero
con su famosa frase: muchas gracias por admirar nuestro legado, ahora
devulvannoslo. La celebracin mundial del patrimonio griego, aunque
segn Lowenthal infle el orgullo local, no lo hace menos su propio legado.
Las esculturas del Partenn haban adquirido otro significado, que perdura
hasta el da de hoy: el de obras maestras de arte nacionales griegas de las que
se haban apropiado fuerzas extranjeras.
En Gran Bretaa se form una agrupacin a favor de la devolucin,
el British Committee for the Restitution of the Parthenon Marbles, y el
apoyo internacional hizo que se creara la Melina Mercouri Foundation.
Desde 1983, con una importante aportacin econmica por parte de la
Comunidad Europea y bajo la supervisin cientfica de un Comit para
la conservacin de los monumentos de la Acrpolis, se ha emprendido
la ejecucin del ambicioso Proyecto de Reconstruccin del Partenn.
Lambrinou y Beard comentan los detalles y las estrategias oficiales de
conservacin con todos sus problemas y casustica hasta el momento, entre
los que se podran destacar la contaminacin atmosfrica, como factor
destructivo, desde la industrializacin de los aos 50; los mejores materiales
que se emplean actualmente (inorgnicos, reversibles y compatibles con el
mrmol), as como el titanio para las junturas; estudios de daos ssmicos,
como el de 1981; la ausencia de lneas rectas en el templo; la falsa nocin de
la proporcin divina o urea en su concepcin (nmero =1:1,6) en lugar
de la correcta (9:4 y 4:9), etc.
Bajo la direccin de Manolis Korres, el proyecto ha contribuido a la
identificacin de muchos de los fragmentos desprendidos del templo,
y sigue una combinacin de tcnicas similares a las del s. V a. C. y de
tecnologa punta. Charalambos Bouras, presidente del proyecto, afirma
que mantienen los trozos originales sin daarlos y se le aaden nuevos
77
de mrmol de la misma cantera del Pentlico para poder encajarlos en la

estructura general. El equipo debe identificar, reparar y reubicar alrededor
de unas 70.000 piezas nicas e inintercambiables. La precisin de la
colocacin de las piezas originales es tal que existen diferencias cruciales
de hasta una dcima de milmetro. En 2008, el Comit llevaba ya 30 aos
para algo que se construy en menos de 9 y sobre 100 millones de dlares
gastados. Segn Cathy Paraschi, del equipo de Korres, se podra terminar la
obra en los prximos 10 aos, y han elegido mantener lo que ha sobrevivido
durante 25 siglos: una majestuosa ruina, sin devolverle los colores originales
ni otras caractersticas.
La fascinacin desarrollada por la cultura clsica y el Partenn aument
el arraigo nacional por el pasado de Grecia. Adems de la famosa peticin de
Mercuri, se intent tambin en el Parlamento Europeo en 1998, la UNESCO
en 1999 intent impulsar el dilogo internacional, en 1999-2000 tambin
lo intent la ministra de cultura Papazoi, as como en los Juegos Olmpicos
de 2004, siempre sin xito. En el memorndum de Papazoi se enumeran
los mrmoles, que suman casi la mitad de la decoracin escultrica del
Partenn sin olvidar que la coleccin no comprende mrmoles de dicho
edificio nicamente. Desde entonces se aboga por que se trate como
caso nico, ya que se crearon como partes integrales del monumento, cosa
ampliamente demostrada. Estas secciones no completas en s mismas
(Gordimer 2008) adems, estn seccionadas de forma arbitraria. Basta con
comprobar la procesin del friso meridional en que los bloques contiguos
estn distribuidos en Atenas, Londres, Atenas, Londres, Atenas, Londres.
Con el fin de acabar con esta situacin, en 2001, Grecia convoc un
concurso arquitectnico para realizar el Nuevo Museo de la Acrpolis
(NMA), que ganaron los arquitectos Tschumi y , inaugurndose
dicho museo en junio de 2009 y reavivndose as el debate de la devolucin.
El museo se encuentra justo bajo la Roca Sagrada, a 300 metros del
Partenn, y cuenta con cerca de 14.000m2. El NMA, al contrario que el
MB, sigue de forma clara una tendencia: representar las condiciones
originales en la antigedad. Esto lo consigue con la luz natural tica, la
colocacin de las Caritides sobre un pedestal de altura igual a la prtasis
del Erectein y sin vitrinas, la imitacin de las dimensiones del templo en
la sala de las esculturas del Partenn y la colocacin de las mismas segn su
distribucin original. Hay que sumarle que el visitante tiene la sensacin de
estar suspendido sobre la antigua ciudad gracias a los cristales que protegen
el nuevo yacimiento del enclave. Todo esto confiere al museo el estatus
de mxima idoneidad para su propsito: albergar todos los mrmoles. Ya
desde 1998 , entonces ministro de cultura, anunciaba
78
que el plan del NMA iba de la mano de la devolucin a su lugar natural.

Con esto se evitara la sensacin de Byron de admirar las obras y aborrecer
al ladrn.
Segn las cifras oficiales, ms de dos millones de personas han visitado el
NMA durante su primer ao de operatividad, y los tres primeros pases de
origen de los visitantes durante ese periodo fueron primero Grecia, EE.UU.
y luego Reino Unido. Si se tratara de un museo poco accesible para los
britnicos, y sobre todo, si fuera un museo no universal no recibira entre
los diez primeros pases a ciudadanos de otros continentes en un nico ao
de funcionamiento. A todo esto hay que aadir que el museo, cuando se le
pide informacin sobre la devolucin de los mrmoles, recomienda visitar
la pgina del Comit Britnico para la Reunificacin de los Mrmoles del
Partenn.
Muchos retencionistas afirman que los griegos tuvieron 155 aos
desde la independencia de Grecia hasta que pidieron su devolucin en
1983, por lo que debe haber algn tipo de magia cultural inherente al
objeto autntico y autores como Merryman proponen que deberan ser
reinstaladas sobre el templo, lo que podra conseguirse trasladando el
Partenn a Londres o directamente sobre el Partenn ponindole una
sper bveda para protegerlo de la corrosiva atmsfera ateniense. Se
puede hablar as de un tema tan grave por nacional y evidentemente
injusto? Se puede hablar todava, de que hay ms de un lugar que pueda
llamarse legtimamente hogar de los mrmoles de Elgin, como afirman
profesores de Oxford (Beard 2004)?
Imaginen por un momento que Grecia era una menor de edad que da
a luz a un nio (las esculturas repartidas por Europa) y, antes de alcanzar
su madurez y mayora de edad, su madrastra tirana ilegtima, Turqua, lo
entrega a un poderoso magnate, el Reino Unido. Ahora, en igualdad de
condiciones, ahora que la madre biolgica es mayor de edad y tiene pleno
derecho de reclamar a su hijo legtimo, no es justo que vuelva a su casa
tras tantas reclamaciones, luchas y promesas rotas? Sera tan simple como
repatriarlo a su casa a cargo y coste de Grecia, la principal interesada y,
en caso de que Grecia se encontrara incapacitada para su manutencin,
regresara al Reino Unido, su supuesto cuidador. Grecia debera permitir
la entrada libre a perpetuidad a la familia del cuidador, es decir, a todo
ciudadano britnico, a la exposicin por fin al completo. Ambas naciones
podran fundar un patronato para garantizar el estudio, conservacin y
difusin de, en concreto, esas esculturas.
Debemos hacer nfasis en la lgica actual tambin, y desde el punto de
vista legal, el cual ha venido dejndose de lado ltimamente, como afirma
(2009), as como hacer hincapi en que los grandes museos
79
son los guardianes, no siempre los propietarios del patrimonio cultural

que les ha llegado. Como sabemos, un pequeo nmero de fragmentos de
las esculturas del Partenn tambin puede encontrarse en otros museos,
aunque no se ha pedido su restitucin, lo que consideramos un grave error,
porque concentrar siempre los esfuerzos hacia Londres parece hacer del
problema una cuestin personal con Gran Bretaa, cosa incierta.
Un grupo internacional que hace campaa a favor de la devolucin
coment en 2009 que las Olimpiadas de Londres de 2012 seran la ocasin
perfecta para devolver las reliquias a casa, puesto que, como afirmaba ya
Frederic Harrison en un artculo de 1890-1, son mil veces ms preciosos y
ms importantes para la nacin griega de lo que jams sern para la nacin
inglesa, que simplemente las compr.
El Partenn es el smbolo desmembrado de la identidad de Europa
tanto de facto como de iure. No hay edificio o monumento que haya sufrido
tantas transformaciones: ciudadela, caja fuerte y tesoro, templo, palacete,
residencia, iglesia cristiana, sede de arzobispado y catedral ortodoxa,
catedral catlica, mausoleo, mezquita, barrio, fortaleza, polvorn, lugar
arqueolgico, smbolo nacional e internacional... Es incluso una doble
maravilla por su incomparable belleza y su milagrosa conservacin.
Piensen por un momento en otros monumentos-smbolos europeos. No
son comparables por su testimonio ni con su carga histrica europea.
Por todo esto, todos y cada uno de los mrmoles, estn donde estn,
deben reencontrarse en su ciudad natal en su calidad de patrimonio de
la humanidad, y este acto de reunificacin hara del Partenn un nuevo
smbolo: el smbolo inequvoco de la reconciliacin europea en una unin
tangible y mximo exponente de la madurez histrica y cultural de todos y
cada uno de los ciudadanos europeos.
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(12-18 .)
Locals vs foreigners: criteria for the formation of local identities

in Late Byzantium. An approach to Modern Graecitas
through Late Byzantine writers
Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou
Late Byzantine writers reporting on movements of people throughout

the Byzantine space and beyond during an age of decline for Byzantium,
frequently referred to the provenance of their dramatis personae. Presenting us with elements relating to the identity of their heroes, the writers
often stressed the group, community, alliance or alignment to which their
heroes belonged, or were perceived to belong. What is of interest is how
precisely they chose to do that, what dimension or criterion they specifically chose to convey to their readership. This is why we focus in this paper
not on what Late Byzantines writers considered themselves to be, but on
the basis of what elements they arrived at that result.
The most concrete relevant criteria and corresponding technical terms
used in order to define individuals and groups are given by Constantine
Acropolites. The writer gives us a very representative example of how writers of the period perceived differentiation and distinguishing features in
people. He focuses on four elements that set groups of people completely
apart and constitute group identities. These elements, arranged rather hierarchically, are: language, origins/race, laws and habits.1 Acropolites might
have been influenced by the relevant platonic ideas that were being studied
widely at his time.2 Nevertheless, he offers a list of differentiation criteria
which we will follow as a kind of Ariadnes clue in this study.
The identity differentiation elements and relevant terms as appearing
in historical writing have been studied by contemporary scholars. In our
paper we will recall some of these examples,3 then we will discuss what
1
2
3
Acrpolites, Barbaros, 405.6: . Cf. Ahrweiler, Lidologie, 51. These criteria have been confirmed as universal
ones according to latest studies: Kinzler-Dupoux-Spelke, 12577-12580.
Constantinides, Education, 126. Cacouros, Philosophie, 16.
Especially from the 13th-14th centuries. For the late historians Sphrantzes, Critoboulos,
Chalcocondyles, Ducas: Vryonis, Self-Consciousness, 7-11; Reinsch, , 71-86;
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , E (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
108
these criteria were and how they appear adapted in hagiographical works
of the period.
HISTORIOGRAPHY: Language and origins
In order to define their heroes identity many Late Byzantine historians
mention ethnic origins and language. For example George Acropolites
narrating Michael VIII Paleologuss rise to power describes the Scythian
soldiers (=Cumans) soldiers consenting to the event both by social and by
ethnic segments: they did not answer as Barbarians, that is in barbarian
tongue, but as Greeks and intelligibly.4 In this occurrence Greek language
and the wisdom it was perceived to convey, was paramount as an identity
distinguishing feature. The word makes a sharp contrast between
Greek and barbaric language, implying that Greek, from the linguistic point
of view, provided a comprehensive and accurate way of expression.
However, to argue that features, such as language and provenance,
although among the most important, were the sole ones defining identities in Late Byzantium is to stretch the point, since labels such as Romans,
Greeks, barbarians etc were used already in Antiquity.5 Nevertheless, these
old paradigms, in the Paleologan context, appear to have acquired a new
malleability, showing changing identity concepts in groups of people and
their self-identification. Our beacon in this paper is the image which in
the language of our writers described how people of the time perceived
their identity. Let us examine the criteria applied in order to determine
a collective identity, a community, be it real or imagined,6 (perceived as
such either from within or from outside), as well as the criteria used for
someone in order to be accepted in a community or to interact with it.
Constantine Acropolites stresses one criterion among all others:
language. He contrasts Greek language to St. Barbaross barbarian utterances.7 This idea probably echoes a personal experience since the Byzantine capital, where Acropolites lived, was then home to a great number of
foreigners.8 He was not the only scholar of the time who underlined the
importance of Greek language as an identity criterion; several authors, up
4
5
6
7
8
Kiousopoulou, , 204-234. For the Chronicle of Morea: Page, Identity, 209ff.

Acropolites, 76,158: Macrides, Akropolites, 344-345.
Kantorowicz, Patria, 473-477. Miles, Identities, 4.
Miles, Identities, 5.
Acrpolites, Barbaros, 412.18-20.
Oikonomids, Hommes, 35-41.
Locals vs foreigners: local identities in Late Byzantium
109
to the 15th century,9 continued the tendency of embracing and appreciating

the Greek paideia.10
The function of language in distinguishing people and in designating
their origins is paramount in Pachymeress History. He used specifically
the words and 11 to define groups that belong to the
same nation and speak the same language. That meant also that language as
a differentiation pivot criterion could result either in communication or in
miscommunication, especially when linked to other differentiation criteria, such as religion and dogma.12 This is what happened between Greeks
and Italians in dogmatic discussions, according to Pachymeres.13 He significantly uses the word to characterize Orthodox Romans, i.e. Byzantines, as opposed to Italians, those of Latin dogma.14
Similarly, George Acropolites had stressed that we are of another 15
than the Latins, thus putting to the forefront the linkage between religious
customs and language/race.16 Language, an essential identity element,
subsumes a difference which, beginning as a linguistic one, will end as an
ideological one. The same distinction / was used already in
the beginning of the 13th century by the metropolitan of Naupaktos John
Apokaukos, who identified himself as and 17 in contrast to
the Latins, compared to wild beasts. Thus, the argumentation on a Byzantine as a Hellene/ occurs mostly as a reaction to Latin perspectives (18).
Language was also the primary differentiation criterion for Theodore
Metochites. Given the uninterrupted continuity of the Greek language,
Metochites19 underlines the direct provenance of Byzantines from
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Gemistos, 247. See Kiousopoulou, , 218.

Magdalino, Manuel, 393ff.
Pachymeres, X.8: IV,321.5-6, .32:IV,603.30. See Vryonis, Identity, 34.
Benveniste-Gaganakis, Heterodoxies, 8.
Pachymeres, V.12: II,481.12-5.
Maltezou, T, 112-114; Kaldellis, Hellenism, 340-344, 355-360.
Acropolites, 17.30: Macrides, Akropolites, 155, 156. See Gounarides, Grecs, 250-251.
Page, Identity, 99.
Beccos, Peace, 431.5-7, underlines the role of native tongues in expressing dogmatic
differences. See Maltezou, Diversitas, 93-102.
Apokaukos, Letters, 69, 127.24-25 ...
. See Magdalino, Hellenism, 12; Kaldellis, Hellenism, 344-345. Cf.
Jeffreys(s), Beast, 101-116.
Meletios, 617.
For Metochites (Semeioseis, 19.5.2 published between 1321 and 1328: commentary,
XIV) the contemporary flourishing of rhetoric attested the continuity of the Greek
language. See Bydn, Antithesis, 273-387.
110
Hellenes: .20 Hence, the combination of two criteria, language and origins, (including race21 and ancestry ) was for him the basic feature delineating
a national identity.
Habits and Laws
To further define identity, especially as part of a group identity, Metochites
used as basic element another one of those enumerated by Acropolites: the
/habit.22 Thus, the ante letteram humanist thinker23 uses this criterion, in order to define the most common collectivity to which one might
belong, that is the concept of ones ancestral homeland (). To exemplify his views Metochites used the most classic paradigm from the Odyssey (1.58ff ) and defined the homeland concept as the habit of living in an
accustomed place (home).
Further examples of /habit related to identities and homeland
are encountered in the Histories of Pachymeres24 and of John Cantakuzenus. The latter says that Protokynegos Kontofre was useful against the Turks,
because he had lived with them and had learned their customs and habits.25
War habits were consequently defined as a differentiating element of the
Turkish identity. Cantakuzenus commented on Andronic IIIs unwillingness to marry his daughter Maria (Eirene?) with the Bulgarian prince Ivan,
because she was unaccustomed to the barbarian habits, customs and
laws.26 Thus, Cantakuzenus appears to confirm the last two of the four identity criteria, stated by Constantine Acropolites. Moreover, his use of the
words Greek habits and not Roman, as per imperial ideology, in order
to allude to the princesss customs, implies an obvious difference in culture.
Similarly Gregoras depicting the Scythians (Bulgarians) describes
their rough manners and their crude style of living and remarks that,
they, despite the complete absence of high living and lack of intellectual
20
21
22
23
24
Metochites, Irony, 40.1-2. See Vryonis, Self-Consciousness, 13.

See Gounarides, , 9-10; Reinsh, , 73; Kaldellis, Hellenism, 355-364.
Metochites, Semeioseis, 6.3.4; 6.4.1-6.
Hunger, Metochites, 19. See also Bazzani, Humanist, 32-52.
The links among Latins of Constantinople were due to their common customs, habits
and laws: Pachymeres, II.32: I,219.29-221.3. See Balard, Lorganisation, 261-276. Dursteller, Venetians, 61.
25 Cantakuzenus, , 341.14-16. Arnakes, , 178-179.
26 Cantakuzenus, I, 504-505:
. See, Bosch,
Andronikos III, 81 and note 1.
111
culture, occasionally used the Greek language.27 Therefore Gregoras also

indirectly confirms customs and habits, including cultural ones, as prime
elements for defining a groups identity, turning into a national one. The
same author discussing the friendship between John Cantakuzenus and
the Turkish emir of Aydin Umur, notes the emirs using his native tongue
and different (barbarian) laws, customs and habits.28 Gregoras follows the
same criteria as Acropolites, Metochites and Cantacuzenus. However he
further proceeds to nuance the notion of identity by making the (surprisingly modern) comment that common views,29 prevail in the formation of
group identities. Subsequently Gregoras gives precedence to a criterion that
defines ones cultural identity and which was also one changing at will.
Along with origins, habits and customs Cantakuzenus also used the
concept of as part of a national identity. Describing the preparations
for the battle of Pelekanos (May 1329) Cantakuzenus stated that Andronic
III in an inspired speech asked his men to fight for their ancestors, their
country and freedom.30 That the emperor really pronounced such a speech,
or not, is beside the point. What is of interest is that the defense of ones
own country () is stated as part and parcel of ones national identity.
Cantakuzenus writing at a time of crisis, when the pressure to appeal to a
commonality as an identifying element against a foe increases, had every
reason to underline the Byzantine notion of national identity.
For Metochites and Cantacuzenus homeland was above all the place
defined by the same language and customs, while for Gregoras, it was primarily the place connected with the ancestral race and origins and secondary
with ones habits and customs. Thus, Gregoras describes Constantinople as
a bastard homeland,31 in relation to the Latins.
Hence, the most typical criteria used by our writers as identity pointers for individuals and groups were those pertaining to language, origins/
race,32 customs/habits and laws, endorsing the concept of homeland. They
are the same ones we use as our guiding string according to Constantine
Acropolitess definition. The link between language as a primary identity
criterion and ones origins as well as the homeland concept were associated
27 Gregoras, I/1, 31-32.
28 Gregoras, II, 649: o ,

. See Lemerle, Aydin, 108-115; Nicol, Cantacuzene, 35-36.
29 Gregoras, I/1, 650: ,
.
30 Cantakouzenus, I, 345.18-22. Cf. evenko, Decline, 167-186.
31 Gregoras I/1, 86: . See Koder, Identitten, 314.
32 See Maltezou, T, 108-112; Page, Identity, 41ff.
112
to a further dimension: language provided the inception point to adopt a

common (or perceived as such) past, i.e. the link with a place, a provenance
where it was spoken among a group. To deny this past as in the example of
the bastard homeland was to deny acceptance to that group.
In parallel with labels such as Greek, barbarian, Latin, Scythian etc, technical terms which denote someones common race or ancestry as ,
, are recurrent in Late Byzantine Historiography. These words
also often contrast with their antonyms, used in order to identify someone as opposed to someone else: terms that identify the Other as to his
origins, such as , , , or as to his language
such as . This often meant that the identity group was defined
with reference to what it was not. Metochites, for instance used the word
33 for ancient Assyrians.
Moreover according to Late Byzantine historians sharing one of the
identity criteria, even a primary one, was not enough to determine a
common group identity, especially when other factors (eg. religious allegiance, customs) entered the game. For instance the concept of sharing the
same language alone was not sufficient: Pachymeress words in the mouth
of the unionist patriarch John Beccos referring to his successor Gregory of
Cyprus are significant. Gregory was born and raised according to Italian
customs in Latin-held Cyprus; consequently he intruded in our (=Byzantine) customs, that is in our society.34 This was a direct attack against Gregory denying him that essential connection ensured through language and
origins with a common, Byzantine, past.
HAGIOGRAPHY: Nuanced identity criteria
At this point let us turn to Byzantine Hagiography, which is a goldmine
of information. Hagiographers mostly used the same terms and the same
concepts as well as the same primary identity criteria as their contemporary historians. We have examined these four criteria (language, customs,
race, laws) as defined by Constantine Acropolites. However we encounter
in Byzantine Hagiography specific connotations and nuances that occurred
according to each writers priority criterion and his political and/or religious views and purposes.35
33 Metochites, Semeioseis, 7.2.4.
34 Pachymeres, VII,34: III,101.26-28. See Papadakis, Crisis, 38 and n. 12, 74. Cf. Gounarides, , 29-40.
35 As Vryonis, Self-Consciousness, 5-14 pointed out, terms such as , etc.
might be used with a different meaning not only by the same writer in different texts,
but even inside the same text.
113
Language and habits. The monastic milieu and the religious/political

affiliation criterion
The first criterion used by Acropolites was the linguistic one as we have
already developed.36 A second one, but with a specific connotation, was
the habit/customs, often found in combination with the linguistic one. In
fact, the hagiographers often mention the word with the ordinary in
the monastic or church environment meaning, that is representing habits
and customs of monastic/church life.37 In parallel, hagiographers also used
as an identity criterion for their dramatis personae. Philotheos Kokkinos identifies one of the recipients of Gregory Palamass posthumous miracles as a foreign monk by using both language and habits,38 while Lascaris
considers an essential differentiation pointer.39
erms such as were often used in Hagiography with a nuance
pertaining to people with the same habits and ideas, sharing a kind of
cultural identity, and with an element of overt or covert appreciation, while
implied the opposite.40 Philotheos qualifies monks as
, for having preserved and passed on to their contemporaries the
old nobility of the golden Nation.41 Thus, the hagiographer seems to use
political and social terms in order to define monastic qualities. The nuance
is worth underlining: for the hagiographers, the monks had developed a
new homeland concept in their monastic community.
To further define the Late Byzantine identity criteria, we should add a
sub-criterion, which we have already alluded to in its usual form as part of
the habits/laws: it is the criterion of religion or religious affiliation/dogma,
according to which 42 or Romans, i.e. Orthodox Greeks defined and
differentiated themselves from the followers of the Latin dogma.43 It functioned almost as a primary identity criterion in times of controversies and
served in Latin-held regions44 (eg. Crete, Cyprus) as a catalyst for preserving the Byzantine political orthodoxy, that is a kind of allegiance towards
the Byzantine past.
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
See above, note 1.

Gregory, Euthymios, 407.14. Kalothetos, Athanasios, 500.1547.
Philotheos, Palamas, 576-577.
Lascaris, Tryphon, 353B: .
Philotheos, Sabas, 167.18-20.
Ibid, 167.29-30.
Pachymeres, VII.9: ,39.10-14.
Maltezou, T, 108-110. Kaldellis, Hellenism, 355-360.
Cantakouzenus, I,371.19.
114
Equally, the word /, in conjunction with religious controversy

was used with the particular nuance of pointing out an identifying difference of allegiance. It contrasted an Orthodox person with the followers
of the Latin Church and the followers of the Union of Churches. This is
quite visible in the Late Byzantine hagiographical texts, such as the 13th
century text on the martyrs of Cyprus, where they are identified through
their opposition to the Latin Church.45 Obviously, this criterion was inordinately stressed in times and places where the dogmatic differences were
of prime importance.
In fact religious dogma was in such cases of debates and conflicts, the
most elemental boundary in creating group identities. The obvious contrast
between Orthodoxy and Latin dogma was a determining identity criterion
for Byzantine writers of the period. Late Byzantine historians often spoke of
the Latin religious beliefs,46 while Hagiographers spoke of the Latin dogma
and by extension of the Unionist policies and their followers as something
47 that was totally alien and beyond the bounders
of the Roman=Greek race. Or they defined it as .48 The
religious affiliation element was further stressed in every kind of profession of faith as, for instance, in patriarch Athanasioss letter.49
When religious allegiance played a role in self (or other)-identification,
political allegiance followed. So, in pointing out allegiances and loyalties as
a further sub-criterion defining identities, especially local ones, Late Byzantine writers often describe their heros loyalty towards whatever Authority existed in that region. That kind of local affiliation could take the form
of political orthodoxy towards local . It could also be connected
to the existing laws and customs, as well as to someones race and ancestry. Subsequently the Life of St. Romylos, referring to the saints dealings
with the inhabitants of the Avlona underlined that before his arriving, the
locals lived in dogmatic error while the local chieftains were noted for
their injustice.50
A further nuance: local provenance/local homeland and the xeniteia
concept
In the section dealing with Historiography we referred to the concept of
homeland in conjunction with language and race (Metochites), with an
45
46
47
48
49
50
Diegesis, 38. See also Philotheos, Sabas, 206.3-5. See Kyrris, Identity, 178-182.
For instance: Pachymeres, V.19: ,499.17. V.23: ,511.15-513.25.
Philotheos, Palamas, 500.20. Meletios, 617.14-15.
Neilos, Anthimos, 71.19-20.
It is preserved in Theoktistos, Athanasios, 29.19, 39.29-31.
Romylos, 143.19-24. ountoura-Koutrakou, , 61.
115
allusion to local provenance (pseudo-homeland by Gregoras). Let us

view it through the hagiographical lens as well. We should stress, however,
that although hagiographical texts often use metaphorically local provenance terms, (with the meaning that everyone is and in this life in comparison to eternal life), we will limit ourselves to those
mentions that present a literal meaning.
This concept of homeland often to be introduced by the word
() which conveys the idea of something that is known, friendly and
accepted as ones own country, as opposed to (the others/different/foreign, sometimes even enemy land), was strongly linked to a persons
identification. Also the concept of could be used either into the form
of a narrow concept meaning ones locality of provenance, village, town,51
city, or as a broader one, a country in the sense of a state, of a region under
a specific governance/rule, suggesting rather the notion of fatherland,
something unusual in Late Byzantine Hagiography. Therefore, Constantinople felt as , as a different place, to Nicolas Kabasilas, although he
resided there to study with his uncle, patriarch Neilos, and his friends and
colleagues. Writing to his father in his native Thessalonica around 1320,
Kabasilas is explicit on this point: he was persuaded to leave his own city
and chose a different one.52
Furthermore, Philotheos Kokkinos speaking of St. Sabass desire to
embrace a monks anahoresis, stresses another connotation concerning
the concept of the (local) patris: he links the concept of the local own
country to parents as well as to those of the same age group and of the
same circle, whom the saint avoided, in order to leave his native Thessalonica.53 This concept of people belonging to the same in-group, the same
circle, sharing the same ideas and habits is even more evident in the writings of scholarly authors sharing the same love for classical Greek letters, as
depicted in Kabasilass letters.54
In all the above cases however, the homeland concept is the narrow one,
restricting the idea to a particular locality or even community. This
was the overall tendency in Late Byzantine Hagiography and it is supported
by the vocabulary which identified a person or a group as pertaining to
a particular place. Terms such as ,55 or its synonym ,56
51 Philotheos, Germanos, 137. Philotheos, Palamas, 583-584.
52 Kabasilas, Letters, 1, 29. Cf. On patris mainly for Thessalonica, see Constantakopoulou, , 226-227.
53 Philotheos, Sabas, 185-186.
54 Kabasilas, Letters, 4, 32. See Bianconi, Tessalonica, 58, n. 42.
55 Acrpolites, Thomais, 245E. Philotheos, Palamas, 581.18-19.
56 Acrpolites, Evdokimos, 217.37.
116
,57 ,58 ,59 ,60 ,61 62

which link someone to a particular local region, either as his place of origin
or his place of residence, bear out a kind of restricted homeland concept.
Possibly Hagiographers concerned themselves more with local and personal
matters than with the overall picture of the affairs of the empire and this
is reflected in this limited view of the homeland. It might also be that,
due to the changing political situation of the time, the concept of a larger,
common Byzantine homeland receded, taking second place to the local
homeland in the mentality of its people.
Reflecting reactions to this kind of local as perceived through
/customs and love for them, was another term we encounter in Late
Byzantine Hagiography: that of xeniteia,63 often linked with the usual
locus classicus on exile and on dying in foreign lands. Kalothetos defined
what xeniteia meant: he praises Andrew of Cretes virtues while in Jerusalem and he extols his xeniteia and filoxenia, pertaining both to Christian tradition.64 However xeniteia was further explained by the writer,65
through his own vision of what he considered necessary in order not to be
an exile: be known, be among friends, have the same cultural understanding which would protect from incomprehension that is, become part of a
group and assume a collective identity. In fact the text thus points towards
a cultural identity as part of the homeland concept.
We should note, however, that the concept of encompassed every
type of leaving a particular locality or community perceived as ones own.
It often became a synonym to what tribulations one had to go through
in a foreign place in order to be accepted. Gregory Sinaites having fled
the island of Mytilene resided in Constantinopole as xenos. He was in
57 Metochites, John, 687A. Mouzalon, Nicetas, 131.104. Very common the expression e.g. Kallistos, Sinata, 3.16. Cf. Kountoura-Koutrakou,
, 45-67.
58 Staurakios, Miracles, 360.10. Philotheos, Palamas, 578.1-2.
59 Philotheos, Palamas, 445.1.
60 Metochites, John, 687: , . Metochites,
Michael, 676E.
61 Acrpolites, Evdokimos, 210.19 Kallistos, Sinata, 34.11-12. Theoktistos, Athanasios, 32.
The term is also used under the meaning of the Christian sayings: John Basileus, 23.
62 Acrpolites, Evdokimos, 217. Raoulaina, 207. Mouzalon, Nicetas, 133.
63 Although xeniteia was often used metaphorically in Hagiography, meaning the life on
earth as away from Heaven (McGuckin, Xeniteia, 23-38), it could be and was used
also in its literal meaning of being in a foreign country .
64 The passage normally pertains to Christian tradition, but it reflects Andrews charity
known through his much earlier vita, Nicetas, Andrew, 174.
65 Kalothetos, Andrew, 438.
117
fact a xenos,66 meaning not the one who comes from elsewhere, but the
one who, driven by need, leaves his own homeland: his travels, leaving
behind war devastated regions in search of hesyhia, took him all around
the Balkans and as far as allegiance is concerned, he asked for Christian
protection indiscriminately from Romans and/or Bulgarians. His Life is an
eloquent testimony to the malleability of identity criteria in the uncertainty
of times,67 and bears witness as to Hagiographys role in presenting us with
the views of the commoners concerning the formation of identities.
Similarly, several texts point out that their hero was not afraid of dying
in foreign lands, thus implying that dying abroad was usually regarded
as a real calamity. Constantine Acropolites formulates twice the opinion
that people strong in God do not fear death in a foreign land, which is
something that everybody wishes to avoid.68 Such an attitude reveals an
emotional rather than a logical bond with a particular locality felt as a
. A bond made by habit, friends, comprehension, a kind of cultural
identity, highlighted by the existence of commonalities, such as language,
customs and laws.
Local identity and integration. Homeland as a changing concept
A bond with a particular locality felt as ones homeland being perceived as
an identity element posit the existence of another identity feature: that of
integration and acceptance into a group, as expressed by Neilos Stavras. At a
time when, due to incessant war operations, people were almost constantly
on the move, St. Athanasios experienced a system of xeniteia. People
could easily thus be or become , , in a particular locality and
could be, or not be accepted by the group already there. That is why, Neilos
Stavras specifically stressed in presenting his hero, the feature of his being
perceived as a local <> ,69 exactly because
Stagoi (=Meteora) was not his heros homeland. Athanasios was linked to
the place (Stagoi), solely as the founder of the koinobion.
What is latent in this remark is a tendency of limited acceptance of
foreigners, with the exception of those being linked to a particular work to
the profit of the existing community (such as in this case the foundation of
a monastery). Interestingly enough this requirement could be waived and
other acceptance sub-criteria take its place in integrating someone coming
from outside into a group. External appearance, especially a handsome one,
66
67
68
69
Kallistos, Sinata, 34. Meletios, 615. Cf. Mullett, The Other, 21.
Laiou, Saints, 92-93; Delikari, , 149.
Acrpolites, Damascenos, 824D-825A. Acrpolites, Evdokimos, 210.17.
Stauras, Athanasios, 38.
118
was one of them, as Stauras says: his hero, in his youth, travelled to Crete,
and was =easily accepted, there, first because of his eloquence,
and second because of his being a handsome young man.70 After all, human
reactions to beauty were always the same and a handsome face paved the
way into acceptance.
The question of integration and acceptance into a particular group or
locality is by itself linked with the four primary differentiation criteria we
have analysed and begs an answer as to their relative importance as well as
to their efficiency in building a group identity.
For instance in times of controversy the religious allegiance criterion
was among the most important ones for the formation of group identities or for ones acceptance into a group. Only one criterion, however, be
it an important one, was not enough. For instance, to identify someone as
, being of the same race/nation did not ipso facto mean that the
same origin criterion functioned as an unconditional acceptance criterion for his assuming a group identity. On the contrary, if other criteria,
especially those of religion/dogma, habits/laws/loyalty were not met, the
critical comments became the norm and the acceptance was withdrawn
altogether. The reference by patriarch Neilos to the zealot revolt in Thessalonica (mid-14th century) that did not permit to Palamas to effectively
take up his Archbishops seat in the city for three years after his election (till
1350) as 71 and to them as those of the same race who
enriched themselves from the homelands suffering72 constitutes a relevant
example. Philotheos Kokkinos73 also alludes to the same events condemning the discord thus created and the fact that people of the same race found
themselves opposing each other in an internal strife.
A most important concept in this respect was that of (compatriot, of one of us) which was often linked to a particular locality. However it
had also much to do with sharing the same ideas, knowledge and concepts,
of sharing a common cultural identity. Probably, the most obvious such
example is that of Damascenos. Although he resided in Arab lands,74 he
was perceived by Constantine Acropolites as one of us, who took care of
our affairs. The hagiographer continued using the Damascenoss example
in order to proceed to a general statement on the idea of , ones own
70
71
72
73
74
Ibid, 40: .
Neilos, Palamas, 672A.
Ibid, 672D.
Philotheos, Sabas, 166.
Acrpolites, Damascenos, 840A. Philotheos, Palamas, 534.
119
homeland, as opposed to a foreign one and the accompanying emotions.75

Evoking emotions, he presents Damascenos not as a Church father, but
rather as an individual. Acropolites thus seems to address a society that
knows about movements of people and of residing in different locations.
The concept presented a kind of malleability: a could
also become and someone residing in a foreign land could be
perceived as . This reflected the malleability of the homeland
concept which could also be a changing one. Philotheos Kokkinos underscored this point with respect to Thessalonica, which could become an
adopted to those who had chosen to live there. The operative word
here is ones choice. It implied ones will to live somewhere and to consider
that place ones own. Philotheos underlines that the city received and integrated those who resided there,76 thus reflecting a multicultural and multiracial society of money, traders and intellectuals. This open society is
alluded to Palamass posthumous miracles that benefited everyone, be he
, , or .77
The malleability of the homeland concept is further confirmed by a text
written by Gregory Palamas, who defined his hero Petros, as one of us
and a local man, although he did not know his origins.78 Instead the writer
opted to consider Mount Athos as Petross which he had chosen as
residence.79 Palamas continued with a reference to classical Athens and
those who resided there and with the statement that ones homeland is,
arguably, where one lives a good life.80
CONCLUSION
In conclusion we should stress that identities at the time were expressed
through the means of several criteria. We have focused on four elements,
which are to be found in all the writers of the time: language, race/origins,
habits, laws. However there are nuances. Among these criteria, language,
constitutes the primary one for many writers, and is often linked to race.
The two last criteria often appeared together or were closely linked more
specifically as customs and laws. Also in conjunction with language and
race the writers formally defined the homeland concept.
75 Acrpolites, Damascenos, 840.
76 Philotheos, Anysia, 64.6-10: ,
.
77 Philotheos, Palamas, 578.2. See Constantakopoulou, , 173-182. Bianconi,
Tessalonica, 60ff.
78 Palamas, Petros, 996A, 997D.
79 Ibid, 1000A.
80 Ibid, 1000B.
120
However each writer stresses one criterion he might consider the essential one, according to his priorities, ideological views and the necessities of
his time. If, for instance, for the formation of identities Pachymeres stresses
language, Metochites language and habits, Gregoras common views,
Kokkinos, reflecting the need to adjust to changing circumstances, underlines the change of habits and the integration to the receiving group.
The same criteria were present in the works of Byzantine hagiographers,
but with further nuances. Several of them presented a religious, metaphorical approach, while others reflected the commoners views on the formation of identities, incidentally revealing a widespread feeling of uncertainty about the future in times of scarce political stability. The homeland
concept for example, especially as local homeland, presented a malleability that echoes the political instability and the ideological permeability of
times of crises. Thus the Hagiographical works of the time, although generally following, in their characterizations, the rhetorical identifying antithesis between us and them81 reveal the formation of group identities,
especially local ones, reflecting at their initial stage tendencies which will
be developed in the future and will, much later, lead to the formation of
broader, national identities.
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26 1452, , ,

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Abstract
George Gemistos Plethon, one of the most profound thinkers of late Byzantine
period, lived in a transitional era, when the medieval world was giving way to the
first signs of Renaissance. He witnessed the death throes of Byzantine Empire and
followed his personal mental and ideological odyssey. He gradually renounced
Christianism and developed a polytheistic theology with strong neoplatonic influence. He rejected byzantine tradition, to adopt a more hellenic system of moral
and social values and to relate these values with a brave socio-economic reform.
Thus, he ended to a spectacular change of identity. This study follows Plethons
gradual switch of mentality and self-consciousness through his work and mainly
through four fundamental texts: his advisory orations to the emperor Manuel II
and the despot of Mystra Theodore II, his essay On Virtues, and his philosophical
treatise entitled The Laws.
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Byzantines, Paris 1971.
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, :

Ekkehard W. Borntrger

, .

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( 1 2 0 4 ) , E (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
162

. 1880
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, 1877, . 279-312. ,
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. (
1914) Juderas, Julin, La leyenda negra, M 1986, . 38-48.
163
, , (sin tibiezas
dulces).6

Alvaro de Albornoz.

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leyenda, , ,
.
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ms suave y deliciosa zona templada. K
,
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eleccin, marcado con sello providencial, se haban acumulado en nuestro
suelo todas las riquezas. Ser espaol era una verdadera ganga.7
, Albornoz, : Oh, nuestro cielo, nuestras
mujeres, nuestra alegra []8
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y los veranos secos y ardientes.9 , .
, y ste depende del
arbitrio de santos milagreros. ,
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: A clima duro,
tierra dura, inhospitalaria, hostil al hombre, refractaria a la vida.10
6
Unamuno, Miguel de, Ensayos, I, Madrid 1916, . 95 passim,

Menndez Pidal, Ramn, Los Espaoles en la historia, Buenos Aires 1959, . 15.
7 Albornoz, Alvaro de, El temperamento espaol, 1947 ( 1921), .
47.
8 Albornoz, .., . 47.
9 Albornoz, .., . 48.
10 Albornoz, .., . 48.
164
lbornoz
, ,
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sequedad de alma, la sequedad de corazn,
. , , ,
.
culto fantico del dolor:
Nuestro espritu es seco como la meseta central en que culmina
nuestra geografa. La dureza de nuestro carcter, la propensin nativa a
la crueldad, se manifiestan incluso en los pblicos regocijos autos de
fe, ejecuciones capitales, fiestas de toros. La horrible miseria del medio
seca y esteriliza hasta las races mismas de la sensibilidad.11
A , Albornoz, , ,
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.12
.

Juderas ,
.13

1950 Menndez Pidal,

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.14
11
12
13
14
Albornoz, .., . 49.

Albornoz, .., . 49.
Juderas, .., . 47.
Menndez Pidal, Ramn, Los Espaoles en la historia, Buenos Aires 1959, . 15.
165

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21 , , , , 1898, . 73-79.
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22 M, .., . 73. , .., . 487.
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167
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nimo, sosiego
imperturbable.33
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.34
29
30
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32
33
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169
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tradicionalidad misonesmo, .
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consigo mudanza de uso antiguo, Covarrubias.37
O Menndez Pidal
, tradicionalismo misoneismo.

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tradicionalismo, ,
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sosiego
, , ,39
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39

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Tuckerman, Charles, (. ), 1877, . 288.
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170
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42 Alonso de Cartagena (1431-1449), Castro, Amrico, Espaa en su historia (. Miranda, Jos), 2004,
. 160.
43 Menndez Pidal, aras, .., . 48.
171
Maras. , ,
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. . Castro, .., . 170.
175
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57 , , , .. (1909;).
Modern Greek theatre and national cultural identity.

The innovative performances of ancient Greek drama
in the Nea Skini and the Royal Theatre (1901-1903)
Michalis Georgiou
Theatre has often played the role of staging national history and has
contributed to the shaping of national identity. Because of its function, the
fact that it is produced as a contemporary event in the community provides
the opportunity not only to act as a shaper of the national identity, but also
to receive the acceptance or the dismissal for it immediately in the public
sphere. Moreover, as Wilmer S.E. comments, theatre can act as a public
forum in which the audience scrutinizes and evaluates political rhetoric
and assesses the validity of representations of national identity. The theatre
can serve as a microcosm of the national community, passing judgment on
images of itself .1
The process of identifying the national identity goes on through contradictory procedures that combine extraneous and endogenous factors. In
that frame, it is always reformulated and formed through dialectic contradictions that drive on to hegemonic notions of the nation. Especially in
periods of national crises, theatre often plays a political and ideological role
in defining the notion of the national identity of a country.
Most of the time, in Greece, the ancient Greek performances have
produced a new view of the ancient Greek culture that refers to the modern
Greek identity. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role that the
performance of Alcestis in 1901 in Nea Skini in Athens, the performance
of Antigone in 1903 also in Nea Skini and mostly that of Oresteia in 1903
in the Royal Theatre in Athens played in defining a new notion of Greek
national and cultural identity in a juncture period of time that follows the
defeat from the Ottoman Empire in 1897.
The beginning of the 20th century finds Greece in a solidified situation
which had been established by the professional and amateur theatre and
was characterized by an adherence to an obsolete norm of directing and
1
Wilmer S.E., Theatre, Society and the Nation: Staging American Identities, Cambridge
UP, Cambridge 2002, p. 1-2.
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
178
Michalis Georgiou
acting which prevented the Greek theatre from following European theatrical developments. That kind of theatre was under the influence of ideological factors that were expressed by the tradition of the theatre written in
the language of kathareuousa and also by the enactment of the Greek tragedy in ancient Greek language, according to the theory of classic literature.2
The main exponent of those ideas was Georgios Mistriotis, who was also a
professor of ancient Greek literature at the University of Athens. In 1895
Mistriotis had established the Company for the teaching of ancient Greek
dramas, with which he presented ancient Greek dramas in the ancient
Greek language. His aim was to present himself as the only one inheritor
in the way of producing ancient Greek dramas by adducing the superiority of Greekness through the ancestral patrimony. With the performance
of Antigone played on the 17th of March in 1896 in the Municipal Theatre
in Athens from the Company for the teaching of ancient Greek dramas
and directed by Mistriotis, we have the predominance of a concrete opinion in the representation of ancient Greek tragedies, that was based in the
equitable reading of the text in the ancient Greek language. The opinions
of Mistriotis will dominate in subsequent years in the attempts of the directions of the ancient Greek drama.3
On the 28th of September, 1899 the performance of Oedipus Rex by
Comedie Franaise directed by Mounet Sully was played in the Municipal
Theatre. That performance attempted to give a new dimension in the direction of ancient Greek tragedy. However, the predominance of the ideas of
Mistriotis about the ancient tragedy was so prevalent, that Sully accepted
to use part of the stage designs that Mistriotis had used for his performances. Nevertheless, the famous poet Kostis Palamas found the occasion
through this performance to criticize in the newspapers the performances
directed by Mistriotis and the fact that they were played in the ancient
Greek language, which the majority of the Greek people could not understand. He also proposed the need of translating the ancient texts to the
modern Greek language by analyzing the different reception conditions of
the modern spectators.4
As a reaction to the situation found in the Greek theatre and also as an
effort for the renewal of the direction of ancient tragedies, come the efforts
2
3
4
Grammatas Theodoros, 20 .
, , Athens 2002, vol. 2, p.15.
Sideris Giannis, . , , vol. 33, 1973, p. 51.
Puchner Walter, : , , Athens 1995, p. 209-210.
Modern Greek theatre and national cultural identity
179
of two Greek theatre directors, Konstantinos Christomanos and Thomas

Oeconomo.
Christomanos was born in Athens in 1867. However he left Athens in
1888 in order to study philosophy in Vienna. From 1895 to 1899 he worked
as lecturer of Greek language at the University of Vienna and in the Institute of Eastern Study. From 1891 to 1893 he worked as a professor for the
Greek language for the empress Elisabeth of Austria, while during the
period 1894-99 he worked as journalist in the Viennese Press. He reached
Athens in 1901 where in short period of time he established the troupe of
the Nea Skini.
As inaugural work for the openings of the theatre Nea Skini, Christomanos chose Euripedes Alcestis. He translated the play to the modern
Greek language (demotiki), he used the music of Gluck and played it in the
theatre named as Variete on the 22nd of November 1901. With this direction, Christomanos tried to become free from the influences of the romantic school that until then was connected with Euripides Alcestis.5 His
direction adopted the techniques of realism6 and it was pioneering enough
for that reason. The scenery represented the Mycenaean palace of Admetus
while the costumes were characterized for their historical precision. Moreover, the presentation of the drama personae was based in ancient sculptures and the ancient Greek vases referring straightforward to heroes from
the Greek mythology.7
In this way, the ancient Greek figures became perceptible to the spectators, while with the use of the demotiki language the myth of the play
became understandable to the audience. For these reasons the critics juxtapose Christomanos performance with the preceding performances by
Mistriotis.
Two years later, in 2.11.1903 a new performance of ancient Greek tragedy was played in Nea Skini. That was Sophocles Antigone, with the music
of Mendelsohn directed by Christomanos and translated by him in demotiki. That performance was announced as a hymn of the ancient Greek
art.8 The direction was accused of intense realism. However, Christomanos
5
7
8
Vafeiadi Efi, , in
, , , Iraklion 2007, p. 254.
Papanikolaou Vania,
, in
, ,
, , Iraklion 2010, p. 406.
To Astu, 23.11.1901, Neon Astu, 24.9.1902.
Empros, 31.10.1903.
180
Michalis Georgiou
intention was to bring forth the ancient world in the eyes of the spectators
with realistic scenery. That was why he realistically interpreted Antigones
grave in the last scene of the performance.
Continuity in the innovative attempts of the direction of ancient Greek
tragedies was given by Thomas Oeconomo with the performance of
Aischylos Oresteia in the Royal Theatre of Athens. The Royal Theatre had
been established in 1901 with initiative of the Palace, whose aim was the
modernisation and the Europeanization of the countrys theatre.9 Director in this was Thomas Oeconomo, who was born in Vienna in 1864 and
had worked in various German theatres. In the last few years before his
arrival in Greece in 1900 he had also worked as an actor in the theatre of
Meiningen.
In this performance of Oresteia, direction instructions by Paul Schlenther were used. Schlenter had played the performance of Oresteia in
1900 in Burgtheater of Vienna. He had used the translation of Ulrich von
Wilamowitz and the music of Stanford.10 Stefanos Stefanou, who was the
General Secretary of the Royal Theatre at that time, showed particular interest for ancient Greek tragedies. Because of this, he brought the 3 volumes of
Schlenthers direction instructions and also the music, the stage design, the
costumes and all the accessories of the performance that had been played
in Vienna, and delivered all of them director Thomas Oeconomo.11 Finally,
the philologist Georgios Sotiriadis was called to translate the text in the
demotiki language following the German text that had been given to him
with the cuts and the intense interventions that Schlenther had done.
This performance of Oresteia that opened on 1 November 1903, was
based on the scientific knowledge about the ancient Greek theatre of that
period, particularly because of the use of the scenery, the costumes and the
music.
In the beginning of the performance, an Aeschylus bust appeared on
the stage and the actor Marika Kotopouli, who later played the role of the
goddess Athena, wearing a white dress12 intoned a poem, written by Kostis
Palamas in the demotiki that constituted an ode to Aischylos.13 Before leaving the stage, Marika Kotopouli placed a garland on the head of the Aischylos bust.
9
10
11
12
13
Glytzouris Antonis, .
, , Athens 2001, p. 67.
Flashar Helmut, Inszenierung der Antike, Das griechische Drama auf der Bhne der
Neuzeit 15851990, Beck, Mnchen 1991, p. 114-117.
Stefanou Stefanos, , , 9.3.1928.
Athinai, 2.11.1903.
Neon Astu, 2.11.1903.
181
The scenery in parts of Agamemnon and in that of Choephoroi

interpreted with accuracy the palace of Mycenaes,14 while behind it mountains were showed. Agamemnon came with a golden chariot and red carpet
had been laid on the stage for his arrival.
The transition from Agamemnons part to the Choeforoi happened
as a parallel scenic transition from the darkness into the daybreak and was
declared by the use of torches.15 Then the lighting became relatively dark
since Orestes was arriving in Mycenaes. Orestes then went to Agamemnons tomb that was in the middle of the stage and left there one tuft of his
hair.16
In Eumenides, the scenery was changed representing the Temple of the
goddess Athena instead of the oracle at Delphi, as critics in some newspapers observe. The Areopagus was interpreted under this, while a statue of
the goddess Athena also existed somewhere on the stage. Apollo was wearing a halo, while the Erinyes were presented with tentacles in their head and
they were also wearing black tunics.17
These three performances restored in front of the eyes of the spectators
the world of antiquity. This historistic method of representation of ancient
Greek tragedies, which, for the first time was used in the Greek scene, and
also the use of the modern Greek language infused performances with
the function of cultural memory. This becomes obvious from the following part of an article of the newspaper Athinai, that concerns the performance of Oresteia:

.18
That performance of ancient Greek tragedy was not received as a museum
representation anymore. This becomes obvious from the following part of
an article of an anonymous journalist:
() . , , , ,
.19
14
15
16
17
18
19
Athinai 2.11.1903.
Athinai, 2.11.1903.
Neon Astu, 2.11.1903.
Neon Astu, 27.10.1903.
thinai, 2. 11.1903.
Neon Astu, 7.11.1903.
182
Michalis Georgiou
This function of the performances of the Greek tragedy as cultural

memory with the parallel use of modern Greek language emerged the
content of the ancient Greek tragedies in the wider public, while at the
same time it opened the way for the expression of new artistic facts and for
the configuration of the modern Greek cultural identity in the base of the
modern Greek language. At the same time the function of the performances
as cultural memory adduces the ancient Greek past as knowledge from
which the Greeks derived their awareness of their unity and their distinctiveness. The objective manifestation of their common cultural memory
is defined through the definition of we are this sense20 and at the same
time determines the Greeks as continuers of the ancient Greek spirit. This
appears particularly in the following part of an article:
, . , . .
,
, ,
. .
, . ,
. ,
.
,

. . .
. . . . . . . . . .21
From that part of the article, becomes obvious not only the objective
manifestation of a common past as a cultural memory for the Greeks, (also
from the first two sentences that say: We are descendants, real descen20 Assman Jan, Kultur und Gedchtnis, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main 1988, p. 9-19.
21 Neon Astu, 7.11.1903.
183
dants of Athenians) but also the definition of the Greek unity and the election of the Greeks as the unique natural descendants of the ancient Greek
culture through the juxtaposition of them against the American dancer
Isadora Dunkan. Isadora Dunkan had played the same year in Athens a
dancing performance of the Suppliant Women. The writer of the article
says that Isadora Dunkan wears in that performance ancient Greek chlamys and sandals, but the Greeks are those that have the blood of the citizens
of Athens. The Greek culture in this case has a unification function for the
Greeks and a differentiation function for the foreigners, the others.
The enactment of these performances rendered the predominant ideas
about the direction and the translation of the ancient Greek drama in
Greece and placed in rejection the professor Georgios Mistriotis and the
Company for the teaching of ancient Greek dramas that he had established in order to determine a specific way for the direction of the ancient
Greek tragedies. The erased danger for the marginalization of his opinion, led him to engrain his students at the University of Athens. On the
16th of November, these students demonstrated against the performance of
Oresteia by rioting. The police dispersed the crowds, but one person was
wounded and another died.
To sum up, the direction of the ancient Greek drama, as it was attempted
from Christomanos and Oeconomo, was similar to the European repertoire
of that season that both of them knew well from their personal experience
in Europe and particularly in the German speaking world. In that way the
contact of Greeks with antiquity, actually happens through the perception
of the antiquity that has been shaped during this period in Europe. These
directions at the same time, constitute an interpretation of the ancient tragedy, that comes in confrontation with the previous attempts. The most
representative of those attempts was that of Mistriotis, while the ancient
Greek text now is not approached as a museum object. On the contrary it
is elected the fact that the text needs to be interpreted through a modern
direction and also it needs to be translated in the modern Greek language
in order to be presented to the public.
Mistriotis had expressed in his speeches the opinion that the translation
of the Oresteia in the modern Greek language recommended a sacrilege
to the ancient spirit and placed at risk the Greek nation and subverted its
future. However, the identity of the Greek nation that Mistriotis advertised
against those that were supposed to threaten it, was expressing his inability to approve a development and an adaptation to the reality of that period
of time. Of course, that would imply agitations and ruptures and would
dispute the Establishment that was under his influence. In Mistriotis case
184
Michalis Georgiou
the pretence to identity is not a societys pretend, but a demand of a certain

privileged members of the society, who feel that they are being threatened. Against this, they ensure, that they constitute the real defenders of a
common historical past, a common identity and a common culture. That is
a kind of assertion that goes against what was considered as an innovation
at that time and it is a recursion to the safety that the national roots provide.
On the other hand, with the performances of Christomanos and that of
Oeconomo we have the effort for the creation of a homogenized cultural
identity of modern Greece. These performances, as we have seen from the
articles of the newspapers displayed to the spectators that the Greek society
in cultural diachronic prospect is a society with powerful ancient Greek
history, but now it is placed in a cultural perspective and has to correspond
in this expectation. The Greeks recognize their cultural past but that is now
related to the present and to the future. This becomes also obvious through
the poem by Kostis Palamas, which opens the performance of Oresteia,
that Marika Kotopouli intoned. In that poem entitled (Greetings from Tragedy) the tragedy presents itself at the beginning with the lines:
; ,/! ,
!/ , .22
(You called me? I come from the past/Hello! Hello to you my creator
and my father!/I am the queen of the art, I am the Tragedy.)
The poem is being completed with a vision for modern Greece:
, , !/ ,
/ /
,
,/ , , ! 23
(A vision, a vision, light and wings of the mind!/As firstly, from the
depth of your innumerable song/make Greece to overhang/in the East
and in the West, Greece that is the music of the norm and the tap of the
health,/Greece; smile to her, you grim!)
It becomes obvious, from that part of the poem, that the vision is for
Greek culture to become universal once more. The interpretation of
Greece, includes a prospect for the future. The performances of Christomanos and Oeconomo, not only express the existence of a common and longlasting tradition for the Greeks, and as a consequence confirm the exist22 Palamas Kostis, , , Athens, vol. 5, p. 151.
23 Ibid., p.154.
185
ence of a collective national identity, but also strengthen its constitution.

The comments to a tradition as a historical store and at the same time as a
perspective to the future act to reinforce the Greek national identity.
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. -sujets,
, -nationaux,
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.15
,
. ,
statu-quo .
-

,
.
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,
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. , , 44
49 ,
. ,
7
.
,
7 25 1879. 7
,
.

. , ,
.

7,
.

-,
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1879 , ,
, , de jure, ressortissant.
.16 ) citoyens, ) nationaux-sujets ) ressortissants .
, , nationaux-sujets ressortissants
, .17

. de facto de jure .
,
.
16 . 2.
17 . 3.
194
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1. -
1875
2.

7

195
3.
7

. , Bluntchli, 44
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.
,20 Bluntchli
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20 . 1 44.
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-ressortissants, nationaux. , ,
,

: 1) ressortissants
, , , 2)
sujets = nationaux

3) de jure
.
, 7 ressortissants.
sujets = nationaux ,
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,
23 de facto .

.
, .24
, 21.5./2.6.1879, Varnav-Liteanu ,
, . 18-21.
23 .
24 : 1) , de jure 2) sujets=nationaux, de facto .
: 1) (
- de jure = citoyens), 2) ( - de facto = sujets = nationaux) 3)
( -
de jure = ressortissants). ,
: de jure
de facto
,
,
,
.
197
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. ,
,
, .
,
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, von Radowitz, o
, ,
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.
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,
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, 28 .
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,

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. ,

.31 ,

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,

. , -
.
.
1879. .
,
,
.
, 1873
.
, , ,
, ,
.

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.
, 1875, ,
.32
32 .., , 15.7.1875, . 810, , . .
200
Gabriela Florea
1878. 15/27 1880.

, , , ,
. ,

, , , . , 1879,
. ,
,
.
, . , ,
, .33
, ,
,
. 4/16
1881, , C.
Sordony, , .
. , ,
,

. Sordony
. ,
Esarcu,

, .
, . ,
,
- 6/18 1878. 33 , . ../1894, , 6/18.2.1881, .111/25, .
.
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25 1880,
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.34

. 3/15 1882
. Esarcu
, .35

,
1887. , 21 /2 1884
, George M. Ghica,

.

.
( !!)
. 17

34 Arhiva Ministerului de Externe al Romaniei (
), .. , . 247, , 4/16.12.1881, . 244 .
, C. Sordony E. Statescu.
35 .., , 3/15.2.1883, . 13, Esarcu E. Statesco.
202
Gabriela Florea
. , sarcu

, .36

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. 1830-1879 .37
1879 . ,
36 .., , 21.3/2.4.1884, .68 ., George M. Ghika D. Sturdza.
37 1830-1879 . , 1864
( )
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203
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.
Summary
Despite fundamental contributions of a number of prominent scholars (1),
the study of national identities, especially of the modern ones, remains a
very confused field of research. A basic reason for this confusion has much
to do with semantic problems of key concepts like nation, ethnicity,
and nationality. In addition, most of the well-documented studies have
approached the theme from a rather theoretical point of view (2), although in
many cases they have not been confined to a single disciplinary perspective. It
is true that historians dominated the field but the overwhelming importance
of history on this topic is hard to be denied. However, most of the studies,
at least as far as southeast Europe is concerned, have been based on the
works of the intelligentsia that has actually contributed to the emergence
of the modern national identities, whereas, in my opinion, the analysis of
new archival historical sources remains a desideratum. This paper attempts
to illustrate some of the common elements as well as differences between
the concepts: nation, ethnicity, and nationality in the light of, to a
great extent unpublished, juridical and diplomatic sources concerning the
legal rights of Greeks in Romania between 1830 and 1887. From 1830s
onward Wallachian and Moldavian societies were moving towards a new
order aimed at economic and political independence from the suzerain
Ottoman Empire, as well as direct integration in the international economy
and the creation of a unified Romanian state according to the principles
of the European bourgeois liberalism. This process may be also investigated
through the definition of the foreigner as delineated in the sources of
the time. The situation of the Orthodox-Greek foreigners seems to be
Gabriela Florea
204
of outstanding importance since Wallachians and Moldavians not only

belonged to the same faith, but they all used to be integrated in the same
Ottoman religious-political institution: Rum-Greek millet under the
direct control of the Patriarchate of Constantinople (3). In other words,
all these populations prior to 1830 used to have common political identity
under the Ottoman umbrella. Therefore, after a short survey of the millet
system of the Ottoman Empire and its influence on the organization of
the foreign communities in one of its successor states like Romania, this
essay focuses on the terminology pertaining to foreigners in the newly
born nation-state. More specifically, the present investigation is based on
Romanian sources such as: laws of naturalization, the constitution, the civil
code and, after 1875, international conventions and treaties. However, my
conclusions are drawn by comparing these documents with the laws of
naturalization and diplomatic reports of the Modern Greek state referring
to Romanian legislation. The Greek-Romanian commercial convention
valid during 1880-1887 is the last of these series of documents. The
comparison of these sources reveals the fluidity of the term nationality
() and to what extent it is congruent to nation () and
ethnicity (). Thus, the definition of the Greeks in contrast
with the Romanians could confirm or dispute some of the already known
aspects of this challenging subject of national identities. (1) Some of the
most cited authors include: A. D. Smith, E. Gellner, E. J. Hobsbawm, A.
Hastings, B. Anderson, I. Wallerstein, W. Connor, J. Breuilly, P. F. Sugar, E.
Kedourie. (2) They suggest patterns of human associations and define their
features. (3) It is worth mentioning that, apart from a few allusions, the
Romanian historiography is totally silent on this topic.
Kulturelle Identittskrise im Griechenland der ottonischen ra

Kyriaki Koukouraki
Nach dem Befreiungskrieg von 1821 und dem anschlieenden Brgerkrieg ernannten die Schutzmchte Griechenlands (England, Frankreich
und Russland) im Jahre 18321 den jungen Prinzen Otto, den zweitgeborenen Sohn des Bayernknigs und Philhellenen Ludwig, zum Knig des neu
gegrndeten Knigreichs Griechenland. Bereits 1830 hatte Griechenland
mit dem Protokoll vom 3. Februar seine Souvernitt erlangt, doch konnte
in der Zwischenzeit kein Monarch fr das kleine Knigreich am Mittelmeer gefunden werden.
Abgesehen von den rein politischen Ereignissen einer Staatsgrndung,
wie der Grenzziehung und in unserem Fall die Einfhrung einer neuen
Regierungsform (Monarchie) gibt es auch kulturelle Umbrche. Die Problematik, die an dieser Stelle interessiert, ist welche kulturellen Folgen eine
Staatsgrndung haben kann und welche Auswirkungen diese wiederum
auf die Menschen, die in diesem neuen Staat leben haben knnen? Sicherlich zieht solch ein Schritt auch ein fundamentales Umdenken und Umorientieren fr das dort lebende Volk mit sich. Es bedeutet zudem auch eine
Reorganisierung des kollektiven Gedchtnisses sowie die Schaffung eines
geschichtlichen Bewusstseins.2 Oftmals geht eine Staatsgrndung auch mit
einer kulturellen Modernisierung einher.
Hier eine kurze Erluterung zum Begriff Kultur, der in diesem Zusammenhang ein Schlsselbegriff der vorliegenden Analyse ist:
Kultur ist, wie Geertz es beschrieb, ein von Menschen selbst gesponnenes Gewebe von Bedeutungen.3 Jede Kulturgemeinschaft verfgt ber
ihr eigenes Dekodierungssystem dieser Bedeutungen, das den Angehrigen dieser Kulturgemeinschaft als Hilfe bei der Navigation durch das Leben
1
2
Zweites Londoner Protokoll vom 7. Mai 1832.

Vgl. Liakos, A., Hellenism and the Making of Modern Greece: Time, Language, Space,
in: Hellenism, Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Modernity, Ashgate 2008,
S. 230.
Geertz, C., Dichte Beschreibung. Beitrge zum Verstehen kultureller Systeme, Suhrkamp
Verlag, 1987.
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
206
Kyriaki Koukouraki
dient, um Verhaltensweisen, Gesten, Sprache usw. zu dekodieren und zu

interpretieren. Verndern sich aus irgendeinem Grund diese Verhaltensweisen etc. werden sie mit dem alten Dekodierungssystem entweder falsch interpretiert, oder gar nicht interpretiert. Wird diese Situation
zu einem andauernden bzw. permanenten Zustand, so befindet sich der
Angehrige dieser Kultur in einer Stress- bzw. Krisensituation. Einzige
Lsung dieses Problems ist entweder die Wiederherstellung der vorherigen Gegebenheiten, oder die nderung der Kultur, d.h. des verinnerlichten
Dekodierungssystems.
Die nchste Frage, die sich hierbei stellt, ist ob dieser Prozess der
kulturellen nderungen von oben erzwungen wurde, oder von unten her
entsprang und entstand.
Als Knig Otto im Januar 1833 in der damaligen griechischen Hauptstadt Nauplia ankam, brachte er nicht nur die Hoffnung auf eine neue
Zukunft mit ins Land, sondern auch deutsche Regenten, Gelehrte, Beamten, Handwerker und mehr als insgesamt 3.500 Armeemitglieder4, die berwiegend aus Bayern stammten. Diese wiederum brachten ihre Kultur, ihre
Sitten und Bruche, aber auch ihr eigenes Bild von Griechenland und den
Griechen mit. Dieses Bild war hauptschlich von den deutschen Neuhumanisten wie Wilhelm von Humboldt geprgt. Sein idealisierendes Bekenntnis zum antiken Griechenland beeinflusste ausschlaggebend das deutsche
Bildungswesen5 und er entwickelte eine neue Betrachtungsweise der griechischen Sprache und Kultur als Weg zum musterhaften Menschsein6. Aber
es war besonders Joachim Winckelmann, der, obwohl er sich hauptschlich
auf die antike griechische Kunst konzentrierte, andere deutsche Gelehrte
wie Herder, Schlegel, Goethe und Hegel mit seinem Denken beeinflusste.7 Sie alle idealisierten das antike Griechenland und bertrugen dieses
idealisierte und romantische Bild der Antike auf die damalige Gegenwart
Griechenlands. Hierbei sollte jedoch betont werden, dass keiner von ihnen
jemals griechischen Boden betreten hatte8 und kein reales Bild des damaligen Griechenlands hatte. Dies wiederum bedeutete, dass ein Trugbild
4
5
6
7
8
Strong, F., Greece as a Kingdom, Longman, London 1842, S. 280f. Frederick Strong, der
bayerischer Gesandter in Athen war, hat eine analytische Aufzhlung der Herkunftsorte
aller fremden Militrs gemacht. In den kommenden Jahren wuchs ihre Zahl auf 5.410
Personen. Von den 5.410 Mnnern stammten 3.345 aus Bayern. Von den brigen 1.865
Mnnern stammte die Mehrzahl aus Wrttemberg (487).
Berglar, P., Wilhelm von Humboldt, Rowohlt, Reinbek 1970, S. 42.
Humboldt, W. v., ber das Studium des Alterthums und des Griechischen insbesondere,
1793.
Calotychos, V., Modern Greece, a Cultural Poetics, Berg, Oxford/New York 2003, S. 33.
Calotychos, S.32.
207
auch des gegenwrtigen Griechenlands geschaffen wurde. Fr sie verkrperten die Griechen folgende Werte: Schnheit, Freundschaft, Skularismus, Simplizitt, rationaler Diskurs, Seriositt, Freiheit des Individuums,
Meritokratie, Einigkeit, Idealismus, Nostalgie und Reinheit.9 Diejenigen
Philhellenen, die whrend des Befreiungskrieges in Griechenland als Freiwillige gekmpft hatten, wussten nur zu genau, dass dies nur eine romantische Vorstellung war, doch ihre Erfahrungen und ihre Erlebnisse konnten die Wirklichkeit in den Augen der Deutschen nicht wiederherstellen.
Warum aber ist dieses Idealbild so wichtig fr die Entwicklung des modernen Griechenlands?
Die Antwort darauf ist einfach: man wollte dieses Bild in die Praxis
umsetzen. Griechenland sollte wie Phnix aus der Asche wieder auferstehen und an seine glorreiche Vergangenheit nahtlos anknpfen. Dieses
Trugbild hatte zur Folge, dass viele der Deutschen, die mit Otto nach
Griechenland kamen, berhaupt nicht auf die Realitt gefasst waren und
glaubten, in ein Land zu ziehen, wo Milch und Honig fliet10. Selbst das
Vernehmen eines antiken Namens wie Sokrates elektrisierte die Neuankmmlinge. Als sie realisierten, dass es sich um einen 15jhrigen Jungen
handelte, der gnzlich verdreckte Kleider trug, nach l und Sardinen roch,
wollten sie nicht glauben, dass so eine Person den Namen eines der grten
Philosophen der Antike trug.11
Dieser Wunsch und das Bestreben nach der Wiederauferstehung der
Antike, diese Hellenisierung Griechenlands, wurde quasi von oben her,
hauptschlich von den Bayern in Griechenland, herbeigefhrt. Durch das
Ausklammern Teile der griechischen Vergangenheit uns Geschichte, wie
die Epoche des Byzanz und der Trkenherrschaft entstand, wie Liakos
betont, eine immense zeitliche Kluft zwischen der antiken Vergangenheit und der gerade damals erlangten Souvernitt, die behoben werden
musste.12 Dieser Zwiespalt zwischen Vergangenheit und Gegenwart hatte
folglich auch Auswirkungen auf die Definierung der griechischen Identitt:
Hellenisierung oder Modernisierung Europisierung?
9
Marchand, S., What the Greek model can, and cannot, do for the modern state: the
German perspective, in: The Making of Modern Greece: Nationalism, Romanticism, and
the Uses of the Past (1797-1896), Ashgate, 2009, S. 34.
10 H.v.P., Sechs Jahre in Griechenland. Ansichten, Bilder und Erlebnisse aus Griechenlands
Gegenwart. Mitgetheilt von H.v.P. (einem Nichtbaier), Grimma 1842, S. 4.
11 [Neezer St.] , ., ,
, 1936, S. 32.
12 Liakos, S. 206.
208
Kyriaki Koukouraki
Hellenisierung
Ein Hellenisierungsprozess jedoch hatte bereits vor dem Befreiungskrieg
begonnen und hatte keinen direkten Bezug zum Griechenlandbild der
Deutschen. Es handelt sich um die griechische Sprache und die Reinigung
dieser von allen fremden Einflssen und die gleichzeitige Annherung an
den antiken attischen Dialekt.
Die Vertreter dieser Ansicht wurden Puristen oder Attizisten
genannt. Die dazu gehrige Gegenbewegung vertrat den Standpunkt,
dass die zur damaligen Zeit gesprochene neugriechische Volkssprache,
die Demotiki nicht gendert werden sollte. Adamatios Korais wollte mit
seiner Katharevousa den Mittelweg zwischen diesen beiden Extremen
bilden. Die Disputanten der griechischen Sprachfrage waren griechische
Gelehrte, obwohl sich an die Seite der Puristen nach 1833 auch die ffentliche Regierung stellte. Wie sich die Sprachfrage in Griechenland letztendlich entwickelte und welche Phasen sie durchlaufen sollte, soll hier nicht
weiter errtert werden, da es sonst den Rahmen des Vortrages sprengen
wrde.
Der erste wichtige Schritt im Hellenisierungsprozess von Seiten der
neuen Regierung war die Wahl Athens als Hauptstadt13 des neuen Knigreiches und zwar hauptschlich auf Grund ihrer Geschichte. Das sicherlich
markanteste Symbol der Antike die Akropolis wurde sofort von ihren
fremden Elementen befreit.14
Auch die neuen Gebude, die in der Stadt gebaut wurden15, folgten
diesem Credo und wurden im neoklassizistischen Stil errichtet.16
Aber auch die Toponyme wurden teilweise hellenisiert: Viele Ortschaften hatten im Laufe der Geschichte neue Namen trkischer, albanischer
oder slawischer Abstammung bekommen. Meist wurden fr den Namenswechsel real existierende Ortsnamen aus der Antike gewhlt17 (z.B. Liosia
Ilion und Menidi Acharnai). Da zur damaligen Zeit das Toponym
auch als Nachname fungierte, mussten selbst Helden des Befreiungskrieges
13 Im Dezember 1834 zog die Regierung in die neue Hauptstadt offiziell ein.
14 Vgl. Mackridge, P., Cultural Difference as National Identity in Modern Greece, in:
Hellenism, Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Modernity, Ashgate 2008, S.
307.
15 Es herrschte groer Mangel an Gebuden, da Athen mittlerweile zu einem kleinen Dorf
heruntergekommen war. Selbst fr den Knig gab es kein geeignetes Haus. Der Palast,
das heutige Parlamentsgebude, wurde erst 1842 fertiggestellt.
16 Architekten, die das Bild Athens mit ihren Bauten prgten, waren: Ernst Ziller, Theophil
und Christian Hansen, Leo von Klenze, Friedrich von Grtner u.a.
17 Anhaltspunkt und Quelle dafr [Pausanias] , .
209
ihre Namen ndern: Aus Rigas Velestinlis wurde Rigas Pheraios, weil seine
Heimatstadt Velestino in der Nhe der antiken Stadt Pherai lag.18
Modernisierung Europisierung
Anders als die Hellenisierung wurde die Modernisierung und Europisierung der griechischen Kultur eher von den einfachen Leuten angestrebt.
Man wollte nicht mehr mit der osmanischen Vergangenheit in Verbindung
gebracht werden. Dazu gehrte auch, dass man Gewohnheiten und Kulturstandards, die bis zu jenem Zeitpunkt als ein Wegweiser durchs Leben
gedient hatten, nicht mehr relevant waren. Diese zwar gewollte und angestrebte Annherung an die westeuropische Kultur konnte allerdings nicht
innerhalb von einigen wenigen Jahren geschehen, da tief im Unterbewusstsein verwurzelte Sitten, Bruche und Denkarten nicht auf Knopfdruck
durch neue ersetzt werden knnen. Bereiche des Lebens und der Gesellschaft, die durch diese Umorientierung besonders beeinflusst wurden,
waren z.B. die Stellung der Frau innerhalb der Gesellschaft, Gesten, die
Mode und die Art der Freizeitbeschftigung.
Die Stellung der Frau in der griechischen Gesellschaft19
In der pr-revolutionren Zeit waren die Frauen als Persnlichkeiten
hoch geschtzt. Ihre Hausarbeit wurde anerkannt und als realer Wirtschaftsfaktor gemessen. Eine tchtige Frau, bzw. ein tchtiges junges Mdchen
konnte sicher sein einen Mann zu heiraten, aber eine faule und schwache
Frau riskierte ihren Ruf und somit jede Aussicht auf eine Heirat. In der
lndlichen Gesellschaft versammelten sich die Frauen, deren Leben sich
hauptschlich innerhalb des Hauses abspielte, und verbanden ihre Arbeit
mit Unterhaltung und der Erziehung ihrer Kinder. Sie spannen, sangen,
erzhlten alte Geschichten, tauschten Erfahrungen aus, gaben praktische
Heilmethoden und -mittel weiter und besprachen ihre Probleme.20
Mit der Tatsache, dass nach 1833 immer mehr Familien in die knftige
Hauptstadt Athen zogen, die Sicherheit auf den Straen nunmehr gewhrleistet war und die Gesellschaft sich allmhlich wandelte, gab es auch einen
unvermeidlichen Wandel in Bezug auf die Stellung der Frau. So konn18 Liakos, S. 232f.
19 An dieser Stelle soll das Augenmerk hauptschlich auf die neuentstandene urbane
Gesellschaft gerichtet werden. Die lndliche Gesellschaft und Grostdte, wie Konstantinopel, die sich nicht innerhalb des Knigreiches befanden, werden hier nicht in die
Analyse miteinbezogen.
20 Vgl. [Varika, E.] , E. : 1833-1907, , 1996, S. 44 .
210
Kyriaki Koukouraki
ten sich die Frauen nunmehr auch alleine frei auf den Straen bewegen.
Noch vor dem Befreiungskrieg konnten und durften sie das nicht, was mit
der Angst vor eventuellen Entfhrungen von Seiten der Osmanen erklrt
werden kann.
Die Hausarbeit, die frher auf dem Land als ein geschtzter Wert galt,
war nunmehr in der Stadt verpnt. Somit sollte diese Ttigkeit, die an die
lndliche Herkunft erinnerte und nicht mehr zur neuen Athener Mittelschicht gehrte, von Dienstmdchen ausgebt werden.
Die Frau diente nur um den sozialen Aufstieg der Familie (Beamtenstatus, erfolgreicher Hndler usw.) zur Schau zu stellen, um zu demonstrieren, dass man nicht mehr dem Bauernstand angehrt. Dafr wurde
ein Groteil des Einkommens und des Gewinnes des Mannes in westliche Kleidermode, Schmuck und andere uerlichkeiten investiert. Damit
ausgestattet flanierte man sonntags an ausgewhlten Orten, wo man die
anderen Mitbrger sah und gesehen wurde.21
Die Schattenseite dieser Arbeitslosigkeit der modernen Griechin zu
Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts war ihre absolute Abhngigkeit vom (Ehe-)
Mann, die soziale Isolation (das tgliche Beisammensein der Hausfrauen,
so wie es in der pr-revolutionren Zeit blich war, ist nicht mehr Usus)
und eine fast parasitische Eigenschaft, die nunmehr den Frauen zugeschrieben wurde.22 Eigenschaften, die eine moderne Griechin der 1830er
Jahre besitzen sollte, waren: Schnheit, Schwche und Unschuld. Hingegen
war die Mnnlichkeit durch Dynamik, Aktion, Arbeit, Wissenschaft und
Logik charakterisiert.23
21 Die komische und satirische Seite dieser Vernderung natrlich in bertriebener Art
wird im Theaterstck Gynaikokratie von Vyzantios aus dem Jahre 1841 in amsanter Weise dargestellt. Im Vorwort zum Stck schreibt er:
,
, , ,
, .,., ,

. [Vyzantios, Dim. K.] , . .,
, , 2003, S. 259. Doch Vyzantios ist kein Misogyn
und Gegner des Fortschrittes und der Anlehnung an die europischen Sitten und erklrt
deshalb: , , , ,
,
, , , . []. Ebd., S. 261f.
22 Vgl. [Varika] , S. 54.
23 Ebd., S. 55.
211
Gesten
Gestik und Mimik gehren zur nonverbalen Kommunikation und sind
von der jeweiligen Kultur geprgt und somit kulturspezifisch.24 Dabei gibt
es drei Ebenen von nonverbaler Kommunikation: a) unbewusster, b) teilbewusster und c) bewusster.25
Die Bedeutung der nonverbalen Signale wre
weniger gravierend, wenn sie ebenso leicht zu
steuern wren wie das gesprochene Wort. []
Nonverbale Kommunikation ist strker von den
schwerer kontrollierbaren Emotionen als vom
kontrollierbaren Bewusstsein gesteuert.26
Wie schwer es sein kann, eine teilbewusste Geste, wie das Begren,
zu ndern, soll das folgende Beispiel zeigen. Hier hatte das Problem sogar
royale Ausmae angenommen:
Die Griechen wollten anfangs nicht nach westeuropischem Ritual
ihren Knig begren, indem sie ihre Hupter entblten. Sie bestanden
darauf, nach orientalischem und dem fr sie bis dahin blichen Brauch
auch vor dem Knig ihren Fes auf dem Kopf zu behalten. Nach mehreren
Verhandlungen wurden einige Mglichkeiten geboten:
Die Regentschaft stellte ihnen die Wahl,
entweder nach europischer Weise den Kopf
zu entblssen und mit einer Verbeugung zu
begrssen, oder den vollen morgenlndischen
Brauch beizubehalten, nmlich mit bedecktem
Haupte kniefllig zu verehren und die Kleider
zu kssen. In diesem argen, aber gerechten
Dilemma hatten die Griechen doch vorgezogen,
sich unserm abendlndischen Ceremoniel
anzubequemen, wie ungewohnt und lstig es
ihnen auch war, stundenlang im Zimmer blossen
Hauptes zu bleiben, und wie drollig sie sich auch
24 Vgl. dazu Knapp, K., Kommunikativer Stil in Interkulturellem Kontakt, in: Albrecht,
J. (Hrsg.) Translation und interkulturelle Kommunikation, Verlag Peter Lang, Frankfurt
am Main 1987, S. 439467.
25 Vgl. dazu Nonverbale Kommunikation, aus Wikipedia unter: http://de.wikipedia.org/
wiki/Nonverbale_Kommunikation [05.06.07].
26 ISL Lehrmodul Nonverbale Kommunikation, Institut fr Stdtebau und Landesplanung der Universitt Karlsruhe (TH), unter: www.isl.uni-karlsruhe.de/publikationen/
pfail/050103-nonverbal.html [25.01.07].
212
Kyriaki Koukouraki
in den ersten Wochen ausnahmen, bis die [nach

morgenlndischen Brauch, K.K.] geschorenen
Vorderkpfe sich wieder mit Haar bedeckt
hatten.27
Mode
Als Otto am 6. Februar 1833 griechischen Boden betrat, trug er die
typisch blaue Uniform Bayerns. Als er am 14. Juli 1867 im Bamberger Exil
beigesetzt wurde, trug er die griechische Nationaltracht28. Diese Nationaltracht war kein einfaches Modeaccessoire, sondern verkrperte eine
Idee, eine Einstellung und zeugte von Ehrerweisung gegenber den Griechen und ihrer jngsten Geschichte. Die traditionelle griechische Kleidung
der Mnner mit der Foustanella und dem Fes wurde nach Anraten seines
Vaters Ludwig, von Otto zur Nationaltracht ernannt, obwohl diese paradoxerweise fr die Griechen selber beim Militr (mit Ausnahme der Evzonoi) verboten wurde. Und eben dieses Verbot, bzw. das Aufzwingen der
bayerischen Uniform beim griechischen Militr stie bei den Griechen auf
Unverstndnis und Reaktionen, die bis hin zum Verlachen ihrer eigenen
Landsmnner reichten, die diese Unifomen tragen mussten. Die bayerische
Regentschaft wollte nach dem Motto Kleider machen Leute die griechische Armee nach westeuropischem, genauer gesagt, nach bayerischem
Vorbild, reorganisieren und gleichzeitig die morgenlndische Mentalitt
der Griechen mit dem Ablegen der Foustanella beseitigen.29 Die bayerische
Montur war jedoch gnzlich ungeeignet fr die mediterranen klimatischen
Bedingungen, die in Griechenland herrschten.
Bei den Zivilisten war die Umstellung von traditioneller Mode zur
europischen nicht erzwungen, sondern gewollt. Zu Beginn jedoch dieser
Umstellungsphase, sah man auf den Straen Athens auch einen gemischten
Dresscode, d.h. franzsische Kleider wurden mit dem orientalischen Fes
kombiniert. Viele Griechinnen konnten sich nicht ohne Schmerzen an die
neuen europischen Pmps gewhnen, so dass sie oftmals nach lngerem
Laufen in der Hand getragen wurden.30
27 Ross, Erinnerungen und Mittheilungen aus Griechenland, Rudolph von Gaertner Verlag,
Berlin 1863, S. 48.
28 Diese Tracht war nicht die einzige, die von den Griechen getragen wurde. Es gab
viele verschiedene Trachten, z.B. die von der Insel Hydra. Doch man entschied sich
die Foustanella und den Fes als Nationaltracht zu whlen, vielleicht auch, weil sie im
Vergleich zu der hydriotischen mit der weiten Pumphose eleganter aussah, sicherlich
aber, um den Freiheitskmpfern, deren Mehrheit diese Tracht trug, zu ehren.
29 Vgl. [Papantoniou, .] , ., :
, , , , 1934, S. 75.
30 Die Frauen waren eher an Pantoffeln gewhnt, wie man sie im osmanischen Reich trug.
213
Ein neuer Modestil wurde von Knigin Amalie selbst kreiert. Sie gestaltete die griechische Frauentracht etwas schlichter (sie lie z.B. die Schrze
weg) und schmckte diese mit westeuropischen Details. Dieser Stil bekam
auch ihren Namen.31
Bemerkenswert ist, dass sowohl der Knig, als auch die Knigin in ihrer
Entourage Griechen hatten, die ihre lokalen traditionellen Trachten zu
tragen hatten. Aber aus der modernen athener Gesellschaft verschwanden
diese Trachten mit der Zeit immer mehr.
Anfangs waren jedoch nicht alle mit der neuen Mode einverstanden:
In frnkischen Kleidern sind die meisten
klglich anzuschauen! Oft passen die einzelnen
Theile des Kleides nicht zueinander, und die
ganze Erscheinung eines alten Griechen in Frack
ist ein Zerrbild!
Die Griechen finden unsere engen Kleider eben so
lcherlich, wie wir selbst. Ein Spottname dafr
ist Lichtschere (Keropsalido), wegen der beiden
auslaufenden Enden des Frackes. Auerdem
gilt unsere Tracht auch fr unanstndig. Dennoch
strebte die baierische Regentschaft eifrig, das
griechische Kleid im ffentlichen Dienst bei der
Land- und Seemacht abzuschaffen! Die schwarzen
Fracke passten besser zu ihren Tintenfssern und
Tintenklexen!32
Epilog
In welchem kulturellen Zwiespalt sich die Griechen anfangs befanden und
wie schwierig es doch erschien die neuen Sitten, Bruche und Lebensarten
aufzunehmen und zu verinnerlichen zeigt bezeichnenderweise die Schilderung eines Augenzeugen:
Die Griechen ahmen fremde Sitten begierig nach!
31 Biedermeier, ,
.
, ,
( ) , ,
.

. . http://www.hellenica.de/Griechenland/NeuGes/Bio/GR/AmaliaTisElladas.html [06.09.2010]
32 Ow, Baron v., Aufzeichnungen eines Junkers am Hofe zu Athen, Hartlebens Verlag-Expedition, Pest, Wien/Leipzig 1854, S. 154.
Kyriaki Koukouraki
214
Desto schlimmer fr sie!

Vielen fllt es schwer auf Sthlen nach
europischer Art zu sitzen und mit einer Gabel zu
essen. Sie nehmen Salz mit den Fingern, um es auf
die Messerspitze zu bringen, und setzen sich
dann (nach dem Essen) mit untergeschlagenen
Beinen auf den Boden, um von dem ungewohnten
Stuhlsitzen auszuruhen.33
Ein junger Grieche schrieb:

Ich sehe, da zu viel Fremdes hereinkommt.
Zu viel sage ich. Denn ich liebe die
Deutschen und freue mich, da uns von dieser
philhellenischen Nation die Hlfe kommt
und es ist mir lieb, da wir deutsche Sitten und
Gebruche sehen aber sie sollen dazu dienen,
unsere Sitten und Gebruche zu veredeln und
nicht zu vermischen; denn Deutsche werden wir
doch nicht und wenn wir aufhren Griechen zu
sein: - was sind wir dann?
Es betrbt mich, wenn ich unsere ersten Mnner
unsere Nationaltracht ablegen und einen Kolettis
in kurz geschnittenen Haaren und frnkischen
Kleidern sehen mu! (Er hatte sie spter wieder
aufgegeben.)34
In einer Phase, in der eine neue Identitt gesucht wird, oder auch auferzwungen wird, ist es nur natrlich, dass man sich whrend der Interimsphase, d.h. bis zur Findung oder Adaption der neuen Identitt, sich in
einer Krisenphase befindet. Alte Deutungsmuster, Kulturstandards, Sitten,
Bruche und Anschauungen sollen durch neue ersetzt werden. Da aber
diese tief im Unterbewusstsein verwurzelt sind, knnen sie nicht vom
einen Tag auf den anderen substituiert werden.
Die Griechen des beginnenden 19. Jahrhunderts hatten mit solch einer
Annahme einer neuen Identitt zu kmpfen, insbesondere, da diese unter
einer Art Zeitdruck geschah. Sollten sie Hellen, glorreichen Kmpfer des
Befreiungskrieges oder moderne Europer werden/sein? Sie mssen sich
wie Alice im Wunderland gefhlt haben, wo ihnen jeder sagte, wer sie sein
33 Ebd., S. 30f.
34 Zitiert bei Ow, S. 173.
215
sollen, sie aber selber auch noch nicht genau definieren konnten, wer sie
sein wollten. Nur eines war sicher: sie wollten sich nicht mehr mit der jngsten Vergangenheit, also der osmanischen, in Verbindung gebracht werden.
Diese innere Zerrissenheit kann als kulturelle Identittskrise bezeichnet
werden. Letztendlich haben natrlich auch die Griechen ihre Identitt
gefunden, die sich wie alle Kulturen von Tag zu Tag evolviert.
, !:

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Angelomatis-Tsougarakis, H. 1990. The Eve of Greek Revival: British travellers

perception of early 19th-century Greece, New York & London: Routledge.
Augoustinos, O. 1994. French Odysseys: Greece in French travel literature from the
Renaissance to the romantic era, Baltimore & London: The John Hopkins
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13 .
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, , : .
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258
1850 .15
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(130 ) 19
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259
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23
() : Javertis que je prends
ici le mot charlatan dans sa signification la plus tendue. Par ce mot je nentends pas
seulement ceux qui font distribuer des affiches dans les rues. Tout mauvais mdecin qui
sobstine vouloir gagner sa vie par lexercice de la mdecine est mes yeux un charlatan; tout mdecin qui possde quelques connoissances, mais qui soccupe plus du soin
augmenter sa fortune qui ne sapplique augmenter ses connoissances, est encore un
charlatan, Coray, Introduction ltude de la nature et de la mdecine, trad. de lallemande daprs la 2e dit. corrige et augmente de M. Selle, an II, , . 494.
260
,
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.24
.
2 :

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, :

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(, 9-12 . 2010):
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266
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80.000 .4 ,
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Journaux et journalistes. La libert de la presse, 1930, . 57.
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271

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26 Cartea Verde, Afacerile Macedoniei, 1892, . 33. , ,
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27 [ ], 31/ 12
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.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
/ Mercuriu
/
Spectatorul
1841-1842
1848
1848
1849
1848
1860-1862
1864-1865
8
9
1865-1876
1876-1941
&
1868
10
1871
11
1872
12
1873-1880
1880-1892
13
1874
14
1874
15
1875
. &
. .
16
1875-1880
17
1876
1876
1878
1880
1880
18
19
20
21
22
1884-1886
23
1886
24
1887
25
26
27
1887
1888-1889
1889-1890
28
1890-1905
29
30
1891
1893
31
1893
32
1893
279
.
.
. .
. .
. .
. .
.
.
.
tefan Petrescu
280
33
1894-1895
34
1895
35
1895-1901
36
1897
37
1898
38
1898
39
1900
40
1905-1906
41
1908-1916
1920-1928
42
1911-1919
1919-1943
43
1918-1920
44
1921-1926
.
.
.
.
.
.
Construction identitaire et enseignement

du franais en Grce au XIXe sicle
Despina Provata
Nul nignore les liens culturels qui unissent la France et la Grce partir du
XVIIIe sicle, lorsque la langue franaise, dont le rayonnement tait incontestable, fut adopte par les Phanariotes. Ces diplomates, princes et rudits,
qui se chargent de la rgnration spirituelle de lhellnisme, se mettent
ltude du franais, sinitient la littrature franaise dont ils laborent des
traductions, lisent des ouvrages scientifiques, philosophiques et historiques
rdigs dans cette langue1.
La langue franaise devient ainsi lintermdiaire entre les lites grecques
et la civilisation occidentale et la francophonie prend progressivement sa
place dans le monde grec. Il ne sagit pas seulement dun phnomne linguistique mais, beaucoup plus, dun phnomne social qui stend durant tout
le XIXe sicle et qui peut tre mesur travers plusieurs et divers aspects:
lenseignement du franais, bien sr, mais aussi quoique bien moins facilement mesurables la prsence dun personnel domestique francophone,
lintroduction du franais travers des supports diffrents (livres, presse,
thtre) sans oublier les diffrents rseaux de sociabilit qui se tissent entre
les individus, Grecs et Franais (notamment travers la correspondance et
les voyages).
L objectif de la prsente communication est dexaminer la relation langue,
culture et identit qui dtermine la diffusion de la langue franaise en Grce
tout au long du XIXe sicle.
Au lendemain de la Rvolution franaise, la langue et la culture franaises exercent sur lEurope une sduction exceptionnelle qui prend mme
les allures dune force proslytique, comme crivait Joseph de Maistre
en 18092.
1
2
C. Th. Dimaras, , (Les Lumires nohellniques), Athnes,

Herms, 61993, p. 222-223, 265-266.
Lettre de Joseph de Maistre S.E. Msg lArchevque de Raguse (13 dcembre 1809) cite
par Ferdinand Brunot, Histoire de la langue franaise des origines nos jours, t. XI, Paris,
A. Colin, 1968, p.1.
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
282
Despina Provata
Associe la victoire de lhumanisme contre le despotisme et loppression, la langue franaise devient le biais par lequel seront introduites dans
le monde grec les valeurs de la libert et de lgalit, lide de la rsistance
loppression et de la lgitime rvolte, surtout aprs la seconde Dclaration des droits de lhomme et du citoyen, celle de 17933. Cest dans ce
texte que puise Rigas Vlestinlis pour rdiger sa charte constitutionnelle,
une brochure rvolutionnaire qui dfinissait les contours de lhellnisme
affranchi4. Convaincu que la rgnration ne peut se raliser sans lducation des populations opprimes et dsirant doter la population asservie
dune conscience politique accrue, Rigas insiste en particulier sur le rle
de lenseignement. Il va mme au-del du texte franais quil a pour modle
et proclame lenseignement obligatoire pour les deux sexes. Soucieux en
effet den prciser davantage les contenus, afin de les rendre encore plus
conformes ses objectifs, Rigas esquisse un programme linguistique:
apprentissage du grec, bien videmment, mais aussi des deux langues
trangres dominantes de lpoque, le franais et litalien5. Dornavant, lenseignement du franais sera intgr dans le systme ducatif grec et servira
la grande cause de lhellnisme renaissant, savoir la construction de son
identit nationale.
Bien que des voix conservatrices slvent contre le danger dune expansion des ides subversives travers le dveloppement de la langue qui les
vhicule6, des intellectuels tels que Dmtre Catargi, Daniel Philippids,
Adamance Coray, Nicolas Caradja et Dmtre Govdlas, encouragent dans
leurs crits lapprentissage de la langue franaise7.
Parmi les premiers le faire, Catargi soulignait ds 1783 la ncessit
dapprendre le franais pour quiconque souhaite suivre les progrs de lesprit humain et arriver aux sources du savoir. Pour lui, seule la connaissance
du franais permet de se pencher sur des ouvrages historiques et scientifiques, et mme de se familiariser avec les uvres des auteurs grecs de lAn3
5
6
7
Sur les influences de la Rvolution franaise dans le sud-est europen, voir Paschalis
M. Kitromilids, (La Rvolution
franaise et lEurope du Sud-Est), Athnes, d. Poreia, 22000.
Rigas Vlestinlis, N . (Nouveau gouvernement
politique. uvres Compltes), (d.) Paschalis M. Kitromilids, Athnes, Parlement des
Hellnes, 2000, p. 33-70.
Ibid, p. 41-42.
Voir ce sujet Elisabeth Papagorgiou-Provata, (La
langue franaise en Grce), Athnes, 1994, p. 13-14.
Dmtre Govdlas et Nicolas Caradja sont aussi auteurs de manuels utiliss pour lapprentissage du franais dans les principauts Danubiennes. Voir ce sujet Ariadna
Camariano-Cioran, Les Acadmies princires de Bucarest et de Jassy et leurs professeurs,
Thessalonique, Institute for Balkan Studies, 1974, p. 253-254, 636-637.
Construction identitaire et enseignement du franais en Grce au XIXe sicle
283
tiquit grce aux nombreuses traductions8. Daniel Philippids, laudateur

des lettres et de la civilisation franaises, compare ltat de civilisation de
la France des Lumires celui atteint par la civilisation grecque antique:
Ce sont les Franais qui montrent la conduite aux autres nations, comme
autrefois les Grecs, qui suscitaient ladmiration et lapprhension9.
La diffusion de la langue franaise en Grce doit surtout beaucoup
Coray, qui considre la connaissance du franais comme un pralable pour
russir allumer dans le pays la flamme de la libert. Pour lui, celui qui ne
connat pas le franais est comme priv dducation libre10. Ayant la conviction profonde que le dsir de la libert et de lducation coexistent dans
lme de lindividu11, il encourage personnellement lintroduction des cours
de franais dans le pays encore soumis12.
Ainsi, grce aux initiatives nombreuses et varies des rudits grecs, les
lumires nohellniques seront franaises. Si la culture de la France participe
la formation de celle de la Grce, ce serait presque par un juste retour des
choses: la culture franaise est en effet considre comme la lgitime hritire de la culture hellnique. La formation de lidentit nationale comprend
donc la rcupration des valeurs antiques lgues lEurope claire, qui
sont r-adoptes par le pays qui les avait vues natre. Par ce processus de
recyclage se constitue le patrimoine de lhellnisme renaissant.
LInsurrection de 1821 libre le pays de la domination ottomane et la
Grce devient un tat indpendant. Cependant, elle se trouve place sous la
tutelle des forces trangres. Cette dpendance, qui marquera tout le XIXe
sicle, nest pas seulement politique et conomique; elle est aussi culturelle
et touche, par consquent, le domaine de lenseignement. Ltat grec, qui lie
ainsi son destin lEurope, est la recherche dun nouveau lien cohrent
sur lequel reposeront ses fondements mmes. Cest alors que se constitue la
8
Dmtre Catargi, (uvres retrouves), (d.) C. Th. Dimaras, Athnes,

1970, p.10. Voir ce sujet Rha Delvroudi, La place du franais parmi les langues
pratiques dans les milieux hellnophones dans la seconde moiti du XVIIIe sicle ,
Actes du Colloque international Dialogue des cultures dans lespace mditerranen et les
Balkans : le franais langue dchange et de partage (Athnes 11-14 mars 2010), sous
presse actuellement.
9 Daniel Philippids et Grgoire Constantas, (Gographie Moderne),
(d.) katrini Koumarianou, Athnes, Herms, 1988, p. 421.
10 Adamance Coray, (Atakta), t. 2, Paris, 1829, p. 90.
11 C. Th. Dimaras, op.cit, p. 335.
12 Cest grce ses soins que fut nomm comme professeur de franais lcole Chio, lhellniste Jules David. Voir ce sujet Despina Provata, Un tmoignage tardif des Lumires en Grce: le Dictionnaire indit de Jules David, / Comparaison, vol. 12
(2001), p. 82-87 ; Jean Caravolas, Lhellniste franais Jules David (1783-1854), The
Historical Review/La Revue Historique, vol. 1(2004), p. 130-131.
284
Despina Provata
nouvelle identit nationale autour dlments dj existants: la langue et la

religion bien sr, mais aussi et surtout, lorigine commune, savoir la filiation avec les Grecs anciens. Or, selon Alexis Politis, cet hellnisme il allait
falloir le dterminer laide de supports thoriques. Il convenait de cristalliser le sens de la notion de conscience nationale et den accentuer les caractristiques13. L enseignement, destin constituer lun des pylnes du jeune
tat, fut appel participer cette entreprise.
L avnement du roi Othon en 1833 et ltablissement du gouvernement
bavarois, marquent lintroduction du modle ducatif allemand dans lenseignement secondaire. Ce modle avait provoqu ladmiration dans toute
lEurope: influenc par le no-humanisme, il dlaissait la culture intellectuelle et accordait la priorit la perfection morale de lindividu, par lintermdiaire de ltude des auteurs grecs et latins. L objectif tait la formation
de lme et la perfection de lindividu en tant qutre humain14. Dautre part,
lenseignement grec portait galement lempreinte du systme ducatif franais: la loi de 1834 qui organisait lenseignement lmentaire15 tait calque
sur la loi de Guizot de 183316 daprs laquelle lenseignement devait, en plus,
garantir lordre et la stabilit sociale, le respect des institutions, telles la
monarchie, et prmunir contre lutopie dmocratique17.
L enseignement grec, nationaliste ds le dbut, est presque exclusivement tourn vers le pass: il ignore volontairement lhistoire moderne pour
exploiter lhistoire de la Grce antique, il mconnat les nouvelles traditions
et valorise la mythologie, carte des programmes la pense moderne pour
se pencher sur la philosophie et la littrature classiques18. Cette orientation
13 Alexis Politis, . 18301880 (Annes romantiques. Idologies et mentalits en Grce entre 1830 et1880), Athnes,
Mnimon, 1993, p. 35.
14 Albert Rebble, (Histoire de la pdagogie), trad. Th. Hatzistfanidi et S. Hatzistfanidi-Polyzo, Athnes, 1992, p. 277-278; S. Bouzakis,
(1821-1985). (Enseignement nohellnique. Croissance subordonne), Athnes, 1986, p. 32.
15 (Des instituteurs et des
coles primaires), 6/18 fvrier 1834 dans Georges Venthylos, (Collection des lois de lenseignement primaire), t. 1, Athnes, 1898, p.
10.
16 katrina Kikilia, Guizot (La loi Guizot
dans la politique ducative grecque), Thse de doctorat, Universit dAthnes, 2003.
17 Flix Ponteil, Histoire de lenseignement en France. Les grandes tapes 1788-1964, Paris,
Sirey, 1966, p. 199; Maurice Gontard, LEnseignement primaire en France de la Rvolution
la loi Guizot (1789-1833), Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1959, p. 495.
18 Constantin Tsoukalas, . (1830-1922) (Dpendance et reproduction. Le rle social
des appareils scolaires en Grce), Athnes, Thmlio, 62006, p. 565
285
de lenseignement est confirme, dailleurs, par le fait que le grec moderne

ne sera introduit dans les programmes scolaires quen 1884: ltude du grec
ancien, sorte de substitut de la langue officielle (la katharevoussa), sert la
cause premire de lducation, savoir lexaltation de lantiquit19.
La mise en place dun systme ducatif, calqu sur les modles de ceux
des pays europens o les tudes classiques occupaient une place de choix,
permet ltat grec de prouver aux yeux de lEurope quil tait digne de
lhritage ancestral et quil pouvait, par consquent, tre compt parmi les
nations civilises. Par ailleurs, la connaissance dune langue trangre
simposait, notamment celle du franais considr non seulement comme
une langue universelle grce son usage diplomatique, mais aussi comme
un bagage linguistique utile pour le commerce et la diffusion des lettres et
des sciences.
En 1822, la ncessit dintroduire lenseignement du franais dans les
coles est nonc de manire hautement officielle par le Snat Ploponnsien20. De nombreux rudits estiment mme que lapprentissage du franais devrait constituer lune des priorits de lenseignement grec. Selon
Coray, par exemple, il fallait que les lus et les hauts fonctionnaires de ltat
sachent le grec ancien et le franais21. La mme attitude est adopte par
Frederic Thiersch, linspirateur des programmes scolaires sous le gouvernement bavarois, qui pensait de son ct que lapprentissage de la langue franaise devait constituer lun des piliers de lenseignement, au mme titre que
ltude du grec, ancien et moderne22. Henri-Auguste Dutrne23, proche de la
philosophie ducative de Capodistria24,soutenait quaprs les connaissances pratiques (lagriculture, le mtier des armes et le commerce), la connaissance dune langue trangre devait tre une priorit pour les jeunes hell19 Ibid., p. 557.
20 Alexis Dimaras, (La rforme qui na pas eu lieu), Athnes,
Herms, t. 1, p. 4-5.
21 Adamance Coray, 1822 (Notes
sur le rgime politique provisoire de la Grce de 1822), (d.) Them. P. Volidis, Athnes,
1933, p. 43-44.
22 Frederic Thiersch, .
(1828-1833) (La Grce de Capodistria.
De ltat actuel de la Grce et des moyens pour arriver sa restauration), trad. . Spilios,
d. . Vournas, Athnes, 1972, p. 110-112, 114.
23 Henri-Auguste Dutrne fut nomm, en 1829 par Capodistria, membre du comit charg
de lorganisation de lducation, auquel participaient galement Ioannis Kokkonis et N.
Nikitopoulos.
24 La rgnration du pays doit tre fonde sur lducation primaire et le travail crit
Capodistrias Jean-Gabriel Eynard. Lettre cite dans
(Histoire de la nation hellnique), t. XII, p. 589.
286
Despina Provata
nes. Il opte lui aussi pour le franais, non seulement parce quil sagissait de
sa langue maternelle, mais parce que la langue franaise serait la moins
imparfaite, probablement la plus commune et donc la plus utile25. On le
sait, le langage est un lment dterminant de lidentit, et le franais, plac
en regard de la langue des illustres anctres, devenait ainsi un support de la
conscience nationale.
Ainsi, ds la naissance de la jeune Nation, la langue franaise fut introduite dans les premires coles fondes dans la Grce libre, celles dgine
(1829), de Nauplie (1833) et dHermoupolis (1833)26. Le franais occupe
une place prpondrante dans le premier programme scolaire, celui de
1836: on attribue cette langue la deuxime place dans la hirarchie des
matires enseignes dans les coles Hellniques (le premier cycle de lenseignement secondaire), juste derrire le grec ancien et devant les mathmatiques, lhistoire et les sciences naturelles27. Si lon examine lensemble des
programmes scolaires du XIXe sicle, on constate que le franais occupe la
troisime place dans la hirarchie des matires enseignes dans le secondaire, preuve mesurable de limportance quaccordait ltat lapprentissage
de la langue franaise28. Considre comme un pralable pour quiconque
souhaitait poursuivre des tudes suprieures, la connaissance du franais tait en outre tenu pour indispensable pour la vie professionnelle,
notamment pour les activits commerciales. La connaissance du franais
tait enfin un signe de distinction et de reconnaissance sociale, devenant
aussi un lment constitutif de lducation des jeunes filles, quoique assez
progressivement.
Si en effet le dcret de 1834 prvoyait un enseignement primaire obligatoire pour les deux sexes29, lenseignement secondaire tait uniquement
destin aux garons30. Les difficults financires de ltat grec dune part,
25 Alexis Dimaras, op.cit., p. 20-22. Dutrne avait mme propos denseigner gratuitement
le franais, une offre qui na jamais t accepte, par souci de protger la langue grecque,
les murs et la religion des Hellnes.
26 Voir Papagorgiou-Provata, op. cit., p. 26; Kondylia Choda,
19 (Le cours de franais dans les coles grecques du secondaire, de
ltat libre et des territoires assujettis durant le XIXe sicle), Thse de doctorat, Universit
Aristote de Thessalonique, 2003, p. 15-18.
27 Voir le dcret du 31 dcembre 1836/12 janvier 1837 dans David Antoniou, (1833-1929) (Les programmes de lEnseignement Secondaire), Athnes, 1987, p. 83-109. Voir aussi Tsoukalas, op.cit., p. 555; PapagorgiouProvata, op.cit., p. 27; Choda, op.cit., p. 46.
28 Choda, op.cit., p. 98.
29 Georges Venthylos, op.cit., p. 10.
30 Dcret du 31 dcembre/12 janvier 1836,
287
et dautre part la rsistance de la part des parents, surtout en province, qui

refusaient denvoyer leurs filles lcole, vont retarder lorganisation dun
enseignement public fminin en Grce31. Cette lacune est nanmoins
partiellement comble par des initiatives prives qui aboutissent la fondation de pensionnats destines aux jeunes filles de la bourgeoisie32.
Conformment aux buts ducatifs de lpoque, la scolarisation fminine
devait prparer les jeunes filles leur rle dpouse et de mre, veiller
leur ducation morale et religieuse et fortifier en elles le sentiment national quelles devaient, par la suite, transmettre leurs enfants. La connaissance du franais nchappe pas aux paramtres sociaux, ce qui influence en
consquence les programmes scolaires qui se diffrenciaient sensiblement
de ceux labors lintention des garons. En effet, dans les coles de filles,
on accorde un rle primordial aux cours de franais, car la connaissance de
la langue franaise, avec le grec, la musique et laptitude aux ouvrages dits
de dames taient le bagage ncessaire pour la future vie sociale des demoiselles33. Pendant longtemps, dailleurs, dans limaginaire grec, la bonne
ducation des filles tait rsume par ces deux mots, rpts ensemble
comme un phrasologisme de distinction sociale: franais et piano.
Dautre part, la langue franaise est cette poque un signe dappartenance religieuse pour les catholiques, dont la prsence est depuis longtemps atteste dans les Cyclades, les les de la mer ge et les les Ioniennes.
La pntration des ordres catholiques dans le monde grec et luvre ducative que ces congrgations ont offerte, ont pu tre facilement effectues
dans le cadre dun climat doccidentalisation qui stait empar de la socit
grecque34. Si les coles religieuses fondes par des missionnaires franais
31
32
33
34
(De lorganisation des coles Hellniques et des Gymnases)

dans Stphanos . Parissis, (Enseignement suprieur
et secondaire), t. I, Athnes, 1884, p. 225-250. Jusquen 1893 ltat interdit strictement
la scolarisation des filles dans des tablissements masculins. Ce sont des pensionnats
privs, agrs par ltat, qui assurent la scolarisation secondaire des filles.
La participation gale des femmes lenseignement secondaire ne sera systmatise
quaprs la rforme de Vnizlos en 1929.
Parmi ces initiatives se distingue celle de la Socit Philopdeutique (
) qui organise dune manire systmatique, partir de 1836, lducation des
jeunes filles ainsi que la formation des futures institutrices. Dans ces coles, le franais
occupe une place de choix. Voir Marianthi-Elisabeth Mastora,
(1836) 20 (Linfluence de la
langue et de la culture franaises dans les coles de la Socit Philopdeutique partir de
1836, date de sa fondation, aux dbuts du XXe sicle), Thse de doctorat, 3 vol., Universit dAthnes, 2006.
Choda, op.cit., p. 88-99, 151-158.
David Antoniou, (coles franaises en Grce), Athnes,
288
Despina Provata
sadressaient principalement la communaut catholique des villes o elles

se sont installes, elles accueillaient, cependant, dans leurs rangs des lves
du culte orthodoxe, ce qui na pas manqu de provoquer des tensions entre
ces institutions et les autorits grecques. Souvent accuses de proslytisme,
elles ont t contraintes plusieurs reprises suspendre leurs activits
ducatives35.
Soucieux de prserver lOrthodoxie qui tait perue comme un lment
fondamental de lidentit nationale, le Patriarcat cumnique, par une
circulaire de 1864, met en garde les parents contre les consquences morales
nfastes que pourrait avoir la scolarisation de la jeunesse grecque dans les
coles diriges par ces congrgations36. Ltat, de son ct, se dclare proccup par le fait que dans les coles catholiques, la plupart des matires sont
enseignes en franais. Cette pratique loignait, certes, les lves orthodoxes de leur langue maternelle, mais elle les loignait en mme temps
de leur religion, puisque ces derniers taient souvent encourags participer la messe catholique, o on leur insufflait lobissance au Pape. La
question devenait dautant plus pineuse que ces tablissements, placs
sous la protection franaise, refusaient linspection de la part des autorits grecques qui ignoraient le contenu, les mthodes denseignement adoptes ainsi que les manuels scolaires utiliss37. Pour ne citer quun exemple,
le Prfet de Corfou proteste, en 1869, contre le fait que dans les tablissements religieux les jeunes filles grecques orthodoxes, suivent un enseignement tranger notre langue, nos murs, notre religion sacre, qui
furent les assises de notre patriotisme, celles qui ont sauv lHellnisme
durant les aventures terribles qua subies notre nation38.
Quil sagt dtablissements publics ou privs, grecs ou trangers, lenseignement du franais devait se conformer lobjectif gnral de lenseignement qui tait dune part de fournir aux lves les connaissances ncessaires
pour leur permettre de poursuivre des tudes suprieures, et dautre part
2009, p. 17-55.
35 Voir, par exemple, le cas de lcole de St Joseph de lApparitionprsent par Stphanos
Kavallirakis, ducation et coles trangres en Grce au XIXe sicle. Le cas des coles
des surs de St Joseph de lApparition (1856-1893), Thse de doctorat, Universit Marc
Bloch, 2008, p.188-200.
36 Sidiroula Ziogou-Karastergiou, ,
(Le Patriarcat cumnique, ladministration ottomane et lducation de la nation), Thessalonique, Kyriakidis, 1998, p. 287-288.
37 Rapport sur les coles occidentales des dites surs de la charit, Archives Diplomatiques et Historiques du Ministre hellnique des Affaires trangres, Range 77, f. 2, Corfou
6 novembre 1868, p. 3, cit dans Kavallirakis, op.cit., p. 147.
38 Ibid, p. 157, note 391.
289
dassurer lducation morale des futurs citoyens39. Dans les rglements et les
programmes dtudes du temps on aperoit cette dimension morale, religieuse, nationale et politique de lducation, encore plus accentue lorsquil
sagit des tablissements scolaires des territoires qui faisaient encore partie
de lEmpire ottoman.
Car on noublie pas que lcole, oriente vers les tudes classiques, devait
donner aux lves la connaissance exacte des auteurs classiques, cultiver
et fortifier leur sens de la vrit, de lhonntet et du bien40. L enseignement du franais se met au service de cette cause: il ne sagit pas seulement
dapprendre une langue, mais dduquer les lves, de cultiver les bonnes
dispositions des enfants, ce dont tmoignent le discours et le contenu des
manuels utiliss pour lapprentissage du franais. Ces derniers devaient
respecter les consignes donnes par ltat et obtenir une autorisation officielle du ministre avant dtre introduits dans les classes. Dans certains cas,
lorsque plusieurs ouvrages avaient t agrs, le choix revenait au jugement
du professeur de franais.
Ainsi, les ouvrages didactiques -chrestomathies, grammaires, dictionnaires et guides de conversation- visaient, bien videmment, linitiation
et lapprofondissement de la langue mais, conformment aux buts ducatifs de lpoque, souscrivaient galement aux valeurs morales convenues
et incitaient les lves lamour de la patrie. Mme dans les grammaires
ou les guides de conversation, on peut aisment reconnatre, travers les
exemples utiliss pour expliquer un phnomne grammatical, une tournure de la langue ou une situation de la vie courante, le double souci de
leurs rdacteurs de mettre la disposition de la jeunesse des ouvrages
vise non seulement pratique mais aussi morale. Ainsi, les manuels utiliss
dans cadre de linitiation la langue franaise, comme de son tude plus
approfondie, deviennent en mme temps un vhicule de lducation morale
et intellectuelle des lves. Leur contenu, adapt aux objectifs de lenseignement, les aide difier une conscience nationale, politique et religieuse.
Dans ce cadre, ce sont surtout les chrestomathies qui servent les objectifs moralisateurs du systme ducatif grec. Mme si le contenu des chrestomathies provient des florilges franais, les textes choisis par les auteurs
grecs sont adapts aux besoins ducatifs de la jeunesse du pays et sont
porteurs dune idologie particulire. Peu ouvertes la littrature franaise
contemporaine, les chrestomathies font preuve dhellnocentrisme tout
en perptuant lesprit des Lumires.
39 Choda, op.cit., p. 45-64.
40 Dcret du 31 dcembre 1836/12 janvier 1837 dans Antoniou, Les programmes , t. 1, p.
98-99.
290
Despina Provata
Nadiris, le rdacteur dun manuel utilis dans les coles grecques pendant
plus de 30 ans, sexplique dans sa Prface sur les motifs qui lon guid dans
le choix des textes: cette fin, jai choisi des rcits moraux et surtout des
faits dhrosme de nos propres anctres qui contribuent lducation de
lme des enfants41. Les textes qui font rfrence lantiquit, aux actes
hroques des Grecs anciens, la civilisation quils ont cre, et mme la
reconnaissance que lEurope a rserve cette civilisation, rappellent aux
lves leurs devoirs envers la patrie, les prparent au rle quils seront appels jouer dans la nouvelle socit. Parmi les auteurs le plus souvent cits
dans ces chrestomathies, on trouve Fnlon et Les Aventures de Tlmaque,
ainsi que le Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Grce de lAbb Bathlmy. Les
Fables de La Fontaine sont prsentes dans toutes les chrestomathies ct
des Caractres de La Bruyre, considr comme lun des moralistes les plus
importants. Il est intressant de constater la place quoccupe lhistoire dans
les manuels franais une poque o nat lhistoriographie moderne en
Grce: LHistoire de Charles XII, roi de Sude et Le sicle de Louis XIV, ces
traits rdigs par Voltaire sont galement prsents dans les chrestomathies
destines lenseignement du franais. Enfin, de nombreux textes voquent
des faits historiques de la Grce antique ou moderne ou y font allusion42.
Ainsi, au moment o se construit lidentit nationale par lenseignement, la
reconqute du patrimoine antique est en partie comble par la mdiation
des textes franais, puisque les chrestomathies puisent copieusement dans
les sources offertes par la France.
Les extraits choisis pour leur valeur dexemplarit prsentent des
modles suivre et valorisent les vertus humaines telles que le courage et
la noblesse dme, le sacrifice, labngation et le dvouement, la vaillance,
lhardiesse et la bravoure. Ils accentuent les qualits morales que devraient
avoir les futurs citoyens telles que lapplication au travail, le got pour
ltude, le respect et lobissance, la charit, laltruisme, le dsintressement,
la bienfaisance, la gnrosit43. Les chrestomathies franaises contribuent
lducation de la jeunesse et sa prparation la vie active. Les ouvrages
deviennent des outils pour llaboration dune idologie et la formation des
individus-citoyens dont avait besoin ltat grec ce stade de sa constitution, mme si lobjectif premier, savoir lapprentissage du franais na pas
toujours t atteint au niveau souhait44.
41 . Nadiris, Prface, (Recueil mthodique de morceaux choisis en langue franaise), Athnes, 1858.
42 Choda, op.cit., p. 234.
43 Ibid., p. 216-245.
44 Nombreuses sont les voix qui se rvoltent contre lincapacit de lcole de prparer les
291
Linitiation aux textes littraires grce aux chrestomathies permet en

outre aux lves dentrer en contact avec les uvres originales, parfois
mme avant que les traductions grecques ne soient parues45. Il se cre ainsi
un lectorat qui permettra la cration de librairies franaises. Ces lecteurs,
familiariss avec la langue et nourris de littrature franaise, favorisent lessor dune presse francophone ou bilingue (grec-franais) : une cinquantaine de feuilles paraissent durant le XIXe sicle en Grce et dans les centres
de lhellnisme diasporique o sactivaient de florissantes communauts grecques46. Ces mmes lecteurs deviennent des spectateurs avides de
thtre franais; les scnes hellniques accueilleront durant tout le sicle
des troupes franaises en tourne dans le pays47.
Lintrt suscit par le franais dans toutes les classes de la socit se mue
rapidement en engouement et stend tout ce qui porte lattribut franais.
On imite le mode de vie, les pratiques sociales, la mode venue de France.
Des termes et des expressions franaises sinfiltrent dans la langue nationale et toute une socit se situe par rapport la ralit culturelle franaise.
Face ce processus de francisation, nombreux sont ceux qui parlent de
gallomanie et des franco-prtentieux48. Devant le danger dacculturation qui menaait leur socit, les intellectuels grecs se chargent de rappeler leurs compatriotes au sens de la mesure et au respect de leur identit
nationale49.
lves, parmi lesquelles Anghlos Vlachos. Voir Papagorgiou-Provata, op.cit., p. 84-85.
45 Cest le cas notamment de luvre hugolienne. Grce au manuel de lecture dAlexandre-Rizo Rangab (Encyclopdie franaise ou choix de morceaux des meilleurs prosateurs
et potes franais, Athnes, Impr. A. Coromilas, 1842) les lves grecs du secondaire
sont parmi les premiers avoir la possibilit daborder dans loriginal des extraits dHernani et de Notre-Dame de Paris de Victor Hugo en 1842, date de parution de lEncyclopdie de Rangab, alors que des traductions grecques de ces uvres ne sont disponibles quen 1861 et 1867 respectivement. Voir ce sujet Despina Provata, Victor Hugo en
Grce (1842-1902), Thse de doctorat, Universit de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), 1994, p.
255-258.
46 Voir ce sujet Despina Provata, La presse francophone grecque : revendications nationales et ouverture vers lEurope, Actes du colloque international Dialogue des cultures dans lespace mditerranen et les Balkans: le franais langue dchange et de partage,
op.cit.
47 Il nexiste pas, ma connaissance, dtude systmatique sur les reprsentations donnes
par des troupes franaises en Grce. On peut, cependant, se reporter louvrage de
Walter Puchner,
(17-20 ) (La rception du thtre franais par le thtre nohellnique), Athnes, Hellinika Grammata, 1999 qui fournit des indices prcieux.
48 . Cest le titre que porte un dialogue satirique insr dans le
journal Asmodaios () en 1876 (no 54, 25 janvier 1876, p. 4).
49 Papagorgiou-Provata, op.cit. p. 84-92.
Despina Provata
292
Cependant, et malgr ces exagrations, on peut affirmer que lusage

raisonn de la langue franaise a offert la possibilit daccder un vritable dialogue de cultures entre les deux pays et a constitu un canal de
communication vers le monde occidental. En effet, comme nous lavons vu,
durant tout le XIXe sicle et surtout partir de la fondation de ltat grec,
linfluence linguistique et culturelle de la langue franaise dans la socit
hellnique est devenue de plus en plus puissante grce lintroduction de
lenseignement du franais dans les tablissements scolaires et son statut
de langue de prdilection des intellectuels grecs comme de tout Hellne
duqu. Le franais constituait, en effet, un lien avec la civilisation occidentale et permettait au pays de sortir de lisolement intellectuel et conomique o lavait plong loccupation ottomane. Ainsi, et en dpit de lavis de
certains esprits conservateurs pour qui la connaissance du franais risquait
de compromettre la religion et la morale, la langue franaise fut au contraire
un lment fondamental de lducation de la jeunesse grecque au moment
o la Grce raffirmait son identit.

*
Manuel Serrano Espinosa
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M, . 229,
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16 , . P. Warren, Early Travellers from Britain and Ireland
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17 Pashley 1989, I, 144: Garazos dames are facile as they are fair.
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(18-20 .):

La identidad multitnica de las danzas griegas

Manuel Giatsidis
Nos referiremos a las danzas tradicionales griegas como a aquellas, que se

han creado y se han transmitido de generacin a generacin a lo largo de
los siglos en los hbitos rurales de aquellas zonas del mediterrneo oriental
en los cuales haba una presencia griega, y tambin incluiremos a aquellas
que se han plasmado, conformado y configurado en las grandes urbes del
egeo con notable presencia griega en la primera mitad del siglo XX.
Los griegos estudiosos del tema, a la hora de establecer una divisin de las
danzas griegas, lo hacen por regiones, tal y como el pas se divide territorialmente en la actualidad. Y es lgico, porque cada regin de ellas compone
un dialecto msico bailable nico, el cual se define principalmente, por
la morfologa del suelo, la historia de sus habitantes y los vecinos naturales de la misma. Por ejemplo, (Epiro) es una regin montaosa y
estril, que a lo largo de su historia conoci a varios conquistadores, como
normandos, turcos y albaneses. Debido a su clima fro y la pobreza, ha
habido migraciones hacia Asia Menor y hacia la parte norte de los Balcanes.
Por otro lado, otros pueblos nmadas, han aprovechado las llanuras de
sus altas montaas para dar de pastar a sus animales en las pocas ms
calurosas. Adems limita con Albania y Macedonia.
As pues, en cuanto a la Grecia peninsular y empezando de la parte
nordeste del pas, podemos hablar de las regiones de Trcia, Macedonia,
Epiro, Tesalia, Rumelia y Peloponeso. Por lo general, las regiones del
norte han sido influenciadas por los dems pueblos limtrofes de cada una
de estas regiones, mientras que a su vez han aportado elementos de sus
propias creaciones artsticas, en el desarrollo de las expresiones plsticas
de aquellos. Igualmente, hay que mencionar un gran nmero de pequeas
poblaciones, como es el caso de (Rumlki),
(Irklia, Srres), (Darnakojria), etc., que presentan un
dialecto msico bailable propio, el cual no se encuentra en ninguna otra
parte del pas.
De la parte islea diferenciamos la regin de las islas del mar jnico, Creta
y las islas del Egeo. stas ltimas, debido, entre otras cosas, a la existencia
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
354
Manuel Giatsidis
de una alta densidad de elementos relacionados con la danzas, desde la

antigedad hasta nuestros das, representan como ninguna otra regin
griega, la unin entre occidente y oriente a travs de un rico repertorio
de bailes, formando variedad de dialectos msico-bailables locales casi
tantos como islas, en los cuales se hace notar el casamiento entre el idioma
local y los elementos orientales. En lneas generales podemos hablar de dos
regiones. La primera recoge las islas del mar de tracia y las del oeste del
egeo, en donde observamos multitud de elementos orientales, mientras
que la otra se compone de las islas del Dodecaneso y Cicladas, islas que
manifiestan orgenes occidentales, al haber estado muchas de stas bajo
proteccin de pases europeos. Adems hay dos zonas ms, las islas Sporades y las del golfo saronico. Las primeras han conservado su pureza a lo
largo de los ltimos siglos, mientras que las ltimas han tenido claramente
influencia peninsular. Por otro lado, obligatoriamente hay que mencionar
el caso de Chipre, pues la isla con una mayora griega desarroll y cultiv,
desde la remota antigedad su propia cultura. El estilo y el carcter de la
msica y danzas Chipriotas se basan, tanto en la msica antigua griega y
bizantina, como en elementos msico bailables de otros pueblos de la
regin, pues por all han pasado rabes, persas y otomanos, incluso pueblos
europeos.
Por ltimo, hay que considerar otras tres regiones con elementos
propios, pertenecientes a Asia Menor, que son Pontos, Capadocia y Costas
occidentales de Asia Menor. En estas regiones, bajo dominio otomano
hasta 1922, haba una ms que considerable poblacin griega, la cual tuvo
que emigrar forzosamente, esparcindose por toda la geografa griega. Hoy
en da podemos encontrar descendientes de aquellos griegos tanto en las
grandes ciudades, como en pueblos de Macedonia, Tracia y Tesalia, incluso
en las islas del egeo.
Abordar el tema de las danzas es una tarea que se presenta bastante
complicada, porque requiere multitud de conocimientos. Por un lado, y
a nivel terico, hacen falta conocimientos de Antropologa de la Danza y
de Musicologa Comparada, que es la ciencia que se ocupa de la msica
popular, de sus caractersticas, de las relaciones de la msica con la lengua,
la cultura y el baile, de los instrumentos musicales populares, etc. Por
otro lado, son recomendables conocimientos terico-prcticos de msica,
mientras que es necesario casi imprescindible que uno sea un buen
bailarn. La dificultad crece en cuanto que en Grecia, al igual que sucede en
otros muchos pases, hay un amplio abanico de regiones, y cada una de ellas
presenta un amplio repertorio de danzas y de estilos. Teniendo en cuenta,
que el tema que nos ocupa, en ste caso, es una comparativa de las danzas
355
tradicionales de los pases de la regin, hemos de aadir a todo lo anterior

la necesidad de tener conocimientos de msica, danzas y literatura populares de stos pases (Turqua, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Albania y Rumania),
cctel que en su recta final se vuelve bastante explosivo.
La variedad de formas, en la msica, la cancin y la danza, ha surgido
de una complicada relacin entre la creacin individual y la conciencia
colectiva creativa y lleva una trayectoria de muchos siglos. Estas tres artes
msica, cancin y danza , que para los griegos antiguos formaban un
nico concepto, igual que otras formas del arte popular, han sido influenciadas y configuradas de una forma diferente para cada grupo tnico. Cada
pueblo ha desarrollado expresiones plsticas de movimiento, generadas por
diferentes melodas, algunas de ellas basadas en canciones que expresaban
los sentimientos del grupo en relacin a su mundo exterior. Los factores
que influyen decisivamente en el desarrollo cultural de un pueblo y van
moldeando su cultura y generan la diferenciacin de sus actividades, son
entre otras, la organizacin social, las condiciones econmicas, su historia, religin, costumbres y tambin el medio ambiente en cuanto a morfologa del suelo y condiciones climatolgicas se refiere. Por otro lado, ser
colindante de otros pueblos, o convivir con otras etnias, es otro factor que
conduce tanto a la creacin cultural como a la copia y adaptacin de otras
costumbres. Otro factor bsico en el desarrollo de elementos culturales
comunes entre dos pueblos, son los grandes desplazamientos de poblaciones, forzosos o voluntarios. La convivencia de etnias distintas genera
influencias mutuas entre ellas, en la lengua, en sus costumbres y en su
cultura en general.
La historia particular, de los pueblos de los Balcanes, reflejada sobre
todo en la convivencia, durante las etapas de los imperios bizantino y
otomano, ha conducido inevitablemente a intercambios culturales, plasmados en elementos de las lenguas, las costumbres y por supuesto en las
danzas. Incluso despus de las ltimas guerras e intercambios de poblaciones siguen viviendo minoras tnicas en casi todos los pases de la regin,
las cuales antes de haberse adaptado a una nueva manera de vivir, han sido
influenciadas por otras, mientras que a su vez, han sido elementos catalizadores en la conformacin de nuevas costumbres.
Segn B. TIROBLA, La danza tradicional griega, como una estructura de creacin popular directamente conectada con la cancin y la
msica, es un resultado de la diversidad de las funciones de la vida de los
griegos, varia de un lugar a otro y compone la creacin de un pueblo con
una largusima tradicin cultural. Grecia, cruce de caminos culturales, ha
asimilado creativamente todo tipo de influencias. Damos por supuesto que
algo parecido le han sucedido a los dems pases de la regin.
356
Manuel Giatsidis
Debido a las influencias mutuas de elementos culturales entre los

pueblos balcnicos, cada uno de ellos ha desarrollado, de alguna forma,
parte de su cultura, comn con los dems. Los intercambios de elementos
musicales, de motivos bailables, incluso de canciones enteras se producen
tanto en los hbitos rurales como en los urbanos. En ello ayudan tambin
los gitanos que tocan para todas las etnias existentes y se consideran parte
catalizadora en cuanto a instrumentos y estilos musicales. Por otro lado,
tambin intercambian elementos los msicos profesionales, que en busca
de nuevos temas vagan por las grandes urbes de la zona. Todo esto nos lleva
inevitablemente a la creacin, proliferacin y transmisin de algunos temas
populares comunes.
Estos fenmenos se observan en la regin de (Epiro) entre albaneses y griegos, en (Macedonia), entre sus habitantes eslavos y
griegos, en (Tracia), entre griegos y blgaros, as como en los inmigrantes griegos procedentes de las regiones de Asia Menor (Pontos, Capadocia y costa occidental) con las correspondientes regiones de Turqua.
No debemos olvidarnos por supuesto de otros casos: de las dems regiones, como por ejemplo son las islas jnicas con clara influencia occidental
(italiana, inglesa); de pueblos nmadas que hay por toda la geografa griega,
como es el caso de los (Blajos), de procedencia rumana; de autnticos islotes, dentro de una regin, presentando su propio idioma msico
bailable (, ); de las influencias existentes
entre blgaros y turcos o albaneses y turcos.
Puesto que se trata de un tema muy extenso, concentraremos nuestro
estudio en las relaciones existentes entre las danzas griegas de las regiones
norteas de (Epiro), (Macedonia) y (Tracia),
con las de los pases limtrofes, es decir Albania, Macedonia (eslava),
Bulgaria y Turqua, con la intencin de acertar en una pequea presentacin
de las posibles similitudes existentes entre estas danzas.
Albania:
La cultura albanesa tiene muchos elementos comunes con la regin
griega de Epiro. Su caracterstica comn es la ausencia de la velocidad y
la densidad en los motivos bailables. La danza (berati), que para
los griegos se considera de la regin de Tesalia, aunque se baila tambin en
Epiro, apunta a una procedencia albanesa, pues lleva el nombre de la homnima ciudad histrica de Albania. La danza de (karankna),
se considera probablemente procedente del homnimo pueblo nmada de
Albania. Tambin varias danzas, como las de (tsmiko),
(syrt sta tra), (pogonisio), etc., se bailan en ambos
lados de la frontera.
357
Albaneses y griegos utilizan la misma indumentaria o parecida, mientras que los instrumentos musicales, en ambos casos, son el Clarinete, el
lad, el violn y la pandereta. En Albania, tambin se observan canciones polifnicas y trenos parecidos a las griegas de Epiro. Albania tambin
presenta algunas semejanzas con Macedonia en sus danzas. Igualmente
encontramos algunos ritmos no propios de la regin, como es el caso de la
danza (baidska) de Tracia.
Bulgaria:
La regin griega de Tracia y la correspondiente de Bulgaria se podra
decir que presentan la ms amplia gama de danzas parecidas. La mayora
de ellas son las que los griegos llaman (thrakitika), es decir
danzas de la regin de Tracia, como (baidska), (ykna)
y (tssto) entre otras. Hay otras danzas, que los griegos llaman
(makedontika), tales como (trita pata), (patrounino), (elna moma) etc., que las encontramos
tanto en ambos pases, as como en Macedonia eslava.
Tambin tienen el kasapsko horo que se parece al (jasaposrbiko) griego. Otros bailes, como es el caso de pravo horo, muestran
su procedencia griega, en este caso de (syrt). Apuntar tambin que
los blgaros han aceptado en su repertorio danzas de procedencia rumana,
servia y turca, como mandra, sevdanino horo, tsifteteli, etc.
Importante semejanza presentan las msicas de los dos pueblos en un
gran abanico de ritmos que se basan en los mismos metros musicales pero
interpretados en otras escalas. Estas diferencias nacen de la movilidad de
los grupos tnicos, que cogen prestados de su nuevo hogar diversos elementos musicales y bailables y los aaden en su repertorio habitual. La msica
griega goza de gran aceptacin por el pueblo blgaro, incluso actualmente
y esto puede deberse a la procedencia comn de las dos msicas.
Macedonia eslava:
Hay un amplio repertorio de danzas que comparten los habitantes que
viven en ambos lados de la frontera: (raico), (petrunino),
(pusnitsa), (elna moma), etc. En este pas, encontramos danzas que tambin se bailan en provincias de Epiro y de Macedonia: (gkinta), (syrt sta tria),
(blaja konitsas), kasapsko macedonia, etc. Otras danzas, como
(tsifteteli), (syrtotsifteteli), albansko y gilansco, delatan
su origen turco o albans.
En cuanto a los instrumentos musicales proliferan las orquestas con
metales, igual que en la regin griega de Macedonia, restos de las bandas
358
Manuel Giatsidis
militares del ejrcito otomano, mientras que otras orquestas populares

se componen de dulzainas dobles, acorden, gkaindas, tamboras y otros
instrumentos propios de la regin.
Turqua:
El caso de Turqua es un poco distinto, debido a la religin y al carcter asitico de su cultura en general. Las danzas de (tsifteteli), (syrtotsifteteli), (carsilama), claramente
de origen oriental, son danzas muy queridas no solamente por griegos y
turcos, sino por todos los dems pueblos de los Balcanes.
La influencia mutua de elementos griegos y turcos se hace visible en la
msica del Rebetiko, que desarrollado en una primera etapa en las grandes ciudades de Asia Menor, conoci ms tarde, ya en territorio griego una
gran aceptacin por todas las escalas sociales del pueblo griego, primero
en el urbano y en una segunda fase en el rural. Las danzas de
(seibkiko) y (jaspiko) que hoy en da se bailan en Grecia proceden de aquellas danzas populares de la costa occidental de Asia Menor e
islas del egeo oriental, en donde nacieron y se compartieron entre turcos,
griegos, y otros pueblos de la regin. No obstante, la evolucin de estas
danzas, a lo largo del siglo XX, ha sido diferente en cada pas.
En ste apartado hay que incluir las danzas de Capadocia, de carcter religioso y las danzas de pontos. stas ltimas, que los griegos llamamos (pontiak), las han trado a Grecia los emigrantes que llegaron procedentes de aquella regin de Asia Menor, llamada por los griegos (Pontos). Actualmente se bailan por toda la geografa griega,
all donde se han asentado estos emigrante. Muchsimas de ellas tienen
nombres turcos. En la zona de origen, hoy en da, tanto por turcos como
por las etnias existentes en la regin se siguen bailando este tipo de danzas.
Una persona no acostumbrada al folklore, al verlas, pensara que se trata
de las mismas danzas. SAMUEL BAUD-BOVY cuenta y analiza el parecido de las danzas griegas de (tik), (serra) y (omal) con las
correspondientes turcas dik, sik sera y sallama, tanto la msica como
los pasos. No obstante, hoy en da, podemos observar que aunque tienen
mucho en comn, en general las docenas y docenas de danzas pontiak,
que se bailan en ambos lados de los continentes, son claramente diferentes.
Durante las ltimas dcadas se han creado en todos los pases de los
Balcanes grupos folklricos, con la intencin de proyectar su cultura, tanto
a nivel local y nacional como internacional. Si bien estos grupos ayudan a
la conservacin de la msica y la danza tradicionales, llevan implcito un
proceso de deterioramiento de stas mismas. Los espectculos y presenta-
359
ciones que ofrecen, al fin y al cabo, no dejan de ser una funcin teatral, en
donde se trata de cumplir con una coreografa, en la mayora de los casos
exageradamente llevada a extremos, con la intencin de impresionar a los
espectadores y provocar aplausos. Cosa, que desde luego es diferente, queda
muy a desmano de cuando sta misma danza, se baila en las fiestas de los
pueblos, en donde cada persona baila, improvisa y la siente a su manera.
Por otro lado, hay que ser conscientes de que hoy en da ya no se transmiten las danzas de una forma tradicional sino que se hace folklore, es
decir, el aprendizaje se realiza de una manera artificial, en la academia,
donde todos los alumnos aprenden a bailar por igual. Es a partir de los
aos 80, cuando de una forma ms intensa y profesional empiezan a proliferar por todo el pas academias para la enseanza de las danzas. A partir
de entonces se ensean danzas de cualquier regin griega a todo tipo de
pblico. La organizacin de festivales, en los cuales se invita a gente (msicos y bailarines) procedentes de una regin concreta, para bailar juntos,
palia en parte lo inevitable. Debemos diferenciar de las danzas populares aquellas que se ensean en las academias, pues aunque se trate de las
mismas danzas, el hecho de la existencia de un monitor/profesor de baile,
en el fondo, conduce a resultados diferentes, que aquel aprendizaje individual y tan natural que tena lugar durante cualquier celebracin en la plaza
del pueblo, en casa o en el patio de la iglesia.
Todos intentamos bailar de todo, y en este intento, muchas veces, se
pierden los sentimientos de los bailarines, el componente dionisaco de la
danza. Desde luego que casi todos, somos capaces de bailar cualquier danza
tradicional. Pero nunca seremos capaces de bailar un (pentosali) o (seranitsa), o cualquier otra, blgara, griega o turca, igual
que un autctono de la regin correspondiente, que introduce los componentes de sentimiento y carcter dionisaco de la danza, con las que desde
pequeo ha sido criado y amamantado por sus ancestros y junto a los suyos.
Y si bien, en un principio, antes de preparar esta pequea presentacin,
pensbamos que muchsimas de las danzas, que los griegos bailamos hoy
en da, sobre todo en el norte de Grecia, son copias idnticas de las que se
bailan en los dems pases, al otro lado de las fronteras, despus de examinar la poqusima bibliografa existente sobre el tema y un gran nmero de
videos relacionados bajados del YouTube y hablar con profesores griegos y
extranjeros podemos mencionar cosas, como:
Para las danzas de la regin de Pontos podemos decir que hay unas
poqusimas danzas iguales o parecidas entre griegos y turcos, en la mayora
de ellas se trata de diferentes danzas. Los turcos emplean movimientos ms
exagerados y quiz ms velocidad en general.
Manuel Giatsidis
360
En la danza de Seibkiko, en el caso de los turcos el estilo es diferente al griego, existen predeterminados pasos, algunas veces se suele bailar
en coro, en definitiva creemos que se trata de otra danza.
Para danzas como son los karsilama, que se bailan en casi todos
los pases balcnicos, podramos decir que en general presentan muchas
similitudes entre ellas, algunas veces incluso son idnticas, pero tambin es
cierto que en algunos casos cambia el estilo.
Bulgaria, Macedonia eslava y Macedonia griega comparten variedad
de danzas idnticas, mientras que otras se parecen mucho. En sta zona
cada pueblo, incluso como nos coment un profesor griego de la regin,
cada clan tiene sus propias danzas.
Hace unas cuantas dcadas, ya en otra poca, en Grecia se intentaba demostrar la continuidad interrumpida de las danzas griegas desde
la poca de la antigedad hasta nuestros das. Algo similar se intentaba
proyectar en los dems pases de la regin, sumergidos todos en una envolvente de nacionalismos oscuros. Incluso hoy en da, se cuentan mitos sobre
el nombre, la procedencia o historia de las danzas, que en la mayora de los
casos se trata de invenciones de una persona, la cual copiaron y transmitieron los dems autores.
Creemos que si bien es interesante saber la procedencia de las danzas,
pues nos ayuda a conocer tanto nuestra cultura como la de los dems, lo
verdaderamente importante, e infinitamente ms divertido, es bailar, es
intentar alcanzar aqul estado de xtasis, que nos permita disfrutar en todo
momento de la msica, la cancin y la danza, sin importarnos su origen.
Bibliografa
Samuel Baud-Bovy, , , 2005.
3 .
, 15-16-17 2004.
. , , Gutenberg,
1992.
, , 2008.
www.youtube.com
Ancient and Modern Greek Literature in the poetry

of Artemes/Efthimes: Constructing a Greek identity
with the techniques of rap
Aimilianos Sideris
Imagining a national identity

Nations are imagined communities, in the sense that it is impossible for
any given member to know all the other members. To fill the gap of uncertainty over what makes a group of people a nation, as well as who and what
this group is, an imagined national identity arises. This endows people of
the nation with certain attributes, shaped by the countrys past and present.
Also, it instils in them ideals and codes of behaviour, aiming at securing a
prosperous future for the community and the country.
That nations, like other large communities, are imagined is, as Anderson notes, a fairly common notion. What makes it novel is its link with
representation. That which is imagined can, and has to be, represented, if
it is not to remain in the purely private realm of the individuals mental
processes.1 This representation is carried out by the creators of cultural
products. My speech is about this representation in a somewhat exotic (for
Modern Greeces ethnography) genre: rap music.
Rap
Rap is music about where Im from.2 It is a form of oral poetry that originated in the U.S. by African-Americans who drew cultural references from
their homelands and reapplied them to the description of their everyday
life.3 Soon, however, rap was appropriated by other countries around the
globe, where artists brought in their local identities and their languages.
1
2
3
Smith, 1998:136.
Potter, 1995:146.
See Androutsopoulos, 2009: 8: Cultural referencing is attested since the earliest rap
productions and presumably goes back to the sounds and dozens of African-American
youth, from which rapping originally evolved.
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
362
Aimilianos Sideris
Also, rap served as a medium for artists to present themselves and represent their area. Language in hip-hop is the medium in which artist performances and member identities are contextualized and negotiated.4 Thus,
rap is essentially a form of narrative and can be seen as a discourse in which
the rapper (lyricist and singer) presents himself as a representative of his/
her area.
Self-presentation and area-representation are inextricably linked in rap.
Through their own self-presentation, the artists represent their area; and by
representing their area, they find sources to present themselves. The most
frequently-employed tactic among rappers for presentation and representation is referencing.
Data and Methodology

This case studys data comes from the rap duets / (hence
A/E) latest (2007) album
. This paper takes a narrative analysis perspective on the issue of
intertextuality and narrative construction of identity. What Im looking at is
the imagining of modern Greece A/E portray in their lyrics; how they present themselves within the context they create; and how they construct this
imagining through references to earlier literature of the nation.
Methodologically, I work this order backwards: I begin by presenting
how these techniques are manifested in the album through referencing.
Subsequently, I divide the items into different categories of analysis, based
on the time where they come from and their use in the rappers texts. Then
I discuss how the duet relates to the referenced figures. Finally, I discuss
what cultural connotations these create, and how they construct a context
in which the lyrics can be interpreted. I focus initially on the lyrics as selfpresentational, then examining how the personal becomes political in the
given album.
My methods combine Modern Greek studies [more specifically literary
analysis and history] with narrative analysis; the latter provides the research
tools, while the former the theoretical backdrop for the use of these tools.
The aim of this paper

Most often, what is represented in rap is a fragment of the nation; the town
where one is from, his/her neighborhood/ghetto, or the countrys hip-hop
4
Androutsopoulos, 2009:1.
Ancient and Modern Greek Literature in the poetry of Artemes/Efthimes
363
scene. This is a case study on a specific rap album. On the given album, the
rappers represent not their towns/neighborhoods, but the Greek identity.
As they have stated in a 2006 interview, they view their lyrics as an
effort for self-knowledge and in extent nation-knowledge, for the rediscovery of Hellenisms lost values.5 In an earlier (2001) interview, they stress
that everything is political If something is to be accomplished, it can
be so only through politics.6 Hence, the present analysis considers it justified that their lyrics act on the political dimension of discourse, with the
purpose of representing and presenting the Modern Greek ideals.
The poems (or music lyrics some may say) Im looking at are not big
stories.7 They do not start from somewhere (abstract/orientation), go
through a complicating action, and then reach a point of resolution. In
other words, the events in the lyrics are scarcely to be found. Their sentences
are in present tense and parallel to, instead of linear with, each other, thus
working more as durative/descriptive information.8
Despite shaping their lyrics in that manner, A/E do not explicitly present traits associated with the identity of modern-day Greeks, such as leventia, filotimo, Christianity etc. Rather, they present in an almost non-narrative manner cultural indexes which they associate through the narrative
method of evaluation with themselves. More specifically, these indexes
focus on Greeces earlier literature, which makes the lyrics of each song
resemble an act of telling a small story, as Bamberg and Georgakopoulou
(2008) define it.9
Every piece of the texts found in the rappers lyrics is a part in the
continuous chain of reproduction and re-interpretation of the pattern
of values, symbols, memories, myths and traditions that compose the
distinctive heritage of nations.10 Since intertextuality is a matter of
recontextualization,11 I aim to describe how cultural referencing is used,
as a specifically constructed [nouveau] context by the band, to display their
own imagining of a national identity.
5
6
7
8
9
Found in HipHop.gr, uploaded on 13/09/2006).

Found in HipHop.gr, uploaded on 13/09/2006.
With the exception of the song .
Polanyi, 1981: 100.
Small Stories as allusions to (previous) tellings in Bamberg & Georgakopoulou, 2008:
5. In the case of these lyrics, indexes are not stories shared between the participants, but
among participants and the cultures Grand Narratives.
10 Smith, 2001:18.
11 Fairclough, 2001: 51.
Aimilianos Sideris
364
References and Narrative Analysis:

The absence of reference to figures of Greek literature post-1960s Greece
is striking in the lyrics. The referenced names come from the tradition of
Ancient Greece, Byzantium, and Modern Greece. Some of them are historical figures and some of them fictional characters, and can be found in the
following table:
Referenced Figures
Actual
Ancient
Fictional
Orpheus
Ajax
Achilles
Hercules
Persephone
Proteus
Medusa
Eurystheus
Cerberus
Tekmessa
Byzantine
Pissides
Modern
Alexandros Papadiamantis
Alexandros Moraitides
Fotes Contoglou
Nikos Gatsos
Pericles Giannopoulos
Georgios Verites
Ion Dragoumis
Markos Renieres
Georgios Mistriotes
Constantinos Economou
It appears that Ancient Greek literature is represented by figures in

stories exclusively, as opposed to, say, Aristophanes or Sophocles. Byzantine and Modern Greek literature, on the contrary, are represented by references to writers.
365
It can be said that each sentence referencing a part of Greeces literary

past is the narration of an autonomous fact about the rappers. The sum
of these facts constitutes the act of self-presentation. This reflects on A/E
being invariably the narrators of, and the leading figures in their lyrics.12
Consequently, each sentence that contains intertextuality can be adequately
paraphrased 13 as:
< We (A/E) are affiliated with X >
or
< We (A/E) are alienated from Y>
A full list of A/Es lines including intertextuality can be found in the
index. Here follow some examples that illustrate this technique.
The lines:

,

Example 1
Can be paraphrased as:
<We are affiliated with Verites (and more specifically his Ikesia, where
he pleas for the preservation of Christian ideals)>
This is achieved by diminishing anything else rappers can sing about in
favour of the referenced text.
In the same vein, see the lines:

Example 2
12 Again, with the exception of the song .

13 Polanyi, 1981: 101.
Aimilianos Sideris
366
These can be paraphrased as:

<I am affiliated to Giannopoulos ideals and practices>
Likewise,
T []
Example 3
Reads:
<I support what Constantinos Economou has (had) to say>
Here, the microphone (note: a fetish hip-hop item) is used as a symbol
for the articulation of ideas and ideals, and the rappers are sided next to
Constantinos Economou with respect to these ideas and ideals.
Finally, describing other rappers (MCs) in a process commonly referred
to as dissing in the hip-hop circles,
MCs

Example 4
Reads:
<We are alienated from other [weak] MCs>
And, at the same time:
<We are like Cerberus and they are like Eurystheus>, thus alluding to
the famous encounter the final labour of Hercules resulted to.
How do A/E relate to the figures, the places, and the other texts their
lyrics make reference to?
We saw which explicit (nominal) references to certain figures and texts
of the Ancient, Byzantine, and Modern Greek past A/E make.
How do they evaluate these references, though? A reference indexes a
list of signified concepts. The indexes remain vague, however, until embedded in a narrative. And in narratives, references rarely occur without some
form of evaluation, as Labov (1972) described it. This may be brought on
externally, where the storyteller suspends the narration to evaluate what is
said; or internally, where the evaluation is interwoven in the narration.
I start by examining the way the rap duet relates to the figures from
Modern Greece in their lyrics, followed by a presentation of the referenced writers imagining of the national identity. This will highlight fram-
367
ing as an act of ordering of voices in relation to each other,14 starting

from how A/E order their own voices in relation to those of the thinkers/
writers mentioned, and then onto how the referenced writers relate to one
another. This level of analysis is limited to Modern Greek literature references, precisely because of the references nature: the referenced names are
writers, and thus their thinking is something that can be evaluated.
References to ancient Greek literature are references to cultural artifacts.
Consequently, I discuss the references to Ancient Greek literature, as well
as other linguistic means of the duets self-presentation, in the light of the
context informed by the writers ideas, as a strategic construction of style
and ideas.
The Modern and Byzantine writers referenced in A/Es poetry are invariably followed by a positive evaluation. Some receive an external evaluation
(e.g. Papadiamantis and Moraitides, who are explicitly recommended in
the lyrics); others an internal evaluation (e.g. like the phrase Born with the
vigor of the Byzantine Pissides signifies, whereby his characteristic vigor
is appropriated by the rappers). Either way, their names and works are
systematically encountered in sentences where the rappers compare their
actions, writing and ideals to those of the persons named.
Away from mere reference and into quoting a passage, the duet has
named their album after a line in Palamas poem . This passage
comprises two different identities: Denials chosen one and Faiths only
son. In Palamas poem these two identities are treated as qualities, explicitly attributed to one and only person (O ). A/Es use, however,
is distinctly ambiguous: being a duet whose names are the very name of the
band, the two identities are potential creators of the implication that each
quality is attributed to one or the other half of the duet. Even if this isnt the
case, and the identities are to be understood as Palamas intended them to
represent the albums content, the fact remains: A/E chose a passage from
the specific poet as the title for their album. This makes him an item positively evaluated by the duet.
From Self-Presentation to Nation-Representation

So the duet relates to the references to Modern Greek literature in their
lyrics as a means of self-presentation. How is this taken to a level of nationrepresentation however?
368
Aimilianos Sideris
Modern Greek literature

Nationalism demands the rediscovery and restoration of the nations
unique cultural identity.15 Through their choice of writers/thinkers to
represent their version of Hellenism, A/E delve into the arena of nationalism as a consciousness of belonging to the nation.16 In order to flesh out
the imagined national identity they identify with, we have to sum up what
the literary figures they employ have in common. This will lead to a cluster
of qualities through which their version of a national character17 is revealed.
The writers imagining of the Greek identity falls into two currents. In
the first current we have the writers [Papadiamantis, Moraitides, Gatsos,
Contoglou, Verites, Dragoumis, Palamas, Renieres, Economou, Pissides]:
They all present a common element in their works: the key position religion holds in defining the Greek nation. This is one side of nationalism as
religion and culture, as Anthony Smith (2001) put it.18
The Modern Greek State, however, has been confronted with a great
dilemma since its conception in 1830. This dilemma is fixed on which past
should be projected as the official heritage of the state and the nation; Orthodoxy is very significant for the identification of the Greek (as opposed to
the Hellene), as the first definition of the citizen for the new states denotes.19
It wasnt until the middle of the 19th century however that the Byzantine
past was accepted as a significant part of the national identity.20 Until then it
was ancient Greece, Hellas, that single-handedly defined the culture (minus
the religion) the Modern Greeks had come to inherit and still, to this day,
Ancient Greece is a land cherished as ours by Modern Greeks.
The Hellenic side of the Greek identity is also present in the representation A/E offer. In apparent contrast to the writers of Orthodoxy is the
choice of the author Pericles Giannopoulos, as well as Georgios Mistriotes;
two figures for whom the preservation of the Hellenic ideal was a main
concern. These feelings and actions fall largely in the theories of continuity
and recurrence of the ethnies, as Smith described them.21
The combination of these two currents in A/Es lyrics creates a mix of
cultural symbolisms, which has history (ancient Byzantine modern)
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Smith, 2001: 33.

Smith, 1991: 72.
see Beaton 1988:102-108 passim.
p. 33-36 passim.
Koliopoulos & Veremis, 2002: 250.
Koliopoulos & Veremis, 2002: 233-234.
Smith, 2001: 83-84.
369
as a running thread, and religion (i.e. Orthodox Christianity) as a defining element. Very much like the identity the Modern Greek state has been
claiming for itself since its birth.
The ordering of the voices in relation to each other is very linear and
non-problematic in the discussed album. The referenced names are found
in succession, often following one another in subsequent lines, and they
are never made different to each other through a disjunctive conjunction.
Hence, it appears that the referenced names summarize (in Faircloughs
terms22) their respective authors imagining of the Modern Greeks national
identity.
The referenced figures comprise two, rather than one, cluster-groups
of summarized, imagined national identities. The members of each share
distinctive traits with one-another, but the two nevertheless co-exist in
perfect harmony. Bringing them together can be seen as a strategy for the
formation of a coherent front of representations for the national identity of
modern Greeks, providing them with a religion, a culture, a history, and a
geographic area. One (the ) focuses on the Greeks as embodiments
of the religion and culture that distinguished the nation throughout the
Ottoman domination. The other (the ) provides a historic line that
links them to the ancient inhabitants of the land, the Hellenes, and their
culture.
Ancient Greek Literature
Modern Greek writers are thus indexes of a certain national character; the same holds true for the Byzantine Pissides. Ancient Greek figures
(Eurystheus, Cerberus, Hercules, Ajax, Tekmessa, Persephone, Orpheus)
found in the lyrics, however, are not writers. In other words, they are not
culture producers, but cultural products. Whereas references to Modern
Greek literature are subjected to evaluation, references to Ancient Greek
mythology serve as evaluative devices.
Ajax and Achilles, playing with , are made relative to Artemis
and Efthimis playing with rhymes. Thus, the rappers are likened to the glorious fighters, and in that way the latter index positive evaluative implications for the former. Likewise, other rappers (who are the objects of dissing) are seen as Medusas victims when compared to A/E. Thus, Medusa
becomes an evaluative device of the effect A/Es rapping has on their rival
rappers, creating negative implications for the rival rappers. Similarly, the
very name Persephone evaluates the lead figure of the respective song (a
370
Aimilianos Sideris
woman who had illusions of ever-lasting health and beauty amidst a lifestyle of promiscuous love affairs and drug-use) as a living-dead.
As I said in the beginning of my paper, rap artists reach out to what is
close to them in order to depict their reality. Mythic figures are from ancient
Greece, excluding both Byzantine and Modern Greece (e.g. Digenes), as
well as other countries. The decision to include, and limit the source to,
Ancient Greek mythology, boards on the techniques of nationalism. This
very specific source of similes points to a past that is implicitly understood
as ours.
Thus, limiting the references to this opted source serves as attestation
to the historic land, the homeland23 that belongs to the Modern Greeks:
Hellas. A/E signify both that this past culture is ours (i.e. it belongs to
Modern Greeks) and that it is ours alone (i.e. it belongs to Modern Greeks,
and Modern Greeks alone).
One of the ancient Greek figures referenced paves the way for the intertextual act of quotation and a further, ambiguous hint towards the ours to
Greeks that is Hellas.
The ancient Greek in is comprised
of 4 lines; the former two lines are parts of whereas
the latter two are quotes from .
These quotations are preceded by the words:
,
,
Example 5
The ambiguity here is established by the use of the word line. Are Artemis/Efthimis referring to the line of rappers? Are they referring to the line
of Hellenic blood? Code-switching resembles what Polanyi describes as the
point of the story24 here, if these two lines are to be understood as an
autonomous piece of self-presentation.
Yet depending on the context, its application signifies two very different levels of relation to language and self-presentation. In the former case,
the switch in code signifies the duty to do so: Greek-speakers oral poetry
has its roots in Ancient Greek storytelling, thus A/Es ancient singing is out
23 Smith, 1991: 9 A historic land is one where terrain and people have exerted mutual,
and beneficial, influence over several generations A repository of historic memories
and associations, the place where our sages, saints and heroes lived, worked, prayed and
fought.
24 Polanyi,1981: 101.
371
of respect to their preceding oral poets. [Note: Respect is a key element in

hip-hop discourse.] In the latter case, however, the code switch signifies the
ability to do so: As descendants of the Hellenes, A/E can speak the language
of their ancestors.
Above this, the act of code switching in either of its two applications acts
in a very political way: A/E mark their past. If seen in the former application it fortifies the status of rappers, hence a marker of self-presentation; the
latter application, however, reinforces the identity of modern-day Greece as
the direct descendants of the Hellenes.
Ancient and Modern Greek Literature
Consequently, it appears that in the case of this albums lyrics, references
become items of manifest intertextuality, meaning that the lyrical content
cannot be understood unless seen in the light of the figures as indexes of
a (historic of cultural) past. Referencing to Modern Greek writers constitutes a recontextualization of these writers imagining. Their imaginings
are summarized through the very context in which the references occur,
reveal a coherent front of more-similar-than-different ways of thinking,
and project this as A/Es cherished path of imagining the national identity. Ancient Greek literary figures provide the idea of the Modern Greek
bloodline stretching back to antiquity with imagery from the land and its
history, and are meant to be understood as evaluative devices from people
who share a common knowledge and understanding of Greek mythology.
What other elements does A/E verbal self-presentation entail?

Language: As with the issue of historicity and religion, the language
A/E uses has also been moulded to express the national character of
Greece. A/E are proud to still be using polytoniko (like the newspaper Estia, as they mention). A/E also uses a form of language that incorporates many lexical items from Ancient Greek, thus verging towards the
katharevousa.
In that way, language is of key importance in shaping constituent intertextuality (form) in accordance with the ideology implicitly embedded in
the lyrics. This issue is key in respect to the national character A/E portray,
since katharevousa carried significant connotations for Greece. Greece in
1821, having just come out of the Turkish yoke, had to face the fact that
the spoken language of the people had changed, at least as purists of the
time said, and did not resemble the ancient Greek language. Much of the
debate about the form of language appropriate for public life and literature
372
Aimilianos Sideris
begins from the assumption that the glories of the classical past are more
or less literally to be revived.25 This, coupled with other political debates
of the time, lead to the description of supporters of the demotic Greek as
enemies of the nation, and demotic Greek as a barbaric language resulting from centuries of Turkish domination.26 During the language issue in
Greece, ones choice of katharevousa or demotic Greek was sufficient to
link him/her to one of the two camps: the traditional camp or the progressive camp (later linked to socialist ideas during the cold war) respectively.27
The places mentioned: Ithaca and Patmos are indexes of Greek literary past, instead of mere geographic references.
Ithaca refers to the Ionian Sea, but more importantly it is the birthplace
of Ulysses. Patmos may refer to the Aegean Sea, but more importantly it is
the place where John recorded his Revelation.
These indexes map onto two cornerstone texts for Hellenism Odyssey and the New Testament. The former is a founding text of the Greek oral
tradition. The latter text forms the foundation of the religion that persists, to
this day, as a core characteristic of the modern Greeks. Beyond their artistic
importance, then, these texts go hand-in-hand in shaping and projecting
the ideals of Modern Greece.
The references map onto the sea surroundings of Greece, as to complete
(even perhaps accidentally) the process of defining the nation; this time as
a geographic entity.
A/E . Rappers have the tendency to
tag themselves and their songs. They do so in various ways: Shouting their
names in-between lyrics, thus marking the piece as theirs the moment one
hears it; mentioning bad (or, less frequently, good) habits of theirs which
identify them in their surroundings; and labelling themselves-as-descendants of an area (or era) are just some examples of the techniques involved.
The duet here closes the first song of the album with the expression A/E
for blue and white. In that way, they link their names to the colours of the
Greek flag, thus stressing their allegiance to their motherland and to the
appropriate culture that accompanies it.
Finally, how do they name the nation they represent?

The nation and its citizens are named in the album, as Romaiko and Graikoi. This is in fine tune with the writers they refer to; with their language and
25 Beaton, 1990: 9.
26 Mackridge, 1990: 41.
27 For the political dimension of the language issue see Fragkoudaki 2001: 73-78 and
125-133 passim.
373
writing which corresponds to the pre-1980s Greek; and the line proposed
by Paparigopoulos.
Discussion
Greeks before 1821 had never been part of a nation, and the growth of a
modern literature after 1821 is part of the broader attempt of Greek-speakers, emerging from the historical experience of Ottoman domination, to
create an identity and establish a tradition of their own.28 The lyrics in the
album I just examined are examples of the attempt that Beaton describes.
Displaying the imagining of national identity in this album is a matter of
constructing a web of indexes. This web is constructed in the rappers lyrics
by references to and quotations from Modern Greek writers, and figures of
Hellas mythology.
A/E, working towards a mode of self-presentation, turn to the rap habit
of referencing. The history of Greek literature since independence is
inseparable from the history of the emergent cultural life of the new nationstate.29 References to Modern Greek writers summarize what the named
thinkers imagine as the national Greek identity. Thus, the writers referenced become the very items of reproduction that attest to an act of imagining a national identity. By bringing these names in their text, the writers/
thinkers and their works become the framed voices in A/Es dialogue with
past cultural production.
The rappers-as-principals method of imagining the national identity is
one which turns to earlier cultural production as a point of reference for
its accomplishment; one that does not reproduce or re-interpret the values
etc of the nation, but uses the reproduction and re-interpretation of these
offered by earlier writers in a strategic way, instead. By bringing the specific
intertextual items in their own texts and positively evaluating them, A/E
create the (value) assumption that the indexed imagining is a good and
desirable30 one. The archetype is made relative to previous desirable thinkers, thus valuing their summarized form of national-identity-imagining.
Ancient Greece, as represented through the countrys mythology,
provides a semiotic domain where the duet draws sources for similes. The
choice of the specific source for similes enables the rap duet to establish
a mode of cultural appropriation whereby ours extends all the way back
to antiquity. Hence, their references to mythical and historical figures and
28 Beaton, 1990: 2.
29 Beaton, 1990: 2.
374
Aimilianos Sideris
places are a form of sign-posting A/Es and, in extent, Modern Greeks area,
projecting it as both a geographic and a historic entity. Moreover, it presupposes that, in order to understand the meaning behind these similes, the
reader/listener will need to know ancient Greek literature.
In that way, the rap tactic of self-presentation gives way to country (or,
better, culture)-representation. Convergence of myth (ancient Greek literature) and reality (Modern Greek writers) constitutes Greece, geographically marked and historically indivisible, a spiritual entity. This entity is
cherished by A/E who, being themselves creators of cultural products,
continue its long literary tradition.
Listening to a musical album can be described as the total communication process. Artist and listeners are the two parties locked in the communication. The former is the storyteller and the latter are the audience.
The artist structures the album as a complete work and presents it to the
audience with the hope that they will stay around long enough to hear it.
Although it is a uni-directional instrument for the mediation of narratives,
the experience of listening to the album is aimed to generate a response
(even a silent one) from the listener. In this process, self-presentation and
are-representation are communicated simultaneously to the listeners.
Intertextuality with sources in Modern and Ancient Greek literature in
the given album touches on the three functions of language, as outlined by
Halliday.31 Referencing shapes the textual function: it connects the referenced texts with each other; the referenced texts with A/Es texts; and A/Es
texts with todays Greece. It also serves the interpersonal function, in the
sense that the duet recommends the referenced writers to the audience.
The rappers recontextualization works on the ideational function: that
which is referenced serves to express the rappers experience of the external
world, what is close to them.
In that way, each small story narrated by A/E constructs their personal
identity, as they wish it to be understood by the listeners. The collection of
these small stories in the form of an album works towards a grand scheme
of an imagined national identity.32 This, I argue, is nonetheless also an act
of constructing a national identity, instead of mere representation through
cultural appropriation.
Intertextuality is inevitably selective with respect to what is included
and what is excluded from the events and texts represented.33 In the process
of bringing the appropriated parts of the Greek past in their lyrics as references, A/E also exclude references to a great part of the Greek past.
31 Halliday, 1978: 112-113.
32 Bamberg & Georgakopoulou, 2008: 6.
375
Modern Greek history has unfolded into two different modes of cultural
appropriation, at least until 1974: the national mode and the leftist mode.
The former looked to the countrys past for future guidelines. The latter
looked to the socialist ideas for inspiration on the imagining of a new form
of nation.
By omitting any reference to figures (e.g. Velouchiotis), authors (e.g.
Ritsos) or places (e.g. Makronisos, Gorgopotamos) of the left, A/E actively
shape a version of the past that does not include the divergent left (that
which seeks to destroy the nation, according to many Greek thinkers of the
20th century).
Final Word:
The study of such exotic phenomena like rap is vital for the investigation
of the mechanisms for the construction of a national and, more importantly, a youth identity. The band themselves have stated that [to us] hiphop is a vehicle, a means to an end. Its a musical medium to approach the
youth who would be indifferent to our messages if we played traditional
Greek music.34 Music is a pervasive medium, and its discourse shapes a
youth identity. This is decisive for the trans-generational transmission and
re-elaboration of national identity. Tomorrows Greek citizens form essential parts of their future imagined national identity through such present
experiences and discourses, and that makes the study of those valuable.
INDEX:
A/Es lyrics that include references to Ancient and Modern Greek literature:

MCs

,

34 Interview in Hip-Hop.gr, 13/09/2006.
Aimilianos Sideris
376

MCs

[],
[]

377
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.-. 1962, . 390-415.
, , 1962, , , . 850, ., .
1714-1717.
_____. 1985, [ ] , . 126, .-., . 64-72.
, , 1988, . , , .
, ., . 131-169.
, , 1937, , , . 2, ., .
51-53.
Chiappone, Jean-Luc, 2006/2009, Le mouvement moderniste de Thessalonique.
1932-1939, t. 2, L Harmattan, Paris 2006 (t.1)/2009 (t.2).
, & , , 1983, . , , . , ., . 7-13.
, , 1968, [
;], . , 18 .
Dictionnaire 2005, Dictionnaire des terms littraires, Honor Champion, Paris.
, , 1979, .
1880 1940, , . 16, ., . 38-51.
, , 1936, , , . 229, 1 .,
. 921-928.
, , 1962, ,
, . 850, ., . 1718-1722.
_____. 1968, [ ;], . , 24 . 1968.
, , 1981, [ ] , . 8, ., . 28-30.
427
_____. 1983, , , . , . .
14-21 ( , . 1403, . 1985,
. 392-406).
_____. 1985,
, , . 128, 8 ., . 22-29.
_____. 1985, , , . 1403, .,
. 392-406.
_____. 1986, ( ), , . 324, 15
., . 12-15.
, , 1997,
1912 . . (.), . , , . 2, , , . 276-299.
, , 1962, . [
], , . 850, ., . 1782-1785.
_____. 1968, [ ;], . , 8 .
, , 1984, [ ] , . 38, ., . 726-728.
Lavagnini, Bruno, 1969, , ,
. 106-107, .-., . 338-345.
Mackridge, Peter, 1997, Cultivating new lands: the consolidation of territorial
gains in Greek Macedonia through literature, 1912-1940 P. Mackridge,
E. Yannakakis (eds), Ourselves and others. The development of a Greek
cultural identity since 1912, Berg, United Kingdom, . 175-186.
, , 1973, , , . 10,
., . 255-259 . 13, .-. 1974, . 23-27.
, , 1985, , , . 128, 8
., . 30-35.
, , 1936, , ,
. 2, ., . 43-50 ( , . ., . .
40-42).
, , 1944, . 1900-1940, , . 3, 20 . & . 13-14-15, 1 .
, , 1968, [
;], . , 18 .
, , 1988, ,
. ( , , ), , .
, ., . 215-237.
, , 1938, , . ,
30 .
, , 1983, [ ] , . , ., . 22-31.
[sic] 1933, , . , 11 .
, 1934, , ,
. 6-7, .-., . 193-194.
, , 1938, , . , 31 .
428
, , 1973, ().
, . , ,
, . 31-38.
, , 1985,
(1850-1912), , . 128, 8 ., . 15-21.
_____. 1986, (1912-1922),
1912, , , . 363-389.
, , 2010, (1932-1939, 19521953), . . ., . , , ...,
.
, , 1985, , ,
, . 1403, ., . 330-339.
, , 1962, , , .
850, ., . 1710-1711.
, , 1990, [ ], . , . . 11-12, ., . 5-10.
, , 1990, (--),
Liquid letter, .
, , 1934, , , . 178, 15 , .
470.
_____. 1934, , , . 189, 1 ., . 998.
_____. 1935, , , . 198, 15 ., . 292.
_____. 1936, , , . 229, 1 ., . 945.
, .., 1988, : , , .
, ., . 238-270.
, , 1986, 1913
1940, 1912,
, , . 391-404 [
, . 324, 15 . 1986, . 21-25].
_____. 1999, (1850-1950). ,
, .
30

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de Regnier, Thophile Gaurir, Dorgels, Moras, Podenbach, Despax,
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Welsch. Weinheim, 1988, . 177-192.
(, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
440
Elena Sartori
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Elroud Ibsch, . . . , 2004, . 47.
Benedikt Livshits, Polutoroglazyi strelets: Stikhotvoreniya, perevody, vospominaniya. L.:
Sov. pisatel, 1989, . 373. ( . ..)
Ibid., . 480.
442
Elena Sartori
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446
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: ,

Fraternities and Labor Associations of Cephalonia: Constitution

and diffusion of socialist ideology and trade union identity
in Cephalonia at the end of the 19th century
Nikolaos Kamilos
The announcement in respect is aiming to present state and underline the

significance of both the founding as well as the function of fraternal societies and labor associations in the island of Cephalonia at the end of the
19th century with regards to the constitution and spreading of the socialist
ideology along with the trade union identity.
The very first Greek rendering of the term socialism has made its appearance in Greece via the translated term koinonismos produced by a true
Saint-Simon follower & believer, Fragkiskos Pilarinos, whom during the
necrology of A. Korais in 1833 made a synopsis of the latters 19th centurys
philosophical and political stand point with regards to freedom-equalitykoinonismos1.There have been reports on the access of the socialist ideology in the Ionian Islands since the British Protection2 period, traced in the
principles, declarations and goals of the movement of Radicalism3, which
was clearly influenced by Saint-Simons4 utopian socialism and Mazzinis5 (Italian philosopher and politician) theory frame. Upon the Greece1
2
4
5
. , 1875 1894, . , .
, 21995, p. 31.
The British Rule in Cephalonia (1809-1815: British Rule, 1815-1864: British Protection).
See .. , , . , . K, 1988,
pp. 59-205.
As per Radicalism in the Ionian Islands, See .. , , . . , . , 2008; 1864-2004, . , , . , 2006, pp.
17-111; . . , , . .
, , 2009.
As per Saint- Simon and his followers See Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution (17891848), E..N.B, Athens 1999, pp. 179-180, 340, 344.
. . ,
19 20 ,
(, 3-8 . 1984), (, 9-12 . 2010):
( 1 2 0 4 ) , (ISBN
978-960-99699-7-0) 2011 (www.eens.org)
450
Nikolaos Kamilos
Ionian Islands unification in 18646, the diffusion of the socialist ideology

will start to become more concrete. During the respective period of time,
there seems to be some rather vivid socialist pulse in both Europe and
Balkan area in combination with the founding of the most popular socialist associations7. Some strong indications of social radicalism have made
their appearance in Greece after 1870 deriving mainly from a series of on
& off basis financial crisis. Labor Associations were formed in the island of
Syros as well as in Athens, Patra, Volos, Larissa and other parts of Greece8.
However, the development of a special aggregate consciousness remained
somewhat of a challenge due to the fact that working conditions presented
more of a trade tendency rather than an industrial feel-like, corporation
volume was of no important magnitude and both personal and local business bonds remained strong and firmly established9. As a result, the role of
early-formed labor associations limited down to the organization of brotherhoods10 and win-win groups which operated under the control of bour , 16 20 ., 1991, pp. 273-286.
6 As per Ionian Islands administrative affiliation See . , , . , 2007, pp. 64-66; Ibid.,
: , , , , 2008, pp. 56-57; .. , . , . . , 32000, pp. 97-108;
, 1864
2004, 2 , 2006.
7 As per the establishment of European socialist parties See Dick Geary, The European
labor movement (1848-1939), pub. Paratiritis, Thessaloniki 1988, pp. 133-200; Jacques
Droz, Histoire Gnrale Du Socialisme, issue 2, Paris 1974.
8 As per respective time period See . , , 1883; . , , . , 1976, pp. 89-91,100-105; . , ,
20 . 1900-1922, (. .) . ,
. 1, . , pp. 87-121; . , 18301920, . , . . & .., 42006,
pp. 607-615; X. ,
1865-1990, , 21-4 1998, . , , , pp. 87-90,
Ibid., Investigacin en archivos griegos para la localizacin de vestigios de inters para
Grecia y Espaa, I Coloquio Internacional: La Presencia del Mundo Griego en los Fondos
Documentales Espaoles, Perspectiva de Investigacin, Granada 2008, Forthcoming
transcripts.
9 . , 19 ,
(18-20 ), .-. . . .
, . . . , 1991, pp. 405-416.
10 Fraternities during the Venetian domination period have played an important role in
terms of social tightening among the Ionian people. See . . ,
, . , . -
Fraternities and Labor Associations of Cephalonia
451
geois; and more frequently their employers totally lacked an ideological or

trade union kind of goal11.
Around the mid-70s, the socialist ideology initially introduced a kind of
anarchic socialism12 as characterized by the Democratic Association of
Patra13 a branch which had also been put together in the island of Cephalonia. Ionian Islands descendants of radicalism, namely Panagiotis Panas,
Rokkos Choidas, Marinos Antipas and Platonas Drakoulis from Ithaca,
were responsible for spreading and leading a humanitarian (christianic)
and utopian deviation from the socialist ideology14. Erasmia Louiza Stavropoulos, Panagiotis Panas long time biographer, states that text study
is the very proof of his remaining a true democrat seeking to add new
suggestions in his political agenda in order to improve blue-collar workers
lives15. More specifically, newspaper articles of democratic and koinonistiko,
content written by Panas, regarding the founding of associations, particularly ones relating to labor issues, are of great significance as he considers them mandatory when it comes to ones political awakening. Rokkos
Choidas16, whom held strong ties with Stavros Kallergis17 (a member of
the Socialist Association of Athens whose ideas had been widely spread
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
. , 52005, p. 237.
. . , ,
. , 1978, pp. 17-31.
As per the spread and recruitment of utopian socialism and anarchism notion during
the 70s See . , ,
. , 31988, pp. 161-198.
. , , . ,
1972, pp. 44-45; . , 18301909, 1974, pp. 185-188.
As per descendants of Radicalism in Cephalonia See . ,
, ibid, pp. 139-144.
As per P. Panas (1832-1896) See . , , . ,
1904, pp. 507-510; .-. , (1832-1896),
, , 1987, including citations of relevant
bibliography.
As per R. Choidas (1830-1890) See . , , , .
, 1984; .-. , , ,
1984; . , .
, . , 1974.
As per the spread of socialist ideas as formed by Kallergis (1865-1926) in Cephalonia
See . , , , 1995, p. 13; . ,
, . . , , . .
, 2000.
452
Nikolaos Kamilos
throughout the island of Cephalonia), professed a body of 3 core values

during his pre-election campaign, those being: freedom equality brotherhood18. Platon Drakoulis19 has contributed in a significant manner to
the movement of socialist ideas in Cephalonia via informative brochures
distribution as well as general studies with regards to socialism along with
his setting the ground for Marinos Antipas20 to make his debut appearance.
Using his newspaper Resurrection and through the founding of the Establishment of People Reading named The Equality, made a generous contribution to the spread of socialist ideas to all social layers on a regional basis.
In one of is texts titled: Regime, he underscores the need for unification
and tightening of bonds amongst working class people. Descendants of
Ionian radicalism have held a utopian, socialist and rebellious stand point
as they actively expressed their opposition against the Throne and Protection as well as their fighting social injustice and exploitation, setting some
solid foundation as per the creation of union labor identity21.
The spread of socialist ideas in the Ionian Islands sometime between
late 19th and early 20th century, led to a series of fraternities to be founded
aiming to solidarity and unity among all of its members along with standing up for better conditions of life22. The very first association ever to have
been founded in the Ionian Islands upon the Unification, was on August,
18 Rokkos Choidas stood as a member of Parliament in Cephalonia, 1875-1879 and 18831885 and was considered to be one of the most outstanding members of Rigas political
association.
19 As per Pl. Drakoulis (1858-1942) See . , ,
, 1890; . . , , ,
, .12-13, 2003, pp. 12-48.
20 As per M. Antipas (1872-1907) See monographs by . . , . . , , 2007; Ibid., , 1904 1907, .
, 1984; . . ,
, .
, 1978; , (1872-1907), 16-19 2006, .
, 2 , 2009.
21 . , 19 20: , , , , , .
, ibid., pp. 165-173.
22 . . , 19
.. , ,
, .. 5, 1994, pp. 7-33.
453
28th 1877 in Argostoli, Cephalonia, bearing the name Brotherhood. It was

designed as quoted by the local press by the entirety of its members
in the city region and the rest parts of the island including all social layers
and all outstanding man figures residing on the island23. The associations
composition, whom Rokkos Choidas24, was very closely attached to aimed
exclusively and most fundamentally to maintaining the moral spirit high
and living up to all expectations, national needs and demands wise25. He
was engaged in activities of national texture such as lottery circulation as
an attempt to cover national needs and the creation of a reading establishment in one of his own accommodations providing that way access to press
through the reading a spectrum of Greek and foreign newspapers26 to all
Ionians.
Later on around 1889, the first Charitable Fraternity was founded in
Argostoli aiming to protect and provide care to the homeless when it came
to those in need of medical treatment, cases of death or other detrimental
incidents which may have occurred27. In 1893 one more Charitable Fraternity28, was founded upon an initiative taken by Archbishop of Cephalonia,
namely Gerasimos Dorizas29, whom people were especially fond of. Fraternity in question did not only aim to provide relief to the poor and homeless
but also to comfort those imprisoned suffering due to mal living and poor
hygiene. Peoples response to circular invitation letter send out by regional
archbishop, was initially vast. Hopes for social coherence were never actually verified as two committees were constituted by different social layers
right from the start; upon the fraternitys founding, speakers discerned its
members social rights per class30. Fraternity in question went through a
brief period of active charity and later on went idle.
Labor Associations founding in Cephalonia had been preceded by the
establishment of the Labor Association of Corfu in May, 1877; a remarkable effort made to ground union identity in the Ionian Islands. Fraternity
23 Newspaper, , s. 7 (5.08.1877), p. 3.
24 Rokkos Choidas was then a member of the parliament of Cephalonia and contributed
both to the founding and function of the respective fraternity.
25 Newspaper, , s. 6 (30.07.1877), p. 2.
26 As per the Fraternitys activities in general See newspaper , s. 11 (3.09.1877);
s. 17 (15. 10.1877), p. 1; s. 18 (22. 10.1877), p. 3 and s. 21 (12. 11.1877), p. 3.
27 Newspaper , s. 161 (29.04.1889), p. 3b; .-. ,
, 1981, p. 302.
28 Newspaper , s. 29 (11.12.1893), p. 3.
29 General information about archbishop Gerasimos Dorizas (1851-1901) See . ,
, . , 1960, pp. 216-224; . ,
, , 1969.
30 Newspaper , s. 30 (18.12.1893), p. 3.
454
Nikolaos Kamilos
of Labor of Lefkas and Labor Union of Corfu were formed in 1892 and
189431 respectively, while Central Socialist Association branches founded
by Stavros Kallergis had already been functioning in the Ionian Islands and
his newspaper The Socialist already been widely circulated.
Late 19th and early 20th century, a premature working class32 emerged
in Argostoli33, as the phenomenon of urbanization in the local society was
being intensified at the time due to capital input and investments rate
increase on behalf of immigrant Greeks. Despite its incorporation in the
national body, blue collar working class kept on being somewhat isolated
compared to the ruling class, latter intending to politically manipulate and
exploit them. It was at the beginning of 1894 that blue collar workers in
Argostoli initiated a unanimous effort to organize a guild of their own. That
move led to the setting of the Labor Association of Argostoli, namely Allilovoithia34 aiming to help its fellow members both on a moral as well as
on a substantial basis. Printer, Stavros Menegatos, also known as Stavros
Makarounis and Konstantinos Lelos, both of them well known for their
determination and humanitarian spirit, were core supporters regarding the
creation of Labor Association. Labor Association consisted of a group of
progressive people with a popular view point without them being neither
proletarians nor people who strive to make their living35. This group of
socialists was supportive of scientific socialism36, led a life mode and operated in an environment seeking for social balance based on the dictations
of Evangelical morale in its most broad sense37.
31 . . , , ibid, n. 10-11.
32 As per general social status in Cephalonia between 1864-1940 See .. ,
, . B, ibid, pp. 317-321.
33 As per social variations in Argostoli See . . , ,
, , 2009; .-. , , . ....., 1994; Ibid.,
, 1979; .. , , .
1853-1953, . . ., 2005.
34 , , . ,
78/1894.
35 Members of the upper class would gradually join the association. See newspaper , s. 418 (21.10.1906), p. 3b-4a; s. 419 (28.10.1906), p. 3b-4a; s. 421 (11.11.1906), p.
3; .. ,
1940 (1864-1940), University Studio Press, 2007, pp.
196-198.
36 As per fundamental differences between utopian and scientific socialism See Fr. Engels,
Socialism Utopian and Scientific, Pathfinder Press, New York 21989.
37 .-. , , ,
, . , ibid, p. 331.
455
The Association would consist of a total of 300 members upon its start
up while its formal opening was attended by a large No. of people in the
citys central square. Speech of triumph was delivered by archbishop G.
Dorizas, well known for his eagerness and love for labor38. The Associations opening event was welcomed by the local press. Rokkos Choidas, in
one of is articles in newspaper Egersis pub. by P. Panas, salutes the founding
as he considered it to be a solid first step in the form of a union-like organization, underscoring the need for bond tightening among blue collar workers in order for them to be able to cope with practicality issues39. Articles
of the same texture and character, were also written in newspapers such
as Lixourion40 and Zizanion41. Similar articles were also written in newspapers such as Lixourion and Zizanion. However, the Associations opening was opposed by supporters of the opposite party who considered this
move an obstacle when it came to their clients best interests. That was the
reason, why they made an effort to prevent the founding of the Association
by vilifying it. In one of its article, newspaper Egersis expresses the hope
for all blue collar workers who have not yet been disoriented by partisanship and hopefully wont be affected by any type of malicious acts; instead
they will try their best in order to achieve the prosperity and welfare of the
Association42.
According to the regulations, as stated by the relevant charter, Labor
Association of Argostoli, namely Allilovoitheia has had charitable activity
both in school as well as the educational field of action43.
Educational speech meetings were held in the Associations conference
room hosted by important local figures. A point of emphasis highlighted
in a series of speeches was on the one hand, the fact that the Associations
decisions should be made with a liberal spirit and forwardness44, and on the
other hand, the need for proper education for the young45. Subject spectrum was expanded in speeches delivered by Ilias Tsitselis, N. Mazarakis
a.o. who followed in the School for children in need. A point of indica38 As per Associations opening See newspaper , s. 39 (8.10.1894), p. 1 and newspaper s. 68 (10.9.1984), p. 3.
39 ewspaper , s. 69 (17.09.1894), p. 4.
40 ewspaper , s. 39 (08.10.1894), p. 2.
41 ewspaper , s. 42 (18.09.1895), p. 3.
42 ewspaper , s. 62 (29.07.1894), p. 4.
43 First Associations charter ever to have been approved was on September, 19th 1894 See
, . , 78/1894.
44 See speech delivered by P. Livadas in newspaper , s. 81 (10.12.1894), p. 4.
45 See speech delivered by P. Mirtilis under the title About Childrens education, newspaper , ibid., p. 4.
456
Nikolaos Kamilos
tion relates to speech titles such as: About Music, About Co-operations in
Cephalonia, About hygiene a.o.46. A proof of the Mass acceptance when it
came to the Associations initiatives is reflected on positive remarks made
by the local press47.
School of Children in need re-establishment in 1896 was the most
remarkable effort made on behalf of the association making a significant
contribution to achieving further social acceptance48. First couple of years,
the School organized a series of night classes, however due to issues emerging in terms of insufficient financial resources and mal accommodation,
its further operational function was not on a continuous basis. Finally, the
Association provided the School with some fundamental education on a
permanent basis, especially as of 1902, when it received financial boost on
behalf of the Administrative Committee of Vallianeios Endowment49.
One more important activity was the founding of a Professional and
Housekeeping Laboratory for Poor Women and Girls, a foundation with
a definitive importance concerning the islands50 social progress. School
educators were of outstanding value and classes were being realized at
evening time due to the fact that children would work during daytime.
Initially, children would be provided with all necessary books, stationery
and clothing51. Constant increase of the No. of pupils and teachers is indicative of both Schools success52.
One could also attend a music class. On the grounds of that, a music
department was put together for children with special talent. Lessons
taught included wind instruments; it was only then that the Professional
46 Among those who stepped up the schools pontium were Ilias Tsitselis, Niolaos Mazarakis, dr. Richardos Livathinopoulos, Marinos Antipas a.o. See newspaper , s. 82
(11.01.1898), p. 4b.
47 Newspaper , s. 80 (20.12.1897), p. 3.
48 .-. , , : ..
(.), (19 .1953), , ( 7-9
2004), . , 2007, pp.
141-154.
49 . , ,
. , 1932, p. 5
and p. 17.
50 Newspaper , s. 164 (02.12.1907), p. 2b.
51 The School considered that an even uniform would be a boost to pupils self-confidence
as they would not feel inferior to their counterparts in other educational centers. At the
same time uniform was thought to have a negative effect in cases of offensive behavior
outside of school premises. See newspaper , s. 296 (27.12.1903), p. 4.
52 In 1914, School would accommodate a total of 200-270 students and 8 teachers. See
newspaper , s. 832-46 (03.09.1914), p. 4a.
457
and Housekeeping Laboratory for Poor Women and Girls infamous band
came together contributing to the diffusion the Ionian musical tradition53.
Music department also helped to financially support its pupils whom would
collect a financial benefit deriving from private events which they attended.
A few months upon the founding of Labor Association in Argostoli,
Labor Association of Twining54 was founded in Lixouri on September,
1894. The diffusion of socialist ideas in the agricultural part of a Palis55
county, in combination with financial implications resulting from currant56
price as well as several social transitions due to the decrease57 in population,
have caused the associations functional conditions to develop and therefore
evolve. Blue collar workers in Lixouri area came together to a common association aiming to, same as Argostoli counterpart, the moral and substantial support from one another, their education as well as a joined effort to
resolve their problems. The Association constisted of earnest and progressive young people58 of Lixouri and aimed to be more positive and broad53 As per Ionian folk music and its impact in general See .. , , : .. (.),
, , - (14-18 1995), . , 2000, pp. 31-46.
54 The respective association was founded in September, 12th 1894. See
, , , 1894, , . , 3/1895. Charter has been registered in National Library bearing
the following credentials: O.K.E* 3132.
55 Former Municipality of Palikis, capitol Lixouri. See .. ,
, 1797, . , . , 1990, pp.
21-26; . , , , 1872, pp.
96-99.
56 . ,
(1864 1914), , , . , ibid., p. 287; . -,
, , . ,
1894, pp. 771-772.
57 As per demographic development in Cephalonia e.g .. ,
, 1815-1864-1900,
1864 2004, . , ibid., p. 503; .. , , (1840-1863).
, , . 5 (1986), pp.
162-163.
58 Founding members of the Association namely were the following: Panagis G. Adilinis,
Gerasimos Rikos, Panagis S. Perdikaris, Fragkiskos P. Drakopoulos, Michail Voutsinas, Fotios Savramis, Spiridon Divaris, Rokos Xydaktilos, Panagis Zacharenios, Panagis
Adilinis, Evaggelos Melidonis, Charalampos Romanos, Spiridon Zakinthinos, Gerasimos Kourtelos. See Newspaper , s. 68 (10.9.1894), pp. 2-3.
458
Nikolaos Kamilos
minded oriented than its equivalent in Argostoli59. According to Association charter, the spirit of charity and philanthropy same as the case was
when some of the first labor organizations were formed in Greece. Most
charters followed by labor associations since 1880 till 1890 have indicated
that professional labor associations were in fact somewhat of a trade, social
and labor organizations60.
One of the main elements of the Association was that of universalism
especially should one bears in mind that it comes under the quoting any
worker, of any origin and religious belief 61. Charter indicates the associations democratic spirit as: a) all its members have enjoyed equal rights
and share the same obligations62, b) support provision mediums are being
precisely defined towards all members and a possibility of appeal against a
decision63, is an option, c) members have a right to vote and be voted by64,
d) decisions are made based on the majority65 and there is a possibility of
appeal against any decision66 and e) the choice of a conference subject is
made by all members of the Association67.
Newspapers of that period, namely Mauri Moira in Argostoli, Lixourion
in Lixouri, Zizanion and most importantly Egersis included extensive publications such as the founding of the Labor Association, saluting its establishment68. The Labor Association of Lixouri had developed financial, social
and cultural activity. That was the reason why it became aligned with local
farmers in Pali, organizing rallies in order to claim better currant prices69. It
declared its utter most support when it came to incidents of global interest
in terms of labor impact. An indicative example on the latter is attendance
to the funeral of I. Zervos Iakovatos (radical) in 189470 and a telegraph of
59 As per Association founding See . ,
1894, , 2008, pp. 42-47.
60 . , , ibid., 1972, pp. 25-26.
61 See ., ibid., article 3.
62 Ibid., article 6.
63 Ibid., articles 16-21.
65 Ibid., articles 26, 29, 31, 33, 34, 41, 42 and 46.
68 As per Associations opening See .. , .., ibid., pp.
312-313; .. , , . B, ibid., pp. 229-230.
69 Newspaper s. 42 (06.11.1894), p. 3a; , newspaper , s. 80 (03.12.1894), p. 3.
70 As per I. Zervo Iakovatos See . ,
, , 1964; .. ,
(18481864). , . ,
459
condolences regarding the death of M. Antipas71. The Association had also

founded Childrens School of Labor, a center of education widely accepted
by the local society which played an important role in fighting lack of
education and diffusion of socialist ideas in lower classes72. The Association also granted a financial benefit to all its members and provided moral
support whenever there was a need for some73. It had also taken a series of
initiatives as per organizing a theatrical establishment in Lixouri, which
however never received proper attention and reward74.
Labor Associations in Cephalonia reached a point of decadence, each one
of them due to a different reason. Accession in the Association of Argostoli
from various social layers, gradually somewhat corrupted its identity and
character. Besides, it is no point of dispute that there was a conflict between
the Vallianeio Endowment and the Association, latter having sustained a
distortion due to factionalism, interpersonal rivalry among its members
as well as political ambition as per its leading role thus turned from Labor
Association to Social Synergy Association in 191475. It was only then that
the Association of Lixouri went frail as it came across ruling class opposition, it was corrupted by donations made on behalf of political figures and
eventually weakened by confrontations on leadership.
Associations, being pioneer organization groups at the time, have been a
foundation for the constitution of a trade union identity. Due to that working class in Cephalonia had not realized their dominance up until the associations founding so as to proceed to a claim of their rights, e.g. improvement of standards of life, reduction of working hours, effective dealing with
unemployment e.t.c. Associations studied, were on the verge of their transition from supporting-one-another groups to an organized labor movement causing, to a certain extent a boom in terms of labor associations in
the island on the one hand (namely the Labor Association of Livathous
71
72
73
74
75
1984 (, 15-17 ), ,
1984, pp. 25-43.
As per M. Antipas requiem in Cephalonia See . . ,
, ibid., p. 98.
Students would attend a variety of classes, extending all the way from Religious Education, Greek, Physics, Technical Courses, History, Courses of Expertise and Commerce
to Geography and Mathematics. See newspaper s. 91 (18.02.1895), p. 2.
Ibid., s. 90 (11.02.1895), p. 4.
Newspaper , s. 383 (24.12.1905), p. 3.

,
, , 1904.
Nikolaos Kamilos
460
(1911), Mutuality in Pylaros76 (1911) and labor union founding later on

with increased trade pursuits77 on the other.
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Antonio per gratia
(Castel Bicorno),15
17
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avogador,

Pietro Diedo (1413).17
10 McKee, Uncommon Dominion, 166.
11 McKee, .., 164. , , Paladino Premarin
.
12 14 . . . , Catastici feudorum
Crete. Catasticum Chanee 1314-1396, EIE/IBE- 9, 2008, 113-116.
13 , Catastici feudorum, . 439 (11 1396), 659-660.
14 D.E. Queller, Il patriziato veneziano. La realt contro il mito, Roma 1987, 81-82.
15 . , Catastici
feudorum, 70-74.
16 Queller, .., 82.
17 Monique OConnell, Men of Empire. Power and negotiation in Venices Maritime State,
484
Premarin, , 1595.
Angelo Premarin Renier, 44
Avogadori di Comun
.18 15 ., Andrea Premarin Renier (. 1).
,
, .
status .19

lite ,
, , lite .
O Angelo ,
Cristoforo Angelo, ,
1468 25 . ,
, , Margarita da Moron .20
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,

.

,
Baltimore 2009, 130.
18 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . 1, . 1r.
19 J. Grubb, Memory and Identity: Why Venetians didnt keep Ricordanze, Renaissance
Studies 8 (1994), 375-387.
20 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . 1, . 7r, 8r.
, , ...
485
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status
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21 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 7r, 8r.
22 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 2r. . ,
. , (1487-1558), 1986, .
12, 41, . 17, 65.
23 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 8v-9v.
24 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 4r-v.
25 . , Catastici feudorum, 177.
26 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 75, . (Zancarolo), . . 2, . 9r-11r.
486
,
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Barozzi Andrea
27 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 10r-11r.
28 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 2v.
29 -, ,
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31 A.S.V., A.C., Processi di nobilt, . 60, . (Premarin), . . 1, . 3r-v. , , . 15, 50-53, . 17, 55-58, . 30, 99-102, . 34, 112-116,
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41 . Eleni Tsourapa, Nobili monache grecheveneziane tra Creta e Venezia (1645-1716), tti del Convegno Internazionale: Donne
a Venezia tra 500 e 700. Spazi di libert e forme di potere (sec. XVI-XVIII), (Venezia,
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42 ,
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16 ..,
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74 . , ., .., .138-140,
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75 . ,
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Situacin actual de los estudios de griego moderno como lengua

extranjera en Espaa: orientacin y expectativas
Alberto Rodrguez Lifante M ngeles Jan Morcillo
1. PRESENTACIN
La preocupacin por la situacin que los estudios neohelnicos presentan
en nuestro pas es la razn fundamental que nos ha llevado a abordar este
tema y a tratarlo en esta comunicacin.
Es bien sabido que la tradicin clsica cuenta con una trayectoria dilatada por lo que se refiere a su inclusin en los planes de estudios de la
educacin superior1. Ahora bien, si nos detenemos a observar el lugar que
ocupa el griego moderno y, en general, los estudios neogriegos en nuestro
sistema superior de enseanza, podemos advertir que ste, frente a otros
pases europeos de nuestro entorno, no es el que podramos esperar. Probablemente una de las razones sea, como hemos apuntado, la posicin privilegiada de los estudios clsicos que, de alguna manera, ha eclipsado el renacimiento de otros estudios como los neohelnicos o tambin se deba estrictamente a motivos relacionados con la necesidad o inters de que el griego
moderno se fomente de manera paralela a otros departamentos.
En este sentido, los objetivos de nuestro trabajo son: en primer lugar,
llevar a cabo una revisin sobre la situacin actual de los estudios de
griego moderno en Espaa en los diferentes niveles en los que se imparte;
en segundo lugar, dar cuenta de los proyectos ms recientes a travs de
los que se fomenta la enseanza de griego moderno y, en tercer y ltimo
lugar, profundizar ms en el proceso de enseanza-aprendizaje de griego
moderno en los niveles superiores en los que se imparte.
2. ESTADO DE LA CUESTIN
2.1 Centros de Enseanza Secundaria y plan de formacin del profesorado
de Secundaria
1
Nos referimos a la Filologa Clsica.

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Resulta especialmente interesante observar cmo, en los ltimos aos,

se est despertando un gran inters por el griego moderno incluso en el
marco de los Planes Provinciales de Formacin del Profesorado, entre los
cuales, en comunidades autnomas como Castilla-La Mancha (como es el
caso de la provincia de Albacete), se estn celebrando diversos seminarios
destinados a la enseanza del griego moderno a diferentes niveles (inicial,
medio y avanzado), lo cual permite contribuir a la formacin del profesorado en esta lengua.
Por otro lado, respecto a la enseanza del griego moderno en los centros
de educacin secundaria, actualmente est comenzando a ocupar un lugar
importante como segundo idioma extranjero (al igual que otros como el
francs, ingls o alemn) al ser ofertado como materia optativa para los
alumnos de bachillerato. El hecho de enmarcarse dentro de la optatividad,
permite que cualquier alumno, independientemente de la especialidad en
la que se encuentre matriculado (sea de ciencias, letras, etc.), pueda escoger
el griego moderno como segundo idioma extranjero.
2.2 Escuelas Oficiales de Idiomas

Si nos detenemos ahora en el mbito de las Escuelas Oficiales de Idiomas de la pennsula, podemos confirmar que han venido desempeando
una labor fundamental en la difusin y enseanza del griego moderno y la
cultura griega. No obstante, el nmero de centros que imparte este idioma
queda reducido a tan solo cuatro. En el mapa que se adjunta puede observarse que dichas escuelas de idiomas se encuentran bastante separadas
geogrficamente. De entre ellas, la pionera en incluir el griego moderno
en su oferta educativa fue la Escuela Oficial de Idiomas central de Madrid,
Jess Maestro, la cual lleva impartiendo la lengua desde 1986. A continuacin se le uni la EOI de Barcelona, donde comenz a impartirse al
ao siguiente, en 1987. Unos aos ms tarde, en 1991, Mlaga introdujo
el griego moderno en su EOI, y finalmente, la ltima en incorporarse al
proceso de enseanza-aprendizaje de la lengua helena actual ha sido la
Escuela Oficial de Idiomas de Alicante.
Todos estos centros pblicos, tras las reformas de los planes de estudios
llevas a cabo acorde a los nuevos proyectos europeos y del plan Bolonia,
han fijado sus enseanzas en un total de seis cursos acadmicos mnimo
(dicho nmero puede ampliarse en determinadas lenguas s as lo estima la
correspondiente comunidad autnoma) estructurados en tres niveles: nivel
bsico (cuyo primer curso corresponde al nivel A1 del Consejo de Europa,
Los estudios de griego moderno como lengua extranjera en Espaa
595
mientras que el segundo curso al nivel A2); nivel intermedio (el cual se
corresponde con el nivel B1), y nivel avanzado (equivalente al B2). Al
trmino de cada uno de estos tres ciclos ser necesario superar una serie de
pruebas que demuestren el grado de consecucin, por parte del alumnado,
de las diferentes competencias lingsticas. No obstante, en algunas comunidades autnomas como la Comunidad Valenciana, se est comenzando a
exigir en todos los idiomas un nmero mnimo de alumnos matriculados
en cada nivel para que puedan ser impartidos, con lo que nos encontramos
ante la situacin de que, de no alcanzarse la cantidad, el correspondiente
nivel no se imparte en dicho curso acadmico. En cualquier caso, debemos
subrayar la relevante y valiosa aportacin de estas EEOOII a la difusin de
la lengua y cultura griegas en Espaa.
2.3 Universidades y otros centros

En ltimo lugar, si nos centramos en el mbito de educacin superior
observamos que es el que ocupa el espacio ms importante en el panorama
espaol por lo que al griego moderno se refiere. La mayora de centros que
gestionan la enseanza de griego moderno son institutos que dependen
de alguna universidad espaola o los propios departamentos universitarios
ofrecen la lengua dentro de los planes de estudio.
En este contexto el griego moderno experimenta su mayor expansin
por los que a las enseanzas del sistema educativo espaol se refieren. Como
596
podemos observar, el mapa ilustra el panorama que venimos comentando:
Son 18 los centros de idiomas y Universidades los que ofrecen griego

moderno en todo el territorio espaol. Ahora bien, existen Universidades
que ofrecen cursos de griego moderno en forma de seminarios o cursos de
formacin (como es el caso de la Universidad de Crdoba).
Recientemente, a propsito del Congreso final del proyecto Odysseus en
la Universidad de Murcia, se ha hecho referencia a la situacin del griego
moderno en Europa y tambin en Espaa. Por ello, no queremos en estas
lneas repetir lo que la profesora Omatos ya apunt, sino ms bien nos
gustara trazar en lneas generales el lugar que ocupa el griego moderno en
la educacin superior, para que pueda entenderse mejor el estudio cuantitativo que hemos querido llevar a cabo y que presentamos ms adelante.
En primer lugar, en las Universidades el griego moderno ocupa un
papel especial en carreras como Traduccin e Interpretacin y Filologa
Clsica, ya que se trata de estudios donde este idioma puede encontrar una
mejor acogida entre los estudiantes. En algunos casos, se ofrece la asignatura de griego moderno como asignatura de libre configuracin para cualquier estudiante (depende en cada caso de la Universidad). As mismo, en
determinadas universidades se ofrecen estudios neohelnicos en estudios
de posgrado o en la modalidad de ttulos propios.
En segundo lugar, existen los llamados Institutos de Idiomas o Centros
de Lenguas que dependen en su mayor parte de las Universidades. Estos
597
centros son los que se ocupan de la enseanza de idiomas y, de manera

similar a las EEOOII, imparten cursos de lenguas. Por ello, creemos que el
papel que desempean estos centros en la enseanza de griego moderno
es decisivo y favorece su difusin. Es ms, gracias a estos centros la difusin del griego moderno es posible a un pblico muy variado incluso en
aquellos lugares donde la enseanza de esta lengua est relegada al mbito
universitario o de una EEOOII.
En tercer y ltimo lugar, las asociaciones y centros que se encargan de
difundir el griego moderno a travs de actividades culturales en las que
est incluida la lengua constituyen una parte ms de esta red de centros
que cuentan con enseanza de griego moderno. De hecho, entre stas se
encuentran la Asociacin Cultural Hispano-Helnica, que ofrece cursos de
griego moderno, y la Iglesia Ortodoxa de Madrid, la cual realiza tambin
cursos para diversos niveles.
3. LAS NUEVAS TECNOLOGAS APLICADAS A LA ENSEANZA DEL

GRIEGO MODERNO: EOI DE ALICANTE
La introduccin de las nuevas tecnologas (TICs) en la enseanza de
lenguas es una de las transformaciones ms importantes que la adquisicin
de segundas lenguas est experimentando. En este marco de actuacin el
griego moderno no poda ser menos; si bien es verdad que otras lenguas
como el ingls, el francs o el espaol ya cuentan con plataformas virtuales
a travs de las que se difunden, en cambio su aplicacin al griego moderno
es relativamente reciente. Al respecto, hacemos referencia en estas lneas
al proyecto que, desde la EEOOII de Alicante, se ha intentado poner en
funcionamiento para la enseanza del griego moderno en una plataforma
virtual que permita su enseanza a distancia ( ).
A continuacin desarrollamos el funcionamiento grosso modo del
proyecto elaborado:
a) Justificacin y objetivos
La localizacin en Alicante de un centro de enseanza de griego moderno
(en concreto, en la EEOOII), lengua que no se ofrece en otras escuelas de
idiomas de otras provincias cercanas (Murcia, Albacete, Cuenca, Valencia) ha hecho a los profesores por los que est formado el Departamento
de griego moderno de la EEOOII de Alicante a plantearse la necesidad de
ofrecer una enseanza a travs de una plataforma viable para aquellos que
no pueden desplazarse hasta el centro donde se sta se imparte.
598
Esta situacin justifica en gran parte el inters, tanto de ambos docentes como de los alumnos, por extender la enseanza/aprendizaje de este
idioma. Y no slo es un hecho real, sino que lo demuestran las peticiones
de muchos alumnos que, de manera regular, deben desplazarse desde otras
provincias para poder realizar un seguimiento de las clases.
Estas razones llevan, por tanto, a los miembros del Departamento de
griego moderno de dicho centro a elaborar el proyecto de enseanza de
griego moderno a travs de una plataforma semipresencial. Dicha plataforma permite el seguimiento de la formacin que recibira el alumno en el
aula de manera presencial, pero con la ventaja de que no tiene que desplazarse hasta dicho centro. De manera ocasional (una vez al mes) se realizara una clase presencial (de ah su carcter de semipresencialidad) para
solventar dudas o tratar aspectos que, quizs de manera virtual, no pueden
ser abordados de igual manera.
b) Metodologa, evaluacin y recursos
Presentado ya el proyecto y los objetivos que lo definen, debemos dar
cuenta de otros aspectos como la metodologa, la evaluacin y los recursos
que se emplean en ste.
Para que la enseanza a distancia de una lengua sea lo ms efectiva
posible, los profesores del Departamento de griego moderno de la EOI de
Alicante se valen de la plataforma MOODLE que cuenta con la aplicacin
a otras lenguas extranjeras y a travs de la que se podra aprovechar gran
parte del material accesible exclusivamente en red. Lgicamente se empleara este soporte de enseanza para las sesiones no presenciales, pero, como
ya habamos indicado anteriormente, la presencia en algunas clases es uno
de los requisitos para que los estudiantes puedan, por un lado, familiarizarse con el nuevo medio de enseanza y, por otro, para ir planteando las
dudas o trabajando algunas de las destrezas, como son la expresin y la
interaccin oral.
Dentro del proyecto se destacan dos herramientas fundamentales: a) la
videoconferencia, y en la que participaran tanto alumnos de nivel inicial
como de avanzado. Los segundos actuaran de coordinadores de modo que
sera un apoyo para la carga que dicho trabajo supondra para los profesores y tambin sera un modo de interaccin entre los diversos niveles de los
estudiantes; b) el uso del chat para trabajar la creatividad del estudiante a
travs de la expresin escrita y al desarrollo de la expresin oral.
En relacin con los contenidos, se parte de la seleccin de las unidades
de la serie de manuales I y II. Todo el contenido se
articulara en dos cursos: a) Nivel Bsico I, que constara de 20 sesiones; y
b) Nivel Bsico II, en el que se incluiran 18.
599
Cada unidad est secuenciada y corresponde a una parte temtica del

manual seleccionado. En relacin con esto, las destrezas con las que se
trabaja corresponden a las directrices que dicta el Marco Comn Europeo
de Referencia2 (MCER) sobre las lenguas.
Respecto al sistema de evaluacin, se establecen trimestralmente pruebas a lo largo del curso que permitan obtener a los profesores cul ha sido
la progresin de stos. Al mismo tiempo, la intervencin en la plataforma
a distancia manifiesta el trabajo que el alumno ha ido realizando paulatinamente y cules han sido los logros que, en relacin con las destrezas, ha
alcanzado.
En este sentido, el uso de internet como medio de enseanza de una
lengua extranjera y, en concreto, del griego permite el aprovechamiento de
gran cantidad de recursos a los no se podra acceder de otra forma.
4. RESULTADO DE LOS CUESTIONARIOS

Los cuestionarios3 que hemos recibido de los profesores que se dedican a la enseanza de griego moderno en la educacin superior no son
muy numerosos, de modo que no puede afirmarse que estemos ante una
valoracin representativa de lo que en realidad es esta lengua. A pesar de
esto, creemos sin embargo que puede ser interesante comentar grosso modo
algunos de los resultados ms relevantes de cara al presente estudio.
El contenido de dicho cuestionario consta de ocho preguntas y gira en
torno a los siguientes aspectos: la formacin de los profesores que imparten clases de griego moderno y su actualizacin, el perfil de los estudiantes, el nmero y los conocimientos previos que stos poseen, el inters de
los alumnos por esta lengua y la proyeccin de futuro que ven en ella, los
materiales, recursos y enfoques que emplean en las clases y, por ltimo,
la opinin de los propios docentes en relacin con la enseanza de griego
moderno y su futuro.
Los resultados que de stos se desprenden, creemos, son muy diversos:
por un lado, la formacin de los profesores que en la actualidad imparten
griego moderno en centros de enseanza superior disponen de una buena
2
3
En griego: .
A pesar de que no hemos hecho referencia a la metodologa, debe tenerse en cuenta que
hemos intentado ponernos en contacto con los profesores de diversos centros de enseanza superior para que, en la medida de lo posible, colaborasen en nuestra investigacin. Intentaremos en otros estudios posteriores dar cuenta, si se nos permite, de un
estudio de estas caractersticas, pero ms amplio.
600
trayectoria acadmica y, lo que es ms importante, se interesan por actualizarse y seguir formndose. Este hecho no solo pone de relevancia la motivacin que poseen en su labor acadmica, sino tambin el modo en que la
transmiten a sus alumnos. De este modo, los receptores, es decir, los alumnos son en su mayora estudiantes de edades comprendidas entre los 20
hasta la edad de la jubilacin y el perfil de alumno suele ser el profesor o
estudiante de Filologa Clsica, pero, de manera excepcional, hay muchos
interesados en la lengua griega moderna y su cultura que no cuentan con
estas pautas. Ahora bien, lo que s parece ser generalizado es la cantidad
de alumnos que hay en las clases de griego en estos centros de enseanza
(de 3 a 15 personas), si bien es verdad que en algunos casos ha habido
excepciones.
En esta misma lnea, segn comentan los encuestados la mayora de estudiantes tiene la curiosidad, tras haber realizado un curso de griego moderno,
de realizar un curso en el extranjero o de realizar algn viaje a Grecia con el
fin de entrar en contacto con la cultura griega de un modo diferente al que
lo haban hecho con anterioridad al aprendizaje de la lengua.
Por lo que se refiere al material empleado por los profesores, debemos
tener en cuenta que hoy en da las nuevas tecnologas e internet en concreto
nos permiten acceder ms fcilmente a cualquier tipo de recurso en cualquier lengua. Por esta razn, segn apuntan los docentes encuestados, la
red es uno de los materiales que suelen emplear en sus clases, as como
recursos elaborados por ellos mismos (materiales reales o adaptados, que
adecuan a los intereses y al perfil de los estudiantes).
En ltimo lugar4, el xito y futuro del griego moderno como lengua
extranjera en el panorama peninsular depende en buena medida del apoyo
que ste reciba, por un lado, de las polticas lingsticas existentes para las
lenguas minoritarias y, por otro, de los propios Departamentos que cuentan con una tradicin de estudios ya consolidados. Otro de los aspectos que
se plantean en relacin con el fomento de esta lengua en los niveles superiores de enseanza es el hueco que debera tener en la enseanza secundaria.
Al respecto, como habamos apuntado al principio de este artculo, ya hay
varios institutos que ofrecan como lengua extranjera el griego moderno
aunque pueda parecernos extrao- y, segn los comentarios de los profesores responsables, tiene una gran acogida entre los estudiantes.
4
Hay muchos aspectos a los que no hemos hecho referencia en el presente artculo, relacionados con los cuestionarios. No obstante, en futuras publicaciones daremos cuenta
de todo el material.
601
5. BALANCE Y CONCLUSIONES
En lneas generales, y limitndonos al mbito universitario, podemos
observar que ha habido una evolucin considerable en lo que a los estudios
neogriegos se refiere. Por un lado, el estudio de la lengua est presente en
la mayora de provincias espaolas y grandes ciudades y, por otro, se prev
que haya estudios neohelnicos de posgrado y de especialidad en algunas
universidades espaolas. Esto se traduce en una mayor difusin de estos
estudios, fruto tambin de la demanda por parte del alumnado espaol.
De hecho, este inters ha llegado a que profesores de enseanzas oficiales en EEOOII hayan elaborado un proyecto de enseanza de la lengua
griega moderna a travs de plataformas virtuales. Por ello, creemos que este
hecho no slo es paradigmtico, sino que tambin supone un paso importante en el impulso de una lengua que no adems de encontrarse entre las
lenguas oficiales de la Unin Europea, tambin es lengua de cultura, de una
CULTURA con maysculas.
En este sentido, es importante que sea favorecida no slo por las instituciones correspondientes, sino tambin por las asociaciones y organizaciones que tengan competencia y puedan promover su enseanza y difusin
de manera activa. Ahora bien, sin la ayuda de los profesores como transmisores de la lengua y sin el respaldo de un alumnado interesado y motivado
ninguna poltica lingstica ni apoyo institucional pueden funcionar.
De ah que nuestro artculo pretenda ser tanto un compendio de la
situacin del griego moderno en Espaa como una llamada de atencin a
un fenmeno que, desde nuestro punto de vista, debe ser tenido en cuenta.
En la medida de lo posible y con lo que consideramos una humilde
aportacin a este campo, esperamos haber reflejado parte de una situacin
compleja, pero que, gracias a la colaboracin de algunos profesores que nos
han brindado su tiempo y su experiencia, hemos podido llevar a cabo este
estudio.
602
6. BIBLIOGRAFA
MORALES ORTIZ, A., PAGN CNOVAS, C., MARTINEZ CAMPILLO, C.,

(coord.) (2010): The Teaching Of Modern Greek In Europe: Current Situation
And New Perspectives, Ediciones Editum, Universidad de Murcia.
OMATOS, O., (2010): Modern Greek in Spain en The Teaching Of Modern Greek
In Europe: Current Situation And New Perspectives, Ediciones Editum,
Universidad De Murcia.
Recursos en internet y enlaces:

Blog de Serfarontas: <http://griego.canalblog.com/archives/2007/05/02/6337024.
html>.
Mtodo online de griego moderno: <http://www.xanthi.ilsp.gr/filog/>.
Bitcora de Santiago Carbonell: <http://blogs.ua.es/santiago/>.
Recursos de griego moderno (Raquel Prez): <http://personal.us.es/raquel/
grimod_link1.htm>.
:

Vojkan Stojii Predrag Mutavdi Ivana Milojevi
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:
Webklas light Nieuwgrieks Universiteit van Amsterdam

(Universiteit
van Amsterdam, UvA) , ,
. , Sakai,1
Webklas light Nieuwgrieks2
2009.
3
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(Language acquisition), ,
.

: ,

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To Sakai . , .. (chat) .
<http://www.webklassen.nl> o . Meedoen aan een webklas,
, ,
LOGIN . more Webklas Nieuwgrieks.
website.
.
:
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(, 9-12 . 2010):
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634
(
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.5
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(genre)
5
.
( ) . Cowan 1993:1-4:
the cultural and social practices of music and dance involved the construction of individual subjects with specific identities and locations. Conventions of what could be
sung, or danced,expressed social distinctions based on age, gender, religion, ethnic
group, status and class, and located the individual subject thus identified within
various social hierarchies. Leerssen 2006:15 : The field of
non-verbal, immaterial culture [is] c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s , involving folkdances,
patterns of rural and urban sociability, cuisine and dress, pastimes and sports, manners
and customs, and (last but not least) music.
(,
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. 7
: . , . , .
, . , . .
. Papanikolaou 2007:61-99.
8 Greek popular music
. . Papanikolaou 2007, Cowan 1993, olst-Warhaft
2002. Papanikolaou 2007:1 : popular music [is] radically
different from folk or traditional music, [is] a modern global institution that cannot be
divorced from the entertainment industry and the mass media, or stratified industrial
and post-industrial societies.
9 . Papanikolaou 2007:63-75.
. 1949.
10 . 1949.
636

, ,11 ,12 , ( ) ,13 ,
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2007:101-155. Cowan 1993:7-9, 15-17
. , . () : , , , , ,
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12 (
), . , . , . , . , . , . , . , . 2002: 26-42
Protheroe 1996:68-69, 73-76.
13 , , . , . ,
. , . 2005:107-130.
14 ( ) : . , . , . , . , . , . .
15 .. Ska Bangies ( , ),
Locomondo (), Mode Plagal ( ), Goin
Through (-)
subcultures .
16
.
17 G. Bregovits,
, / Ross Daly, ,
.
Livaneli 80
(. Cowan 1993:17-18).
18 : , ,
, , , .
637
( / )
(genre), genres

;19
:
(image) ;
;
: )
culture, collective identity, cultural identity, popular music, ) , )
, )
) , .

.
,20 .

(cultural identity) /
Joep Leerssen (culture)
19 : Mode Plagal,
, . . . (fusion genre)
. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fusion_(music)>. Cowan 1993:1415
80
, , , , ,
.
.
20 (imagology)
, . . 2005:662-663.
638
(collective identity) (Leerssen 2006:1).

. , . Culture is mobile, Cultural Dynamics: Inheritance and
Identity
(local/regional)
(Leerssen 2006:12).
J. Leerssen (Leerssen 2006:5)

. J. Leerssen : (Leerssen 2006:14). , /
21
() ().

.
.

, .
.
( ) .

21
. . .. Lawrence Grossberg,
, (cultural
identity) du Gay & Hall 1996:87-107 . 89: Identity is always a temporary
and unstable effect of relations which define identities by marking differences. hus
the emphasis here is on the multiplicity of identities and differences rather than on a
singular identity.
639
. ,

.

J. Leerssen : it is important to realize that something becomes cultural to the extent that it is cultivated: food preparation
becomes haute cuisine, clothes become haute couture, to the extent that
these practices are valorized, invested with prestige and importance, in a
word cultivated (Leerssen 2006:14).

Stuart Hall
Questions of Cultural Identity (du Gay & Hall 1996:
1-17). 4 : identities are never unified and, in late
modern times, increasingly fragmented and fractured; never singular but
multiply constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic
discourses, practices and positions. They are subject to a radical historicization, and are constantly in the process of change and transformation.22
(popular music
and identity) Simon Frith
(du Gay & Hall 1996:108-127),

(du Gay
& Hall 1996:108). the issue is not how a particular
piece of music or a performance reflects the people, but how it produces
them, how it creates and constructs an experience that we can only make
sense of by taking on both a subjective and a collective identity My argument here, in short, rests on two premises: first, that identity is mobile, a
process not a thing, a becoming not a being; second, that our experience
of music of music making and music listening is best understood as an
experience of this self-in-process. Music, like identity, is both performance
and story, describes the social in the individual and the individual in the
social, the mind in the body and the body in the mind; identity, like music,
is a matter of both ethics and aesthetics (du Gay & Hall 1996:109). stands for,
symbolizes and offers the immediate experience of collective identity (du
Gay & Hall 1996:121).
22 Chris Weedon,
Cardiff University. . Weedon 2004:1-22, 154-159.
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en de VSNU ter uitvoering van Het Hoogste Goed, Strategische agenda voor het hoger
onderwijs-, onderzoek- en wetenschapsbeleid : Universitaire commissie Onderwijs
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position at the nexus of oriental and occidental traditions, creating hybrid forms that
have developed their own individual character. Holst-Warhaft 2002:319 The
old dilemma of Greeces national identity was played out in the discotheques where the
young people dance to western music before midnight and tsiftetelia (the belly dance
rhythm associated with the rebetika) after midnight. (. 321)
: the debate over Greek music,
like the debate over Greek identity, continues to revolve around the same EastWest
axis.
East/West Manfred Beller Beller & Leerssen 2007:315-319.
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the music they are capable of producing and consuming; different social groups possess
different sorts of knowledge and skill, share different cultural histories, and so make
music differently. Musical tastes do correlate with class cultures and subcultures;
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Beller, M. & Leerssen J. Th. (.) (2007). Imagology: A handbook on the literary
representation of national characters. Amsterdam.
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, , , Ahmed Orabi, Mustafa Kamil,
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- Nahda ()
, Jamal ed-Din al-Afghani, Mohammad
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America: the story of the repatriated Greek-Americans, University of California Press,
1956, . 63-64.
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44, 2006, . 218.
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Greek Studies, 7, 2, 1989, . 247.
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and Migration since 1700. Society, Politics and Culture, Ashgate, 2009, . 17-29.
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Kostas Lavdas, The Europeanization of Greece: Interest Politics and the Crises of Integration, London, Macmillan, 1998, Panagiotis Ioakimidis, The Europeanisation of
Greeces Foreign Policy: Progress and Problems, Achilleas Mitsos Elias Mossialos. (.), Contemporary Greece and Europe, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2000, .359-372,
P.C. Ioakimidis, The Europeanization of Greece: An Overall Assessment, Kevin
Featherstone George Kazamias (.), Europeanization and the Southern Periphery,
London, Frank Cass, 2001, .73-94, George Pagoulatos, Greeces Europeanization and
the Emergence of a Stabilization State, South European Society and Politics, 5:2, 2000,
.191-216.
, , ,
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Featherstone, Kevin and Papadimitriou, Dimitris, The Limits of Europeanization: Reform
Capacity and Policy Conflict in Greece, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. Panayiotis
Ioakimidis, The Europeanisation of Greeces Foreign Policy: Progress and Problems,
A. Mitsos E. Mossialos (.), Contemporary Greece and Europe, Aldershot,
Ashgate, 2000, .359.
Panos Kazakos, Europeanisation, Public Goals and Group Interests: Convergence
Policy in Greece, 1990-2003, West European Politics, 27:5, . 2004, .903.
Spyros Economides, The Europeanisation of Greek Foreign Policy, West European
Politics, 28:2, 2005, .471-2, 486.
Dimitri Sotiropoulos, The EUs impact on the Greek welfare state: Europeanization on
paper?, Journal of European Social Policy, 14, 2004, .275-79.
Kevin Featherstone, Greece: Suitable Accommodation?, Kenneth Dyson, The
Euro at 10: Europeanization, power, and convergence, Oxford, Oxford University Press,
829
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France, Journal of Common Market Studies, 32(1), 1994, .69.
14 . J.P. Olsen, The Many Faces of Europeanization. Arena Working Papers, .01/02,
2002, Kerry Howell, Developing Conceptualizations of Europeanization and European
Integration: Mixing Methodologies, ESRC Seminar 1, UACES Study Group 2, 29 2002, .1-27.
15 Claudio Radaelli, The Europeanization of Public Policy, Kevin Featherstone
Claudio Radaelli (.), The Politics of Europeanization, .., .30.
16 Kevin Featherstone, Introduction: In the Name of Europe, Kevin Featherstone
Claudio Radaelli (.), The Politics of Europeanization, .., .3.
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Claudio Radaelli (.), The Politics of Europeanization, .., .37-38.
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21 George Pagoulatos, Greeces Europeanization and the Emergence of a Stabilization
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22 Eurostat, Report by Eurostat on the Revision of the Greek Government Deficit and Debt
Figures, 22 . 2004, .4, 11-12.
23 Kevin Featherstone, Greece: Suitable Accommodation?, .., .167-68.
24 European Commission, Report on Greek Government Deficit and Debt Statistics, COM
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26 Panagiotis Ioakimidis, The Europeanisation of Greeces Foreign Policy: Progress and
Problems, .., .359.
27 Stelios Stavridis, Assessing the Views of Academics in Greece on the Europeanization
835

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Discussion Paper No.11, Hellenic Observatory, LSE, 2003, .10.
Spyros Economides, The Europeanisation of Greek Foreign Policy, .., .484.
, , , , 2008, .88.
Alexander Kazamias, The Greek Variable in EU-Turkish Relations, Joseph Joseph
(.), Turkey and the European Union: Internal Dynamics and External Challenges,
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. ., . 86, 91, 97. David Close, Conservatism, authoritarianism and fascism in
Greece, 1915-45, Martin Blinkhorn (.), Fascists and Conservatives. The radical
right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe, (Routledge 1990), . 203.
, , . 119-121.
George Th. Mavrogordatos, The 1940s between past and future, John O. Iatrides,
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Gerolymatos, Andre (2004), Red Acropolis, Black Terror. The Greek Civil War and
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Nolte, Ernst (52000), Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche, Mnchen.
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Fleischer, Hagen (1995), The National Liberation Front (EAM), 1941-1947. A
Reassessment, John O. Iatrides, Linda Wrigley (.), Greece at the
Crossroads. The Civil War and its Legacy, The Pennsylvania State University, 48-89.
Woodhouse, C.M. (2002), The Struggle for Greece 1941-1949, London.

1967

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Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1999.
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1920
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:
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20 . (1900-1945):

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. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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, .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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445
463
479
495
509
527
541
559
571
583
597
609
629
639
647

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:
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749
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( . )

(. . ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
()

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, . , :
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:
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701
721
737
755
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785
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813
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(. . ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

, ,
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Identities in The Greek World Granada 2010 Congress Vol 5 2011 Isbn 978 960 99699 7 01

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, 9-12 2010

4th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies

Identities in the Greek world

European Society of Modern Greek Studies

Koukouraki, Kyriaki. Kulturelle Identittskrise im Griechenland der

Brillat-Savarin Jean Anthelme, Physiologie du got , Paris 1825, (aphorisme iv).

contenu des documents et communications. Paris: E.S.F. || Bardin, L. (1996). Lanalyse de

150 3-9-1843 107

, . (2004). .., 86.

, . (2004). .., 117-118.

Guy Debord .29

Wer nicht von dreitausend Jahren

Richard Stoneman, , : ...., 1996., . 249.

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

Nuestro propsito es recordar y subrayar la controvertida identidad del

conquista, expres que se haba enamorado enormemente de ella y sus

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

el material disponible de participantes o testigos del sitio: el diario de

que se llevaran qualche pezzi di pietra, y no bloques de piedras con

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

Las acciones del lord provocan reacciones diametralmente opuestas:

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

Sin embargo, los dioses son justos y los crmenes, castigados:

Parece que la maldicin de Atenea o de los espritus del lugar surti

supuesto, el ttulo de barn, que recay en su hijo, a quien se le recuerda

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

un ingeniero llamado Balanos restaur lo ms que pudo durante 30 aos

marrn anaranjada, y la otra ms superficial, de color beige, denominada

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

de mrmol de la misma cantera del Pentlico para poder encajarlos en la

que el plan del NMA iba de la mano de la devolucin a su lugar natural.

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

son los guardianes, no siempre los propietarios del patrimonio cultural

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

Glassman, Gary (2008). Secrets of the Parthenon, WGBH Educational Foundation

El Partenn: smbolo desmembrado de la identidad europea

studies and interventions, XXI International CIPA Symposium, 01-06

, . (2004). , 1941, 39, , : .

, . G. W. F. Hegel, The Philosophy of History, Preface by Charles

Locals vs foreigners: criteria for the formation of local identities

Late Byzantine writers reporting on movements of people throughout

Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou

Kiousopoulou, , 204-234. For the Chronicle of Morea: Page, Identity, 209ff.

Locals vs foreigners: local identities in Late Byzantium

to the 15th century,9 continued the tendency of embracing and appreciating

Gemistos, 247. See Kiousopoulou, , 218.

Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou

Metochites, Irony, 40.1-2. See Vryonis, Self-Consciousness, 13.

Locals vs foreigners: local identities in Late Byzantium

culture, occasionally used the Greek language.27 Therefore Gregoras also

Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou

to a further dimension: language provided the inception point to adopt a

Locals vs foreigners: local identities in Late Byzantium

Language and habits. The monastic milieu and the religious/political

See above, note 1.

Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou

Equally, the word /, in conjunction with religious controversy

Locals vs foreigners: local identities in Late Byzantium

allusion to local provenance (pseudo-homeland by Gregoras). Let us

Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou

,57 ,58 ,59 ,60 ,61 62

Locals vs foreigners: local identities in Late Byzantium

Eleonora Kountoura-Galaki Nike Koutrakou