Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collected Articles VOLUME 73 BOOKLET VERSION
1polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collected Articles VOLUME 73 BOOKLET VERSION
1polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collected Articles VOLUME 73 BOOKLET VERSION
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1962-1988
ႏွစ္ရွည္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ေဒါက္တာ
ေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ လြတ္ေျမာက္
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1962-1988
ႏွစ္ရွည္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ေဒါက္တာ
ေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ လြတ္ေျမာက္
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rmwdum
1? ၀င္းေဖလြယ္အိတ္ အမွတ္ ၁၂ -- ဆင္ဆာ ---------- ၀င္းေဖ
2? ေဒး၀မ္း၊ ေဒးတူး ---------- ဇာနည္၀င္း
3? စီးပြားပ်က္ရာ ထန္းလက္နဲ႔ကာ ---------- ေမာင္ရစ္
ဆင္ဆာ
၀င္းေဖ
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၄၊ ၂၀၀၉ http://moemaka.blogspot.com/
ေသာတရွင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား-
ေဒး၀မ္း၊ ေဒးတူး
ဇာနည္၀င္း
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၅၊ ၂၀၀၉ http://moemaka.blogspot.com/
ေဒး၀မ္းအလုပ္
အလုပ္ ၂ မ်ဳိး ရိွတယ္။ “ေဒး၀မ္း၊ ေဒးတူး” (Day one, Day two)တ့ဲ။ ဒီ ေ၀ါဟာရသစ္ေတြကုိ
လြန္ခ့ဲတ့ဲ ၆ ႏွစ္ေလာက္တုန္းက ထုိင္းျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာ စၿပီး ၾကားခ့ဲရတယ္။ အေရးႀကီးတ့ဲ၊
လတ္တေလာ မျဖစ္မေန လုပ္ရမယ့္ အလုပ္ေတြကုိ ေဒး၀မ္း အလုပ္လုိ႔ ေခၚၾကတယ္။
ေဒးတူးအလုပ္
ေနာက္တေန႔အထိ ေရႊ႕လုိ႔ရတ့ဲ အလုပ္ေတြကုိ ေဒးတူးလုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ၾကတယ္။ က်န္းမာေရး
ပညာေပး၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံတခု အေျပာင္းအလဲ ကာလ အဆင္ေျပေရး စတ့ဲ
အေၾကာင္းအရာေတြက ေဒးတူး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ အေရးေတာ့ ႀကီးတယ္၊ ႏုိ႔ေပမယ့္
ထိပ္တန္းဦးစားေပးအလုပ္ မဟုတ္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ထားတယ္ ဆုိပါစုိ႔။
အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကာလ တရားမွ်တမႈ
ဒီေခါင္းစဥ္က လူအမ်ားစုအတြက္ အစိမ္းသက္သက္ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ျပည္ပေရာက္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား
တခ်ဳိ႕ ေလ့လာၾကတ့ဲ ဘာသာရပ္ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အဂၤလိပ္လုိက Transitional Justice တ့ဲ။
ေနာက္က်မယ္
ႏုိင္ငံတခု အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းတ့ဲအခ်ိန္ေရာက္မွ (ဒီမုိကေရစီရမွ) တရားမွ်တေရး အလုပ္ေတြကုိ
ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္ ဆုိရင္ ေနာက္က်မွာပဲ လုိ႔ ဒီဘာသာရပ္ကုိ ေလ့လာသူမ်ားက ဆုိၾကတယ္။
ေနာက္က်ခ့ဲရင္ လက္စားေခ်မႈ၊ ေသြးေခ်ာင္းစီးမႈ၊ သူပုန္ထမႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံျပန္လည္
တည္ေထာင္ေရးကုိ လုပ္ႏုိင္ေတာ့မွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး တ့ဲ။
ေ၀ဖန္မႈနဲ႔ေျဖရွင္းခ်က္
အသြင္ေျပာင္းကာလအတြက္ ျပင္ဆင္လုိသူေတြကုိ ေဒး၀မ္းသမားေတြက မႏွစ္သက္ၾကပါဘူး။
ေဒး၀မ္းအလုပ္ ျဖစ္တ့ဲ စစ္အစုိးရျပဳတ္ေရးကုိပဲ တစုိက္မတ္မတ္လုပ္ၾက၊ ၀ုိင္းလုပ္ၾကရင္
မေကာင္းဘူးလားလုိ႔ ေျပာပါတယ္။ တုိးတုိးတိတ္တိတ္ ေျပာတ့ဲအတြက္ ေဒးတူးသမားေတြဆီက
တုန္႔ျပန္သံေတြ မထြက္ေသးပါ။
စီးပြားပ်က္ရာ ထန္းလက္နဲ႔ကာ
ေမာင္ရစ္
COMMENTARY
A Failed Mission
By AUNG ZAW Wednesday, February 4, 2009
Snr-Gen Than Shwe didn’t even pretend to be sick this time. He simply relayed the
message that he was too busy to meet the UN Special Envoy to Burma Ibrahim
Gambari, a man who had come to the country to advocate political reconciliation.
Instead, Than Shwe passed his time in Naypyidaw meeting and accepting
credentials from the newly appointed Chinese, Vietnamese and Cambodian
ambassadors.
In fact, it was a politically astute move on the junta leader’s part to snub Gambari.
Than Shwe doesn’t need to fret about what the UN envoy thinks. Nor does he try to
create a good impression. He can roll out any number of military clones to meet and
greet visiting envoys and VIPs. Gambari may well go home pleased, in fact, that he
was able to press flesh with so many cabinet ministers on this visit. He will probably
sleep well in the belief that he had done his bit for Burma.
It was Than Shwe’s henchman, Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein, who took over the
reigns of the negotiations this week during the seventh round of diplomatic visits by
the special envoy. He bluntly told Gambari that if the UN wants to see stability in
Burma, then it should see to it that sanctions on the country are lifted. Gambari
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“If the UN wants to see economic development and political stability, the UN
should first try to remove economic sanctions and visa bans,” was how state
television reported the Burmese prime minister's response.
In an apparently dry attempt at role reversal, Thein Sein told the envoy that
economic sanctions amounted to human rights violations, affecting health, the
economy and social conditions.
It was like a meeting between hostage takers and a negotiator. Gambari must have
felt he was being presented with a list of demands and, if they weren’t met, Thein
Sein would happily start chopping off the hostages’ fingers until they were.
Still, the UN envoy could congratulate himself on being granted a visit with the
hostages’ representative, Suu Kyi. Able to verify that there was “proof of life” in
Burma, Gambari retired from the kidnappers’ lair refusing to admit his mission was
a failure.
The UN envoy’s meeting with Suu Kyi focused on political prisoners and the rule of
law. Suu Kyi told him there is no rule of law as such in Burma; she pointed to the
recent arrests and detention of activists, and the detention of their defense lawyers.
She expressed disappointment with the UN’'s failure to persuade the ruling junta to
give up its monopoly on power—hollow words that seemed to echo from the past.
She reiterated that she is willing to meet anyone at any time from the military
regime. She repeated her request for dialogue.
However, it would be foolish to believe that the junta leaders are interested in
dialogue unless Suu Kyi comes up with a proposal that kowtows to their power.
More than likely, they expected Suu Kyi to rattle her saber and call for the West to
drop the sanctions on Burma.
Whatever Suu Kyi does, the generals won’t talk to her. Political dialogue and
compromise do not exist in the regime’s dictionary.
Throughout Burmese history, military leaders have only entered into peace talks
and dialogue when they were under intense pressure or they needed to buy time.
When they regain their foothold they invariable strike back at the enemy.
If Suu Kyi is waiting for Than Shwe to talk to her, she is misguided. It won’t happen.
She has met him a few times before and was forced to sit through his lengthy
political lectures and boasts of how many bridges he had built and how many
schools and hospitals he had opened. You learn not to expect political
sophistication and wisdom from this arrogant autocrat.
Than Shwe has an agenda—he seeks to implement his seven-step “Road Map” and
somehow win the general election in 2010. And he doesn’t want Suu Kyi and the
democratic opposition to get in his way.
In the run-up to the election, he will continue locking up voices of dissent while Suu
Kyi watches from the sidelines.
At least Than Shwe’s message to the UN envoy is clear: the sanctions must be lifted
before he considers playing ball with the international community.
In December, the influential Washington Post reported: “In the months ahead, the
UN leadership will press the Obama administration to relax US policy on Burma
and to open the door to a return of international financial institutions, including the
World Bank.”
This may or may not work. Several years ago, when the World Bank offered the
regime US $1 billion in return for political reform, it was told in response: “Don’t
give us bananas; we are not monkeys.”
The Washington Post, in its report, quoted the Nigerian diplomat as saying: “It
cannot be business as usual. We need new thinking on how to engage with
Myanmar [Burma] in a way that will bring tangible results.”
The UN, he said, cannot rely simply on “the power of persuasion with too little in
the toolbox.”
That’s not to say that many Burmese dissidents want the targeted sanctions to be
lifted.
Strangely enough, the regime’s position has somehow been strengthened because of
the sanctions as they can be used as a bargaining chip in return for the release of
The military government has found that it can conveniently blame the sanctions for
Burma’s economic woes and use them as a smokescreen to disguise their corruption
and mismanagement of the economy.
The people of Burma may be suffering, but the generals have never had it so good—
stuffed overseas bank accounts and gas pipeline deals are keeping everyone in
Naypyidaw desirous of the status quo.
So what happened this week? The debate on sanctions was revisited, Suu Kyi
expressed her frustration and Gambari left Burma empty-handed.
COMMENTARY
A series of recent raids in Rangoon has again thrown the spotlight on the narcotics
trade and the roles played by high profile businessmen and members of the
Burmese military regime.
In one raid, two weeks ago, at least 28 kilograms of heroin were found in a
container on the Singaporean-flagged ship Kota Tegap, which was docked at
Rangoon's Asia World Port Terminal.
The terminal is owned by Tun Myint Naing, the son of former drug kingpin and
militia leader Lo Hsing Han, whose name is on the US Treasury Department
sanctions list. The container, which was bound for Singapore, is reportedly owned
by the Myanmar Timber Enterprise, a government-owned business that is also on
Sources in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy that in a subsequent sting operation, the
anti-narcotics police force also discovered another large cache of heroin in FMI
City, an upscale residential area in the city’s Hlaing Tharyar Township, and arrested
Kyaw Kyaw Min, a crab exporter in Bogalay Township, Irrawaddy Division, for
attempting to smuggle 32 kilograms of heroin out of the country aboard a container
ship.
The police special intelligence department, known as the Special Branch, is now
questioning the port employees, high-ranking government officials and prominent
businessmen in connection with the case.
Unconfirmed reports said that the owner of Rangoon's popular club BME, a
Kachin-Chinese businessman, known as Hsaio Haw, who has close links with
leaders of the infamous United Wa State Army, is implicated, together with some
family members of the Burmese ruling generals.
The case follows the leveling of charges against Maung Weik, one of the richest men
in Burma and a powerful friend of the country’s ruling military elite, and his
associate, Aung Zaw Ye Myint, son of the chief of the Bureau of Special Operations
No. 1, Lt- Gen Ye Myint, for drug abuse and involvement in trafficking.
Burma uses the occasion of the annual International Day against Drug Abuse and
Illicit Trafficking to announce drug seizure statistics and to expose offenders. But
high-profile cases are never publicized.
At the governmental level, Burma emphasizes its engagement with such neighbors
as China, India and Thailand in efforts to control drug trafficking, and its
implementation of a 15-year plan (1999-2014) to totally eradicate poppy growing in
three phases, each running for five years.
The drugs, however, continue to flow across Burma’s borders in all directions.
Tough suppression campaigns by neighboring countries such as Thailand and
China have led to drug traffickers turning increasingly to maritime routes to
smuggle drugs out of Burma.
At a news conference last year, the US Assistant Secretary of State for International
Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement, David Johnson, charged that the military
government has done little to deal with what has become Asia’s largest illegal drug
industry.
“Their efforts to reduce demand, interdict drug shipments and combat corruption
and money laundering continue to be lackluster,” he said.
It’s a bitter irony—while Burma’s exports such as rice, teak, beans, rubber and palm
oil have obviously suffered from the falloff in trade due to the global economic
slowdown, the demand for Burmese-produced drugs, an export that doesn’t figure
in the national income accounting, is still buoyant.
Opulence was the order of the day last Saturday, as Burmese Prime Minister Gen
Thein Sein’s daughter married Capt Han Win Aung at a government guest house in
Naypyidaw, in a ceremony attended by the country’s top generals and some of their
closest business associates.
According to one of the guests at the event, the bride and groom were showered
with gifts worth billions of kyat—or millions of dollars—including jewels, luxury
cars, houses and deeds to valuable real estate.
Burma’s military rulers and their cronies are no strangers to ostentation, but on this
occasion, there was at least some attempt to show restraint—by refraining from
announcing the wedding in the state-run media.
Guests were also expected to rein in their usual enthusiasm for photographic
trophies. Although the newlyweds had the good grace to put their guest’s largesse
on full display, no cameras were permitted to record the spectacle.
It was not without reason that the regime decided to exercise self-censorship: Two
and a half years ago, a video produced on a similar occasion angered the country’s
mostly impoverished masses by giving them a rare glimpse of the excesses of
Burma’s ruling elite.
In July 2006, footage of the nuptials between Thandar Shwe, daughter of the
Burmese regime’s supreme leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, and Maj Zaw Pho Win was
leaked to the exiled media and soon caught the attention of the international news
networks.
At the time, sources told The Irrawaddy that the wedding itself cost around US
$300,000. By some estimates, the value of the wedding gifts—including luxury cars,
houses and land—ranged as high as $50 million. (See “Popular Outrage Sparked by
‘Wedding of the Year’ Video” http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=6297)
The guest who attended last Saturday’s ceremony confirmed that the newlyweds
and their powerful parents were anxious to avoid similar speculation about the
extent of their personal wealth.
“The wedding ceremony was relatively low key because they didn’t want the news to
be leaked to outside media,” the source said.
Two days ago, Kyaw Thu was a deputy foreign minister who traveled to the
Irrawaddy delta region with visiting UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari. In Thursday’s
issue of The New Light of Myanmar he is described as chairman of the Civil Service
Selection and Training Board, considered a minister level but inactive post.
The New Light of Myanmar report was accompanied by a photo of Kyaw Thu at
Wednesday’s observances of the 61st anniversary of Sri Lanka’s Independence Day
in Rangoon.
The apparent reshuffle confused international observers and rang alarm bells
within UN agencies and INGOs operating inside Burma.
Why the consternation? Kyaw Thu is chairman of the Tripartite Core Group (TCG)
formed after Cyclone Nargis to coordinate aid to the stricken regions and grouping
Burma, the United Nations and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).
Since the formation of the TCG, Kyaw Thu has been seen meeting foreign
dignitaries and jetting around Asean nations. Despite being a former military
commander and a loyal supporter of the regime, he earned popularity among
international non-government organizations, UN agencies and Asean itself, where
he was praised for being cooperative and helpful.
This is not the first time Kyaw Thu has unexpectedly been shifted from one post to
another. He was made an ambassador after a dispute with one powerful military
commander, taking charge of embassies in South Africa and India. Ambassador
postings are considered a demotion in Burma.
It is still unclear, however, whether Kyaw Thu will be relinquishing his position at
the head of the TCG.
The TCG agreement between the Burmese regime, the UN and Asean expires in
June. A Cyclone Nargis donor meeting is to be held next week in Bangkok.
Burmese analysts said that Kyaw Thu’s future with the TCG is uncertain because, in
his new position, he no longer works as a minister in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs.
The Ministry is said to be plagued by rivalry and personal conflict. Foreign minister
Nyan Win and Deputy Foreign Minister Maung Myint, neither of whom speak good
English and who lack international experience, are at loggerheads with Kyaw Thu.
Ohn Maung, a veteran politician in Rangoon, said Kyaw Thu was kicked upstairs
because he was too exposed, too smart and too popular with foreigners and within
Asean.
The xenophobic regime usually suspects ministers and officials who are close to the
international community and who are often purged or sent into retirement.
“The generals demand a loyal guy, not a smart one,” said Ohn Maung.
An expert with the TCG said anonymously: “If the regime still wants him at the
TCG, he could continue the post. So wait and see.”
According to INGO workers operating in Burma, Kyaw Thu readily approved visas
for foreign relief workers who wanted to assist Cyclone Nargis victims.
If Kyaw Thu were now discarded “this is not good news for INGOs,” he said.
“INGOs and the UN working in Burma hope that the door will open more and more.
This is not a good sign.”
ဒီမိုကေရစီ
ခိုင္ထြန္း
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 04 2009 17:55 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/edop/songpa/2376-2009-02-04-11-39-35.html
မိန္းမတေယာက္ရဲ႕ အခ်စ္စစ္စစ္မ်ား
ႏွင္းပန္းအိမ္
ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 05 2009 16:02 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/edop/songpa/2381-2009-02-05-09-46-27.html
သတင္းစာႏွင့္စကၠဴ
ခိုင္ထြန္း
ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 06 2009 14:48 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
ေရႊက်င္ဂိုဏ္းလံုးကြ်တ္
သံဃာ့အစည္းအေ၀း က်င္းပ
ဖနိဒါ
ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 06 2009 20:14 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/news/inside-burma/2396-2009-02-06-13-57-
43.html
၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ ္ေက်ာင္းသားအဖြဲ႕၀င္ ၁၃
ဦးကို နယ္ေထာင္မ်ားပို႔
ကို၀ိုင္း
ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 06 2009 19:08 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/news/inside-burma/2394-2009-02-06-12-52-
35.html
(၁) ေဇာ္ထက္ကိုကို-ေက်ာက္ျဖဴေထာင္
(၁၂) မေလးေလးမြန္-ေရႊဘိုေထာင္
ဆလုိင္းပီပီ
ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 06 2009 20:12 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 05 2009 11:50 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းေမြးဖြားခဲ့ေသာ တပ္မေတာ္မွ
အရာရွိမ်ားက ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္အေၾကာင္းမေရးရန္ ပိတ္ပင္
မင္းႏုိင္သူ/၇ ေဖဖ၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/February_09/7-2-
09a.php
“ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာ အမ်ိဳးသားအားလုံးရဲ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ျဖစ္တယ္။အခုလုိလုပ္လုိက္တာဟာ
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ့ဂုဏ္ေရာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကုိေရာ
ေစာ္ကားတယ္။ျပည္သူတရပ္လုံးေလးစားၾကည္ညဳိတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တေယာက္ကုိ
ဒီလုိလုပ္လုိက္တာဟာ ျပည္သူကုိလည္းေစာ္ကားရာေရာက္တယ္။ဒီဟာကုိ
ျပန္ျပီးသုံးသပ္ေပးပါဆုိျပီး တင္ခဲ့တယ္။ေဆာင္ရြက္တာ မေဆာင္ရြက္တာက သူ႔အပိုင္းေပါ့။
က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ မွတ္တမ္းေပါ့။Record အေနနဲ႔တင္ခဲ့တယ္။အဲဒီဟာကုိ သူ႔ဟာသူ
ျဖဲပစ္လုိက္လည္း မတတ္ႏုိင္ဘူး။သူ႔အပုိင္းပဲ”ဟု ဦးသန္း၀င္းလႈိင္က ဆုိသည္။
MYAWADDY, Myanmar: Before entering Myanmar from Thailand, you scrub your
bags of any hint that you might be engaged in some pernicious evil, such as
espionage, journalism or promotion of human rights.
Then you exit from the Thai town of Mae Sot and walk across the gleaming white
"friendship bridge" to the Burmese immigration post on the other side. Entering
Myanmar (which traditionally has been known as Burma), you adjust your watch:
Myanmar is 30 minutes - and 50 years - behind.
Already Myanmar's government is one of the most brutal in the world, and in recent
months it has become even more repressive.
"Politically, things are definitely getting worse," said David Mathieson, an expert on
Myanmar for Human Rights Watch living on the Thai-Burmese border. "They've just
sent hundreds of people who should be agents of change to long prison terms."
The Burmese junta has ruled despotically since 1988, ignoring democratic
elections. Since then, sanctions have had zero effect in moderating the regime.
I have vast respect for Aung San Suu Kyi, the extraordinary woman who won a
Nobel Peace Prize for standing up to the country's thugs.
Instead, the best bet is financial sanctions that specifically target individuals close
to the regime - and, even more, a clampdown on Burma's arms imports.
"It would be very difficult to get an arms embargo through the Security Council, but
that's something that really goes to the heart of any military regime," Mathieson
said. "You lock them out of the tools of their own self-aggrandizement and
repression."
President George W. Bush tried to help Burmese dissidents, but he had zero
international capital. The Obama administration, in contrast, has a chance to lead
an international initiative to curb Burmese arms imports and bring the regime to the
negotiating table.
Myanmar's weapons have come from or through China, Russia, Ukraine, Israel and
Singapore, and Russia is even selling Myanmar's dictators a nuclear reactor,
Mathieson said.
You leave the bustle and dynamism of Thailand and encounter a stagnating
backwater of antique cars and shacks beside open sewers.
The most flourishing business we saw on the Burmese side belonged to a snake
charmer who set up temporary shop outside a temple.
The moment a crowd gathered, an armed soldier ran over in alarm - and then
relaxed when he saw that the only threat to public order was a cobra.
In Mae Sot, Thailand, I visited with former Burmese political prisoners, like the
courageous Bo Kyi. They are at risk of being killed by Burmese government
assassins, yet they are campaigning aggressively for change.
Equally inspiring are the Free Burma Rangers, who risk their lives to sneak deep
into the country for months at a time to provide medical care and document human
rights abuses.
One gutsy American working with the group, who asked that his name not be used
for security reasons, communicated with me by satellite phone from his hiding place
deep inside Myanmar.
He knows that the Burmese government will kill him if it catches him, yet he stays to
gather photos and other evidence of how Burmese soldiers are drafting ethnic
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jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
Karen villagers for forced labor and are raping women and girls. One recent case
described by the Free Burma Rangers involved a 7-year-old girl who was raped,
and then killed.
The courage of these people seeking a new Myanmar is infectious and inspiring. In
this new administration, let's help them - and see if with new approaches we can
finally topple one of the most odious regimes in the world
BANGKOK: Hollywood star Angelina Jolie has called on Thailand to respect the
human rights of Myanmar's Rohinyga boat people, after Thai authorities pushed
hundreds of them out to sea, a U.N. spokeswoman said Friday.
Jolie — who is deeply involved in the plight of refugees in her capacity as a United
Nations goodwill ambassador — toured one of several camps in Thailand sheltering
refugees from Myanmar's military regime with her partner Brad Pitt on Wednesday.
Some Rohingyas — who are denied citizenship in their native land — tried to land
in Thailand recently after treacherous sea journeys only to be towed back to sea
and cast adrift by the Thai navy. Indian officials rescued some but believe hundreds
perished.
McKinsey said Jolie "was extremely touched by the plight of the Rohingya people,"
and that she had expressed hope "that the human rights of the Rohingya people
will be respected just as the human rights of everyone in the world should be
respected."
The Rohingya boat people represent just a part of Myanmar's refugee exodus.
Many flee to Thai refugee camps where they remain for years with little chance of
resettlement in third countries.
On Wednesday, Jolie slapped a bright blue U.N. baseball cap on her head and
toured the bamboo huts of the Ban Mai Nai Soi camp, home to 18,111 mainly
ethnic Karenni refugees, just two miles (three kilometers) from the Myanmar border,
near the northern Thai town of Mae Hong Son.
There are between 116,000 and 135,000 refugees living in camps along the border.
"Yes, I was scared," Pan Sein replied. "It was dangerous to flee, but even more
dangerous to stay in my village."
Jolie's mission has taken her to more than 20 countries to comfort refugees and
this was 33-year-old actress's third such trip to Thailand.
"I was saddened to meet a 21-year-old woman who was born in a refugee camp,
who has never even been out of the camp and is now raising her own child in a
camp," Jolie said.
Thailand recognizes most at the border camps as refugees with legitimate reason
to fear returning to their homeland, but it does not accord that status to the Muslim
Rohingyas, and seeks to send them away.
"Visiting Ban Mai Nai Soi and seeing how hospitable Thailand has been to 111,000
mostly Karen and Karenni refugees over the years makes me hope that Thailand
will be just as generous to the Rohingya refugees who are now arriving on their
shores," Jolie said.
McKinsey said Jolie and Pitt arrived in Thailand by private jet and would be
spending some "private time" together. She said she did not know when they would
leave the country.
Special envoy Ibrahim Gambari met with Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein on
Tuesday before ending his four-day visit with no public comment — and no sign of
progress on promoting democracy and political reconciliation.
Myanmar's military, which has ruled the country since 1962, when it was known as
Burma, tolerates virtually no dissent.
Western nations, including the United States, impose economic and political
sanctions on Myanmar because of its poor human rights record and failure to
restore democracy.
"If the U.N. wants to see economic development and political stability, the U.N.
should first try to remove economic sanctions and visa bans," was the prime
minister's response, according to state television reported.
Thein Sein said economic sanctions amount to human rights violations, affecting
health, economic and social conditions.
On Monday, Gambari met with Suu Kyi, a minor breakthrough because she had
refused to see him on his previous visit in August last year. She has expressed
disappointment with the U.N.'s failure to persuade the ruling junta to give up its
monopoly on power.
Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest, has been detained more than 13 of the
past 19 years.
Gambari did not meet with junta chief Senior Gen. Than Shwe during this week's
visit, as he did on his previous three trips.
The United Nations largely failed to nudge the military regime toward talks with the
opposition, hoping the top generals would respond to international pressure to
embrace national reconciliation following its violent suppression of protests in 2007.
Human rights groups say Myanmar now holds more than 2,100 political prisoners,
up sharply from nearly 1,200 before the mass pro-democracy demonstrations in
2007.
"Containment of the problem is under threat," Gary Lewis, the representative for
East Asia of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, said at a news
conference Monday. "Opium prices are rising in this region," he said. "It's going to
be an incentive for farmers to plant more."
Since then, opium cultivation has bounced back by around 33 percent, to 28,500
hectares last year.
UN officials warn that the global economic crisis may fuel an increase in poppy
production because falling prices for other crops may persuade farmers to switch to
opium.
Leik Boonwaat, the representative in Laos for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime,
said corn prices had fallen by half over the past year. The price of opium, by
contrast, has increased 26 percent in Laos and 15 percent in Myanmar over the
same period.
Farmers in the isolated highlands of the Golden Triangle are also hampered by bad
roads and difficulties getting their crops to market. They often find that small parcels
of opium are easier to carry across the rough terrain.
Although opium is still grown in parts of Laos, Vietnam and Thailand, UN officials
say that about 94 percent of the region's opium comes from Myanmar. Most of the
Golden Triangle heroin is sold within the region, Boonwaat said, but small amounts
also reach the United States and Australia. Recent seizures of heroin thought to
come from the Golden Triangle have been made on the Thai resort island of
Phuket, Ho Chi Minh City and Yangon, Myanmar's commercial capital.
The alarming spread of HIV by heroin users in southern China several years ago
persuaded the Chinese authorities to crack down on opium and heroin trafficking.
Western intelligence officials say Chinese spies are active in anti-narcotics
operations in Myanmar, especially in northern areas where central government
control is weak.
The UN report did not cover methamphetamine production and distribution, which
among some criminal syndicates has displaced opium and heroin in the region.
Afghanistan remains the world's premier source of opium, producing more than 90
percent of global supply.
Afghan soil is also remarkably more fertile than the rocky, unirrigated opium fields
in the Golden Triangle. The UN estimates in its 2008 report that one hectare of land
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jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
yielded an average of 14.4 kilograms, or 31.7 pounds, of opium in Myanmar but
48.8 kilograms in Afghanistan
YANGON, Myanmar: The detained Burmese opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi,
expressed frustration to a UN envoy Monday over the organization's failure to
persuade the country's military leaders to give up their monopoly on power, her
party said.
The Nobel laureate in peace, who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years
under house arrest, was briefly allowed out Monday for a meeting with the UN
representative, Ibrahim Gambari.
Nyan Win, a spokesman for Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy,
said that during the meeting she had explained to Gambari that "she was ready and
willing to meet anyone" to achieve political reform but "could not accept having
meetings without achieving any outcome."
Aung San Suu Kyi's party has charged that Gambari's seven visits since 2007 have
produced no tangible democratic progress, noting that they have not persuaded the
junta to release political prisoners or to hold talks with the democratic opposition.
In August, Aung San Suu Kyi snubbed Gambari by failing to keep an expected
appointment with him and refusing to open the gates of her Yangon home to his
representatives. The gesture was surprising because Aung San Suu Kyi's house
arrest keeps her in extreme isolation, and Gambari is one of the few outsiders -
other than her lawyer and doctor - allowed to see her.
Myanmar's military, which has ruled the country since 1962, when it was known as
Burma, tolerates no dissent and crushed pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist
monks in September 2007. Human rights groups say it is holding more than 2,100
political prisoners, up sharply from nearly 1,200 before the demonstrations.
Gambari arrived Saturday for a four-day visit. He said earlier that his objectives
were to urge the junta to free political prisoners, discuss the ailing economy and
revive a dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi.
Nyan Win said Aung San Suu Kyi also told the UN official that rule of law does not
exist in Myanmar and referred to lengthy sentences given to political prisoners, the
arrest of defense lawyers and other actions by the junta.
He said the UN secretary general, Ban Ki Moon - who visited in May after Cyclone
Nargis devastated coastal areas - should not make any further visits until Aung San
Suu Kyiand other political prisoners have been released.
BANGKOK: Rising prices for opium in Southeast Asia and the global economic
downturn may trigger a surge in the cultivation of the illegal drug in Myanmar, which
until recently was in sharp decline, U.N. drug experts said Monday.
Nearly all the world's opium comes from Afghanistan but military-ruled Myanmar is
the second biggest source, accounting for almost 5 percent of global production.
In 1999, the country set out to become opium-free by 2014 and the campaign made
considerable strides, with the amount of land cultivated for opium plummeting from
322,000 acres (130,300 hectares) in 1998 to 53,000 acres (21,500 hectares) in
2006.
A United Nations report released Monday however said that the amount of land
being cultivated climbed to 70,400 acres (28,500 hectares) last year, mainly due to
rising prices.
"Rising opium prices may make it more attractive for farmers to revert back to
opium cultivation, especially if no alternative sources of income are available,"
Antonio Maria Costa, executive director of the United Nations Office of Drugs and
Crime, said in the report, which called for more international assistance.
The strong increase in the price of Myanmar's opium was due to reduced
production and continued demand from China, Australia and other countries in the
region, it said.
Weak prices for legal agricultural commodities make the situation more difficult, as
does the soft global economy, said an experts at a news conference to release the
report.
"We would expect that with the global financial meltdown many people will be
unemployed," said Gary Lewis, also from the U.N. agency. Most will try to earn their
living legally, "but when those options are exhausted they will turn quite naturally to
other means to survive. Some of those will involve trafficking in illicit and narcotic
products."
Myanmar in 2008 is estimated to have produced 410 tons of opium, involving the
work of 840,000 people and $123 million in revenue for those farming the poppy
plant, it said.
The average price paid to farmers in Myanmar for the 2008 opium harvest was
$137 per pound ($301 per kilogram), up from the 2007 average of $120 per pound
($265 per kilogram). In Afghanistan, the average price in November 2008 was $55
per kilogram, down sharply from early 2007 when it was above $100 per kilogram.
Dramatic differences in the price of opium between regions and sometimes even
within regions or countries is not unusual, the report said.
The region of Southeast Asia where the borders of Myanmar, Thailand and Laos
meet, known as the Golden Triangle, produced more than half of the world's opium
in 1990 and one-third in 1998
YANGON, Myanmar: Detained Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
expressed frustration to a U.N. envoy Monday over the world body's failure to
persuade the country's hard-line military leaders to give up their monopoly on
power, her party said.
The Nobel Peace Prize laureate, who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years
under house arrest, was briefly allowed out Monday for a rare meeting with U.N.
representative Ibrahim Gambari.
Nyan Win, a spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, said
that during the meeting, Suu Kyi, 63, explained to Gambari that "she was ready and
willing to meet anyone" to achieve political reform but "could not accept having
meetings without achieving any outcome."
Suu Kyi's party has charged that Gambari's seven visits since 2007 have produced
no tangible democratic progress, noting they have not persuaded the junta to
release political prisoners nor to hold talks with the democratic opposition.
Last August, Suu Kyi snubbed Gambari by failing to keep an expected appointment
with him and refusing to open the gates of her Yangon home to his representatives.
The gesture was surprising because Suu Kyi's house arrest keeps her in extreme
isolation, with Gambari one of the rare outsiders — other than her lawyer and
doctor — allowed to see her.
Gambari arrived Saturday for a four-day visit. He told diplomats earlier that his
objectives are to urge the junta to free political prisoners, discuss the country's
ailing economy and revive a dialogue with Suu Kyi.
Government officials confirmed that Gambari and Suu Kyi met for 1 1/2 hours at a
state guest house near her home. The officials declined to give their names
because they were not authorized to speak to the media.
Nyan Win said Suu Kyi also told the U.N. official that rule of law does not exist in
Myanmar, citing lengthy sentences handed down to political prisoners, the arrest of
defense lawyers and other moves by the junta.
He said U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon — who visited Myanmar last May
after Cyclone Nargis devastated coastal areas — should not make any additional
visits until after Suu Kyi, deputy party leader Tin Oo and other political prisoners
have been released.
It was unclear whether Gambari would meet with junta leader Senior Gen. Than
Shwe. The general has shunned the envoy during his last three visits.
The Nobel Peace Prize laureate, who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years
under house arrest, had refused to see the envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, a former
Nigerian diplomat, during his last visit in August.
Aung San Suu Kyi explained to Gambari on Monday that "she was ready and
willing to meet anyone, but she could not accept having meetings without achieving
any outcome," said a spokesman for her National League for Democracy party.
Nyan Win also said that the UN secretary general, Ban Ki Moon - who visited
Myanmar last May after Cyclone Nargis devastated coastal areas - should not
Myanmar's military, which has ruled the country since 1962, when it was known as
Burma, tolerates no dissent and crushed pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist
monks in September 2007.
Human rights groups say that it holds more than 2,100 political prisoners, up
sharply from nearly 1,200 before the demonstrations.
The one-and-a-half-hour meeting between Gambari and Aung San Suu Kyi took
place at the state guest house, said officials who declined to give their names
because they were not authorized to speak to the press.
Gambari arrived Saturday for a four-day visit, the seventh of his trips to Myanmar,
which have failed to produce significant results.
Nyan Win said that the 63-year-old opposition leader told the UN official that rule of
law did not exist in Myanmar, citing lengthy sentences handed down to political
prisoners, the arrest of defense lawyers and other moves by the ruling junta to
suppress justice.
Gambari told diplomats earlier that his objectives were to urge the release of
political prisoners, discuss the country's ailing economy and revive a dialogue
between Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta.
It was unclear whether Gambari would see the junta's leader, General Than Shwe,
who has shunned the envoy during his last three visits.
Ban expressed frustration after Gambari's August visit when the junta ignored
requests that it release political prisoners and resume dialogue with Aung San Suu
Kyi.
During Ban's visit last May, he persuaded Than Shwe to ease access for foreign
aid workers and relief supplies aimed at the thousands of victims of the cyclone.
The current junta came to power in 1988 after crushing a nationwide pro-
democracy movement. It held elections in 1990 but refused to honor the results
after Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory
YANGON, Myanmar: The United Nations' special envoy to Myanmar met Sunday
with government ministers and diplomats in a renewed effort to promote political
reform in the military-ruled country, officials and diplomats said.
It remained unclear whether U.N. envoy Ibrahim Gambari would be able to meet
with detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his four-day visit, which
started Saturday. The trip, his seventh, comes amid criticism that he has failed to
produce significant results.
Gambari told diplomats that his objectives are to urge the release of political
prisoners, discuss the country's ailing economy and revive a dialogue between Suu
Kyi and the junta, a Western diplomat said.
Ban visited Myanmar last May after Cyclone Nargis devastated coastal areas and
persuaded the junta's top leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, to ease access for
foreign aid workers and relief supplies.
Gambari met Sunday with Aung Kyi, the government minister responsible for
relations with Suu Kyi, but it remained unclear whether he would meet the detained
Nobel Peace Prize laureate, a government official said on condition of anonymity
because he was not authorized to speak to the media.
It also was unclear whether Gambari would see Than Shwe, who has shunned the
envoy during his last three visits.
Suu Kyi, 63, who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest,
refused to see Gambari during his last visit in August, but her party spokesman said
Saturday that he "strongly believes she will meet the special envoy this time."
The U.N. secretary-general expressed frustration after Gambari's August visit when
the junta ignored requests that it release political prisoners and resume dialogue
with Suu Kyi.
Myanmar's military, which has ruled the country since 1962, when it was known as
Burma, tolerates no dissent and crushed pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist
The current junta came to power in 1988 after crushing a nationwide pro-
democracy movement. It held elections in 1990 but refused to honor the results
after Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory.
YANGON, Myanmar: Myanmar said the Rohingya boat people found adrift in the
Andaman Sea last week could not have come from its shores because they are not
among its recognized ethnic groups, state media reported Friday.
"Rohingya people are not among Myanmar's more than 100 ethnic minority
groups," the newspaper said.
However, the newspaper reported that the government will "take necessary
measures and deal with the matter."
The newspaper did not elaborate, though on Monday, Myanmar military leaders
told their Thai counterparts they would try and prevent any Rohingya migrants from
leaving the country.
The issue of the Rohingyas — several hundred thousand people who live along the
border with Bangladesh — is very sensitive in Myanmar.
It has denied them citizenship and has been accused of widespread rights abuses
against their communities including forced labor, forced evictions from their land
and prohibitions on their movements.
The mention of the Rohingyas in the state media Friday was the first since
allegations arose earlier this month that Thai authorities were forcing their boats
back out to sea.
Human rights groups say the Thai navy has twice intercepted boats with Rohingyas
and sent them back to the open seas, where hundreds later died.
Human rights agencies and the U.S. government have long asserted that the
Rohingya face gross discrimination and are denied citizenship in their homeland of
Myanmar, also called Burma, because they are Muslims.
For years, human rights groups have accused military-ruled Myanmar, which is
about 90 percent Buddhist, of mistreating ethnic minorities.
About 200,000 Rohingyas live in Bangladesh, where about 28,000 live in camps
and have been granted refugee status. Many more brave the seas in search of a
better life, often traveling to Thailand on their way to Malaysia
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးတို႔ေပးတဲ့ အကယ္ဒမီ၊
မိန္းမေတြကို ေပးဖို႔ ဟုတ္ဘူး …
မိုင္အကယ္ဒမီစိန္
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၉၊ ၂၀၀၉ http://moemaka.blogspot.com/
အကယ္ဒမီေတြေပးတယ္ဆုိေတာ့ လူတုိင္း၊ ပရိသတ္တုိင္း စိတ္၀င္တစား ၾကည့္ၾကတယ္ေပါ့။
ဘယ္သူဘယ္၀ါ ရမယ္ဆိုတာကလညး္ အျပင္မွာ နံမယ္ၾကီးတဲ့သူေတြ ရွိေနေတာ့လည္း
တုိက္ရုိက္ထုတ္လႊင့္တဲ့ အစီအစဥ္ကုိ မလြတ္တမ္းၾကည့္လုိ႕ ၀တ္စားဆင္ယင္ထုံးဖဲြ႕မူေတြၾကည့္ျပီး
သူကေတာ့ ရမယ္ထင္တယ္နဲ႕ ထင္ေၾကးေတြ ေပးၾကပါတယ္။
ေနျပည္ေတာ္ဆုိတဲ့ အင္မတန္အလွမ္းေ၀းတဲ့ေနရာကုိ တကူးတက ခက္ခက္ခဲခဲ
သြားေရာက္ၾကတဲ့မင္းသား၊ မင္းသမီးေတြကုိ ၾကည့္ျပီး စိတ္မေကာင္းပါဘူးခင္ဗ်ာ။
မသြားလည္းခက္ သြားရတာလည္းခက္ မဟုတ္လား။ ဒီလုိေနရာမ်ဴိးထက္ ရန္ကုန္မွာသာ
က်င္းပရင္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ေကာငး္လုိက္မလဲလုိ႕ သူတုိ႕ရင္ထဲမွာ ေတာင္းဆုိေနမယ္ ဆုိတာ
ပရိသတ္ေတြ သိပါတယ္။
စစ္အစုိးရရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သကာသန၊ တန္ဆာတခုအျဖစ္ ျပန္ေပးဆြဲအလုပ္ခံလုိက္ရတဲ့ ဒီပဲြဟာျဖင့္
အဲသည္ တန္ဆာခံလာခဲ့တာ ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္ကတညး္က ဆုိေတာ့ တြက္ၾကည့္လုိက္ေပါ့ေနာ္။
ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အႏုပညာဆုိတဲ့ ရင္ခုန္သံကုိ အေရာင္ဆုိးပစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီစစ္အစုိးရရဲ႕လုပ္ရပ္ကုိ
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 73 62
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
အားမတန္လုိ႕မာန္ေလ်ာ့ခဲ့ရတဲ့ အႏုပညာသမားေတြ ဒီလုိေနရာကို သြားရေကာင္းလားလုိ႕
အျပစ္တင္ေနမိတဲ့ၾကားက သူတုိ႕ရဲ႕အႏုပညာစိတ္ဓါတ္ကုိေတာ့ျဖင့္ မခ်ီးက်ဴးဘဲ မေနႏုိင္ခဲ့ပါဘူး။
အကယ္ဒမီ ဆုိတာ လုိခ်င္တာေပ့ါခင္ဗ်ာ။ အႏုပညာသမားက အႏုပညာကလဲြျပီး
ဘာလုပ္တတ္မွာမုိ႔လဲ။
လက္နက္ကိုင္စစ္အစုိးရက လက္နက္ျပျပီး ရုပ္ရွင္ရုိက္ခုိ္င္း အကယ္ဒမီေပးပဲြတက္ခုိင္းလည္း
တက္ေနရမယ့္ဟာ မဟုတ္လား။ အႏုပညာသည္ေတြကုိ အဲသည္လုိ ၾကိဳးကြင္းစြပ္ျပီး
ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကုိ အႏုိင္နဲ႕ပိုင္းေခၚေတာ့ သြားၾကရတာ ဂရုဏာျဖစ္မိပါတယ္။ ဒီၾကားထဲမွာ
စစ္အစုိးရကုိ သိပ္ဖားျပီး အိေျႏၵပ်က္၊ ရုပ္ပ်က္ ဆင္းပ်က္လွတဲ့ အႏုပညာ
ေဒါင္းေယာင္ေဆာင္ထားတဲ့ က်ီးေတြကုိေတာ့ ပရိသတ္က ခဲြျခားသိခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
စစ္အစုိးရမင္းမ်ား အာဏာအဓြန္႔ကို ခစားၾကတဲ့ အကယ္ဒမီေခါစာပစ္ပြဲၾကီးမွာ အလြန္တရာမွ
ရွားပါးလွတဲ့ အႏုပညာစစ္စစ္ေတြကုိလည္း ေတြ႕ျမင္ခြင့္ရလုိက္ရတာဟာ ပရိသတ္ေတြအတြက္
အားေဆးတခြက္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္လုိ႕ သိေစခ်င္တဲ့စိတ္နဲ႕ ဒီႏွစ္အကယ္ဒမီကုိ ရင္ခုန္လုိက္ရပါတယ္။
ဒီႏွစ္ေတာ့ အကယ္ဒမီဆုကုိ ရုပ္ရွင္ကား ႏွစ္ကားက ဆြတ္ခူးသြားတာ သိျပီးေပါ့။ ကုိးဆယ္ဆ
သာလိမ့္မယ္ ဆုိတဲ့ နံမယ္ၾကီး ျပဇာတ္တပုဒ္ကုိ ရုိက္ခဲ့တဲ့ကားက အကယ္ဒမီဆုေတြ သိမ္းက်ဴးံ
ယူသြားပါတယ္။ ဒါရုိက္တာဆု၊ ရုပ္ရွင္ဆု၊ မင္းသားဇာတ္ပုိ႕ဆု၊ မင္းသားဇာတ္ေဆာင္ဆုေတြပါ။
အားပါးတရပါပဲ။ ေက်ာ္ရဲေအာင္ရဲ႕ ဇာတ္ကြက္တစ္ကြက္ကုိ တျခားသူရတဲ့အခန္းမွာ
ၾကည့္လုိက္ရေတာ့ အဲဒီအခန္းမွာ ေက်ာ္ရဲေအာင္က အသံတိတ္အမူအယာကုိ ပုိင္ႏုိင္စြာ
သရုပ္ေဆာင္သြားတာ ေတြ႕လုိက္ရပါတယ္။ သူ႕ညီမကုိ သမီးမဂၤလာေဆာင္မွာ
နံမယ္မထည့္ဘူးလုိ႕ ေဇာ္၀မး္ လာေျပာတဲ့အခန္းမွာ ေက်ာ္ရဲေအာင္ဟာ
ခပ္လွမ္းလွမ္းစားပဲြမွာထုိင္ျပီး အသံတိတ္သရုပ္ေဆာင္ခန္းကုိ ေတြ႕ရတာ၊ ေက်ာ္ရဲေအာင္
အဲဒီအခန္းမွာ ရေစခ်င္သြားပါတယ္။ ေက်ာ္ရဲေအာင္ဟာ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ေပါက္ကြဲျပီး
ေအာ္ဟစ္တတ္တဲ့ အမူအယာမ်ဴိးမွာ ေတြ႕ရတတ္ပါတယ္။ သို႕ေပမယ့္ အဲသည္အခန္းမွာ
အသံတိတ္အမူအယာမ်ဴိးကုိ သရုပ္ေဆာင္တတ္ပါလား လုိ႕ သူ႕ကုိ ခ်ီးက်ဴးလုိက္ပါရေစ။
အကယ္ဒမီဆုရွင္ေတြက ဆုယူအျပီးမွာ တစ္ေယာက္ခ်င္း ေက်းဇူးတင္စကား
ေျပာၾကတဲ့အခါမွာေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလးကုိ စိတ္ေက်နပ္စရာ ေကာင္းလွပါတယ္။
ရုပ္ရွင္ထုတ္လုပ္ဆုရ ျမင့္မာလာ ရုပ္ရွင္ထုတ္လုပ္ေရး ပုိင္ရွင္ ဦးမ်ဳိးသိန္းက
သူနဲ႕ဆရာၾကီးဦးသုခတုိ႕ ဆုံဆည္းခဲ့စဥ္ ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ အမွတ္တရ စကားလက္ေဆာင္ေလး ကုိ
ေပးသြားတာ မွတ္သားစရာပါဗ်ာ။ အႏုပညာသည္ေတြအခ်င္းခ်င္း ရိုေသတဲ့ လက္တြဲညီညာတဲ့
ဂါရ၀တရား။ အဲဒါနဲ႕ သတင္းစာအလာေစာင့္ျပီး အျပည့္အစုံကို ထည့္ရုိက္ေပးဖုိ႕ ျပင္လုိက္တာဗ်ာ။
သတင္းစာက ေန႕လည္မွ လာတယ္။ အေျပးအလႊားရွာေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ေက်ာ္ဆန္းရဲ႕
မိန္႕ခြန္းအျပည့္အစုံသာ ဖတ္လိုက္ရပါတယ္။ အႏုပညာရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ ေက်းဇူးတင္စကား
အဖိုးတန္ေတြေတာ့ ပါမလာေၾကာင္းပါ။
ရုပ္ရွင္ေတးဂီတဆု စိန္မြတ္တား၊ ဒါရုိက္တာဆု ေမာင္ယဥ္ေအာင္၊ ရုပ္ရွင္ထုတ္လုပ္ေရးဆု
ျမင့္မာလာရုပ္ရွင္၊ ဓါတ္ပုံဆု ေက်ာက္ျဖဴ(ပေဒသာ)၊ ဇာတ္ပုိ႕ဆု မိုးဒီႏွင့္ ဇာတ္ေဆာင္ဆု
ေက်ာ္ရဲေအာင္တုိ႕၏ ေက်းဇူးတင္စကားမ်ားကုိလညး္ ပရိသတ္တစ္ဦးအေနႏွင့္ ေက်နပ္အားရမိ၊
ဂုဏ္ယူေလးစား ၾကည္ညိဳမိရပါေၾကာင္းကုိ မွတ္တမ္းတင္လုိက္ပါရေစ။ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြ၊ မဂၢဇင္းေတြ
ထြက္ေတာ့ ပါပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ေစာင့္သာ ဖတ္ၾကေပေတာ့။
(Photo: Weltenwanderer)
အိႏၵိယမွ ေရႊတိဂုံ
ဓာတ္ပုံသတင္း
ပုိမုိသိရိွလုိပါက http://nyimuyar.blogspot.com/2009/02/global-vipassana-pagoda.html
တြင္ ဖတ္ရွဳႏုိင္သည္။
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ထြက္လာတဲ့ အုိးေဝ မဂၢဇင္း အဂၤလိပ္စာ က႑မွာ The Hell Hound At Large
ငရဲေခြးႀကီး လြတ္ေနၿပီ ဆုိတဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါး ပါလာတယ္။ ေရးတဲ့သူက ယမမင္းလုိ႔ အမည္ခံထားတဲ့
ဦးညိဳျမပါ။ ဒီ ေဆာင္းပါးဟာ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသုိလ္ ပါေမာကၡခ်ဴပ္ မစၥတာ စေလာ့ ကုိ ေဝဖန္
တုိက္ခုိက္ထားတဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါး ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။
ႏွစ္သစ္ကူး ႏႈတ္ခြန္းဆက္
ဟိုက္ …
www.vri.dhamma.org
ပဓာနဆရာေတာ္တပၝး အလၾဲသံုးစားမႁမဵား
ဴပႍနာ အဴငင္းပၾားေန
2009-02-06 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/abbot_abusing_funds-
02062009145420.html/story_main?textonly=1
ညၾန္ေပၝင္းအစိုးရအဖဲၾႛကို ဘာေဳကာင့္အခုမႀ
တိုင္းရင္းသားေတၾနဲႛ
ပူးေပၝင္းဖဲၾႛစည္းဖိုႛလုပ္ရသလဲ
2009-02-08 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Why_ncgub_extended_with_ethnics-
02082009121953.html
(ဆက္လက္ေဖာ္ျပပါမည္။)
ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွစ္ဦး ေထာင္ဒဏ္
အျပစ္ေပးခံရ
09 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-09-voa5.cfm
မရမ္းကုန္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ တရားပြဲအပိတ္ခံရ
မင္းႏုိင္သူ/ ၁၀ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/February_09/10-2-
09d.php
ေရႊတိဂုံဘုရားအလႉေငြမ်ားကုိ ဘာသာျခားလုပ္ငန္းရွင္တဦးအား
ကန္ထ႐ုိက္ေပးထားသည္ဆု္ိသည့္ ေရရာမႈမရွိသည့္ အင္တာနက္တြင္ ျဖန္႔ေနသည့္
ေကာလာဟလ သတင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေရႊတိဂုံဘုရား ေဂါပကအဖြဲ႔သို႔ ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္က
ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းရာ ေဂါပကအေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉး ဦး၀င္းႀကဳိင္က ယခုကဲ့သို႔
ျငင္းဆုိလုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
အကယ္ဒမီလည္း ယၾတာပါပဲ
(ေဆာင္းပါး)
ပညာေက်ာ္ / ၁၀ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/February_09/10-
2-09.php
ျမန္မာ႐ုပ္ရွင္ထုတ္လုပ္မႈ တႏွစ္ထက္
တႏွစ္နည္းလာ
NEJ/ ၉ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
ယခင္ ၁၉၇၁ မွ ၁၉၈ဝ အတြင္း ႐ုပ္ရွင္ဇာတ္ကား (၅၆၅) ကား ထုတ္လုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး တႏွစ္ ႐ုပ္ရွင္
(၅၆) ကားႏႈန္း ထုတ္လုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး လက္ရွိ ၁၉၉၇ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၂ဝဝ၆ (၁ဝ) ႏွစ္ကာလအတြင္း စုစုေပါင္း
႐ုပ္ရွင္ဇာတ္ကား (၁၇၆) ကား ထုတ္လုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ တႏွစ္ ပ်မ္းမွ် (၁၇) ကားႏႈန္းခန္႔သာ ရွိ၍
ေနာက္ပိုင္းႏွစ္မ်ားတြင္ ပိုဆိုးမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
ေနျပည္ေတာ္ၫႊန္မႉးေပါင္းစုံကုိ
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲစည္း႐ုံးခုိင္းရန္ ျပင္ဆင္
NEJ/ ၆ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ေဒါက္တာစိန္၀င္း
အမ္ပီယူ ဒု-ဥကၠ႒ ေဒၚစန္းစန္းကုိ
လစာမေပးဘဲထား
NEJ/ ၆ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ျမန္မာမဟုတ္ဟု
ဘန္ေကာက္ျမန္မာသံ႐ုံးေျပာ
NEJ/ ၆ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
၁။ Abdul Bashar
၂။ Zohora Begum
၃။ Abul Khair
၄။ Abdus Sobhan
၅။ Abdul Bashar
၆။ Rashid Ahmed
၇။ Nasiruddin (ဦးဖုိးခို္င္)
စုလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈ
ရန္ကုန္မွာစၿပီ
ျမင့္မုိးေဇာ္/ ၁၀ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/news/February_09/10-2-09a.php
ျမန္မာျပည္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္က အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္၏
ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္ကုိ ေထာက္ခံျခင္းႏွင့္ လူထုတရပ္လံုး ပါ၀င္လာေအာင္ ႏႈိးေဆာ္ထားသည့္
ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္မ်ားကုိ လူထုတရပ္လံုးအတြက္ စေတးခံအေကာင္းဆံုးေျမၾသဇာအဖြဲ႔မွ
ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားက လမ္းဆံုလမ္းခြမ်ားတြင္ လုိက္လံကပ္ျခင္း၊ ႀကဲခ်ျခင္းမ်ား
လႈပ္ရွားေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္ဟု စုံစမ္းသိရသည္။
အေျပာင္းအလဲအတြက္ လူထုသေဘာထား
ေဖာ္ထုတ္သင့္ၿပီ
NEJ/ ၁၀ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
'ဘုရားငေဆာင္' ထံ တပည့္ခံ႓ပီ
နိဒၝန္းအတၾက္ နိဂံုးအမႀာ
ထိန္ေအာင္
၂၀၀၉၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီ ၈ ရက္
ရည္ႌၿန္း စာအုပ္မဵား။ ။
ေအာက္ေဴခမႀတ္စု
[၈] "ေအ အို ေအ"၊ ခဵင္းတၾင္း မဂၢဇင္း၊ အမႀတ္ (၂၇) ၊ ဇၾန္လ၊ ၂ဝဝ၈ ႎႀင့္ "ဝန္႒ကီးခဵႂပ္ ဦးႎုအား
တရားစၾဲဆိုခဲ့စဥ္က"၊ ေတာင္တၾင္း႒ကီး တင္လႁိင္၊ ခဵင္းတၾင္း မဂၢဇင္၊ အမႀတ္ (၃၅)၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီလ၊
၂၀၀၉ တုိႛကို ဖတ္ပၝ။
ေနာက္ဆက္တၾဲ ရႀင္းလင္းခဵက္မဵား။
qdk&S,fvpfta&jcHK
ppftmPm&Sifacwf 1962-1988
ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး ေကာင္စီနဲႚ ဴမန္မာ့ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္
ပၝတီ (မဆလ) (၁၉၆၂ - ၁၉၈၈)
အခု နအဖ က ဳကံ့ဖၾံႚကို ေမၾးဴမႃ႓ပီး ပၝတီစံု ဒီမိုကေရစီလိုႚ အမည္ခံကာ ဒုတိယ မဆလ ေခတ္
တေခတ္ ဴပန္လည္ ထူေထာင္မဲ့ ပံုမဵႂိး ခဵႂိးေနတာေဳကာင့္၊ ဗိုလ္ေနဝင္း ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး
ေကာင္စီနဲႚ ဴမန္မာ့ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္ ပၝတီ (မဆလ) ေခတ္မႀာ ဴဖစ္ပၾားခဲ့တဲ့ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံရဲႚ
ႎိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပၾားေရး၊ လူမႁေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး စတဲ့ အလႀည့္အေဴပာင္း ေတၾကို လက္လႀမ္း
မီသေလာက္ စုေဆာင္း တင္ဴပ လုိက္တာ ဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္။
၁၉၆၂ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဧ႓ပီလ ၃၀ ရက္ေနႚ၊ ရတနာပံု ေရတပ္ စခန္းမႀာ ကဵင္းပတဲ့ တပ္မႀႃးမဵား ညီလာခံ
ကေန ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး ေကာင္စီ ရဲႚ မူဝၝဒ သေဘာထား အဴဖစ္ "ဴမန္မာ့ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္" ကို
ခဵမႀတ္ လိုက္တယ္။ ဒီ ဴမန္မာ့ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္ ဆုိတာ အဲဒီ အခဵိန္က ကမာၲမႀာ
ကဵင့္သံုးေနတဲ့ ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္ (ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ ေဳကညာ စာတမ္း (ဝၝ) ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္
ပၝတီ ေဳကညာ စာတမ္း ကို ဳကည့္ပၝ။) မဵႂိးကို ကဵင့္သံုး တာမဵႂိး မဟုတ္၊ ဴမန္မာ့နည္း ဴမန္မာ့ဟန္
အမည္တပ္ကာ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ အေရဴခံႂ ထားတဲ့ ဂဵာမနီက နာဇီ အာဏာရႀင္ အမဵႂိးသားေရး ဝၝဒ
မဵႂိးသာ ဴဖစ္တယ္။
ပၝတီ ေထာင္႓ပီ
၁၉၆၂ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဇူလိုင္လ ၄ ရက္ေနႚမႀာ ဴမန္မာ့ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္ ပၝတီ (မဆလ)၊ The Burma
Socialist Programme Party (BSSP) ကို ဖၾဲႚစည္းရန္ ပၝတီ ဖၾဲႚစည္းပံု အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒကို
ဴပႉာန္းကာ၊ အဴမႂေတ ပၝတီ အဴဖစ္ စတင္ ဖၾဲႚစည္း ခဲ့တယ္။
ဴပည္သူပိုင္ အမည္ တပ္ကာ စစ္တပ္က ဴပည္သူ လူထုရဲႚ အိုးအိမ္ ပစၤည္း ဥစၤာေတၾကို အတင္း
အဓမၳ သိမ္းယူ႓ပီ
႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရး ေဆၾးေႎၾးပၾဲမဵား
လူဖမ္းပၾဲ႒ကီး စ႓ပီ
၁၉၆၇ ခုႎႀစ္ အတၾင္း ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး ေကာင္စီ ရဲႚ အုပ္ခဵႂပ္ ေနမႁကို ႎိုင္ငံေရး အရ၊
စည္း႟ံုးေရး အရ၊ စစ္ေရး အရ ဳသဇာ ႒ကီး႒ကီးမားမားနဲႚ ႓ခိမ္းေဴခာက္ ေတာ္လႀန္ေနတဲ့ ဗမာဴပည္
ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ ပၝတီ (ဗကပ) အတၾင္းမႀာ တ႟ုပ္ဴပည္က "ယဥ္ေကဵးမႁ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး" ကူးစက္ လာ႓ပီး၊
ဇၾန္လ ၁၈ ရက္ေနႚမႀာ ကၾန္ဴမႃနစ္ ပၝတီ ထူေထာင္ရာမႀာ အစကဦး ကတည္းက ပၝဝင္ခဲ့တဲ့
ေပၞလစ္ဴဗႃ႟ို အဖၾဲႚဝင္ ရဲေဘာ္ ဘတင္ (ခ) ဂိုရႀယ္နဲႚ ဗဟို ေကာ္မတီ အတၾင္းေရးမႀႃး ရဲေဘာ္ ေဌး
တုိႚကို "စိန္ - ပိန္ ဂိုဏ္း" အဴဖစ္ ပၝတီက စၾဲခဵက္တင္ စစ္ေဆးခဲ့႓ပီး ေသဒဏ္ ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီေနာက္
မႀာေတာ့ အေသမသတ္တဲ့ "ဴဖႂတ္ - ထုတ္ - သတ္" ပၝတီတၾင္း ေသၾးေခဵာင္း စီးမႁေတၾ ဴဖစ္ပၾား
ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ရဲေဘာ္ သံုးကဵိပ္ဝင္ ဗိုလ္ရန္ေအာင္ လည္း သတ္ခံရတဲ့ ထဲမႀာ ပၝသၾား ရႀာတယ္။
ထိုႚအတူ ပၝတီ ေခၝင္းေဆာင္ ေတၾနဲႚ ပၝတီဝင္ အမဵားအဴပားလည္း လက္နက္ခဵကာ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး
ေကာင္စီ နဲႚ မဆလမႀာ ပၝဝင္ ပူးေပၝင္း လာဳကတယ္။
၁၉၆၉ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဧ႓ပီ လထဲမႀာ အေရးေပၞ ေဆးကုသရန္နဲႚ ဗုဒၭဂၝယာမႀာ ဘုရားဖူး ထၾက္ရန္ ဦးႎုနဲႚ
မိသားစုဟာ အိႎၬိယကို ထၾက္ခၾာ လာခဲ့ဳကတယ္။ အိႎၬိယ မထၾက္မီ လအနည္းငယ္ အလုိက
ဦးႎုဟာ ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ အရပ္ရပ္ကို ဘာသာေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတၾ လႀယ္လည္ ေဆာင္႟ၾက္ရင္း သူႚ
အေပၞ လူထုရဲႚ ေထာက္ခံ အားေပးမႁ အတိမ္အနက္ကို စမ္းသပ္ ခဲ့ေသးတယ္။ ဦးႎုဟာ ေနရႀင္း
သတင္းစာ အယ္ဒီတာခဵႂပ္ ဦးေလာ႟ံုနဲႚ ေတၾႚဆံုတယ္၊ ႓ပီးေတာ့ လန္ဒန္ကို ဆက္ထၾက္ လာ႓ပီး၊
၁၉၆၉ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဳသဂုတ္လ ၂၉ ရက္ေနႚမႀာ သတင္းစာ ရႀင္းလင္းတခု ေခၞယူကာ ပၝလီမန္
ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပၝတီ (PDP) ကို ဖၾဲႚစည္း လိုက္ေဳကာင္းနဲႚ ေနဝင္း စစ္အုပ္စုကို လက္နက္
ေတာ္လႀန္မည္ ဴဖစ္ေဳကာင္း ေဳကညာခဲ့တယ္။
ပၝလီမန္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပၝတီ (PDP) မႀာ ဦးႎု - ဥကၠႉ၊ ရဲေဘာ္ သံုးကဵိပ္ဝင္ ဗိုလ္လကဵ္ာ -
ဒုဥကၠႉ၊ ဦးေလာ႟ံု - အေထၾေထၾ အတၾင္းေရးမႀႃး၊ ဝန္႒ကီးေဟာင္း ဦးသၾင္ - တၾဲဖက္ အေထၾေထၾ
အတၾင္းေရးမႀႃး၊ ေလတပ္ ဦးစီးခဵႂပ္နဲႚ ဗိုလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ေဟာင္း ေတာ္မီကလစ္ - ႎိုင္ငံဴခားေရးနဲႚ
ဘၸာေရး၊ ဗိုလ္မႀႃးခဵႂပ္ေဟာင္း ေစာဳကာဒိုး - စစ္ဦးစီးခဵႂပ္၊ ရဲေဘာ္ သံုးကဵိပ္ဝင္ ဗိုလ္ရန္ႎိုင္ -
ဒုစစ္ဦးစီးခဵႂပ္၊ ဦးဇာလီေမာ္ - တရားေရး တုိႚ ပၝဝင္တယ္။ လက္နက္ကိုင္ တပ္အဴဖစ္ ဴပည္ခဵစ္
လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ (Partriotic Liberation Army, PLA) စစ္တုိင္း ၂ တုိင္း ခဲၾ႓ပီး
ဖၾဲႚစည္းခဲ့တယ္။ ပီဒီပီ ပၝတီ လူငယ္ ဌာန အဴဖစ္ ဴပည္ခဵစ္ လူငယ္ တပ္ေပၝင္းစု (Partriotic Youth
Front, PYF) ကို ဦးတင္ေမာင္ဝင္း ေခၝင္းေဆာင္႓ပီး ဖၾဲႚစည္းခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမႀာ ရဲေဘာ္
သံုးကဵိပ္ဝင္ ဗိုလ္မႀႃး ေအာင္ပၝ ပီဒီပီမႀာ ပူးေပၝင္း ပၝဝင္ခဲ့တယ္။
ပီဒီပီ ပၝတီ ပဵက္သုဥ္း ခဲ့ရမႁနဲႚ ပတ္သက္႓ပီး ပၝတီ ဗဟုိ ေကာ္မတီဝင္ တဦး ဴဖစ္ေရာ၊
ဴပည္ခဵစ္ လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ အထူး တပ္ရင္း (၁) တပ္ရင္းမႀႃး အဴဖစ္ ပီဒီပီ
ပဵက္သုဥ္းတဲ့ အထိ တာဝန္ ယူခဲ့သူ ဦးတင္ေမာင္ဝင္း က သူႚရဲႚ ကုိယ္ေရး အတၪႂပၯတၨိ ဴဖစ္တဲ့
"ႎိုင္ငံေရး သမားႎႀင့္ ႎိုင္ငံေရး" စာအုပ္မႀာ အခုလို သံုးသပ္ ခဲ့ပၝတယ္။
၁၉၇၀ မႀာ မဆလ အဴမႂေတ ပၝတီကို ဴပည္သူႚ ပၝတီ အဴဖစ္ အသၾင္ ေဴပာင္းခဲ့တယ္။ ပၝတီ
စည္း႟ံုးေရး အေနနဲႚ၊ မူလတန္း ေကဵာင္းသား ေတၾကို "ေတဇ လူငယ္"၊ အလယ္တန္းနဲႚ
အထက္တန္း ေကဵာင္းသား ေတၾကို "ေရႀႚေဆာင္ လူငယ္"၊ တကၠသိုလ္ ေကဵာင္းသား ေတၾကို
မဆလရဲႚ ပင္မ လူငယ္ အစည္းအ႟ံုး ဴဖစ္တဲ့ "လမ္းစဥ္ လူငယ္" ေတၾ အဴဖစ္ စည္း႟ံုး
သိမ္းသၾင္းကာ ေနာင္တခဵိန္မႀာ မဆလ တင္းဴပည့္ ပၝတီဝင္ ဴဖစ္လာႎိုင္ေရး အတၾက္ ႒ကိႂတင္
ဴပင္ဆင္ ခဲ့တယ္။
၁၉၇၁ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဇၾန္လ ၂၈ ကေန ဇူလိုင္ ၁၁ ရက္ အထိ ကဵင္းပတဲ့ မဆလ ပၝတီရဲႚ ပထမ
အ႒ကိမ္ ကၾန္ဂရက္ (ပၝတီ ညီလာခံ) ကေန အဖၾဲႚဝင္ ၁၅၀ ပၝတဲ့ ဗဟို ေကာ္မတီကို ေ႟ၾးခဵယ္
ခန္ႚအပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီထဲမႀာ စစ္တပ္ အရာရႀိက ၁၁၉ ဦး ပၝဝင္တယ္။ ဇူလိုင္လ ၈ ရက္ေနႚ
မႀာေတာ့ ေတာ္လႀန္ေရး ေကာင္စီ ဥကၠႉ ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္႒ကီး ေနဝင္းကို မဆလ ဗဟို ေကာ္မတီ ဥကၠႉ
အဴဖစ္ ေ႟ၾးခဵယ္ တင္ေဴမၟာက္ လိုက္တယ္။
၁၉၇၇ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီ ၂၁ ရက္ေနႚ ကေန မတ္ ၁ ရက္ေနႚ အထိ ကဵင္းပတဲ့ မဆလ
ပၝတီ တတိယ အ႒ကိမ္ ကၾန္ဂရက္ ကေန လက္ဝဲသမား အမဵားစု ပၝဝင္တဲ့ ဗဟုိ ေကာ္မတီ ၄၁
ဦးကို ထုတ္လိုက္႓ပီး၊ ပၝတီ ဗဟို ေကာ္မတီ ဝင္သစ္ ၇၄ ဦးကို ခန္ႚအပ္ ခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီ ဗဟို
ေကာ္မတီဝင္ ၇၄ ဦး ထဲမႀာ ၄၂ ဦးက စစ္ဗိုလ္ေတၾ ဴဖစ္တယ္။
၁၉၈၇ ခုႎႀစ္မႀာ ဴပည္သူ လူထုေတၾ လက္တၾင္း လႀယ္လည္ သံုးစၾဲ ေနတဲ့ ကဵပ္ေငၾ စကၠႃေတၾကို ၂
႒ကိမ္ တိုင္တုိင္ မဆလ တပၝတီ အာဏာရႀင္ အစိုးရက သိမ္းယူ ခဲ့တဲ့ ေငၾစကၠႃ အေရးအခင္းက
အစ ဴပႂ႓ပီး၊ ၁၉၈၈ ႎႀစ္ဦးပိုင္းမႀာ ၂၆ ႎႀစ္ေကဵာ္ မဆလရဲႚ ဖိႎႀိပ္ အုပ္ခဵႂပ္မႁ၊ အကဵင့္ပဵက္ ဴခစားမႁ
ေတၾနဲႚ တစတစ ဆင္းရဲ ဳကပ္တည္း လာတဲ့ စီးပၾားေရး အေဴခအေန ေတၾေဳကာင့္ ေကဵာင္းသား
ေတၾဟာ ဴပည္သူ လူထုရဲႚ ေထာက္ခံ အားေပးမႁနဲႚ မဆလရဲႚ တပၝတီ အာဏာရႀင္ အုပ္စိုးမႁကို
မတ္လ ၁၃ ရက္ စက္မႁ တကၠသိုလ္ ေကဵာင္းသား ကိုဖုန္းေမာ္ အေရးအခင္း (ကိုဖုန္းေမာ္ဟာ
မဆလ လံုထိန္း တပ္ဖၾဲႚရဲႚ ပစ္ခတ္မႁေဳကာင့္ ေသဆံုး ခဲ့ရ႓ပီး၊ သူႚကို ဗိုလ္ဘၾဲႚ ေပးအပ္ကာ သူႚ
ကဵဆံုးတဲ့ မတ္လ ၁၃ ရက္ေနႚကို ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ လူႚအခၾင့္အေရးေနႚ အဴဖစ္ သတ္မႀတ္ ခဲ့တယ္။)၊
မတ္လ ၁၆ ရက္ အင္းယား ကန္ေဘာင္မႀာ လံုထိန္း ေတၾက ဆႎၬဴပ ေကဵာင္းသူ ေကဵာင္းသား
ေတၾကို ပစ္ခတ္ သတ္ဴဖတ္ ခဲ့သလို၊ ေကဵာင္းသူ အခဵႂိႚ ကိုလည္း မုဒိန္းကဵင့္ သတ္ဴဖတ္ ခဲ့တဲ့
တံတားနီ အေရးအခင္း၊ ဇၾန္လ ၂၁ ရက္ေနႚ ေဴမနီကုန္း မီးပၾိႂင့္ အနီးမႀာ ဆႎၬဴပ ခဵီတက္ လာဳကတဲ့
သူငယ္တန္း၊ အလယ္တန္း၊ အထက္တန္း ေကဵာင္းသူ ေကဵာင္းသား ေတၾကို လံုထိန္းနဲႚ စစ္တပ္
ေတၾက ေသနတ္ပစ္ ကားနဲႚ တိုက္႒ကိတ္ သတ္ဴဖတ္ ေခဵမႁန္းခဲ့တဲ့ ေဴမနီကုန္း အေရးအခင္း ေတၾနဲႚ
တဆင့္႓ပီး တဆင့္ စိန္ေခၞ အံတုခဲ့တယ္။
ယခု အခဵိန္ အထိ ကဵန္ရႀိ ေနေသးတဲ့ လက္တဆုပ္စာ တရားဝင္ ႎိုင္ငံေရး ပၝတီ ေတၾမႀာ
မဆလ ပၝတီ တဴဖစ္လဲ တုိင္းရင္းသား စည္းလံုး ညီႌၾတ္ေရး ပၝတီ (တစည) ရႀိေနဆဲ
ဴဖစ္တာေဳကာင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ဴပည္သူ တရပ္လံုး အေနနဲႚ မဆလ ပၝတီ တဴဖစ္လဲ တုိင္းရင္းသား
စည္းလံုး ညီႌၾတ္ေရး ပၝတီ (တစည)၊ ဴမန္မာ့ ေဴမေပၞက ေပဵာက္ကၾယ္ သၾားတဲ့ အထိ တုိက္ဖဵက္
သၾားရန္ လုိေန ပၝေသးတယ္။
ထိန္ေအာင္
၂၀၀၈ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝၝရီ ၁၉ ရက္။
အကိုးအကား။
၁။ လူႎႀင့္ ပတ္ဝန္းကဵင္၏ အညမည သေဘာတရား၊ ဴမန္မာ ဆုိရႀယ္လစ္ လမ္းစဥ္ ပၝတီ
(မဆလ) ၏ ေတၾးေခၞ ေဴမာ္ဴမင္ေရး သေဘာတရား စာတမ္း၊ ပဌမ ပံုႎႀိပ္ဴခင္း၊ ၁၉၆၃။
၂။ အေဴခခံ ဥပေဒေရးရာ စာေစာင္၊ အမႀတ္စဥ္ - ၁၊ ၁၉၉၄ စက္တင္ဘာ၊ Burma
Lawyers' Council (BLC)။
၃။ ႎိုင္ငံေရး အဘိဓာန္၊ ခဵစ္ေကာင္း။
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 73 155
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
၄။ ေဒၝမာန္ဟုန္ - ဗမာဴပည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ တိုက္ပၾဲ၊ စံဝင္းေမာင္ႎႀင့္ မင္းမဵႂိးႎိုင္ ဴမန္မာဴပန္၊
Outrage - Burma's Struggle for Democracy by Bertil Lintner, 1st Burmese edition
published in the UK in 1990 by Peacock Press, Edinburgh, Scotland.
၅။ ႎိုင္ငံေရးသမားႎႀင့္ ႎိုင္ငံေရး၊ တင္ေမာင္ဝင္း၊ ပထမ အ႒ကိမ္ ႎိုဝင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၀ ဴပည့္ႎႀစ္၊
ေခတ္႓ပိႂင္ ဂဵာနယ္တုိက္၊ ထိုင္းႎိုင္ငံတၾင္ ပံုႎႀိပ္။
၆။ လၾတ္လပ္ေရး ေ႟ၿရတု၊ ေအာင္ေစာဦး၊ ပထမ အ႒ကိမ္၊ ၁၉၉၈ ခုႎႀစ္၊ ဇန္နဝၝရီလ၊
ဴပည္သူႚ ဘက္ေတာ္သားမဵား။
၇။ တာေတ စေနသား၊ ဝန္႒ကီးခဵႂပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးႎု၊ ဧရာဝတီ စာအုပ္တုိက္၊ နယူးေဒလီ၊
အိႎၬိယႎိုင္ငံ၊ ဒုတိယ အ႒ကိမ္၊ ၁၉၉၉ (Second Edition, 1999)။
၈။ Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia ရဲႚ Burma Socialist Programme Party, Ne
Win, San Yu, Tin Oo တုိႛ အေဳကာင္း ကၾန္ရက္ စာမဵက္ႎႀာမဵား။
သီးျခားကမၻာသို႔ အလည္တေခါက္္
TUESDAY, 10 FEBRUARY 2009 19:02 ေက်ာ္စြာမိုး
HTTP://WWW.IRRAWADDY.ORG/BUR/INDEX.PHP?OPTION=COM_CONTENT&VIEW=
ARTICLE&ID=699:2009-02-10-12-04-28&CATID=2:ARTICLE&ITEMID=14
ခရီးက မိနစ္ ၃၀ ေလာက္သာ သြားရသည္။ ႐ုတ္တရက္ က်ေနာ့္ကိုယ္ က်ေနာ္ သီးျခားကမၻာ
တခုသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီဟု ခံစားလိုက္ရ၏။ ၾကမ္းတမ္းေသာ ေျမလမ္းတေလွ်ာက္
ေမာင္းႏွင္လာေသာ ေမာ္ေတာ္ဆိုင္ကယ္အိုကေလးေပၚတြင္ လိုက္ပါ သြားရင္း
လြင့္တက္လာသည့္ ဖုန္မႈန္႔မ်ားကို ႏွာေခါင္းစည္းႏွင့္ ပုဝါက အကာအကြယ္ မေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့။
ဆိုင္ကယ္က အဆင္းတခါ၊ အတက္တလွည့္၊ တဘက္တြင္ ေတာင္နံရံ၊ တဘက္က
ေလွ်ာေစာက္၊ ၁ ေပသာသာခန္႔သာ ရွိေသာ လူသြားလမ္းကေလးတြင္
ကုန္းဆင္းကုန္းတက္မ်ားကို ေမာင္းႏွင္ေနသျဖင့္ ႐ိုလာကိုစတာ စီးေနရ သည္ႏွင့္ပင္
တူေနသည္။
သေျပသီးမွည့္ ေကာက္စို႔ကြယ္
WEDNESDAY, 11 FEBRUARY 2009 19:37 ေအးခ်မ္းေျမ႕
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7
06:2009-02-11-12-39-45&catid=2:article&Itemid=14
မိုးစက္မိုးေပါက္မ်ားက ထန္းႏွစ္ပင္ မူလတန္း သစ္သားေက်ာင္းကေလး၏ သြပ္မိုးေပၚသို႔
တျဗဳန္းျဗဳန္း၊ တဝုန္းဝုန္း ရြာခ်ေနသည္။ က်မတို႔သူငယ္တန္း ကေလးမ်ားက
မိုးသံကိုေက်ာ္လြန္သြားသည္ထိ လက္ဟန္ေျခဟန္ အျပည့္ျဖင့္ “သေျပသီးေကာက္”
ကဗ်ာေလးကို ဟစ္ေအာ္သီဆိုၾကသည္။
ဆြမ္းအုပ္နီနီ အေမရြက္လို႔
နက္ျဖန္နံနက္ ေက်ာင္းတက္မယ္
ေမာင္လည္းလုိက္မယ္ ခ်န္မထားနဲ႔
အေမသြားေတာ့ ပ်င္းလွတယ္
ေက်ာင္းႀကီးေပၚမွာ ေမာင္ငယ္ေဆာ့ရင္
ဘုန္းႀကီးေအာ့လို႔ ႐ိုက္လိမ့္မယ္
ေမာင္မေဆာ့ေပါင္ စိတ္ပုတီးနဲ႔
ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးလို ေနပါ့မယ္
လိုက္မယ္ လိုက္မယ္။
ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦး၏ ႐ုပ္ပုံလႊာ
ေဆာင္းပါး
ခိုင္ထြန္း
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 11 2009 14:07 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
မဇၩိမကို ယူနက္စကိုဆုအတြက္
အမည္စာရင္းတင္သြင္း
မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
အဂၤါေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 10 2009 21:24 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
UNESCO သည္ ဤ Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize ဆုကို ၂ဝဝ၁
ခုႏွစ္ကလည္း ယခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလက ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ က်ခံေနရရာမွ ျပန္လည္
လြတ္ေျမာက္လာသည့္ ဝါရင့္ျမန္မာသတင္းစာ ဆရာၾကီး ဦးဝင္းတင္ကို ေပးအပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။
အတိုက္အခံပါတီၾကီး ျပည္ေထာင္စုေန႔
အခမ္းအနား က်င္းပမည္
သန္းထုိက္ဦး
အဂၤါေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 10 2009 18:06 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
ႏုိင္ငံစံု အႏုပညာရွင္မ်ားက
ေဒၚစုလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး စုေ၀းၾကမည္
ေဆာ္လမြန္
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 11 2009 16:52 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
CONTRIBUTOR
However, he failed again to secure a meeting with junta supremo Snr-Gen Than
Shwe, who was too busy accepting the credentials of newly posted ambassadors
from Cambodia, China and Vietnam.
Instead, Gambari had to make do with meeting Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein,
who demanded the lifting of international economic sanctions if the UN “wants to
see economic development and political stability,” calling such measures a human
rights violation which affects health.
In a further snub to the UN, following the conclusion of Mr. Gambari’s visit, the
regime abruptly transferred Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Kyaw Thu, the
chairman of the Tripartite Core Group (TCG) for Cyclone Nargis relief, to an
inactive post.
The political impasse continues, and with it Burma’s ongoing health and
humanitarian crises, including a disease of “national concern”—HIV/AIDS. Last
November, Medécins Sans Frontières (MSF) released a report, A Preventable Fate:
the Failure of ART Scale-up in Myanmar, decrying the inability to provide
treatment to HIV/AIDS patients in Burma. An estimated 76,000 Burmese need life-
saving anti-retroviral therapy (ART) today. However, fewer than 20 percent are
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getting it. Of those fortunate enough to be treated, some 11,000 receive medications
from MSF. The Burmese government provides treatment for another 1,800.
“Having made an enormous effort to respond to the overwhelming need for ART
treatment during the last five years, MSF can no longer take primary responsibility
for ART scale-up in Myanmar,” MST noted. “Pushed to the limit by the lack of
treatment on offer by other care providers, MSF has recently been forced to make
the painful decision to drastically reduce the number of new patients it can treat.”
So the junta spent only about $0.70 per patient. This paltry sum, if used to
purchase a year’s worth of first-line ART, would provide treatment for
approximately 460 of the 76,000 patients who need it.
Yet the regime is awash with resources and has an estimated $4 billion in currency
reserves. For the 2007-2008 fiscal year, Burma posted a trade surplus of over $3.2
billion, primarily from natural gas sales to Thailand. The generals can afford to do
much more.
But the refusal to expend public funds on the public is only part of the problem.
Within the last month, dozens of activists, private donors and community aid
workers—including those providing HIV-related services—have been sentenced to
long prison terms. These brave persons are also political prisoners of the regime.
U Eindaka, the abbot of Maggin Monastery, which provided housing and treatment
services for HIV patients, received a 16.5-year sentence. His monastery was shut,
the monks and patients turned out onto the streets.
Than Naing, of the group Friends with a Red Ribbon, which ran peer education
programs, was given 6 years. Many other activists and aid workers have been
threatened, harassed or forced to flee, including Phyu Phyu Thinn, a member of the
National League for Democracy (NLD), who provided counseling, education and
referral services for HIV patients who referred to her as a “mountain of hope.”
She helped coordinate services for HIV patients from rural Burma who were staying
at the Shwehintha Yele Monastery while they received treatment. Last month, the
monastery was raided and the patients ejected.
Donor aid should certainly be increased, but the junta must be pressured to do their
share and expend the revenues of the country of Burma on the peoples of Burma. In
the midst of multiple catastrophes, the Burmese regime has chosen instead to
import over $2 billion worth of arms from China since the 1990s, purchase a
nuclear reactor from Russia at a reported cost of more than $50 million, fund a
lavish wedding for Than Shwe’s daughter (with gifts valued at an estimated $50
million), and build a new capital, Naypyidaw (“Abode of Kings”), thought to have
cost over $4 billion.
Naypyidaw boasts luxuries such as 24-hour electricity, three golf courses and a zoo,
complete with a climate-controlled penguin house.
Voravit Suwanvanichkij MD, MPH, and Chris Beyrer MD, MPH, are researchers
with the Center for Public Health and Human Rights of the Johns Hopkins
Bloomberg School of Public Health.
COMMENTARY
Thailand’s Labor Ministry is currently delaying the issue of some 700,000 work
permits to migrant workers. Labor Minister Paitoon Kaewthong said that foreign
laborers would not be registered until the end of March, as the ministry takes
measures to help the estimated one million Thai workers expected to lose their jobs
amid the global economic slowdown find new employment.
Understandably, there are growing concerns that such moves signal the
reemergence of economic nationalism and protectionism. In an effort to keep jobs
and capital at home, many countries appear to be closing their labor markets to
non-nationals, who in better times were indispensable to the development of many
of the world’s fastest growing economies.
Thailand is not alone in making life more difficult for migrant workers. According
to labor rights groups, there are an estimated 100 million migrant workers around
the world, many of whom face bleak prospects as economic woes in the Gulf,
Singapore and Taiwan lead to mass layoffs of laborers from countries such as
Bangladesh, China, India, Pakistan, the Philippines and Sri Lanka.
Thailand has been registering migrant workers since 1992, but many stay
unregistered to avoid the relatively expensive and time-consuming process.
In 2004, there were more than one million migrant workers seeking registration.
Last year, the number of registered workers dropped to 500,000, or about one
quarter of the total. Migrant workers, who overwhelmingly hail from Burma, now
represent 5 percent of Thailand’s total labor force of 36 million.
The Thai Labor Ministry’s decision to postpone the registration of new migrant
workers amid the slumping economy appears to be aimed at protecting Thai jobs.
But newly unemployed Thais will probably show little interest in doing the difficult,
dirty and dangerous jobs normally relegated to migrant workers.
Even registered Burmese migrants, on average, earn about half the minimum wage
and are not eligible for state services such as medical care or education for their
children. If they lack legal status, their fear of deportation forces them to put up
with slave-like working conditions and mistreatment by criminal gangs and corrupt
police.
Rising unemployment among Burmese migrant workers could also have a dire
effect on Burma’s rural economy, in which millions of people rely on remittance
money. Experts said that remittance payments are typically used for basic survival,
consumption, housing, health and education.
“Remittance income does not benefit just individual recipients, it benefits the local
and national economies in which they live,” according to the authors of a report
published by Australia’s Macquarie University.
Thailand has in the past attempted to cope with a domestic economic crisis by
deporting Burmese migrant workers. When employment plunged following the
1997 economic meltdown, the Democrat-led government reacted by withdrawing
work permits and repatriating migrant workers.
This policy was unsuccessful. Burmese workers continued to enter the country, both
legally and illegally, drawn by demand for cheap labor. As a leading country in the
region, Thailand should acknowledge that the Thai economy is likely to continue to
employ migrants.
Sadly, however, as the global trend to economic nationalism gathers force, migrants
are likely to be the last hired and the first fired, as politicians and policymakers
struggle to come up with more effective ways to deal with their countries’ economic
woes.
Bangladesh and Burma have reportedly deployed troops along their border and
naval vessels offshore as tensions increase between the two countries over oil and
gas exploration rights and the Rohingya refugees issue.
Khine Mrat Kyaw also reported that aircraft landing strips had been constructed in
Buthidaung Township, near the border of Burma’s Arakan State and Bangladesh.
Tension first arose between the two countries in November 2008 after Burma sent
naval vessels to escort a Korean company exploring for oil and gas about 50
kilometers (30 miles) south of Bangladesh's Saint Martin Island.
Differences have also arisen between Burma and Bangladesh over the hundreds of
Rohingya refugees from Burma’s Arakan State who have taken to the Bay of Bengal
in open boats in search of a new home.
Burma’s Consul General in Hong Kong, Ye Myint Aung, wrote to heads of foreign
missions there and local newspapers insisting the Muslim Rohingyas should not be
described as being from Burma, the South China Morning Post reported.
The agency AFP said the South China Morning Post reported on Wednesday that
Ye Myint Aung had described the Rohingya boat people as "ugly as ogres."
The Burmese diplomat was quoted as saying: "In reality, Rohingya are neither
Myanmar people nor Myanmar's ethnic group."
The envoy contrasted the "dark brown" Rohingya complexion with the "fair and
soft" skin of people from Burma, according to the newspaper.
Meanwhile, the US has assured Bangladesh of its support in patrolling its sea
borders.
The assurance was given by US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central
Asia Richard Boucher at the close of a two-day visit to Bangladesh, according to the
Qatar- based Gulf Times.
KNU/KNLA Peace Council chief Brig-Gen Htain Maung has concluded a deal with
the Burmese junta to provide soldiers from his group to serve as border guards in
Three Pagodas Pass on the Thai-Burmese border, according to a source from the
New Mon State Party (NMSP).
The deal follows the ceasefire agreement between the Burmese military authorities
and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council—a Karen splinter group that broke from the
Karen National Union (KNU) in 2007.
Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the Burmese army’s chief of Military Affairs Security, has
overseen the negotiations to set up an “economic development zone” in the Three
Pagodas Pass area, according to the source from the Mon ceasefire group.
The Burmese military has already supplied 26 trucks to the KNU/KNLA Peace
Council this year to help with transportation in Three Pagodas Pass. Observers
speculated that Htain Maung is being granted a greater influence in the border
trade and transportation—seen as potentially lucrative business opportunities.
Col Nyan Tun of the Mon National Liberation Army confirmed that Burmese
military officials held talks in Three Pagodas Pass last week with Gen Htain Maung
and representatives of the Thai army aimed at consolidating the plans for the
economic zone.
However, he was unable to provide more details of what the economic zone would
entail.
The sources said that Lt-Gen Ye Myint offered Gen Htain Maung about 100 acres of
land in Three Pagodas Pass along the border with Thailand, on which he could set
up a new battalion to train border guards and establish security for the economic
zone.
However, local observers in Three Pagodas Pass said that a new KNU/KNLA Peace
Council base in the area might be a pretext for an assault on KNU forces.
Some members of the NMSP said they are worried that the ceasefire group’s
alliance with the junta and its plans for a new battalion in the area will curtail the
business activities and freedom of movement of local Mon troops and lead to a
conflict.
Since signing a ceasefire agreement with the junta two years ago, the KNU/ KNLA
Peace Council has launched several attacks on its former comrades, the KNU.
Meanwhile, the group’s leader, Htain Maung, has been allowed freedom to
undertake development projects in Karen State.
However, the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) has claimed that Htain Maung
is using forced labor for road construction and local development, and that his
troops have confiscated land from local Karen villagers.
Meanwhile, another a splinter group from the KNU, the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA), is also expected to provide border guards in Myawaddy, a
border town farther north, under the terms of Burma’s new constitution.
Rising tension between the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and Burmese
government forces is reported by sources in Shan State and along the Sino-Burmese
border.
Saeng Juen, assistant editor of the Thailand-based Shan Herald Agency for News,
said the Burmese army had deployed an estimated 2,000 reinforcements since the
middle of January in Mong Ping, Mong Hsnu, Tang Yan and Kunlong.
Aung Kyaw Zaw said that although the Burmese army was on the alert there was no
military activity involving government forces or Wa troops at the moment.
Saeng Juen said Burmese authorities had halted the construction of a bridge on the
upper Salween River in Shan State after the UWSA prohibited further work.
Aung Kyaw Zaw said tension between the UWSA and Burmese forces had been
increasing for several reasons, including a Wa announcement in January describing
Wa-controlled areas as a special autonomous region known as the “Government of
Tensions also reportedly rose after the Wa ignored a Burmese government demand
for drug dealer Aik Hawk to be handed over.
Another cause of rising tension was an incident on January 19, when a 30-member
Burmese delegation led by Lt-Gen Ye Myint, chief of Military Affairs Security, was
forced to disarm during a visit to Wa-held territory in Shan State.
Since last May, when Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the Irrawaddy delta, Kyaw
Thu has served as the chairman of the Tripartite Core Group (TCG), consisting of
representatives of the Burmese regime, the United Nations and the Association of
Former military intelligence sources said that Kyaw Thu had a reputation for being
forthright with his superiors.
In 1997, when he was commander of Light Infantry Division (LID) 22, based in Pa-
an Township, Karen State, he got into an physical altercation with his boss Maj-Gen
Myint Aung, then commander of the Southeast Regional Command.
His first overseas posting was as ambassador to South Africa. According to some
former Rangoon-based Burmese diplomats, Kyaw Thu was suspected of corruption
during his time in Pretoria from 1999 to 2002.
He was later assigned to head the Burmese embassy in Paris, but the French
government refused to recognize his credentials because of his connection to LID
22, which has been linked to human rights abuses.
LID 22 was notorious for its role in the crackdown on peaceful protests in 1988, and
has been accused of press-ganging civilians to construct roads used in the Burmese
army’s campaign against ethnic Karen rebels.
Kyaw Thu became ambassador to India in 2003, but was called back to Rangoon in
late 2004 to become deputy foreign minister following the purge of Prime Minister
Last year he gained an even higher profile when he was named chairman of the
TCG, coordinating international relief operations in the cyclone-stricken Irrawaddy
delta. Aid workers who met him described him as down-to-earth and cooperative.
Kyaw Thu continued to act as deputy foreign minister until last week, when he was
named chairman of the Civil Service Selection and Training Board, an inactive post.
The move came as a surprise to many who had worked with him on Nargis-related
projects.
“As far as I could tell, he was very effective in his foreign ministry role, serving in a
professional and friendly manner,” said one aid worker.
ကခဵင္ထိန္းခဵႂပ္နယ္ေဴမမႀ တ႟ုတ္လူမဵိႂးမဵား
အစုလိုက္အဴပံႂလိုက္ထၾက္ခၾာ
2009-02-10
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/china_cut_utilities_to_kachin_region-
02102009163158.html/story_main?textonly=1
ဖမ္းမိသစ္အေကာင္းမဵားကို အည့ံဴဖင့္
လဲယူ႓ပီး ဴပန္လည္ေရာင္းစား
2009-02-11 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/scandal_in_timber_confiscation-
02112009120238.html/story_main?textonly=1
သတင္းလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ ကမၻာတ၀န္း
ဖိႏွိပ္ခံေနရဆဲ
11 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-11-voa5.cfm
ခ်င္းမိုင္ေရာက္ ရွမ္းတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြကို
ထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္ေတြ ႐ိုက္ႏွက္ဖမ္းဆီး
11 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-11-voa6.cfm
အိႎၬိယမႀ တိုင္းရင္းသားတပ္ဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵား
လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရးဆႎၬဴပပၾဲ
2009-02-11 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/demonstration_for_release_of_rebels_in_india-
02112009140604.html
သမိုင္းကဗၺည္းတင္တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္
မင္းေအာင္ႏိုင္
ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ 12 2009 16:27 - ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/edop/songpa/2426-2009-02-12-10-14-11.html
MAE SOT, Thailand — Nearly 65 years after helping British forces push the Japanese
out of Burma, all that Sein Aye has to show for his selfless service is a scar on his
neck.
The 95-year-old Karen veteran is reluctant to talk about it, but a former comrade
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tells inquisitive visitors: “He stopped a Japanese bullet while trying to help his
wounded British officer.”
In other theaters of war, Sein Aye would surely qualify for a medal. But Rifleman
Sein Aye ended the war in Burma with virtually nothing, left to fend for himself in
the uncertain times following the flight of the Japanese and the withdrawal of their
British and allied victors.
He is among more than 100 survivors of the Karen forces who fought alongside
British troops but who are now living in poverty in camps for refugees and internally
displaced persons—so-called IDPs—in border areas of Thailand and Burma.
The old Karen soldiers and war widows of Mae La refugee camp on the
Thai-Burmese border. (Photo: Jim Andrews/The Irrawaddy
Sein Aye has been living since 1985 in Thailand’s largest refugee camp, Mae La, 67
km (40 mi) from the Thai border town of Mae Sot. He is one of about 20 Karen old
soldiers and war widows eking out their last years in the sprawling, overcrowded
camp, dependent on charity for shelter and food.
Mae La is a far cry from the independent Karen state reportedly promised to Karen
recruits by British commanding officers. The fighting spirit of the Karen was prized
by such British commanders as Gen William Slim, whose order “Up the Karen!” spelt
death for thousands of Japanese.
Slim’s Karen jungle fighters mercilessly harried Japan’s 15th and 55th divisions as
they raced to capture the strategic railhead Taungoo and the region’s airfields. The
Karen hit-and-run tactics enabled the British to take Taungoo, opening the way to
Rangoon and final victory in Burma.
No hero’s welcome awaited the Karen in Rangoon, however. They saw their dream of
independence disappear with the departure of the British and the advent of an
independent Burma under a government that saw no reason to honor colonial
pledges.
So began one of the world’s longest civil wars, between Karen rebels and the
Burmese army. Years of fighting have destroyed or uprooted countless Karan
communities, sending thousands to seek refuge in the jungles of eastern Burma or
into neighboring Thailand.
About 150,000 displaced Karen now crowd 10 refugee camps along Thailand’s
border with Burma.
Sein Aye is the oldest of the old soldiers living in Mae La camp. He was a member of
the famous Force 136 that continued to operate behind enemy lines after British
troops retreated to India in the face of the rapid Japanese advance through Burma.
A British officer with Force 136, Major Hugh Seagrim, was protected by the Karen
but surrendered to the Japanese after learning that villagers were being tortured to
reveal his hideout. He was beheaded and eight of his Karen companions shot.
Maung Sein, 92, also served with Force 136. “The British promised that after
independence the country would be split between the Karen and Aung San,” he said.
‘I am very sad. The Karen are nothing.”
The Karen were neglected not only by the retreating British but by the Burmese
governments that succeeded them. “We got nothing from the U Nu government,”
said Sein Aye.
History records that the Karen who had been loyal to Britain actually got worse than
nothing. Government forces exacted brutal reprisals on Karen accused of
collaborating with Burma’s former colonial masters.
Britain turned a blind eye to the suffering. Burma was now independent, and the
soldiers whose bravery had helped throw off the yoke of Japanese occupation were
now the responsibility of an uncaring new government in Rangoon.
The old soldiers peopled a closed chapter of Britain’s colonial history—until 1998,
when
the head of the Brussels-based charity Hands of Friendship, Sally Steen, visiting
Karen refugees in the Kanchanaburi region of Thailand, came across a destitute 87-
year-old veteran of the Burma Rifles among the terminally ill in the Kwai River
Hospital.
“When I asked him what he would like me to do for him, he replied that I should
‘inform my officers!’”
The old man was a former pupil of Sally Steen’s grandfather, who had been
headmaster of the colonial-era Government High School in Maymyo. Sally Steen
returned to Europe determined to find support for initiatives to alleviate the plight of
the old soldiers—and the Burma Forces Welfare Association (BFWA) was born.
The Karen veterans failed to quality for British servicemen’s pensions, so the
BFWA—funded by the Royal Commonwealth Ex-Services League (RCEL)—found the
money to pay the old soldiers an annual grant, averaging about 4,000 baht (US
$110). The money allowed the veterans and elderly widows in the refugee camps to
add some variety to their daily diet of rice and beans.
Last year, however, the eagerly anticipated grants failed to arrive. The BFWA and the
RCEL pleaded lack of funds.
“There are other veterans and widows in the world who fought for the [British]
Crown living in a worse state than those on the Burmese-Thai border,” said RCEL
General Secretary Paul Davies. “For example, some [of those] living inside Burma.”
Two members of the BFWA returned to Britain this week after a fact-finding visit to
Burma, but Sally Steen holds out little hope that grants will be resumed for the
veterans and widows living in the refugee camps in Thailand. She has formed her
own support group, Help 4 Forgotten Allies, with the aim of raising the equivalent of
US $13,000 annually.
“It’s not just the money and the small comforts it can buy,” she says. “It’s the
recognition it brings that the sacrifices of these gallant men have not been forgotten
after all.”
ျမန္မာျပည္တိုးတက္ေရး အေမရိကန္က
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 73 218
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
အာရွနဲ႔ ညိႇႏိႈင္းလုပ္ေဆာင္လို
14 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-14-voa12.cfm
ဘိန္းနဲ႔မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါး
ျမန္မာျပည္တိုးျမင့္ထုတ္လုပ္ေန
14 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-14-voa11.cfm
အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဒုဥကၠဌ
ဦးတင္ဦး ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ သက္တမ္းတိုး
13 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-13-voa6.cfm
အဖမ္းခံသတင္းေထာက္ မအိမ့္ခိုင္ဦး
ခန္းဂ်ိနာဂအိ ဆုရရွိ
14 February 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-02-14-voa13.cfm
In a report Wednesday, envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana said that if the elections take place in
an atmosphere in which human rights are fully respected, the vote will be seen as credible.
He outlined a series of measures that Burma should take, including amending laws that limit
fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, opinion and peaceful assembly.
The U.N. envoy said political prisoners should be released. He said such a move would
inspire political participation in the upcoming elections.
The envoy also suggested a number of changes for Burma's judiciary, including
guaranteeing due process and setting up mechanisms to investigate human rights abuses.
မရမ္းကုန္းဓာတ္အားခြဲ႐ုံ မီးေလာင္
သိန္း (၃၀၀) ဖုိးဆုံး႐ႈံး
NEJ/ ၁၃ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
ခပ္ညံ့ညံ့ ျမန္မာဆန္
ကမာၻ႕ေစ်းကြက္ အေရာင္းသြက္
NEJ / ၁၃ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
ျမန္မာေရွးေဟာင္းပစၥည္းေတြ
ဒီလုိခုိးထုတ္ပါတယ္
(သတင္းေဆာင္းပါး)
ရဲရင့္ျမင့္ေမာင္/ ၁၃ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/February_09/13-2-09b.php
ေနျပည္ေတာ္ ဥပၸါတသႏိၲေစတီ
ထီးတင္တဲ့ေန႕ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးၾကီးသန္းေရႊ
က်ဆံုးတဲ့ေန႕
NEJ / ၁၁ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၀၉
မၿပီးဆံုးေသးသည့္ တုိက္ပြဲ
THURSDAY, 19 FEBRUARY 2009 14:42 နစ္က္ ဒန္းေလာ့ပ္
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7
36:2009-02-19-07-51-15&catid=2:article&Itemid=14
Nic Dunlop ေရးသားသည့္ The Battle’s Not Over ကို ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ျပန္ဆိုေဖာ္ျပပါသည္။
အနာဂတ္ ဘယ္မွာ
FRIDAY, 13 FEBRUARY 2009 19:27 ေအးခ်မ္းေျမ႕
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7
19:2009-02-13-12-29-27&catid=2:article&Itemid=14
ကေလး ဆိုကတည္းက အပူအပင္ ကင္းလွသည္။ စားစရာရွိ စားမည္၊ ၿပီးလွ်င္ ကစားမည္၊
ၿပီးေတာ့ အပူအပင္ ကင္းမဲ့စြာ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္မည္။ သူတို႔၏ အတိတ္တြင္ ခါးသီးေကာင္း ခါးသီးခဲ့မည္
ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ထိုအတိတ္ကုိ သူတို႔ သတိမရၾကေတာ့၊ လက္ရွိ အေျခအေနတြင္
ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္ေနႏိုင္သည္။ အနာဂတ္
ဆိုသည္ကိုလည္း သူတို႔နားမလည္။
“သူက ေက်ာင္းဖြင့္ေပးခ်င္ေပမယ့္
ကေလးေတြကို ဘယ္လိုစုရမလဲ
မသိေတာ့ ဆရာဦးသိန္းလြင္
ေက်ာင္းက ကေလးေတြကို
ခြဲေပးထားရတာပါ” ဟု
ဆရာမတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ ထိုင္းပညာေရးဌာနက လိုအပ္သည္မ်ားကို ပံ့ပိုးေပးထားေသာ္လည္း
ထိုေက်ာင္းမွ တာဝန္ရွိသည့္ ဆရာမမ်ားမွာ ဦးသိန္းလြင္ေက်ာင္း၏ လခစားသူမ်ား သာျဖစ္သည္။
မေမ့သင့္ေသာ ကေလးမ်ားေန႔
FRIDAY, 13 FEBRUARY 2009 15:59 ၾကည္ေဝ
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7
15:2009-02-13-09-09-07&catid=2:article&Itemid=14
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔ နံနက္ ၁၀ နာရီ ရန္ကုန္၊ သာေကတ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္းရွိ မူလတန္း
ေက်ာင္းတေက်ာင္းရဲ႕ စာသင္ခန္းတခုမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
"ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၁၃ မွာ
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေမြးေန႔ပါ။
တေထာင့္ကိုးရာ တဆယ့္ငါး
ေရွ႕ေနဦးဖာသား။
ဇာတိနတ္ေမာက္ မေကြးခ႐ိုင္
သိၾကမ်ားခုတိုင္။
ႀကံ႕ႀကံ႕ခိုင္တဲ့ ဇာနည္ဘြား
မိခင္ေဒၚစုသား။
တေထာင့္ကိုးရာ ေလးဆယ့္ခြန္
ေျပာင္းႂကြ တမလြန္။
မ်က္ရည္သြန္လို႔ ဘ၀င္ညိႇဳး
ဇူလိုင္တဆယ့္ကိုး။
ျပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ႕ ေက်းဇူးရွင္
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္္ တုိ႔ဖခင္။
ေကာင္းေစခ်င္တဲ့မွာစကား
ငါတို႔ မေမ့အား။
ျပည္ေထာင္လြတ္ေရး ႀကိဳးပမ္းေအာင္
ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံကုိ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕
လက္ေအာက္ကေန ကယ္တင္ခဲ့တဲ့
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းဟာ ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၉
ရက္ေန႔မွာ မသမာသူေတြရဲ႕
လက္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း
ရွင္းျပအၿပီးမွာ ဒီကေန႔ဟာ
လြတ္လပ္ေရးရဲ႕ ဖခင္ႀကီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ ေမြးေန႔ ျဖစ္တယ္္ဆိုတာကို ဆရာမက
ကေလးေတြကို ေျပာျပပါတယ္။
(ခ)
စာေရးပံုေရးနည္းကိုသာဂရုစိုက္လြန္းသျဖင့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာဖက္တြင္ပြန္းတီးသည္ကို
ေထာက္ျပထားျခင္း ျဖစ္၏။ သို႔ေသာ္ဆရာႀကီး မင္းသုဏ္၀ဏ္၏
ေထာက္ျပေ၀ဖန္ပံုအသံုအႏႈန္းႏွင့္ ေ၀ဖန္ပံုေ၀ဖန္နည္းမွာ ေ၀ဖန္ ေထာက္ျပလို႔ေထာက္ျပမွန္း
မသိႏုိင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ ႏူးညံ့သိမ္ေမြ႕လြန္း၏။ ယဥ္ေက်းလွပလြန္း၏။ ေမတၱာ ျဖင့္
ေထာက္ျပျခင္းသာျဖစ္၏။ ထိုအခ်က္မ်ားကို က်ေနာ္က ေျပာျပသည့္အခါ စာခ်စ္သူလူငယ္သည္
လက္ခံ သေဘာေပါက္သြားရ၏။
(ဂ)
ျမန္မာစာေပနယ္ပယ္၌“ေ၀ဖန္ေရးစာေပ”၏သက္တမ္းမွာ ၾကာျမင့္လွျခင္းမရွိေသးပါ။
ကမာၻ႕စာေပေ၀ဖန္ေရး သက္တမ္းႏွင့္ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္လွ်င္ ႏုနယ္လွေသး၏ဟုဆိုရပါမည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင့္
က်ေနာ္တို႔သည္“ေ၀ဖန္ေရး စာေပ” ဖန္တီးမႈအလုပ္ကိုအထူးျပဳအားထုတ္ရန္လိုအပ္ပါသည္။
ယင္းႏွင့္တၿပိဳင္နက္တည္းပင္ “ေ၀ဖန္ေရး စာေပ နည္းနာေကာင္းမ်ား၊ နည္းနာသစ္မ်ား”ကိုလည္း
တၿပိဳင္နက္ရွာေဖြ၊ တီထြင္၊သံုးစြဲၾကရမည္ ဟုယံုၾကည္မိ၏။
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7
40:2009-02-20-10-06-12&catid=1:news&Itemid=2
ဂႏၳ၀င္ေျမာက္ ဂီတစာဆုိႀကီးမ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္ ေရႊတုိင္ညြန္႔၊ ေရႊျပည္ေအး၊ ၿမိဳ႕မၿငိမ္းတုိ႔၏
ယခုႏွစ္တြင္ က်ေရာက္သည့္ ႏွစ္တရာျပည့္ အထိမ္းအမွတ္ စာတမ္း ဖတ္ပဲြႀကီးကုိ ရန္ကုန္တြင္
ျပဳလုပ္မည္ဟု သိရသည္။
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7
43:2009-02-20-12-20-59&catid=1:news&Itemid=2
ေနဘုန္းလတ္
ဒါေပမဲ့ အဲဒီလို သြားဖို႔ ဆိုရင္၊ ျမန္မာ စစ္အစိုးရ က လာမယ့္ လေတြ မွာ လာထိုက္ေၾကာင္း
အခ်က္ျပဖို႔ လိုလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ မစၥတာ ဂမ္ဘာရီ က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြ ကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ “အခုလို
အက်ဥ္းသမားေတြ ကို လႊတ္လိုက္တာ အထူးသျဖင့္ ႏို္င္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းမားေတြ ကို
လႊတ္လိုက္တာ ကို ၾကိဳဆိုပါတယ္။
ကေလး႓မိႂႚမႀာ ေထာင္ဝင္စာေတၾႚခၾင့္
ဴပန္ေပးေသာ္လည္း သၾားေရးခက္ခဲ
2009-02-18 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/prison_visits_resume_in_kalay-
02182009115147.html/story_main?textonly=1
ႎိုင္ငံေရးအကဵဥ္းသား လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ေရး
လႁပ္ရႀားသူမဵား ႓ခိမ္းေဴခာက္ခံရ
2009-02-18
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/free_prisoners_activists_threatened-
02182009122655.html/story_main?textonly=1
ရယကဥကၠႉႎႀင့္ အဖၾဲႚဝင္မဵားက
လယ္ယာအလုပ္သမေတၾကုိ အႎုိင္ကဵင့္
2009-02-18
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/village_head_harasses_female_workers-
02182009135654.html/story_main?textonly=1
နာဂစ္မုန္တိုင္း ေစတနာဝန္ထမ္းမဵား
ႎုိင္ငံေရးအမႁဴဖင့္ တရားစၾဲခံရ
2009-02-18
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/village_head_harasses_female_workers-
02182009143549.html/story_main?textonly=1
ေတၾႚဆုံေဆၾးေႎၾးေရးအတၾက္
ဴပည္တၾင္း႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းေရး ကၾန္ရက္ ေတာင္းဆုိ
2009-02-18 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/peace_network_calls_for_dialogue-
02182009151259.html/story_main?textonly=1
အေမရိကန္ႎႀင့္ အင္ဒိုနီးရႀား
ႎိုင္ငံဴခားေရးဝန္႒ကီးတိုႛ ဴမန္မာ့အေရးေဆၾးေႎၾး
2009-02-19
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/hilary_clinton_discussed_with_indonesia_on_bur
ma_issue-02192009105424.html/story_main?textonly=1
သံတၾဲေထာင္မႀာ အကဵဥ္းသားမဵားအတၾက္
ဆရာဝန္၊ ေဆး႟ံုမရႀိ
2009-02-19 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/lack_of_medical_facilities_in_sandoway_prison-
02192009142857.html/story_main?textonly=1
တ႟ုတ္ႎႀင့္ ဴမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရကို
ရခိုင္အမဵိႂးသားေကာင္စီ ကန္ႛကၾက္
2009-02-19
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/arakan_council_protests_junta_and_china-
02192009153026.html/story_main?textonly=1
ဴမန္မာ့လူႛအခၾင့္အေရး တိုးတက္မႁကို
ကင္တားနား အတည္ဴပႂဖိုႛခက္
2009-02-20
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/quintana_hints_rights_improvement_doubtful-
02202009112157.html/story_main?textonly=1
လၾတ္႓ငိမ္းခဵမ္းသာခၾင့္နဲႛ လၾတ္လာတာဴဖစ္လိုႛ
Mr. Quintina ခရီးစဥ္နဲႛ မသက္ဆိုင္
2009-02-21
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/authorities_said_prisoners_release_not_related_envoy_trip-
02212009112227.html/story_main?textonly=1
2212009113923.html/story_main?textonly=1
ကုလားကားေတြမရွိရင္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ
မသိႏိုင္မယ့္ အခ်က္ေတြကေတာ့
၁။ မင္းသားဟာ အျပင္းထန္ဆံုး အရိုက္အႏွက္ ခံေနရခ်ိန္မွာေတာင္ နာက်င္ပံု မျပေပမယ့္
မင္းသမီးက အနာကို သန္႔စင္ၿပီး ေဆးထည့္ေပးတဲ့ အခါမွာေတာ့ နာက်င္ၿပီး
တြန္႔သြားတတ္ပါတယ္။
၂။ မင္းသားနဲ႔ မင္းသမီးဟာ မိုးေရထဲမွာ အရင္ မ"က"ရေသးသေရြ႕ ခ်စ္သူ မျဖစ္ရပါဘူး။
၃။ မိတ္ကပ္ေတြဟာလည္း တခါလိမ္းၿပီးရင္ မိုးရြာရြာ ေနပူပူ ဘယ္လို အေျခအေနမွာ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္
ဒီအတိုင္းပဲ ရွိေနပါတယ္။
၄။ မင္းသားနဲ႔မင္းသမီး ခ်စ္သူႏွစ္ေယာက္ ကြင္းျပင္ထဲမွာ ကေနတုန္း ရုတ္တရက္ (ဘယ္က
ေရာက္လာသလဲ ဆိုတာ ဘုရားပဲ သိႏိုင္တဲ့) လူ(၁၀၀)ေလာက္ ထြက္လာၿပီး သူတို႔နဲ႔အတူ
၀င္ကေလ့ ရွိပါတယ္။
၅။ ဇာတ္သိမ္းခန္းက်ရင္ မင္းသားဟာ သူနဲ႔ တိုက္ခိုက္ေနတဲ့ လူဆိုးက သူ႔အစ္ကို ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊
သူ႔ကို ၾကည့္ရႈ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေနတဲ့ အိမ္ေဖာ္မိန္းမႀကီးက သူ႔အေမျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ရဲအရာရွိႀကီးက
သူ႔အေဖ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ တရားသူႀကီးက သူ႔ဦးေလးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း စသည္ျဖင့္ စသည္ျဖင့္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္
သိရွိသြားတတ္ပါတယ္။
၆။ ရုပ္ရွင္ထဲက စကားေတြၾကားမွာ ခပ္က်ယ္က်ယ္ ေျပာၿပီး အမ်ားဆံုး ညွပ္သံုးတတ္တဲ့
အဂၤလိပ္ စကားလံုးေတြကေတာ့ "No Problem", "My God!", "Get Out!", "Shut Up!",
"Impossible" နဲ႔ "Please forgive me!" တို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
၇။ မင္းသား မင္းသမီးေတြဟာ သီခ်င္း ဆိုေနတုန္းမွာပဲ ေျမႀကီးေပၚ လွဲခ်ၿပီး လူးလွိမ့္ႏိုင္သလို
အ၀တ္အစားေတြလဲ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး ေျပာင္းႏိုင္ၾကပါတယ္။
၈။ သူတို႔ေတြဟာ အုန္းပင္ေတြ ၾကားမွာ ေျပးလႊားျခင္း၊ သီခ်င္းဆိုျခင္း၊ မ်က္ေတာင္မ်ား ပုတ္ခတ္
ပုတ္ခတ္လုပ္ျခင္း၊ တေယာက္နဲ႔တေယာက္ ျဖတ္ခနဲ အၾကည့္ခ်င္း ဖလွယ္ျခင္း၊ အ၀တ္အစား
လဲျခင္းမ်ားကို တျပိဳင္တည္းမွာ လံုး၀ မေမာမပန္းဘဲ လုပ္ႏိုင္ၾကပါတယ္။
တရုတ္သိုင္းကားေတြမရွိရင္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ
မသိႏိုင္မယ့္ အခ်က္ေတြကေတာ့
စကၤာပူက ႏွင္ထုတ္ခံရသူ
ျမန္မာအေရးလႈပ္ရွားသူတဦး အင္ဒိုနီးရွားမွာ
ေသာင္တင္ေနဆဲ
မိုးမခ အေထာက္ေတာ္ ၀၀၃