Race K's - Michigan7 2013

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013
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Race File 7wS BFJR
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Notes
This file contains a variety of different arguments related to racism; some are fully developed, others are the start of something good; some are anti-whiteness Ks, others are responses to those Ks. Notes on each argument are below. Our goals for this file as a group for this were to: A Investigate and cut the best of the new literature emerging from folks who were outraged by the George Zimmerman verdict, which occurred the day before we began our research. B Research new literature that previous debaters hadnt researched, particularly from books and other hard to find peer-reviewed literature that were lucky enough to access at UM. --BR The arguments included are: Whiteness K: Very similar to the common K of whiteness, but with a different set of authors and literature. Theres a few relevant narratives included, and a focus on pedagogy. Itd combo well with the: Pedagogy K: A look at the educational aspects of whiteness. This may have particular utility as a framework/prior question type argument against race affirmatives. Sexual Politics: The purpose of this section is for people who are looking to reject the patriarchal norms of society. The Millet ev is all talking about how we have blinders an making it so the lens we view through seems right when in actuality it perpetuates the violence of the skwo. There's a link to almost every aff relating it back to patriarchy. You should use cross ex to set up a further link the ev is really good on the subject. The impact section of the file is realistic and should be able to be explained with logic. Read through the entire file before you decide to run this. There are two alts in this file, feel free to alter/ create a new one for the sake of coherence. --SC Latino Identity: Just a couple cards about Latino identitys relationship to the racial binary. The second card may have some utility for answering affirmatives that attempt to conflate Latin American struggles for freedom with racism or slavery. AT: Grade it like a paper: A short criticism of the framework argument that the judge should Grade the 1AC like a paper. Might or might not be useful ever. Quar: One card about intersectionality and Quar. #unitethecrowns Sheshadri-Crooks K: Kalpana Sheshadri-Crooks wrote a super sweet book called Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. This K consists of various cards from that book. The thesis, put simply, is that Whiteness has become a master signifier, the result of which is that individuals come to desire a place within that framework. These networks of repressed desire make impossible resistance to the ordering force of race. A key distinction is between race, which S-C identifies as an ontology, and racism, which
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she calls epistemological. It links particularly well to affirmatives that claim to perform a genealogy or use a genealogical approach. The kritik can function as an independent K of race affirmatives, or as one link in a larger Lacanian criticism. Loren and Metelmann: Calum talked about this argument in his Debating Race lecture. Wilderson believes racism to be situated in the Lacanian order of the Real, while race is in the Symbolic. Loren and Metelmanns short article criticizes this same notion in the work of Mitchell, arguing that instead Race is the Real, and Racism the Symbolic. Race, thus, is lackingracism is not an inevitability but a flawed attempt at representing/signifying race in the order of the symbolic. Only this change in conceptualization makes possible resistance to biologism/racism. This argument is surprisingly well evidenced, but might require a large amount of time to explain in the blockId recommend planning accordingly. Hammersley: This argument is frequently deployed as a framework argument, but the same article can be used to criticize the model of evidence comparison that many race affirmatives deploy. Put simply, the argument is that evidence should be judged based on its empirical/scientific validity, not on its functional merit, or utility for solving racism. Failure to take this into account might turn the aff or be a reason why the judge should reject the team on presumption. Quiet K: This argument consists of three somewhat distinct authors who all think that resistance/speaking out is a bad model for dealing with racism and oppression. 1. Quashiehes specific to racism. The argument centers around aesthetics, claiming that resistance reduces our ability to understand the interiority of blackness to the point at which the aff will end up being reductionist and racist as supposed to productive in reducing racism. Some teams have deployed this argument in coordination with Badiou. The cards are relatively tricky in terms of a possible floating PIK 2. BrownWendy Brown writes some very high quality cards about how breaking silence can become a fetish, and thus be not liberating but oppressive overall. This would likely mix well with Quashie, with Brown being a part of the 2NC. 3. Hundlebythis author claims that standpoint epistemology and speaking as/for the oppressed has the unintentional result if giving away valuable secrets that are key to achieving freedom. For example, speaking in a public space about Blackness might be tantamount to telling ones oppressors about the Underground Railroad. This argument may have some degree of tension with Quashies position about resistance Nuclear Racism: These cards talk about how racism is perpetuated through nuclear risk logic. Nuclear plants are more prevalent in minority communities. Yancy: This critique is a performative one of sorts. It might hybrid well with the Whiteness K. The second card isnt quite done, so you should finish underlining it if you intend to read this argument. Ontological Whiteness: This card is both an answer to the above Yancy argument and an independent K of the logic of white judges voting to affirm black experience. --LA Alayna, Brittany, Brook, Lev, Greg, Sierra, Rubaie
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Whiteness
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1NC
This debate held a radical potential for resistance that was foreclosed by the 1acs glorification of America, the worlds largest purveyor of white supremacy. Active and ever-present consciousness raising and resistance in the wake of the Zimmeran trial is key; its not about developing new alternatives, but tearing down anti-blackness Goldberg 7/14 (Jesse, State University of New York, Do not act surprised by the verdict in the Zimmerman trial, 7/14/13, http://liberaldogmablog.blogspot.com/2013/07/do-not-act-surprised-byverdict-in.html)//LA Black life is not worth as much as other life. Black death is not mourned like other death. In fact, it is celebrated, as we saw in the post-verdict press conferences and on Twitter (trigger warning: there are very painful Tweets collected in that link). And for those who, be it consciously or unconsciously, retain a commitment to American democracy and American justice systems because of their protection within them thanks to the fact that both are deeply entrenched in the ideology of white supremacy (and despite what SCOTUS may think, white supremacy was not eradicated in the 1960s), this celebration makes total sense. Celebrate the sacrificial expenditure that makes possible the continuity of the community. Thats just whats done. Because in order for American society to continue, blackness must be contained, and those bearing its mark must be ghettoized, stopped and frisked, locked up, disenfranchised, and killed in order that the machine keeps moving. But so many folks are already saying all of this, and saying it much better than I can. So what are we to do? First of all, we cant do nothing, and we cant tell folks who are doing something to slow down. If you dont want to change the system, you are not being cautious or careful or moderate, you are being actively oppressive. Because the system as it currently exists is unjust; the status quo is morally unacceptable. So to call for a halt of attempts to overhaul this status quo is to call for the continuity of oppression of murder. Second, we all have skin in this game. Fellow white folks, dont you dare for a minute believe
that this isnt a fight for us as well. (Whiteness to me is oppression. And it oppresses not just black people, but people who think it offers them something other than dominance over their fellow man. Poor white people have been sold a bill of goods that offers them white supremacy and takes away jobs and economic growth. Steve Locke). Dont
you dare for a minute try to silence movements which call attention to race by shaking your white liberal finger at them and telling them that theyre nave and we should all really be talking about class. Instead, we must ask ourselves what we can do to actively resist a system that is set up to our advantage. And a word of advice along the way: we must never forget our privilege as long as it exists. As tempting as it will be to echo cries of We are Trayvon Martin or to take to the streets wearing hoodies, we must remember that hoodies draped over our white bodies do not hold the same meaning as hoodies draped over black bodies. As long as that's true, we must fight. Third, we all can do something. Not everyone has to become a street-marching activist, or a politician, or a director of a non-profit, or a public defense attorney, or an academic, or a journalist. But, to channel Fred Moten, and perhaps offer a different inflection, everywhere there is the potential for performance (which is everywhere, because we are always performing, whether were paid to do so or not), there is potential for resistance. My pessimism is a resignation to the facts of history which create our contemporary moment, facts which unequivocally demonstrate that America is a country inextricably built upon an ideology of white supremacy and anti-blackness, and that our current systems have not exorcised this legacy. Me pessimism is an acknowledgement that anti-blackness is not a symptom of American capitalism, but one of its fundamental principles, and one of the foundations on which this country stands. I believe we have to acknowledge the enormity of these things (especially white folks, since it is our interests which are most clearly served by not acknowledging these things), but my pessimism is not a resignation to a belief that things will always be this way. I retain a profound commitment to working towards a Justice that does not yet exist. I have no idea yet what it will look like, but I know it will look nothing like this.
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2NC Impacts
The murder of Trayvon Martin has sent a shockwave throughout the mass media and political system however, Trayvon is but one piece of the puzzle we live in an anti-black society nowhere is this more evident than the legal system black bodies are marked as born dead they are not delegitimized because they were never legitimized to begin with this system of gratuitous violence makes possible mass extermination Brady 12 (Nicholas Brady, activist scholar, executive board member of Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, BA in philosophy from Johns Hopkins, PhD student at the University of California-Irvine Culture and Theory program, 10-26-12, The Flesh Grinder: Prosecutorial Discretion and the Terror of Mass Incarceration, http://academia.edu/2776507/The_Flesh_Grinder_Prosecutorial_Discretion_and_the_Quotidian_Terror _of_Mass_Incarceration) gz The recent murder of Trayvon Martin brought the national conversation back to a topic that had been repressed for the myth of a post-racial America propagated since the election of Barack Obama to the presidency: the fundamental openness of the black body to wanton and excessive abuse and premature death (Gilmore, 28). That the national narrative around Martins death, even the narratives built by black political and civil leaders, only had Emit Till to compare his death to is example par excellance of the complete lack of any language we have to discuss the machinations that make a phrase such as black death into a redundancy. Trayvon Martin was not a singular case but was one of 120 black people killed extra-judicially (by police officers, security officials, and vigilante justice-seekers) in 2012 between January and July . That every 36 hours on average a black life is taken extra-judicially means that Trayvon Martin is not exceptional, but we do not have a language to deal with either the exceptional or the quotidian. Into the abyss, though the demand for justice, something productive happened: the rallying cry for justice made an invisible and ethereal part of the justice system into something a little more material. The call to arrest and charge George Zimmerman brought our attention to the role of the Prosecutor in the criminal punishment system. After the protests, statement from the President, and daily media blitzes, a special prosecutor was assigned to the case to meet the
calls for justice. Angela Corey would become the face for an area of the law that is both ubiquitous and unthought. It seems she understood this for her statement, before officially giving the charge, set up a context for evaluating prosecutors, The Supreme Court has defined our role as Proscutors *as+ not only ministers of justice but seekers of the truth. Every single day our prosecutors across this great country handle difficult cases and they adhere to that same standard: a never ending search for the truth and a quest to always do the right thing for the right reason. There is a reason cases are tried in a court of law and not in the court of public opinion or the media. Because details have to come out in excruciating and minute fashion. Detail by detail, bit of evidence by bit of evidence. And it is only then, when the Trier of fact whether judge or jury, gets all the details that then a decision can be rendered. Corey is laboring to legitimize a system that took weeks to actually arrest George Zimmerman, yet this labor represses her own case history, for example the case of Marissa
Alexander. Alexander is a mother who was convicted of attempted murder because she shot a warning shot at the father of her children who has admitted to beating her on several occasions before. Alexander was arrested on spot and charged within days in a case where the stand your ground defense was also being called upon. This supposed contradiction of methods that meet different bodies is the norm of the criminal punishment system, and this paper will
attempt to string out some parts of the structure that make it so. In many disciplines there has been renewed attention given to mass incarceration. Yet, in spite of the growing level of multidisciplinary scrutiny on police surveillance and violent gulags, a major actor has slipped through virtually untouched in the humanities' attention to prisons. This major actor, regularly described in criminology and legal scholarship as the most powerful agent in the criminal punishment system, is the Prosecutor. The office of the prosecutor exists in a place where matter doesn't matter. Or put differently, the
prosecutors agency is assembled where black matter no longer matters and where what matters, the happenings of the human and the quest for civil justice, can only be produced through the quotidian grinding and destruction of black flesh. This paper will seek to shine a light, or
better yet a shadow, on the white knights of the justice system. While one would think they know the job of a Prosecutor given its ubiquity on television crime dramas and movies, the mundaneness of their actual day-to-day activities are mystified by television's fascination with the drama of the trial, whether fictional or "real." In fact, it is rare that you will find a prosecutor who takes even 10 percent of their cases to trial. Over 90 percent of cases are settled through a plea bargain where the defendant will agree to plead guilty usually for the guarantee of less time, parole, or a lighter charge. As one law professor put it, the plea bargain is not an addendum to the criminal justice system, it is the
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criminal justice system (Scott and Stuntz, 1912). In spite of its centrality, there is little literature on the inner-workings of the plea bargain outside of schematic analysis in criminology. Instead of focusing on the theatrics of the trial, this paper will analyze the day-to-day grind of the plea bargain in order to explicate the quotidian terror that lies at the heart of prosecutorial discretion. From day-to-day a Prosecutor can be working on anywhere between 20 to 100 cases at a time (Heumann, 98). While a Prosecutor is given wide discretion to charge a case the way they want, there are hierarchies that determine the norms and procedures of each office. There are the district attorneys that the general population votes into office and the deputy attorneys that answer directly to him or her. Underneath them are the line prosecutors who work on the majority of the cases but whose decisions generally follow the established protocols of the veteran prosecutors and deputies. New prosecutors often come straight from law school with lofty dreams of becoming courtroom heroes only to learn that their job is much more akin to assembly-line justice. Legal scholar Abraham Blumberg describes this as the, emergence of bureaucratic due process, consist*ing+ of secret bargaining sessions [and] employing subtle, bureaucratically ordained modes of coercion and influence to dispose of large case loads (Blumberg, 69). While each office is different from the next, there is a stunning amount of unity at the procedural level. Deputy district attorneys will reject thirty to forty percent of cases the police send to them on face. The remaining 60 percent are considered suspects that are, according to the evidence provided, conclusively guilty. For the Prosecutor, these cases would be slam-dunk wins in front of a jury (Lewis, 51). This begs the question: What is the dividing line between cases that are charged and cases that get dropped by Prosecutors? Some statistics on the racial component of sentencing might lead us to an answer. In
terms of drug crimes, according to a comprehensive report by Human Rights Watch, blacks are 14 percent of drug users, but are 37 percent of people arrested for drug possession, and are anywhere between 45 to 60 percent of those charged . These strings of numbers reveal an anti-black trajectory: the cases that the Prosecutor overwhelmingly pursues are black cases, the ones he drops are overwhelmingly non-black. A defense attorney called these for-sure-guilty cases born dead. This is a curious phrase, but when considering the historic connection between blackness and crime dating back to the inception of the national polity through slavery, the defense attorneys phrasing gets us to a much more paradigmatic argument. Walt Lewis, a Los Angeles prosecutor, describes a criminal justice continuum where bodies are transformed from being free to being incarcerated (Lewis, 20). One is first arrested by the police and becomes a suspect. If the prosecutor decides to charge, then you go from being a suspect to a defendant. Finally if you are found guilty, you go from being a defendant to a convict. This process describes a temporality that transforms the human into the incarcerated inhuman. As violent as this process can be, the blacks fate is fundamentally different and more terrifying. The black is arrested, charged, and convicted at disproportionate rates because we were never actually suspects or defendants. Instead, we were always criminals, always already slaves-in-waiting. Instead of a continuum, the black body floats in a zone of non-being where time and transformation lose all meaning. Cases involving black bodies do not need to be rock-solid in terms of facts for their bodies have already been marked by the law as criminal (Fanon, 2). Thus cases involving black bodies are always for-sure victories, are always already born dead. In an interesting case that made it all the way to the Supreme Court titled United States versus Armstrong, a group of black defendants levied a critique similar to this papers argument . A group of black men were brought on charges of possessing 50 grams of crack cocaine. Unlike a normal defense where the details of the states accusation would be called into question, the defense instead argued that the prosecution selectively charges black people in cases involving crack cocaine. The first argument of the defense was that the majority of crack cocaine users in California are
actually whites, not black people. The second argument of the defense used testimonies from government lawyers to prove that of all 841 cases the state brought against people possessing crack cocaine, all of them were black. Using these two claims, the defense said there was adequate proof to show that prosecutors were using unconstitutional means, racial markers, to select who would be charged and who wouldnt be charged. According to past rulings by the Supreme Court, if selective prosecution can be proven then that is adequate grounds to vacate the sentence, even if the defendants were caught red-handed. Against this defense, the prosecution counter-argued that it does not selectively prosecute based on race, but instead on fact and circumstance. The district court that initially heard the appeal ruled that the state should turn over records of the 841 cases in question to prove who was right in the dispute. The state refused to reveal its documents and instead appealed the decision all the way up to the Supreme Court. Overturning the district and federal circuit court, the
Supreme Court ruled in favor of the prosecution for a few reasons. The first reason Rehnquist gave was that it is not in the best interest of the governments war on crime to monitor prosecutors. Rehnquist argued that the prosecutor must have the freedom to operate in the way she sees fit. The second and most important reason Rehnquist gave was by far the most explicitly racist and I will quote it in full: quote a published 1989 Drug Enforcement Administration report concluded that "[l]arge scale, interstate trafficking networks controlled by Jamaicans, Haitians and Black street gangs dominate the manufacture and distribution of crack. [and] the most recent statistics of the United States Sentencing Commission show that: More than
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90% of the persons sentenced in 1994 for crack cocaine trafficking were black. . The Supreme Court answered
the defendants accusation of selective prosecution by arguing that such a prosecution strategy is legitimate because it can be verified through statistics that black people are the major users and distributors of crack cocaine. To word it differently, the
Supreme Court ruled that it was in the states interest to terrorize black communities because we are the most heinous drug users in the country. To be black is to be marked as a danger that must be controlled, seized, and incarcerated. Prosecutors act within and perpetuate this matrix of violence that precedes discourse. When a Prosecutor sees a case with a black body, he knows the same statistic the Supreme Court quoted and he knows, if not consciously then unconsciously, that this case is already done, already guilty, already born dead.
Blackness is social death and unimaginable exclusion Vargas and James 13 (Joo Costa and Joy, University of Texas and Williams University, Refusing Blackness-as-Victimization: Trayvon Martin and the Black Cyborgs, Chapter 14 in Pursuing Trayvon Martin: Historical Contexts and Contemporary Manifestations ed. George Yancy and Janine Jones)//LA What happens when, instead of becoming enraged and shocked every time a black person is killed in the United States, we recognize black death as a predictable and constitutive aspect of this democracy? What will happen then if instead of demanding justice we recognize (or at least consider) that the very notion of justice-indeed the gamut of political and cognitive elements that constitute formal, multiracial democratic practices and institutions-produces or requires black exclusion and death as normative? To think about Trayvon Martin's death not merely as a tragedy or media controversy but as a political marker of possibilities permits one to come to terms with several foundational and foretold stories, particularly if we understand that death or killing to be prefigured by mass or collective loss of social standing and life. One story is of impossible redemption in the impossible polis. It departs from, and depends on, the position of the hegemonic, anti-black-which is not exclusively white but is exclusively non-black-subject and the political and cognitive schemes that guarantee her ontology and genealogy. Depending on the theology, redemption requires deliverance from sin, and/or
deliverance from slavery. 1 Redemption is a precondition of integration into the white-dominated social universe2 Integration thus requires that the black become a non-slave, and that the black become a non-sinner. The
paradox or impossibility is that if blackness is both sin and sign of enslavement, the mark of "Ham,'; then despite the legal abolition of juridical enslavement or chattel slavery or the end of the formal colony, the sinner and enslaved endure; and virtue requires the eradication of both. If we theorize from the standpoint say of Frantz Fanon, through the lens of the fiftieth
anniversary of the English publication, The Wretched of the Earth (or Ida B. Wells's Southern Horrors, Toni Morrison's Playing in the Dark, Frank Wilderson's Jncognegro, etc.), we can follow a clear heuristic formulation: from
the perspective of the dominant, whiteinflected gaze and predisposition, blacks can be redeemed neither from sin nor from slavery. 3 For a black person to be integrated, s/he must either become non-black, or display superhuman and/or infrahuman qualities. (In Fanonian terms she would become an aggrandized slave or enfranchised slave-that is, one who owns property still nonetheless remains in servitude or colonized.) The imagination, mechanics, and reproduction of the ordinary polis rely on the exclusion of ordinary blacks and their availability for violent aggression and/ or premature death or disappearance (historically through lynching and the convict prison lease system, today through "benign neglect" and mass incarceration). The ordinary black person can therefore never be integrated. The "ordinary negro" is never without sin. Thus, to be sinless or angelic in order to be recognized as citizenry has been the
charge for postbellum blackness. Throughout the twentieth century, movements to free blacks from what followed in the wake of the abolition of chattel slavery ushered in the postbellum black cyborg: the call for a "Talented Tenth" issued by white missionaries and echoed by a young W. E. B. Du Bois, Bayard Rustin's imploring a young Martin Luther King Jr. to become "angelic" in his advocacy of civil rights and to remove the men with shotguns from his front porch despite the bombings and death threats against King, his wife Corella, and their young children. The
angelic negro/negress is not representative and his or her status as an acceptable marker for U.S. democracy is predicated upon their usefulness for the transformation of whiteness into a loftier, more ennobled formation. This performance or service of the angelic black would be resurrected in the
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reconstruction of Trayvon Martin as a youth worthy of the right to life, the right of refusal to wear blackness as victimization; the right to fight back. That is, the right to the life of the polis; so much of black life, particularly for the average fellah, is mired in close proximity to the graveyard, hemmed in by the materiality of social margins and decay, exclusion and violence.
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2NC Silence Link

Their silence about the structures of Whiteness is a link, and it has consequencesdesire is productive Mazzei 11 (Lisa A., Gonzaga U, Desiring Silence: Gender, Race, and Pedagogy in Education, British Educational Research Journal, Vol. 37, No. 4, August 2011, p. 657-96)//LA In framing whiteness in the context of this paper, I am interested in how a lack of cognition regarding one's racial identity/position as white serves to explain away and in many cases perpetuate the existence of racial barriers to social mobility (Sleeter, 2004). Since whiteness as a descriptor for whites often goes unnamed, unnoticed and unspoken, the silence or absence (that which is not spoken) of this racial identity continues to provide a framework for the analysis of the conversations I have with white teachers at both the preservice and inservice levels. If white teachers continue to effectively deny or fail to see their whiteness as raced then they will continue to see students of colour as 'Other' and respond to them from that perception- i.e., they are raced, I am not. Such an orientation perpetuates a racially inhabited silence that limits, if not negates, an open dialogue regarding race and culture. In such an environment stereotypes are furthered rather than confronted and perceptions of self and Other are allowed to remain circumscribed in a protective caul. In short, education as a means of transformation or change is subverted and silence as a means of control and protection of privilege is accepted. If we think silence is an enactment of a desire to be recognized as governed by social norms, then we acknowledge that the desire on the part of these white preservice teachers is a desire to be recognized 'within the constraints of normativity' Jackson, 2009, p . 171). If they are recognized within such constraints, then their mark as white teacher remains intact. Privilege remains unchallenged and is thus exercised as a desiring silence that maintains an invisible mask of whiteness. In other words, these white preservice teachers do not speak of whiteness, or more specifically their own race, therefore whiteness is reinscribed as that which need not be named, thereby reproducing what Seshadri-Crooks refers to as a 'neutral epistemology' . Instead of asking, 'What is desire?' the impetus is instead to ask, 'What
does desire ask of these students?' Not what does it mean, but what does it do? Deleuze draws on Nietzsche for his theory of desire. For Nietzsche, the
notion of desire has to do with drive. 'What we call 'thinking' , 'feeling' , reason' is nothing more than a as a lack, gap or what is missing and, instead, puts forth an immanent concept of desire. As such, desire is primary, positive and not left wanting but, instead, producing something. What matters for Deleuze is not what desire means; instead, he wants to know 'whether it works, and how it works, and who it works for' (Deleuze, 1990, p. 22). Through an engagement with Deleuzian desire, I focus on what is producing the silence and/or what the silence produces, in other words, a desiring silence. Not as in 'to desire' silence, but silences that are produced and
competing of the passions or drives' (Smith, 2007). Deleuze rejects desire that produce an effect, emerging from a 'production of production' (O'Sullivan & Zepke, 2008, p. 1, emphasis in original). Such silences may be produced by resistance or the attempt to maintain power that resists the 'gravity of the circle of recognition and its representations' (p. 1).
What is desire? If desire does not begin from lack, in other words, desiring what we do not have, then where does it begin or, put differently, what spawns desire? Discussing Deleuzian desire, Claire Colebrook (2002) writes, 'life strives to preserve and enhance itself and does so by connecting with other desires' (p. 91). This preserving and enhancing of desire coalesces with power, not in a 'repression of desire but the expansion of desire' (p. 91). The task of Deleuze's own method is to 'explain how interestssuch as humanism, individualism, capitalism or communismare produced from desires: the concrete and specific connection of bodies' (p. 92), in this case the bodies of white preservice teachers. The charge then becomes not to define desire, but to understand the interests that produce desire and the interests that desire seeks to produce and/or protect. In the case of white preservice teachers, the visibleness of white as a marker of their bodies has previously been deemed invisible because of its normative presence. This failure to have previously named whiteness thereby produces a desire to protect the invisibleness and hence a
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maintenance of whiteness as an unchallenged norm. 'Desire ilself is power, a power to become and produce images' (Colebrook, 2002, p. 94, emphasis in original). A powerful white presence is an unnamed and silent image that continues to be masked in the power of that which will not be named. Desiring silence then re-produces an unspoken white presence. The Affs silence towards anti-blackness only endorses into the racism of the Status Quo Fung 12 (Brian Fung, is a writer at National Journal. He was previously an associate editor at The Atlantic and has written for Foreign Policy and The Washington Post, article is based off a research study performed by Yale and the City University of New York, The Quiet Racism of Abortion Bans, AUG 28 2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2012/08/the-quiet-racism-of-abortionbans/261665/, //AR) Like prohibitions on other goods and services, an abortion ban of the kind national conservatives propose would take a disproportionate toll on those least equipped to adapt, and would advance little but ideology. As national Republicans in Tampa have added a ban on abortions as an official plank in their party platform -a proposal whose draft language is so severe, it doesn't make exceptions for cases of rape or incest -liberal commentators have grown accustomed to speaking of the right's strict stance on reproductive issues as a war on women. But it might be more accurate to say that it's really an attack on women of a specific stripe: those from disadvantaged minorities and the poor . What would happen if the GOP got its way and control over abortion rights were returned to the states? A new study by researchers at Yale University and the City University of New York, published in NBER, imagines how overturning Roe v. Wade might play out.
Using analyses that predicted which states might be likeliest to ban abortion if they could, the scientists established a set of hypothetical scenarios and compared them to actual abortion data from both the pre- and the post-Roe v. Wade era. The researchers estimate that if 31 anti-abortion states made the procedure illegal tomorrow, the national abortion rate would drop by 14.9 percent. In a more extreme example, banning abortion in 46 states -- while preserving it in places where reproductive rights enjoy constitutional protection -- would result in the abortion rate falling 29 percent.
But whatever you make of those topline numbers, one thing seems certain:
an abortion ban would disproportionately affect women from non-white and low-income backgrounds . To understand how that works, we need to look at the way distance acts as a deterrent against abortion access. Among women overall in the 1970s after New York legalized abortion but before Roe v. Wade was decided, every 100-mile increase in distance between a patient and a New York clinic corresponded to a 12 percent decrease in abortion rates, the researchers wrote. The challenges posed by distance are still valid today -- and they affect nonwhites at far greater rates than whites. In the scenario involving a 31-state ban, minorities would see their abortion rates drop 1.8 percentage points more than whites. In the extreme example of a 46-state ban, the difference would be 12.3 points. "If race serves as a crude proxy for socio-economic status," the authors conclude, "and if distance proxies the cost of an abortion, then the racial differences are consistent with less well-off women being more sensitive to the availability of abortion services than more advantaged women." But we don't need to take the researchers'
word for it. Dr. Patrick Whelan, a Harvard rheumatologist who's studied abortion rates in Massachusetts, argues that financial incentives don't work with abortion they way they might in other industries. In a phone interview last week, Whelan cited data on women who choose to pay out-of-pocket for their abortions even when they could get the procedure done for free or at a discount thanks to insurance. "Whether that's a modesty issue, or they don't think it might be covered, or they don't want a public record of it someplace," Whelan said, "cost is not a deterrent for a lot of people." Whatever the reasons behind women's choices, Whelan's larger point is this: financial barriers aren't enough to dissuade women from getting an abortion if they want one. At first blush, Whelan and the NBER study appear to be saying different things. The former suggests that abortions will continue irrespective of the price tag, while the latter suggests cost really is a limiting factor for women in that living farther away from a legal abortion clinic tends to depress abortion rates. These statements aren't really mutually exclusive, though; they're just different ways of explaining how women of different backgrounds respond to the problem of cost. Where
they agree is that the wealthy, who are generally white, are better able to eat the cost of extra travel compared to low-income non-whites. In other words, white women are able to go to longer lengths (literally) to get a legal abortion. Non-white and low-income women aren't so lucky. For them, an abortion ban would mean either carrying their unplanned pregnancies to term -- something the NBER

paper predicts could happen to some degree, and which
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would likely be exacerbated by conservative attempts to limit contraception access at the same time that they crack down on abortion -- or resorting to unsafe, illegal abortions. These procedures, by their very nature, would be ignored by official abortion figures so that to speak of the "gains" of a ban would be to turn a blind eye to a very nasty black-market business.
It'd also create new headaches for states: between the threat to public health posed by underground abortions, and the rise of teen birth rates; the added economic burden on state social and health-care services;
the mockery it'd make of public

it's hard to see how abortion bans would
statistics; and their inherent racial and socio-economic unfairness,

advance anything except ideology.
The 1ac's silence on race IS OUR LINK -- racism permeates politics -- the alternative is key starting point for countering anti-blackness Bobo 13(Lawrence D. Bobo, is the W.E.B. Du Bois Professor of the Social Sciences at Harvard University. He is a contributing editor for The Root., Quiet Bias: The Racism of 2013 Straight Up: Let's get real -- and start talking -- about the anti-black prejudice that infects the U.S. March 13, 2013 http://www.theroot.com/views/quiet-bias-racism-2013?page=0,1 , //AR) Let's be honest: Our culture is still deeply suffused with anti-black bias, despite an African-American president in office. National surveys (pdf) continue to reveal commonly held stereotypes of African Americans as less hardworking and less intelligent than whites. Political resentments of blacks remain a centerpiece -- indeed, a genuine third rail -- of American domestic politics: Do anything to seriously activate these resentments, and you run the risk of immediate political electrocution. The last time we saw any major political
figure come close to touching the rail, of activating these political resentments against blacks, occurred when Obama offered his off-the-cuff remarks about the arrest of Henry Louis Gates Jr., The Root's editor-in-chief, by the Cambridge, Mass., police. The level of negative stereotypes and attitudes tapped in polls and surveys may only reveal the most easily observable symptoms of the illness .
A number of powerful psychological experiments show the extent to which blackness for Americans is intimately tied to images of violence and danger . Indeed, one of the most depressing lines of research suggests a core underlining psychological association of blackness with apes, an ugly, old racist trope from the age of the Great Chain of Being, in which the African was seen as closer to primitive animals in the hierarchy of species (pdf).To be sure, this whole issue of racism had a more
straightforward quality in the past. We did not have to resort to complex surveys and experiments to reveal its depth. There used to be something loud and obvious and terrible about racism -- circumstances with some ironic virtues. A visible and openly declared enemy is so much more directly confronted than one that operates stealthily.And that is the dilemma of racism in our times .
We have hints, suggestions, indications, if you will, of racial bias all around us today. But it is typically unspoken, if not altogether invisible, much of the time. And where it's not invisible, there is often a plausible cover story that can be told as to why racially differential treatment was somehow justifiable or legitimate. All of this makes waging the fight against racism much tougher. It is now quiet -- or rationalized on some nonracial grounds and thereby hidden in plain view -- and seemingly, as a consequence, perhaps not such a bad thing after all.But it is a bad thing. Let's be clear: There is plenty of research showing that actual discrimination remains remarkably common. For example, one major study of low-skilled workers in New York found high rates of bias against black job applicants. Princeton sociologist Devah Pager and her colleagues showed that otherwise identical black job seekers were 50 percent less likely to achieve success in a job search (pdf) than their white counterparts.The discrimination was so subtle that only a systematic experiment could reveal it. This was not the loud de jure discrimination of the era of
"no blacks need apply," but instead today's quiet bias of "Oh, we already filled that position" or "We were actually looking for someone with more experience" or "Maybe you'd be better suited to this lower-paying job." There are few things as sickening as the ongoing, well-known
practice of stop-
and-frisk policing in New York. Absent a deep-rooted culture of anti-black bias, which is racism, the practice would not be tolerated,
given the radically disproportionate intrusion by state police power that it involves in identifiable minority communities. Records for 2011
In a city where blacks make up just under a quarter of the population, blacks constitute more than half of those so detained by police. Citywide polls show an enormous gap between blacks and whites in approval of the stop-and-frisk practice, with a
show almost 700,000 such incidents, with almost nine out of 10 incidents involving African Americans or Hispanics. substantial number of blacks, at 80 percent (and even a plurality of New York's whites: 48 percent), saying that the police are biased in favor of whites. It
is unclear whether the tactic has any meaningful impact on crime, but it is screamingly plain
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that it adds to racial tension and misunderstanding while deepening minority cynicism about the police . And so we get today's quiet bias of a major-city mayor and police commissioner defending a dubious practice of aggressive state intrusion into the lives of black and Hispanic youths on an astonishing scale. This quiet bias is a routine feature of our national politics as well. We are all aware of how constrained President
Obama is in terms of what he can say or do regarding race. I believe that the culture of racism still alive in the U.S. remains potent enough that Obama must, in fact, routinely accomplish a complex, three-part balancing act. He must consistently rise above prevalent stereotypes of blacks as less capable and intelligent, thus always standing as the exception to the assumed rule. He must never be seen as openly advocating policies that run against the third rail of resentment against blacks as a sort of untouchable special-interest category in the body politic, who lack legitimate claims on the nation's resources. And he must do all this while somehow keeping African Americans and other people of color highly politically mobilized segments of his constituency. But make no mistake, racism
remains a living and highly adaptive thing in our times. Yes, Jim Crow racism has effectively been defeated. An insidious quiet bias remains today, however. And in this guise , racism is still distorting American life.
History, The late Stanford University historian George Fredrickson wrote in Racism: A Short
"The legacy of past racism directed at blacks in the United States is more like a bacillus that we
We will make little or no
have failed to destroy, a live germ that not only continues to make some of us ill but retains the capacity to generate new strains of a disease for which we have no certain cure."
many everyday practices and habits. Racism progress against this underlying illness by becoming complicit in ignoring the deep-rooted character of anti-black bias in our culture and in so
is a powerful word. Using it can quickly shut down a conversation. But such sensitivity cannot excuse silence in the face of a real problem and ongoing injustice. For me, a key element of the continued quest for racial justice in America is the outing of today's "quiet bias."
Like a patient told to take the full regimen of antibiotics or run the risk of the ailment coming back even more strongly in the future, we must remain ready to challenge racism no matter how discreetly or politely it presents itself.
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AltRejection/Recognition
As a KRejecting whiteness solves; As a PIKRecognition solves the K; theres only a risk of a DA. Mazzei 11 (Lisa A., Gonzaga U, Desiring Silence: Gender, Race, and Pedagogy in Education, British Educational Research Journal, Vol. 37, No. 4, August 2011, p. 657-96)//LA Returning to Jan's statements in the previous section, while she in some ways engages the silence, and was in fact very progressive in many of her attitudes as demonstrated in class and her field placement, she is also caught in the stratification that threatens her survival, or rather, her survival within a plane of whiteness. To encounter all of her inconsistencies, desires and silences at once is too much and may result in a suicidal collapse of her subjectivity. It is not possible for her, or the other students in my classes for that matter, to completely destratify at once. But what is possible is that as teacher educators, we provide opportunities that encourage a continual search for the potential movements of deterritorialization or possible lines of flight that may, over time, produce not a desiring silence, but the production of a desiring pedagogy. If, as teacher educators, we fail to recognize how desire functions with white preservice teachers by failing to attend to a desiring silence, then students can resist and reassert their power. If, on the other hand, we engage the silence, connect our desires with those of our students, then students may still resist, but they may also begin to destratify in ways that produce the possibility of deterritorialization, the possibility of a desiring pedagogy. Judith Butler (2004) reminds us that in the
Hegelian tradition, desire is linked with recognition, 'claiming that desire is always a desire for recognition and that it is only through the experience of recognition that any of us becomes constituted as socially viable beings' (p. 2). She goes on to argue that while to some degree this is both alluring and true, it also confers 'humanness' on those with whom we can identify, consistent with Seshadri-Crooks's argument as to why we continue to maintain a
normative distinction as defined by whiteness that refuses to be dis-located due to the regime of visibility. If white teachers name whiteness, and name the silent desires that foster a clinging to this in/visible marker, then the process of dis-location commences. There came a point in the semester with this group of students when I recognized that I was complicit in a production of the desiring silences, not just because I 'desired' acceptable responses from the students that demonstrated their genuine affirmation of difference, but also because I permitted the silences to be ignored for fear of what they might reveal about me: as a teacher; as a white woman; and as a white teacher educator. I had not yet thought of the silences as producing privilege, but as masking that which was unthinkable, or unspeakable. I asked the students to complete two sentences: 'Sometimes I am silent because .. .' and 'Sometimes I am silent in this class
because .. .'. My methodological approach and analysis is detailed in a previous publication (Mazzei, 2008) so I will not repeat that in the present context; however, what is important is how the
simple act of acknowledging the presence of a purposeful silence and confronting their/our production of this silence permitted an opening up or rather undoing of the desiring silence functioning to produce and maintain privilege. Students think that by looking past skin colour they are above racist attitudes and actions. 'Is it ever going to stop?' was a question asked
by one of my students referring to the continued emphasis on multicultural education, racial identity and a corresponding need to discuss attitudes regarding gender, race and class inequities. Not
allowing it to stop forces a move that is a return to how our desire functions to produce 'accepted' performances of whiteness and white teacher. In reading the
standards for 'culturally competent' (Ladson-Billings, 1994) teachers that guide the curriculum for many teacher preparation programmes, both in the USA and the UK, there is little tolerance for a voicing of racist and sexist attitudes. How
might we offer opportunities for detertitorialization that don't mask 'unacceptable' attitudes because silences function to preserve the system but, instead, provide opportunities for a deterritorialization that 'outs' the silences protecting the strata. Such a movement requires us to rethink desiring silence as an investment in whiteness and its attendant privileges. It is a recognition of these collective desires on the part of our students (and ourselves) as producing a desiring silence that maintains and sustains whiteness through a connection of desires, flows and intensities. To further understand how desires connect with one another to produce silences is to return once
again to NietzSche. Leaning on Nietzsche's theory of desire, we see the drives as always disquieted and destabilized. As such, we might ask,
how can desire desire its own transformation? And if so, how might teacher educators further
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disquiet and destabilize a desiring silence toward a production of the new? For, as O'Sullivan aand Zepke (2008) remind us, it is only through an engagement with what is that we can produce something new. If desire can desire its own transformation, perhaps it does so through such engagement that produces a desiring pedagogy.
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Project Team Link

Identifying this kind of round or this kind of team perpetuates whiteness Mazzei 8 (Lisa A., NowGonzaga U; ThenManchester Metropolitan U, Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice, Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. 1125-1136)//LA
Reading Ladson-Billings (2001), she confirmed that this is not just the language of my students but of educators in general. So prevalent is the language of at-risk-ness that it is not unusual for urban teachers to define their entire class as at-risk (p. 15). What I find particularly troubling, however, is that even those who are not yet teachers have appropriated this language. Citing Haberman, Ladson-Billings elaborated further when she asked, How
is it possible for schools and teachers to define a majority of their clients as people who does Cassidy mean when she describes a field placement experience at an elementary school in the large urban district as her first experience in this type of school setting *emphasis mine+. What are the differences, the at-risk-ness that are spoken between the words that Cassidy articulates? When Cassidy and the other students speak between words and make assumptions about their entire class using the language of at-risk-ness, they are talking about race, even if they do not notice it. They are silently voicing a norming presence of whiteness that they risk losing if the silences of race and of whiteness are noticed and articulated.
shouldnt be there, or people they are unable to help? (p. 15). What
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Dehumanization Impacts
Allowing Institutional racism allows for the dehumanization of blacks Blow 9(CHARLES M. BLOW , Timess visual Op-Ed columnist, conducts a discussion about all things statistical from the environment to entertainment and their visual expressions., Cites studies written by Phillip Atiba Goff The Pennsylvania State University Jennifer L. Eberhardt Stanford University Melissa J. Williams University of California, Berkeley Matthew Christian Jackson The Pennsylvania State University Not Yet Human February 25, 2009 http://blow.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/02/25/not-yet-human/, //AR) Those following the New York Post cartoon flap might find this interesting. Six studies under the title Not Yet Human: Implicit Knowledge, Historical Dehumanization, and Contemporary Consequences were published in last
Februarys Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Among the relevant findings: Historical representations explicitly depicting Blacks as apelike have largely disappeared in the United States, yet a
mental association between Blacks and apes remains. Here, the authors demonstrate that U.S. citizens implicitly associate Blacks and apes. And After having
established that individuals mentally associate Blacks and apes, Study 4 demonstrated that this implicit association is not due to personalized,
In Study 5, we demonstrated that, even controlling for implicit anti-Black prejudice, the implicit association between Blacks and apes can lead to greater endorsement of violence against a Black suspect than against a White suspect. Finally, in Study 6, we demonstrated that subtle media representations of Blacks as apelike are associated with jury decisions to execute Black defendants.This may provide some context for considering the motives of the cartoonist and his
implicit attitudes and can operate beneath conscious awareness. editors, and for understanding the strong public reaction.
Blacks are displayed as apes Chan and Peters 9(SEWELL CHAN and JEREMY W. PETERS, Chimp-Stimulus Cartoon Raises Racism Concerns, February 18, 2009, http://cityroom.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/02/18/chimp-stimulus-cartoonraises-racism-concerns/, //AR) Gov. David A. Paterson, Senator Kirsten E. Gillibrand, the Rev. Al Sharpton and others expressed concern on Wednesday morning over an editorial cartoon in The New York Post that showed a police officer telling his colleague who just shot a chimpanzee, Theyll have to find someone else to write the next stimulus bill. Critics said the cartoon, drawn by Sean Delonas, implicitly compared President Obama with the primate and evoked a history of racist imagery of blacks. The chimpanzee was an apparent reference to the
200-pound pet chimpanzee that was shot dead by a police officer in Stamford, Conn., on Monday evening, after it mauled a friend of his owner. Speaking at a conference of the New York Academy of Medicine on Wednesday morning, Mr. Paterson said that while he had not seen the cartoon, he believed that The Post should explain it. Given the possibility that some people could conclude the cartoon had a racial subtext, Mr. Paterson said the newspaper needed to clarify its meaning. It would be very important for The New York Post to explain what the cartoon was intended to portray, Mr. Paterson said in response to a question about whether the cartoons depiction of a monkey was racist, as Mr. Sharpton has suggested. Obviously those types of associations have been made. They do feed a kind of negative and stereotypical way that people think. But I think if its enough that people are raising this issue, I hope they would clarify. Senator
Gillibrand, Democrat of New York, said in a statement: I found the Post cartoon offensive and purposefully hurtful. This type of cartoon serves no productive role in the public discourse. City Councilman Leroy G. Comrie Jr., a Queens Democrat, called for a boycott of the newspaper. To run such a violent, racist cartoon is an insult to all New Yorkers, he said in a statement. This was an unfortunate incident in which a human being was seriously injured- not an opportunity to sling dangerous rhetoric. It is my belief that The New York Post owes an immediate apology to this city for demonstrating such terrible judgment and insensitivity. Mr. Comrie urged New Yorkers
to demonstrate their displeasure with the New York Post by writing letters to their advertisers and simply stop purchasing a publication that clearly has no respect or sensitivity for people of color. On Wednesday evening, the Brooklyn borough president, Marty Markowitz, also weighed in, saying: My office has received complaints about this so-called cartoon, and I can see why. If its disturbing connection to reprehensible racial stereotyping was unintentional, it just proves once again how disconnected The Post is from New York City and its
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residents. And for such a weak joke? Theres no excuse. The editors overseeing such content should be ashamedand held accountable. The Post is always quick on the attack, so now we ask that they do the right thing and apologize to all who were offended by this tasteless cartoon. A newsroom employee at The Post, who spoke on condition of anonymity because employees were not permitted to comment on the matter, said its newsroom received many calls of complaints on Wednesday morning after the publication of the cartoon. Every line was lit up for several hours, the employee said. The phones on the city desk have never rung like that before. Many Post staff members were dismayed by the cartoon, the employee added. The cartoon was on Page 12 of Wednesdays edition, next to the papers Page Six gossip column. On Page 11, the reverse side, was a photograph of President Obama signing the stimulus bill into law in Denver. Mr. unflattering subject in cartoons drawn by Mr. Delonas in The Post,
Sharpton, who has been an said in a statement on his Web site: The cartoon in todays New York Post is troubling at best, given the racist attacks throughout history that have made AfricanAmericans synonymous with monkeys. One has to question whether the cartoonist is making a less than casual inference to this form of racism when, in the cartoon, the police say after shooting a chimpanzee, now they will have to find someone else to write the stimulus bill. Being that the stimulus bill
has been the first legislative victory of President Barack Obama (the first African American president) and has become synonymous with him it is not a reach to wonder whether the Post cartoonist was inferring that a monkey wrote it? In a statement, Col Allan, editor in chief of The Post, denied Mr. Sharptons assertion that the cartoon was racially charged. Mr. Allan said: The cartoon is a clear parody of a current news event, to wit the shooting of a violent chimpanzee in Connecticut. It broadly mocks Washingtons efforts to revive the economy. Again, Al Sharpton reveals himself as nothing more than a publicity opportunist. A 2001 cartoon by Mr. Delonas depicted Fernando Ferrer, the Bronx borough president who was seeking the Democratic nomination for mayor that year, kissing the buttocks of Mr. Sharpton a depiction that was widely criticized as demeaning, and even racist. In a phone interview, Mr. Sharpton said he planned to hold a protest outside The Posts Midtown offices at noon on Thursday. What
does shooting a chimpanzee have to do with a stimulus bill? Mr. Sharpton said. This raises all the racial stereotypes we are trying to get away from in this country. He added: Im not speaking on behalf of the president or the chimpanzee. Im speaking on behalf of the offended African-American community. Mr. Delonas has drawn ire from a number of groups for past cartoons in The Post. In
2006, the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation denounced a cartoon of his that showed a man carrying a sheep wearing a bridal veil to a New Jersey Marriage Licenses window, a reference to the State Supreme Courts ruling that year requiring the state to grant same-sex couples the same legal rights and benefits as heterosexual couples through civil unions. Andrew
Rojecki, associate professor of
communication at the University of Illinois at Chicago and co-author of The Black Image in the White Mind (University of Chicago Press, 2000), a study of racial attitudes and their relationship to mass media content, said he found the cartoon deeply troubling. Of course I would say its racist, Professor Rojecki said in an interview. Theres no question about it. He added, The cartoonist, whether he did this consciously or not, was drawing upon a very historically deep source of images about African-Americans that African-Americans do not have a lot of control over. Such images are harmful on a number of levels, he said. Even people who do not harbor deep-seated prejudices, because they have stereotypes deeply embedded in their consciousness, may react unconsciously when those associations are triggered, he said. Professor Rojecki
rejected Mr. Allans assertion that the cartoon was devoid of racial content. It strains credulity to imagine that there is any association between a chimpanzee that was shot because it had attacked someone and a bill that has successfully passed through Congress, he said. It makes no sense. What possible explanation could there be? Jan Nederveen Pieterse, a professor of global studies and sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and author of White on Black: Images of Africa and Blacks in Western Popular Culture (Yale University Press, 1995), said, I agree the cartoon is racist, without a doubt. Professor Pieterse, who is Dutch, said that portrayal of non-Westerners as primates became well-established in both the United States and Europe in the late 19th century, and has affected not only blacks, but also the Irish and Chinese, for example. Its
absolutely outrageous, he said of the cartoon, and I think people are concerned because it sets a nasty, mean, very aggressive tone. You cant get any lower.
Racism has allowed blacks to be categorized into negative stereotypes making it impossible for prosperity Kaplan 9(Karen Kaplan | Kaplan is a Times staff writer, Racial stereotypes and social status, December 9 2008 http://articles.latimes.com/2008/dec/09/science/sci-race9, //AR Barack Obama's election as president may be seen as a harbinger of a colorblind society, but a new study suggests that derogatory racial stereotypes are so powerful that merely being unemployed makes people more likely to be viewed by others -- and even themselves -- as black. In a long-term survey of 12,686 people, changes in social
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circumstances such as falling below the poverty line or being sent to jail made people more likely to be perceived by interviewers as black and less likely to be seen as white. Altogether, the perceived race of 20% of
the people in the study changed at least once over a 19-year period, according to the study published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. "After [junk bond financier] Michael Milken goes to prison, he'll be no more likely to say he's a black person or any less likely to say he's a white person," said Amon Emeka, a social demographer at USC who was not involved in the study. "[U.S. Supreme Court Justice] Clarence Thomas might say he's transcended race, but he wouldn't say that he's a white person, and certainly no one on the planet would say he's a white person." Researchers
have long recognized that a person's race affects his or her social status, but the study is the first to show that social status also affects the perception of race . "Race isn't a characteristic that's fixed at birth," said UC Irvine sociologist Andrew Penner, one of the study's authors. "We're perceived a certain way and identify a certain way depending on widely held stereotypes about how people believe we should behave." Penner and Aliya Saperstein, a sociologist at the University of Oregon, examined data from
the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics' National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. Though the ongoing survey is primarily focused on the work history of Americans born in the 1950s and 1960s, participants have also provided interviewers with information on a variety of topics, including health, marital status, insurance coverage and race. On 18 occasions between 1979 and 1998, interviewers wrote down whether the people they spoke with were "white," "black" or "other."
The researchers found that people whom the interviewers
initially perceived as white were roughly twice as likely to be seen as nonwhite in their next interview if they had fallen into poverty, lost their job or been sent to prison . People previously perceived as black were twice as likely to continue being seen as black if any of those things had happened to them. For example, 10% of people previously described as white were reclassified as belonging to another race if they became incarcerated. But if they stayed out of jail, 4% were reclassified as something other than white. The effect has staying power. People who were perceived as white and then became incarcerated were more likely to be perceived as black even after they were released from prison, Penner said. The racial assumptions affected self-identity as well. Survey participants were asked to state their own race when the study began in 1979 and again in
2002, when the government streamlined its categories for race and ethnicity. Of the people who said they were white in 1979 and stayed out of jail, 95% said they were white in 2002. Among those who were incarcerated at some point, however, only 81% still said they were white in 2002. The results
underscore "the pervasiveness of racial stratification in society," said Emeka. " The fact
that both beholders and the observers of blackness attach negative associations to blackness speaks volumes to the continuing impact of racial stratification in U.S. society." But Robert T. Carter, a professor of
psychology and education at Columbia Teachers College in New York who studies race, culture and racial identity, said he wasn't convinced that stereotypes had the power to change the perception of race. "It's not social status that shapes race, it's race that shapes social status," he said. "Stratification on the basis of racial group membership has been an integral part of our society since prior to the inception of the United States. It's been true for hundreds of years." To see if the changes were the result of simple recording errors made when interviewers filled out their surveys, the researchers checked how often a participant's gender changed from one year to the next. They found changes in 0.27% of cases, suggesting that interviewers weren't being sloppy. They also looked for subjects who were interviewed by the same person two years in a row. Even in those cases, the results were the same. The researchers are examining whether other social stereotypes have a similar effect on perceived race. People who have less education, live in the inner city instead of the suburbs and are on welfare are more likely to be seen as black, Saperstein said. "The data is really interesting, but it doesn't allow us to say what was going on in these people's heads," she said. "Our story is consistent with the story that there's implicit prejudice."
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AT: Framework
Their presumptions of democratic deliberation presume that the agons exist within a range of ontological equivalency which paves over the fungible body Brady 12 (Nicholas Brady, activist scholar, executive board member of Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, BA in philosophy from Johns Hopkins, PhD student at the University of California-Irvine Culture and Theory program, 10-26-12, The Flesh Grinder: Prosecutorial Discretion and the Terror of Mass Incarceration, http://academia.edu/2776507/The_Flesh_Grinder_Prosecutorial_Discretion_and_the_Quotidian_Terror _of_Mass_Incarceration) gz If the prosecutor and the defense attorney are locked in an agonistic sport, the black body is akin to a tennis ball. The prosecutor serves it to the defense attorney, they smack it around until someone wins the point. Then the ball is discarded and a new ball is brought out so the contest can continue ad infinitum. In order for the sport of plea-bargaining to occur, both sides must agree that the cases of the black are born dead. Once a case is dead, then the very life of the supposed defendant becomes an object for the amusement of this criminal justice club. What is revealed in the politics of the plea bargain is how the pleasure of democracy is born from the agony of the black. Proponents of agonism, from Chambers to Laclau, posit this democratic
ideology as the response to antagonism. Where antagonist are different in such a way that one must kill the other, agonists are different in a way they can respect each other and mutually grow from one another. The plea bargain reveals that agonism,
as a democratic way of dealing with difference, requires an ontological equivalency that is only produced in contradistinction to the antagonism of non-black-over-black. To put it differently, the discursive conflicts happening in the world between adversaries are secured and produced by the gratuitous violence against blackness.
Ignoring issues of White supremacy perpetuates racial violence Bogado 7/14 (Aura, The Nation, White Supremacy Acquits George Zimmerman, 7/14/13, http://www.thenation.com/blog/175260/white-supremacy-acquits-georgezimmerman#axzz2Z1gHXtGC)//LA When Zimmerman was acquitted today, it wasnt because hes a so-called white Hispanic. Hes not. Its because he abides by the logic of white supremacy, and was supported by a defense teamand a swath of societythat supports the lingering idea that some black men must occasionally be killed with impunity in order to keep society-at-large safe. Media on the left, right and center have been fanning the flames of fear-mongering, speculating that peopleand black people especiallywill take to the streets. That fear-mongering represents a deep white anxiety about black bodies on the streets, and echoes Zimmermans fears: that black bodies on the street pose a public threat. But the real violence in those speculations, regardless of whether they prove to be true, is that it silences black anxiety. The anxiety that black men feel every time they walk outside the doorand the anxiety their loved ones feel for them as well. That white anxiety serves to conceal the real public threat: that a black man is killed every twenty-eight hours by a cop or vigilante. People will take to the streets, and with good reason. Theyll be there because they know that, yes, some people do always get awayand it tends to be those strapped with guns and the logic of white supremacy at their side.
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The negs attempt to bracket out our discussion perpetuates exclusionary limitswe must expand our conceptions beyond the realm of evidence-based policy in order to effectively investigate Mazzei 10 (Lisa A., Prof @ Gonzaga U, Thinking Data with Deleuze, International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, Vol. 23, No. 5, Sept-Oct 2010, p. 511-23)//LA Positioned in an era of evidence-based policy and research-funding practices, I follow Deleuzes practice of thinking with the object of cinema, and do so in a productive resistance to those who wish to narrow notions of what counts as research and evidence those who cling to a sameness perpetuated by maintaining a distinction between the material and the discursive. What is produced by my desire to think alternative imagings of voice, and further, what might be gained from creative stuttering do I risk being trapped in a repetition of consonants that evoke nonsense? Deleuze maintains that it is only out of nonsense that thinking occurs. In this time of researching situations that we no longer understand, situations which we no longer know how to react to, in spaces which we no longer know how to describe (Deleuze 1985/1989, xi), how can thinking with Deleuze help us create a language and a way of thinking that are up to the task? It is hoped, for starters, that one may use such thinking and straining to push against the limits of the present toward a recognition of those limits that bind us and those limits which produce productive resistances. What are the limits that we might make better use of, or put differently, how might we think at the limit of voice2 toward new limits that produce alternative imagings of voice? To further this
blurring and to engage with Deleuze and cinema is to think the speech-act as an image in keeping with the visual, because as he states, The heard speech-act, as component of the visual image, makes something visible in that image (Deleuze 1985/1989, 223). If viewed as an image in the visual sense of the word, might it be possible to read the image of voice from a multi-dimensional perspective?3 Deleuze compares the components of the silent image with the talking image and in so doing makes it possible to question what is made visible in the image of voice, or the speech-act broadly defined. Looking at voice in cinema, I navigate using Deleuzes map to think the following questions: (1) What becomes naturalized and denaturalized in the transition from silent to talking films? How does a repositioning of vo ice as direct in talking cinema change the way we think of voice? (2) What does it mean to see a speech-act according to Deleuze and how does this inform methodological thinking that discards the material/binary distinction? How do we account for doings and actions as constitutive of voice? (3) If we agree that talking cinema is much more than filmed dialogue, then what implications does this have for how we film and treat voice in qualitative inquiry? (4) How does a disequilibrium of voice occur in film and what is to be learned or gained? Question 1: (de)naturalizing voice? Before pictures became talking, they still conveyed speech. The silent film was not silent, but only noiseless (Deleuze 1985/1989, 216). In silent cinema, the visual image is presented as naturalized and innocent. We view artifacts and objects used by the director that present us with the natural being of man in history or society (217). At the same time, the
nature of discourse is indirect or denaturalized. The visual image is constructed in such a way that it, points to an innocent physical nature, to an immediate life which has
no need of language, whilst the intertitle or piece of writing [used to transmit dialogue] shows the law, the forbidden, the transmitted order (216). It is this transmitted
order, or voice as truth, that is reinscribed when qualitative researchers privilege
voice and bestow upon it a similar naturalness or innocence in presenting the unadulterated voices of their research participants. When pictures begin to talk with noise, an obvious observation is that the speech- act ... is no longer read but heard. It becomes direct, and recovers ... features of discourse which were altered in the silent or written film (Deleuze 1985/1989, 217). What happens as a result is that the talking picture not only naturalizes speech or voice, but it denaturalizes the visual image: in so far as it is heard, it makes visible in itself something that did not freely appear in the silent film (218). Whereas before, interactions in the visual image constituted speech-acts, they are now rendered by a spoken voice, robbing the framed image because we now see based on what we hear, rather than hearing based on what we see. Question 2: seeing speech? If,
in our work as researchers, we seek data and meaning in the form of a text that is directly communicated by participants, in other words, basing what we know on what we hear, then we also fail to consider how what we know and subsequently hear might be based on what we see. Not in a literal sense of what we see, although this can be the case, especially if we are researching our Other, but in the sense that we narrowly define voice and thereby consider only one aspect employed by our research participants to convey meaning. Put differently, we focus only on the scripted, spoken words or intertitles in our strategies to capture data and make meaning, thereby limiting our understandings of what our research participants are saying, or trying to say. We gather and produce evidence of these voiced encounters in the form of transcripts that reproduce and classify direct speech-acts. In a move to unloose such strictured notions of voice, we can turn to a performative understanding of discursive practices, which according to Barad (2008), if properly constructed, is not an invitation to turn everything ... into words but is instead a contestation of the excessive power granted to language to determine what is real (121). Such a move shifts the
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focus method- ologically from questions of correspondence between descriptions and reality ... to matters of practices/doings/actions (121). In silent pictures, the voice is not contained by a speaking subject because subjects
speak only indirectly through the use of intertitles, visual text in the form of written documents, and visually constituted speech-acts (e.g., gestures, facial expressions, movements). The voices of the actors are communicated through the use of a seen image and an intertitle that is read. The intertitles are thus used to convey in addition to other elements, speech-acts. Deleuze continues to write that the silent film did not just call for the talkie but already implied it (Deleuze 1985/1989, 216). Prompted
by Deleuze, we might consider how our participants give voice, not in ways that are deemed absent as silent, but in ways that are meaningful as noiseless. By so doing, we begin to consider the intertitles and images used by our participants that function to convey voice. To consider the voices, both performed and projected through these intertitles and images, is to consider what is missed if we only rely on one or the other in the viewing of film (or encounter with research participants) as silent rather than noiseless. If we depend on the filmed dialogue in the form of tapes
and transcripts, then we miss the noiseless properties of voice.
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AT: What about the Holocaust?

Despite the banality of the Holocaust as an atrocity, the markings of the Jew are not ontological anti-Semitic violence is contingent rather than structural while black lived experience is a daily horror of gratuitous violence Reece 13 (Charles Reece, film critic, 1-8-13, Snowballs Chance in Hell: Django Unchained, http://hoodedutilitarian.com/2013/01/snowballs-chance-in-hell-django-unchained/) gz
Along with Inglourious Basterds, Django Unchained forms something of a diptych for Tarantino insofar as both are revenge fantasies set in two of historys greatest atrocities: the Holocaust and American chattel slavery. In the interview he gave at the screening I saw last week, he certainly thinks of them that way. But before either film could begin to be written, one crucial difference in their respective historical situations delimited the possibilities of fantasy: one
can fantasize about the end of the Holocaust by killing the highest members of the Nazi party, whereas there is no easily imagined personalized end to slavery through a few targeted acts of vengeance. Thus, the use of explosives against the Nazis seems a tactical act, a logical means of warfare. The use of bombs against slavery would border on what we call terrorism these days, or irrationally violent outbursts against a society (targeting civilians who cant do anything to change the way things are, or think of the portrayal of the Watts riots, for example: why did they destroy property?). Slavery was a deeply structural violence, an ontological domination of a people that didnt obtain in the instance of the Holocaust. Any heroic narrative set in the slave-built Southern economy is going to have a major hurdle to overcome: there is no real end in sight, the villain remains like the renewable heads of a hydra, nor is there a place to go where the heros limited victory will be recognized, much less celebrated (excepting the audience who might applaud at the films end). As Frantz Fanon famously wrote in Black Skin, White Masks: The Jewishness of the Jew, however, can go unnoticed. He is not integrally what he is. We can but hope and wait. His acts and behavior are the determining factor. He is a white man, and apart from some debatable features, he can pass undetected. [...] Of course the Jews have been tormented what am I saying? They have been hunted, exterminated, and cremated, but these are just minor episodes in the family history. The Jew is not liked as soon as he has been detected. But with me things take on a new face. Im not given a second chance. I am overdetermined from the outside. I am a slave not to the idea others have of me, but to my appearance. I arrive slowly in the world; sudden emergences are no longer my habit. I crawl along. The white gaze, the only valid one, is already dissecting me. I am fixed. Once their microtones are sharpened, the Whites objectively cut sections of my reality. I have been betrayed. I sense, I see in this white gaze that its the arrival not of a new man, but of a new type of man, a new species. A Negro, in fact! [p. 95] That provides an
alternative to the films plantation owner Calvin Candies theory as to why slaves dont rise up and kill their masters. He posits phrenology, that the black skull is built to encase a servile brain. (Odd how the guy doesnt know words like panache while being up to date on phrenology, but I digress .) Instead of racist science: the slaves had little chance of escape only a minority could get to border countries and the free states would return them without proof of freedman status (even freedmen had trouble fighting against a legal challenge to their status). More fundamentally and universally, there was little possibility for or hope of fundamentally destroying the system of white power that, as Fanon described, defined them on every level of civil society (including free states and the minds of many, if not most, abolitionists). Blackness
was placed on the outside, no place, as mere alterity to whiteness. It was not purely coincidence that liberalism, the philosophy of liberty, developed alongside chattel slavery. Slavery gave dialectical meaning to liberty by providing the liberals with something to negate (e.g., the American colonies would not be the
slaves to the English any longer). (I highly recommend Domenico Losurdos Liberalism: A Counter-History, which provides a mountain of evidence for liberalisms primary theorists either outwardly supporting or giving backhanded defense to slavery on such grounds.) In Frank B. Wildersons terms, blacks
experienced a structural suffering that is not analogous to the social oppression so many other groups have been under throughout history. For hundreds of years, they were denied ontological status, relegated to non-being. blackness constituted as a comparison to whiteness i.e., what it meant not to be white or a subject and, by extension, what it meant not to be free.
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AT: Link of Omissions Bad

New linkthe idea that omissions are unimportant causes greater harm Hanson 6 (Jon Hanson & Kathleen Hanson Harvard Law School Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review Summer, 2006) Lerner's experiment indicates just how ready we are to short-circuit potential perceptions of injustice. When behavior that causes harm is perceived as normal--part of the script, the way things are, the plan, nature, or an act of God--that behavior is less likely to be viewed as blameworthy than is abnormal behavior. In a related phenomenon, we often deem "omissions" that produce suffering far less culpable than "acts" that lead to similar suffering. For example, some parents are reluctant to vaccinate their child if the vaccination has some mortality risk, even if the risk of death from foregoing the vaccination is substantially greater. n22
Similarly, some people have argued that hurricanes should not be seeded, even if seeding would likely reduce the storm's expected damage. n23 An unseeded hurricane is perceived as an act of nature or God, to which blame does not generally attach. But a person or institution that actively seeded a hurricane would likely be considered responsible for the actual harm that hurricane caused. Thus
risks "caused" by salient individual action (choosing the vaccine or seeding a hurricane) are perceived as worse than the greater risk posed by inaction (the virus or the flooded city). When individual action is salient, we see choice (and sometimes intent n24) and attribute causal responsibility accordingly, but where individuals fail to act, the omissions tend to fade into the surrounding situation. n25 Policy and policy analysis reflect that omission bias. For example, pharmaceutical [*422]companies have never been held liable for failing to produce vaccines, but have sometimes been liable for the harm caused even by vaccines whose dangers are unavoidable. n26 Tort law traditionally has been reluctant to impose responsibility for doing nothing n27 and generally
imposes no duty to rescue. Thus, the "sunbather who watches a child going under the waves has no duty to dive in the water, throw her a life ring, or even notify a nearby lifeguard." n28 Similar techniques shield the legal regime itself from responsibility. As Philip Bobbitt and Guido Calabresi have argued, lawmakers engage in legitimating subterfuges
to avoid explicitly making "tragic choices" that would cause suffering or death. n29 Policies ostensibly pursuing some justified end, but having untoward consequences for some groups, typically are viewed less as actions causing harm than as situationally excused omissions. n30 Of course, a purported goal need not be the actual motivation for an act or a policy in order to have the absolving effect. Often a "cover story" need not be very strong to justify harmful conduct. In the Lerner experiment, the subjects without a
salient choice to end the shocking (the second group) could more easily excuse themselves from blame than the subjects who were presented an alternative. The "optionless" subjects took cover behind their assigned roles in an ostensibly valuable, scientific inquiry. Stopping the experiment would have required affirmative, abnormal actions--going against the flow. In part because no one expects such actions to be taken, no blame attaches to not taking them. And in part because such omissions would be blameless, no one acts. n31
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Institutions Key
Race is the root cause of institutional analysisfailure to recognize this perpetuates racism Dutta 7/14 (Mohan, Purdue University, Health disparities: What the Florida rulings teach us, 7/14/13 the day after the Zimmerman verdict, http://culture-centered.blogspot.com/2013/07/that-addressinghealth-disparities-in.html)//LA However, there are much deeper structural inequities that are played out in the very organisational structure of US society that often go unnoticed in the calls for addressing health disparities that are rooted in these very structures. These structural inequities are so fundamental, so normal to the framework of American society that most efforts at addressing health disparities unknowingly end up perpetuating them, often focusing on individual behaviour change, building self efficacy, creating positive role models etc., and at the same time being oblivious to the deeply pervasive structures of racism in US society. What goes hidden in the mainstream narrative of health disparities is the racism that is inbuilt into the processes, institutions, and logics of mainstream American society. Everyday conversations, expectations, values and principles governing everyday life are built on the superiority of a White mainstream that dictates the rules of representation, participation, and engagement. This structural inequity in the organising of American society is well evident in the recent court ruling in Florida that found the killer of Trayvon Martin, George Zimmerman not guilty on the grounds that the shooting was an act of self-defense. Trayvon, who had stepped out to buy iced tea and a bag of skittles, was followed and chased by George
Zimmerman. The shooting was an outcome of the fight that had ensued between Zimmerman and Martin. Zimmerman, who was leading a neighborhood watch team, has since offered the explanation that Martin looked threatening because he was wearing a hoodie and walking in an area where there have earlier been burglaries. The accounts of the exact order of events remains contested and that eventually became the basis for the judgment. Yet, what does remain clear is that Trayvon was profiled and chased, and ultimately shot by Zimmerman. Coming back then to the fundamental structural inequities that constitute US society, what
we learn from the above example is the culture of profiling of African American youth that is inherent in the assumptions of US society. That African Americans are perceived as criminals is an organising frame that makes up the US; its public policies, police surveillance, justice system, and jails are organised around this racist logic of systematically criminalising African Americans, and profiting from this process of criminalisation. This
deep-rooted racism of American society is intrinsic to the large disparities in health outcomes that are experienced by Blacks compared to Whites. The
acknowledgment of this racism would push those of us doing health disparities work toward transformative politics that takes as its starting point the need to fundamentally rework American society, its expectations, and its history of racism. Deep interrogation of health disparities work would systematically guide social scientists toward examining the power exerted by the gun industry, and the intrinsic relationship of this industry to racism. In this sense then, the social sciences that are constituted within the broader framework of health disparities would need to be fundamentally transformed, working toward addressing the underlying racism of American society, culture, legal system, educational system, housing, employment, gun regulation and so on. To get here, we have to collectively fight the whitewashing that is built into the funding agencies and federal structures that determine what we do and how we do what we do.
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Williams
Racism thrives in every core institution individual action is key to breakdown the anti-black hegemonic system of the Status Quo Williams 13 (Chris Williams, Writer, The Cancer of Racism Thrives in America 07/16/2013 3:53 pmhttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/chris-williams/the-cancer-of-racism-thri_b_3602319.html , //AR)
Famous literary stalwart James Baldwin once said, "I love America more than any other country in this world, and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticize her perpetually."As the words "not guilty" fell from the lips of the six jurors in the Trayvon
Martin murder case on Saturday night, I thought to myself how those two words have never been applied to African-American humanity in America.This opprobrious verdict reaffirmed everything African-Americans thought about this country that our humanity and citizenship isn't recognized under the laws of the United States. I've never been more disappointed in the country of my birth. The American justice system continues to set a double standard when it comes to dishing out prison sentences to AfricanAmericans and whites.As a young African-American man living in the south, it made me pause and realize that this ruling can give anyone the opportunity to take my life whenever they feel threatened because of my skin color or how I walk, talk or dress. What is a black life worth? The answer was already those six jurors confirmed our deepest, darkest suspicions. Since arriving on the shores of Jamestown, Virginia in 1619, African-Americans have been convicted in the court of white supremacy as being less than human. Our hellacious suffering provided whites the capital to build a country based on the principles of white hegemony. African-Americans were never part of their equation other than providing a consistent source of free labor. When the founding fathers were writing the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, they couldn't fathom the humanity of their slaves and their offspring. For 394 years, we've been America's doormat and punching bag. The cancer of racism thrives in America because the ones with the power refuse to
abundantly clear from history, but
acknowledge minorities as their equals.
Race was devised as a social construct in order for whites to establish and maintain their
dominance in political and economic affairs in America. The truth is we've been living in two Americas based on race and class.
The United States of America is in name only. If we were truly united, African-Americans wouldn't have to endure systematic subjugation and degradation on a daily basis. The cancer of racism thrives in the halls of Congress, state legislatures, educational institutions, judicial proceedings, and the evidence can be seen in the refusal to work with the first African-American president to pass laws to uplift minorities out of their perilous conditions . If it's not gerrymandering or redistricting to dilute our voting power, it's constructing private prisons and using the War on Drugs as a conduit to incarcerate AfricanAmericans at an astronomical rate. If it's not closing schools in impoverished neighborhoods across the nation, it's cutting social programs that ease the strenuous burden put on our households every day.Racism is as American as Uncle Sam and his red, white, and blue outfit. Then, you wonder why African-Americans have the highest rates of high blood pressure, prostate and breast cancer, diabetes, among other ailments. It's because we're stressed out and tired of being confined in an unjust system that was never intended for us to become successful. But it's a testament to our character of how we've been able to rise above it and achieve numerous successes. There have been countless examples ranging from police brutalities, murders, and passage of laws that continue the troubling trend of psychological and physical oppression. This white hegemonic system has stalled the progression of African-Americans for far too long.
brethren still refuse to acknowledge these facts as well as the statistics proving black disenfranchisement. Before These latest atrocities of Jordan Davis, Marissa Alexander, and Gabby Calhoun are an extension of this system, which is pervasive throughout our culture. Most of our white
we can fully progress as a
society, this ignorant denial has to cease. The cancer of racism fools poor whites into voting for a political party that has no interest in solving their financial and social ills. The cancer of racism makes voting damn near impossible in the south after the Voting Rights Act was dismantled. The cancer of racism has the Republican Party wanting to turn the clock back to 1913 through their divisive
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policies. The cancer of racism allows defense attorneys Don West and Mark O'Mara and jurors to exercise their privilege in portraying Trayvon Martin as a criminal when he was an innocent child. The
cancer of racism provides the opportunity for police militarized states to stop and frisk young African-American men every day. For every person in this society to begin receiving a fair shake, each one of us has to become proactive in fighting on the side of right and not on the side of privilege . America will never be a post-racial society unless serious dialogue and actions to reform these inadequate measures begin. The work needs to take place in American homes and to a larger extent our schools and lawmaking bodies. The responsibility of tackling this dreaded disease falls at the feet of Generations X and Y. To my white brothers and sisters, it must begin with you all. The time has arrived for racism to be discussed, denounced, and deposed of. No more standing on the sidelines. If our country is to become truly united, these unlawful injustices and practices must be addressed and policies must be enacted to curtail the centuries of damage already done. African-Americans have been fighting on the battlefield of justice for as long as you've been conspiring against us. While you hold the cards, we've more than earned our seat at the playing table to start this process of gaining racial conciliation and economic empowerment. The future of our society is contingent upon this potential of mutual respect. It's 2013, start treating us like family instead of like strangers. Otherwise, the cancer of racism will destroy this country.
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Simmerson-Gomes
Very powerful card on whiteness and Zimmermancritiques evidence and racial minimizationwe dont defend ableist language Simmerson-Gomes 7/14 (Matthew, MLitt Student @ U of Aberdeen, B.Th St Paul University Ottowa, Early Modern Intellectual History Specialist, An open letter to whites about the black community and the Trayvon Martin case on his Blog The Molinist, 7/14/13the day following the George Zimmerman trial verdict, http://themolinist.wordpress.com/2013/07/14/an-open-letter-to-whites-about-the-blackcommunity-and-the-trayvon-martin-case/)//LA
This morning, I woke up to this. Like many, many people within and without the black community, I followed this case intently and had (continue to have) definite opinions on them (the justice of those opinions is another matter) and, like many, I
received the news not with anger or frustration but a sort of quiet sadness that is difficult to explain. Im going to try, though, in the hopes that I can share some insight into what this case, and this verdict, mean for communities of colour in and outside the United States. I wasnt present when George Zimmerman shot Trayvon Martin, so I dont know what transpired. I cannot peer into George Zimmermans soul, so I dont know what he was thinking or with what intent he followed Martin down the street. What I do know is what its like to be a Trayvon Martin. To be suspect. I do know what its like to be followed by staff in a nice clothing store; to be stopped by police for walking down the street; to endure the thousand micro-aggressions and the hundred fearful looks, the patronising astonishment coupled with quiet indignation at my education or erudition. I know, in other words, what it is to be a person of colour in a world that privileges whiteness. Deafness While I cannot speak for my community I am certain that I am not alone in the sense that what many of us were hoping for with this case was a degree of vindication, a recognition by the courts of a Western nation that the racism we face is a real, day-today reality. I want racism to end but almost as much I want to stop being told by whites that it has. I want every white person I ever complain to about the years of piling slights, the extra hours at airport security, the half-seen glances from across the bus from eyes that fearfully refuse to meet mine, to respond with compassion and credulity and not to even think about explaining them away or informing me that racism died with Rosa Park or MLK or whatever and they would know. I want white people to stop questioning my experience of racism, to stop defending every offender as just doing his job or just doing whatever. I want the excuses and the explanations to stop. I know where they come from. I know you feel accussed. I know you feel that you are not racist (after all, you have that black friend and your maternal grandmother is Chinese). I know you think Im being too sensitive or too quick to judge (after all, he didnt call me a nigger and you didnt notice any racism and you would know). I know that you feel like affirmative action gives me a leg up because you work just as hard and wheres your quota? I know its easier to pretend that racism is a thing of the past because you can get by just fine doing that so why cant I? But heres the thing: its not about you. You are not the one who is slurred, youre not the one who is refused service, and youre certainly not the one who is shot in the street. Its about us. I want you to acknowlegde that fact. To recognise that I experience racism. This case offered me some sliver of that recognition, that vindication. The tantalising prospect that a white-passing man with a white name would be found guilty of murdering an unarmed teenaged boy for no other reason than his race and his hoodie filled me with hope that my plight would no longer be so easily dismissed, hope that made the slights easier to endure for its impending fulfillment and that prejudiced me against any possibility of Zimmermans innocence in any trifling legal sense. That is, I think, much of why this decision has been met with so much anger. Our hopes for a world where our voices would be heard were dashed. Sight Karen Grigsby Bates observed
today that this case has confirmed for blacks and members of many other communities of colour, that we still need to wear protective clothing. We must still, in her words, appear church-ready whenever we walk out the door. I
have long described to white friends the process of dressing (or otherwise self-presenting) to white myself. The way I dress in an academic setting, the way I speak and write, the extra-curricular activities I put on my resume as a teenager, all carefully considered to avoid any shred of blackness. Why? Because blacks with the gall to be black,
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to act and speak as you have deemed black, are rarely deemed worthy of your respect. In this world you have created for me my blackness is a handicap I must not acknowledge, a loadstone around my neck that I dare not draw attention to because then I will be the activist; the angry black guy who doesnt know that MLK fixed the system, reshuffled the deck so now that everyone gets the same hand but who still needs to be Snoop Dog; or worse yet I will simply be criminal and suspect, a potential gangbanger who might be carrying so we better stop him just in case. So I must perform if I am to get ahead or even to get by. And perform I will, because I want nice clothes and good jobs and to walk down the street unhindered by the authorities. I will do so to please you and you will think it right. On the night he was killed, Trayvon Martin was dressed in a way that does not please you. He wore his hoodie over his head. In words well-practised from
the press conferences and talking heads sessions that follow every high-profile sexual assault, police officials and pundits suggested that Tayvon Martins choice of clothing was a factor in his death. Some cried victim blaming, apologism. Others replied prudence. Black voices intoned both. Whoever is right, Trayvon Martins clothing was not protective, instead it painted a target on his back and hung around his neck a sign that read threat. Right or not, this ruling has reminded me why I prefer to let the rain fall unhindered onto my head. Blindness I
have seen it observed more times than I care to count today that justice is supposed to be blind. This case, they say, was not about race. It was about a boy who was killed and the man who killed him. It was about evidence. Lord, how I wish I had the privilege of their naivet. Lady Justice may be blind but George Zimmerman is not. If he were, maybe the sight of a teenaged boy wearing a hoodie after dark would not have frightened him so severely that he decided to follow that boy with a firearm at the ready. If the police were blind, maybe they would have charged a man who shot dead a 17 year old boy before mass protests forced them. If Lady Justice removed her blindfold maybe she would have seen that her scales were weighted against Trayvon Martin from his first breath. Maybe she would have known that by refusing to see the racial dynamics of the case before her, she was blinding herself to the very substance of the case. Race was at the core of this case and race it why it became a symbol of such great weight and meaning. To us Trayvon Martin was not just murdered, he was martyred. In death he bore witness to the racism and oppression that blacks and other people of colour experience every day. Why was Trayvon Martin threatening to George Zimmerman? For the same reason that I am threatening to the mothers who claw their children back when I smile and wave back to them on the bus, the men who watch me like hawks when I pet their dogs on the street, and the staff who follow me in their stores. Everywhere I go I am a threat, an outsider, an other. I am a threat because you see me, or at least some of me, yet somehow you do not see this. In Trayvon Martins death and George Zimmermans trial the world, for a moment, saw. For a few short seconds all eyes turned upon a racially motivated crime, upon a black boy killed for blackness itself. But now the world has turned away because the court has comfortably ruled that blackness really is threatening and you really are justified in keeping watch for it in your communities and resisting it with deadly force. We were wrong, it seems. You will not see. You will not see his martyrdom because it is woven into the frabic of your privilege, the cloth that the world has tied around your eyes. I will see it every time I look in the mirror, because in my brown skin is the crime for which Trayvon Martin died. Speech Ive added my voice to the cacophony of this verdict in the hopes of granting a little insight to those outside my community to whom our response to the case has been opaque. Ive done so knowing it will open me up to dismissal and scorn (after all, who am I to accuse you?). Ive brought all my eloquence to bear and had a friend copy-edit my words because I know all too well the lesson we all learned from Rachel Jeantel: that black speech is suspect and blacks who speack publically on race represent us all. In spite of that Ive spoken only for myself, only from my own experience and perspective, because I can no more speak on behalf of blacks than you can speak on behalf of whites (not least because to some, I am not one). I pray that my words will not fall only on deaf ears and blind eyes.
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Loudmouthedbookworm
NOW IS KEYreject their evidentiary reformism in favor of pure RAGE Anonymous 7/14 (Pseudonym Loudmouthedbookworm, A 20-something, Korean-American, cisgender, male student at a private university in Boston majoring in English with a possible double or minor in Latin American Studies.his own description, To Anyone who Doubted (For Trayvon), 7/14/13the day after the Zimmerman verdict, http://loudmouthedbookworm.wordpress.com/2013/07/14/toanyone-who-doubted-for-trayvon/)//LA To Anyone Who Doubted: Last night, the American judicial system reiterated the right of white and white passing citizens to murder people of color with impunity in the name of security and property. Last night, the value of white freedom and suspicions over black and brown death and childhood was restated, plain as day. This is not about idiotic jurors. This is not about a stunning defense. This is not about incontrovertible evidence, because none of that was present. This is about white supremacy. It was about that from the moment Zimmerman spotted Trayvon walking down the street at night in his own fathers neighborhood, because Trayvons blackness marked him as a threat, a disturbance. It was about white supremacy when Judge Debra Nelson refused to put Zimmerman on trial for racial profiling by banning the phrase from her courtroom, because the American courtroom is designed to uphold, not challenge, racism. It was about white supremacy when the trial became about Zimmermans capacity to prove he felt threatened by Trayvon, because white anxiety is enough to justify black death. Now, a 17-year-old has been killed, his murderer acquitted, and his family left heartbroken, all in the name of white supremacy; all for upholding the truth of the threat black and brown bodies present to whiteness simply by and for existing in public, and the legitimacy of violent, defensive action in response to any suspicions held of suspicious bodies. To anyone who doubted this was the case, and now finds they cannot doubt it anymore, hear this: this is not the time for guilt . Privilege too often makes guilt seem redeeming; it is not. Your guilt will not bring Trayvon back. Your guilt will not console his family. Your guilt will not bring Zimmerman to justice. Your guilt will likely be just as useless to the next person of color to be killed in America. It is also not a time to bend to fear. The reason for that fear is ever-present. It was there long before the night Trayvon went walking. It has been there all our lives. It is not the time for these things. It is a time for other emotions. It is a time for grief. Grief for Trayvon, his family, the innumerable flaws in the trial and system that managed the possibility of justice for him, and ourselves. It is a time for rage . Even if black and brown grief and rage are criminalized, unjustified, and unacceptable before the law and the White Gaze, it is a time for these things because, above all, the time for responsibility is here, and the urgency of now only grows with every moment. Today, tomorrow, for every day of life that Trayvon, Emmett, Brisenia, and countless unnamed children of color have been denied, responsibility must manifest through our grief and rage. But I reiterate: It is not the time for guilt. Guilt is paralyzing and uninspiring. Guilt will do nothing, can do nothing. For you, for me, for these children, or for the unknowable quantity of people of color whose death and prohibition from justice will occur under similar circumstances. Guilt is useless, so let there be rage. For Trayvon.
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Pedagogy K
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SilenceL/O
Failure to confront whiteness through an educational model prevents productive pedagogythat's a prerequisite to chage Mazzei 8 (Lisa A., NowGonzaga U; ThenManchester Metropolitan U, Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice, Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. 1125-1136)//LA Since that initial research I have continued to explore the importance of racially inhabited silence in classes with preservice teachers, particularly as it arises in conversations regarding issues of diversity. This attention serves as a means of both identifying and challenging responses to those who are differ - ent or Other especially as those responses, both silent and muted, serve to expose and solidify circumscribed perceptions. These racially inhabited silences are particularly noticeable in settings where white preservice teachers are challenged to deal with issues of diversity, finding themselves uncomfortable in the context of a discourse of diversity, especially when the conversation engages the social and economic implications of racial diversity and when the critical gaze is shifted from the racial object, i.e., the non-white Other, to the racial subject, i.e., white self (Morrison, 1992). They will talk about difference, and acknowledge that we must incorporate diversity into education classes, but when asked to specifically discuss their perceptions or experiences based on race and ethnicity, it is as if I have asked them to divulge the password of a secret society. In the words of one student, Why do we need to talk about it? Isnt it best if we dont notice it? Isnt it an issue because we *You+ keep making it an issue? This discussion then is presented as a continuing engagement with those racially inhabited silences in an attempt to further ascertain their relevance and to formulate pedagogical responses so we can get students to talk about it. So we can adequately prepare teachers to recognize when they are responding to their students based on their own biases, stereotypes, and ignorance in order to help future teachers not just mouth the mantra of a culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1994, 2001), but actually mean it and enact it.
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Alt/Prior Question
The alternative is an uncomfortable recognition of whitenessonly pedagogical spaces can reshape whiteness Mazzei 8 (Lisa A., NowGonzaga U; ThenManchester Metropolitan U, Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice, Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. 1125-1136)//LA It is my insistence, and I believe that chronicled by others in education (see for e.g. Cochran-Smith, 2000; Valli, 1995; Villegas & Lucas, 2002), that change in the arena of racial discourse comes by encouraging our students to brush up against their own whiteness. For this to happen we must attempt to develop pedagogical strategies that encourage the breaking of silences, both our own and those of our students. But it is not as simple as distributing note cards and assuming that a recognition of the silences on our part as teacher educators will lead to a breaking of the silence on the part of our students. As described in the previous section, there is the potential for much loss on the part of our students, and to deny this loss is to fail to develop a pedagogy that not only recognizes and confronts the silences, but also accepts and acknowledges the fears associated with such a loss. Students may resist breaking the silence, for to do so means they risk a loss of privilege, identity and comfort. As educators, we can provide experiences in our classrooms that are potentially transformative, but to do so, we must admit the potential for loss that our students recognize and resist as we challenge them to engage the silences. The loss of comfort, for example, when they are forced to go into settings where they are not the majority, be it according to race, gender, sexual orientation, or social class. The loss of privilege when they begin to acknowledge the norming presence of whiteness by which they are judged, and subsequently advantaged, but which serves to disadvantage their students because the students cannot wear the same mask. A loss of identity when an undoing of white privilege means that their unspoken, unacknowledged, unnoticed position of whiteness is suddenly called into question and redefined, reinscribed, or refuted. An awareness of loss might mean that we recognize the loss and the fear inhabiting the silence and develop pedagogical strategies that communicate to our students that we do not discount the fear or the loss, but that we also refuse the silence on their part as a strategy of avoidance. As acknowledged by Amanda, the issue of racism is very much alive in schools today, and as future teachers they must accept the potential loss of comfort and privilege toward a recognition that they are as much a part of a racial or multicultural discourse as their non-white students. The fact that racism is present in schools means that they participate, whether knowingly or not, and a claiming of this participation is also a claiming of innocence lost. In order that we not silence the fears associated with these losses, our challenge as teacher educators is to engage these losses and the silences that they inhabit.
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Prior Question
Questions of pedagogy come firstdetermines whiteness in the debate space Mazzei 8 (Lisa A., NowGonzaga U; ThenManchester Metropolitan U, Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice, Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. 1125-1136)//LA They are not knowingly racist, in fact many are appalled at racist attitudes and actions by others and sometimes angrily ask why we have to keep talking about the inequities they believe are no longer important or relate to them. They think that by looking past skin colour they are above racist attitudes and actions. Is it ever going to stop? was a question asked by one of my students referring to the continued emphasis on
multicultural education, racial identity, and a corresponding need to discuss attitudes regarding gender, race, and class inequities. It is a valid question and one which gives pause to hope that such
a day might come, but it will not arrive as long as teachers, particularly white teachers, are unaware of our own socially constructed attitudes and remain blind to our position as whites in a racial discourse, or worse fail to see ourselves as raced thereby continuing a racial discourse that identifies all non-whites as Other. We must seriously expose and critique any position that fosters the view articulated by Frankenberg (1996), It is interesting that one can in fact (re)tell a white
life through a racial lens y Seeing blackness was not seeing whiteness (p. 5). When Margaret in another assignment for the Diversity and the Learner class wrote of her impressions of a young woman with a Korean mother but who grew up in the United States, she revealed her tendency to see life through a white racial lens. She made
assumptions about the Other from an uncritical position of
whiteness. I looked at her as the Korean girl. I didnt realize that she grew up the same way as I did. I questioned her knowledge of
American culture just because of the way her eyes looked and the darkness of her hair. When Andrea wrote my life as a young, middle class, Caucasian American provided advantages that were not there for others in minority cultures. These advantages were present in the opportunities available to me. I was educated in Catholic schools. I had access to jobs that probably were not available to people of other cultures. It is almost as if my success was jump-started from the beginning, she
acknowledged the advantage that white privilege and affluence afforded. Yet, she unproblemmati- cally wrote in the same paper, Like so many other young black males, John has no father in his everyday life. This statement reveals the unstated assumptions that Andrea makes about black students (i.e., that they do not live with their fathers), and is thereby silent regarding how such assumptions impact the ways in which she makes judgements about the students and their families that she works with. When Linda wrote multicultural students struggle most with communicating and making friends, she revealed
two beliefs that are assumed but rarely stated by many white teachers. One, multicultural education is for those who are other than white and is of most benefit for those students who are non- native English speaking students. Two, these designated multicultural students are behind or lacking in some way. In a review of educational research that focused on the preparation of teachers for urban schools of the 60s, 70s, and 80s, Weiner (1993) asserted that in each of the three periods, the discussion was framed as preparing teachers of deprived, disadvantaged, or at-risk students (pp. 7273). Further she stated that since the early 1970s educators began to describe urban school populations as multicultural, a label that ignored the absence of white students in urban school systems (p. 73). Finally, when
Jennifer asks why *does+ it matter to even talk about race? Isnt it best if we dont notice it? we can no longer remain silent or uncritical. We must understand that when we dont notice or when we dont talk about it we, both teacher educators and students, are talking about it. When one of the cooperating teachers responded
to a question by Linda that the Asian children struggle with the language arts but never the subject of math, and my student rationalized that this is because math is pretty universal and the English language is not, then we
are engaging in a racial discourse as experienced through a white lens. This discourse, dependent on a racially inhabited silence that perpetuates stereotypes of the Other also serves to define different through a racial lens which is both culturally determined by and uncritical of its racial position.
Pedagogy is a prior questionits a crucial part of networks of Whiteness Mazzei 8 (Lisa A., NowGonzaga U; ThenManchester Metropolitan U, Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice, Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. 1125-1136)//LA
More than a decade ago, I began a qualitative research project whose purpose was to consider how a group of white teachers in an urban school district in the US understood their racial position and to examine how that understanding impacted their curricular decisions and work

as teachers. The two most notable learnings emerging from that initial research were the realization that the
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white teachers who participated in the study, including myself, had little or no experience of themselves as having a racial position and that their experience of having lived in a world of white privilege severely limited their ability to see or express themselves as Other. This lack of awareness led to noticeable silences in the conversations related to race,1 racial position, and racial identity, subsequently reflected in the pedagogical and curricular decisions made by these teachers. In the course of the research these silences were shown to be both purposeful and meaningful in reaffirming the espoused perspective of the participants. As a means of acknowledging the importance of these silences and addressing their relevance in circumscribing
identity, a methodological strategy was developed to identify and examine the significance and myriad meanings inhabiting the silences. While the research and teaching described in this article have occurred in a US context, such discussions
and learnings have much wider implications. According to Leonardo (2004a), race, and in particular whiteness, must be situated in the global context (p. 117). And while the local context for my work is the Midwest region of the United States, the global context for this work is teacher education that concerns itself with the development of racially aware and culturally sensitive teachers. Many who grew up in the US with white skin were taught not to notice or to mention ones skin
colour for fear of being impolite or racist. I was carefully taught this by parents who did not wish for their children to perpetuate much of what they had experienced as whites growing up long before civil rights and integration.2 So what
happens when we do not notice, or are taught not to notice, or pretend not to notice? What can happen is that we lull ourselves into a dream state induced by this soporific silence. A silence that shields and veils until finally, something, someone, shatters the dream.3
Pedagogy comes first Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. and Marvin, UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park, The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy, African-American Education, and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy, Educational Foundations, Summer-Fall 2005, p. 15-32)//LA Critical Pedagogy as a discourse on schooling and inequality relies mainly on three theoretic and analytic strands of thought: (1) Social Reproduction Theory, (2) Cultural Reproduction Theory, and (3) Theories of Resistance. These areas of study, have contributed, in unique ways to the development of critical pedagogy. Social Reproduction theorists believe that schools maintain the status quo by making certain that existing social and economic relations remain constant. The work of Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1976) is largely based on five key principles that undergird their political economy of education. First, that market,
property and power relationships (p. 11) determine and shape the looming disparities in wealth that exist between the rich and the poor. In other words, the
capitalist economy is responsible for creating and maintaining widespread poverty and disenfranchisement among minorities and the poor in most industrialized democracies. The second, and probably the most important principle is that schools act as agents in the regeneration and solidification of existing political, social, and economic arrangements by preparing students for predetermined roles in the labor force.
To that extent, students from working class families are trained to work in low paying non-skilled jobs, since it is highly likely that they will attend schools that foster this kind of mentality. The third principle recognizes that school
professionals do not necessarily reproduce social inequalities with malice of intent. Instead, this principle recognizes the hierarchical structure of schooling and its tendency to mirror the top-down structure of the labor market which aids in the reproduction of social inequality. To the extent that school officials and teachers work to maintain the bureaucratic structure of schooling, they are implicated as agents of this capitalist domination. The very basis of the argument here is that the U.S. economy is a formally totalitarian system in which the actions of the vast majority (workers) are controlled by a small minority (owners and managers) (Bowles & Gintis, 1976, p. 55). Moreover, the U.S., with its run-a-way capitalist economy, allows the forces of the market to dictate what happens in the rest of society. To that extent, schools were designed for the purpose of maintaining current economic relations. As a result, schools have not been instrumental in helping the majority of poor and working class people achieve social mobility.
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Rather schools have helped solidify poor peoples position at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. In other words, Schooling has been...something done to the poor and not in the interest of the poor (MacLeod ,1995 , p. 29). The fourth principle is that schooling is contradictory in nature (Bowles & Gintis, 1976). While schooling (in this sense) primarily supports the aims of the dominant class, it can be credited with contributing to the overall development of consciousness about social inequalities. In other words, Bowles and Gintis also recognize that schools can sometimes serve as sites where social awareness takes place. This idea is further expounded upon in the work of resistance theorists, whose ideas we will address later. The last principle is that the relationship between the organization of schools and the structure of the labor market changes and shifts according to the particular sociopolitical and historical context. In other words, any critique of schools must be situated within an understanding of the particular socio- historical forces that have led to current conditions within a given society. In this regard, Bowles and Gintis (1976) attempt to first understand the
particular social, political and economic circumstances of the time period being described before undertaking an analysis of schooling as an agent of capitalist hegemony. Cultural
Reproduction Theory offers an important analysis of how schools, in fact, support particular patterns of behavior in school. Cultural Reproduction (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977) in education refers to the ways in which schools and teachers reproduce social inequalities through the promotion of certain forms of class-specific cultural knowledge. This theory presents a departure from theories of social reproduction because it includes an analysis, albeit a materialist one, of culture. It also looks more micro-analytically at the ways in which school norms contribute to the systematic exclusion of ethnic minorities and poor whites from the educational system. Bourdieu, the leading cultural reproduction theorist, begins with the notion that students who lack the
cultural capital or the requisite knowledge and skills with which to successfully navigate the parameters of middle class culture inevitably fail at school (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). In this sense, cultural capital is a form of symbolic wealth that one acquires through membership and participation in the dominant or middle-class culture. The accumulation of cultural capital is also related to ones degree of wealth in the sense that those who can afford it, participate, to a much greater degree, in the consumption of what is considered high culture or the arts (Bourdieu, 1977). Because
schools are established in relation to these norms and standards, they also legitimize and therefore reinforce such standards while promoting the myth of meritocracy (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Moreover, the economically privileged utilize schools as a way in which to sustain and legitimate their high- status knowledge which, helps to maintain existing social, political and economic arrangements. This greatly disadvantages children from lower and working class backgrounds who are not aware of
the rules required for successfully working within the culture of power (Bourdieu, 1977; Delpit, 1995). The effects of cultural reproduction are mitigated, in some ways, by each individuals habitus, or the way a culture is embodied within the individual (Harker, 1990, p. 118). Ones habitus refers to the specific way in which an individual acts and responds to the system and the practices of those who maintain it. To this extent, the
individual has some degree of agency in making choices that will benefit him or her. In this (1977) is quick to point out, however, that ones agency is limited in a class-stratified society especially if we consider that people cant teach what *they+ dont know (Howard, 1999). Consequently, since the majority of poor and working class students have not had the same experiences as
instance, the habitus is indeed a mitigating factor. Bourdieu middle and upper class students, their habitus will be markedly different. Therefore, while ones degree of agency is considered an important component, it is rendered nearly inconsequential when we consider how economic, political and social structures shape and constrict individual autonomy and agency (Bourdieu, 1977).
Pedagogy is key to interrogate power Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. and Marvin, UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park, The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy, African-American Education, and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy, Educational Foundations, Summer-Fall 2005, p. 15-32)//LA Critical pedagogy has been widely characterized as a crucial construct in challenging the inequalities that have evolved in the context of schooling in the U.S. Evidence of this can be found in critical pedagogys attempt to offer critique of the analytic connections between race and education within the context of the African-American struggle for humanity. In particular, critical pedagogy has functioned as a discourse on schooling and inequality that has developed in tandem with theories of race and pedagogical practice in ways that reflect the context of African-American education. This work expounds

upon our previous scholarship to offer
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a broadened conception of critical race pedagogy that incorporates central aspects of critical pedagogy but is drawn from African-American epistemological frameworks. Origins of Critical Pedagogy within Critical Theory Critical pedagogy has maintained its status as an important component of educational research and inquiry since the early 1980s when critical educational theorist popularized the concept in academic writing (Bennett & LeCompte, 1999; Sleeter & Bernal, 2004). Since that time, these theorists have continued to struggle with the central question of critical pedagogy: Whose interests are served? (Bennet & LeCompte 1999, p. 250). In answer to this query, Gordon (1995) asserts that Critical theory seeks to understand the origins and operation of repressive social structures. Critical theory is the critique of domination. It seeks to focus on a world becoming less free, to cast doubt on claims of technological scientific rationality, and then to imply that present configurations do not have to be as they are (p. 190). Not only do critical theorists attempt to discover why oppressive structures exist and offer criticisms of their effects; they also explore the ways in which we can transform our society. In this sense, critical theory is not simply a critique of social structures it is an analysis of power relations that asks questions regarding: what constitutes power; who holds power; and in what ways power utilized to benefit those already in power.
Race and pedagogy are intertwined[also, link of omission] Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. and Marvin, UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park, The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy, African-American Education, and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy, Educational Foundations, Summer-Fall 2005, p. 15-32)//LA First, critical race pedagogy must recognize and understand the endemic nature of racism. Racism is a concept is played out world wide but has a particularly significant meaning in the history of the United States (Feagin, 2001). Critical legal scholar Derrick Bell (1992) argues that racism is a permanent fixture of American society. That is, racism is not an aberrant entity but is instead an integral part of the American socio-political landscape. Being such an integral part of America has allowed racism to shape and be shaped by the major institutions within American society (Feagin, 2001; Hacker 1995). Among these institutions is the compulsory public education system that developed from the Common School movement of the 19th century (Spring, 2005). This system is an integral part of American society and has historically reflected the racialized nature of American society. In other words, educational institutions in America have historically reflected the same types of institutionalized racism that exist within multiple contexts of American life. Racism and education are thus tightly interwoven in a manner that is complex, pervasive and constantly evolving within and across a variety of social contexts. It is an understanding of these complexities that is necessary precursor for the existence of any Critical Race Pedagogy. This is not meant to establish race as the only construct of importance when critiquing the oppressive nature of schooling in American society. Any form of Critical Race Pedagogy must be intimately cognizant of the necessary intersection of other oppressive constructs such as class, gender and sexual orientation. Theorizing these intersections is of high importance because individuals prioritizing one facet of their identity over another can create a false dichotomy that does not address the reality that we exist within society as subjective entities whose identities are negotiated through multiple lenses that privilege certain race, class, gender and sexual norms.
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AT: We solve
Magnifies the linkany risk their pedagogy is flawed turns the casemakes it try or die for the alt Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. and Marvin, UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park, The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy, African-American Education, and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy, Educational Foundations, Summer-Fall 2005, p. 15-32)//LA Resistance Theory expands these ideas in important ways. A theory of resistance in education necessarily begins with a critique of theories of social and cultural reproduction (Giroux, 1983; McLaren, 1998). Giroux (1983), Willis (1997) and Morrow & Torres (1995) argue that these theories are overly deterministic because they fail to adequately define the role of the oppressed actor in negotiating and responding to structures of domination. Resistance theory (Giroux 1983) is grounded in the notion that the oppressed have a degree of agency that allows them to actively resist and sometimes collude with structures of domination. In other words, resistance theory points to the dialectical nature of oppression and sees domination as not only [the] result of the structural and ideological constraints embedded in capitalist social relationships, but also as part of the process of self-formation within the working class itself (Giroux, 1983, p. 283). In other words, the social, economic, and political structure does not act alone; it is supported by the actions of people who work to maintain it or destroy it by resisting domination in myriad ways. Therefore, resistance theory does not characterize all oppositional behavior as counterhegemonic because it recognizes the potential for some forms of resistance to authority to be connected to patriarchal and racist motives. Giroux (1983), Willis (1977), Delgado Bernal (1997) and MacLeod (1995) argue that certain forms of oppositional behavior or resistance can and often do lead to greater degrees of social dislocation that delimits the actors potential for further participation in liberatory practice and struggle. Ethnographic studies of working class students illustrate Girouxs point clearly. The working class white male students in Paul Willis work (1977), for example, resisted dominant modes of thinking through their nonparticipation in and subsequent devaluation of academic work deemed crucial by school authorities who symbolized the dominant culture. Jay MacLeod (1987), in a similar study of white and African-American male working class youth, underscores the importance of understanding the role of the oppressed in resisting and accommodating to certain forms of oppression. In both studies, the resistance of working class youth to structures of domination actually served to further marginalize them. This, the authors argue, provides a clear context for understanding the complex nature of the relationship between structure and agency (MacLeod, 1995; Willis, 1977). Therefore, a resistance model analyzes the ways in which social structures work to reproduce inequalities and tries to understand how the complex web of relationships between people can either counteract or support the aims of the capitalist hegemony.
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Bussing Link
The affirmatives pedagogical strategy is analogous to integration by bussingin their rush to resist whiteness in debate theyve forfeited the revolutionary, pedagogical value of the 1AC hooks 94 (bell, Prof @ Oberlin College, name intentionally left un-capitalized, Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom, p. 3-4)//LA Almost all our teachers at Booker T. Washington were black women. They were committed to nurturing intellect so that we could become scholars, thinkers, and cultural workers-black folks who used our "minds." We learned early that our devotion to learning, to a life of the mind, was a counter-hegemonic act, a fundamental way to resist every strategy of white racist colonization. Though they did not define or articulate these practices in theoretical terms, my teachers were enacting a revolutionary pedagogy of resistance that was profoundly anticolonial. Within these segregated schools, black children who were deemed exceptional, gifted, were given special care. Teachers worked with and for us to ensure that we would fulfill our intellectual destiny and by so doing uplift the race. My teachers were on a mission. To fulfill that mission, my teachers made sure they "knew" us. They
knew our parents, our economic status, where we wor- shipped, what our homes were like, and how we were treated in the family. I went to school at a historical moment where I was being taught by the same teachers who had taught my mother, her s1sters, and brothers. My
effort and ability to learn was always contextualized within the framework of generational family experience. Certain behaviors, gestures, habits of being were traced back. Attending school then was sheer joy. I loved being a student. I loved learning. School was the place of ecstasy-pleasure and danger. To be changed by ideas was pure pleasure. But to learn ideas that ran counter to values and beliefs learned at home was to place
oneself at risk, to enter the danger zone. Home was the place where I was forced to conform to someone else's image of who and what I should be. School was the place where I could forget that self and, through ideas, reinvent myself. School
changed utterly with racial integration. Gone was the messianic zeal to transform our minds and beings that had characterized teachers and their pedagogical practices in our all-black schools. Knowledge was suddenly about information only. It had no relation to how one lived, behaved. It was no longer connected to antiracist struggle. Bussed to white schools, we soon learned that obedience, and not a zealous will to learn, was what was expected of us. Too much eagerness to learn could easily be seen as a threat to white authority. When we entered racist, desegregated, white schools we left a world where teachers believed that to educate black children rightly would require a political commitment. Now, we were mainly taught by white teachers whose lessons reinforced racist stereotypes. For black children, education was no longer about the practice of freedom. Realizing this, I lost my love of school. The classroom was no longer a place of pleasure or ecstasy. School was still a political place, since we were always having to counter white racist assumptions that we were genetically infe rior, never as capable as white peers, even unable to learn. Yet, the politics were no longer counter-hegemonic. We were always and only responding and reacting to white folks.
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Pedagogy Turns Case

MUST FOCUS ON PEDAGOGYthe use of educational spaces for opportunistic attempts at material change makes impossible radical liberation in the academy hooks 94 (bell, Prof @ Oberlin College, name intentionally left un-capitalized, Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom, p. 11-12)//LA
These essays reflect my experience of critical discussions with teachers, students, and individuals who have entered my classes to observe. Multilayered, then, these
essays are meant to stand as testimony, bearing witness to education as the practice of freedom. Long before a public ever recognized me as a thinker or writer, I was recognized in the classroom by students seen by them as a teacher who worked hard to create a dynamic learning experience for all of us. Nowadays, I am recognized more for insurgent intellectual practice. Indeed, the
academic public that I encounter at my lectures always shows surprise when I speak intimately and deeply about the classroom. That public seemed particularly surprised when I said that I was working on a collection of essays about teaching. This surprise is a sad reminder of the way teaching is seen as a duller, less valuable aspect of the academic profession. This perspective on teaching is a common one. Yet it must be challenged if we are to meet the needs of our students, if we are to restore to education and the classroom excitement about ideas and the will to learn. There is a serious crisis in education. Students often do not want to learn and teachers do not want to teach. More than - ever before in the recent history of this nation, educators are compelled to confront the biases that have shaped teaching practices in our society and to create new ways of knowing, different strategies for the sharing of knowledge. We cannot address this crisis if progressive critical thinkers and social critics act as though teaching is not a subject worthy of our regard. The classroom remains the most radical space of possibility in the academy. For years it has been a place where education has been undermined by teachers and students alike who seek to use it as a platform for opportunistic concerns rather than as a place to learn. With these essays, I add my voice to the collective call for renewal and rejuvenation in our teaching practices. Urging all of us to open our minds and hearts so that we can know beyond the boundaries of what is acceptable, so that we can think and rethink, so that we can create new visions' I celebrate teaching that enables transgressions-a movement against and beyond boundaries. It is that movement which makes education the practice of freedom.
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Sexual Politics
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Sexual Politics K 1nc

The 1ACs starting point for political liberation is built upon the subjugation of women; the political sphere is always already masculine politics that doesnt begin with the question of sexuality is doomed to fail Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesot a, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch.
2// SC)
The three instances of sexual description we have examined so far were remarkable for the large part which notions of ascendancy and power played within them. Coitus can scarcely be said to take place in a vacuum; although of itself it appears a biological and physical activity, it is
set so deeply within the larger context of human affairs that it serves as a charged microcosm of the variety of attitudes and values to which culture subscribes. Among other things, it may serve as a model of sexual politics on an individual or personal plane. But of course the transition from such scenes of intimacy to a wider
context of political reference is a great step indeed. In introducing the term "sexual politics," one must first answer the inevitable question
"Can the relationship between the sexes be viewed in a political light at all?" The answer depends on how one
defines politics. [The American Heritage Dictionary's fourth definition is fairly approximate: "methods or tactics involved in managing a state or government." One might expand this to a set of stratagems designed to maintain a system. If one understands patriarchy to be an institution perpetuated by such techniques of control, one has a working definition of how politics is conceived in this essay]. This essay does not define the political as that relatively narrow and exclusive world of meetings, chairmen, and parties. The
term "politics" shall refer to power-structured relationships, arrangements whereby one group of persons is controlled by another. By way of parenthesis one might add that although an ideal politics might simply be conceived of as the arrangement of human life on agreeable and rational principles from whence the entire notion of power over others should be banished, one must confess that this is not what constitutes the political as we know it, and it is to this that we must address ourselves. The following sketch, which might be described as "notes toward a theory of patriarchy," will
attempt to prove that sex is a status category with political implications. Something of a pioneering effort, it must perforce be both tentative and imperfect. Because the intention is to provide an overall description, statements must be generalised, exceptions neglected, and subheadings overlapping and, to some degree, arbitrary as well. The
word "politics" is enlisted here when speaking of the sexes primarily because such a word is eminently useful in outlining the real nature of their relative status, historically and at the present. It is opportune, perhaps today even mandatory, that we develop a more relevant psychology and philosophy of power relationships beyond the simple conceptual framework provided by our traditional formal politics. Indeed, it may be imperative that we give some attention to defining a theory of politics which
treats of power relationships on grounds less conventional than those to which we are accustomed. I have therefore found it pertinent to define them on grounds of personal contact and interaction between members of well-defined and coherent groups: races, castes, classes, and
For it is precisely because certain groups have no representation in a number of recognised political structures that their position tends to be so stable, their oppression so continuous. In America, recent events have forced us to acknowledge at last that the relationship between the races is indeed a political one which involves the general control of one collectivity, defined by birth, over another collectivity, also defined by birth. Groups who rule by birthright are fast disappearing, yet there remains one ancient and universal scheme for the domination of one birth group by another - the scheme that prevails in the area of sex. The study of racism has convinced us that a truly political state of affairs operates between the races to perpetuate a series of oppressive circumstances. The subordinated group has inadequate redress through existing political institutions, and is deterred thereby from organising into conventional political struggle and opposition. Quite in the same manner, a disinterested examination of our system of sexual relationship must point out that the situation between the sexes now, and throughout history, is a case of that phenomenon Max Weber defined as herrschaft, a relationship of dominance and subordinance. What goes largely unexamined, often even unacknowledged (yet is institutionalised nonetheless) in our social order, is the birthright priority whereby males rule females. Through this system a most
sexes.
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ingenious form of "interior colonisation" has been achieved. It is one which tends moreover to be sturdier than any form of segregation, and more rigorous than class stratification, more uniform, certainly more enduring.
historical civilisations, is However muted its present appearance may be, sexual dominion obtains nevertheless as perhaps the most pervasive ideology of our culture and provides its most fundamental concept of power. This
is so because our society, like all other a patriarchy. The fact is evident at once if one recalls that the military, industry, technology, universities, science, political office, and finance - in short, every avenue of power within the society, including the coercive force of the police, is entirely in male hands. As the essence of politics is power, such realisation cannot fail to carry impact. What lingers
of supernatural authority, the Deity, "His" ministry, together with the ethics and values, the philosophy and art of our culture - its very civilisation - as T. S. Eliot once observed, is of male manufacture. If one takes patriarchal government to be the institution whereby that half of the populace which is female is controlled by that half which is male, the principles of patriarchy appear to be two fold: male
shall dominate female, elder male shall dominate younger. However, just as with any human institution, there is frequently a distance between the real and the ideal; contradictions and exceptions do exist within the system.
While patriarchy as an institution is a social constant so deeply entrenched as to run through all other political, social, or economic forms, whether of caste or class, feudality or bureaucracy, just as it pervades all major religions, it also exhibits great variety in history and locale. In
democracies, for example, females have often held no office or do so (as now) in such minuscule numbers as to be below even token representation. Aristocracy, on the other hand, with its emphasis upon the magic and dynastic properties of
blood, may at times permit women to hold power. The principle of rule by elder males is violated even more frequently. Bearing in mind the variation and degree in patriarchy - as say between Saudi Arabia and Sweden, Indonesia and Red China - we also recognise our own form in the U.S. and Europe to be much altered and attenuated by the reforms described in the next chapter.
The alt is to reject affirmative fiat and enable discussion to create a political space of coherent groups and dismantle patriarchal norms that reinforce oppression, sexism, and racism Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) Is it possible to regard the relation of the sexes in a political light at all? It depends on how one defines politics. I do not define the political area here as that narrow and exclusive sector known as institutional or official politics of the Democrat or Republican we have all reason to be tired and suspicious of them. By politics I mean power structured relationships, the entire arrangement whereby one group of people is governed by another, one group is dominant and the other subordinate. It is time we developed a more cogent and relevant psychology and philosophy of power relationships not yet considered in out institutional politics. It is time we gave attention to defining a theory of politics which treats of power relationships on the less formal than establishmentarian grounds of personal intercourse between members of well defined and coherent groups races, castes, classes and sexes. It is precisely because such groups have no representation in formal political structures that their oppression is so entire and so continuous. In the recent past, we have been forced to acknowledge that the relationship between the races in the United States is indeed a political one and one of the control of collectivity defined by birth, or another collectivity also defined by birth. Groups who rule by birth are fast disappearing in the West and white supremacists are fated to go the way of aristocrats and other extinct upper castes. We have yet one ancient and universal arrangement for the political exploitation of one birth group by another in the area of sex. Just as the study of racism has convinced as that there exists a truly political relationship between races, and an oppressive situation from which the subordinated group had no redress through formal political structures whereby they might organize into conventional political struggle and opposition just so any intelligent and
of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
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objective examination of our system of sexual politics or sex role structure will prove that the relationship between the sexes now and throughout history is one of what Max Weber once termed Herrschaft or dominance and subordination the birthright control of one group by another-the male to rule and the female to be ruled. Women have been placed in the position of minority status throughout history and even after the grudging extension of certain minimal rights of citizenship and suffrage at the beginning of this century. It is fatuous to suppose that women white or black have any greater representation now that they vote than that they ever did. Previous history has made it clear that the possession of the vote for 100 years has done the black man precious little good at all. Why, when this arrangement of male rule and control of our society is so obvious why is it never acknowledged or discussed? Partly, I suspect because such discussion is regarded as dangerous in the extreme and because a culture does not discuss its most basic assumptions and most cherished bigotries. Why does no one ever remark that the military, industry,the universities, the sciences, political office and finance (despite absurd declarations to the contrary on the evidence that some little old lady owns stock over which she has no control). Why does no one ever remark that every avenue of power in our culture including the repressive forces of the police entirely in male hands? Money, guns, authority itself, are male provinces. Even God is male and a white male at that. The reasons for this gigantic evasion of the very facts of our situation are many and obvious. They are also rather amusing. Lets look at a few of the thousand defenses the masculine culture has built against any infringement or even exposure of its control: is to react with ridicule and the primitive mechanism of laughter and denial. Sex is funny its dirty and it is something women have. Men are not sexual beings they are people they are humanity. Therefore, any rational discussion of the realities of sexual life degenerate as quickly as men can make them into sniggering sessions, where through clich so ancient as to have almost ritual value, women who might be anxious to carry on an adult dialogue are bullied back into their place".
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Links
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Link Anti-Cap Affs

Focusing on class liberation without first addressing the subject position of the female in the economy is doomed to fail and props up racism and sexism Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) IV Class It is in the area of class that the caste-like status of the female within patriarchy is most liable to confusion, for sexual status often operates in a superficially confusing way within the variable of class. In a society where status is dependent upon the economic, social, and educational circumstances of class, it is possible for certain females to appear to stand higher than some males. Yet not when one looks more closely at the subject. This is perhaps easier to see by means of analogy: a black doctor or lawyer has higher social status than a poor white sharecropper. But race, itself a caste system which subsumes class, persuades the latter citizen that he belongs to a higher order of life, just as it oppresses the black professional in spirit, whatever his material success may be. In much the same manner, a truck driver or butcher has always his "manhood" to fall back upon. Should this final vanity be offended, he may contemplate more violent methods. The literature of the past thirty years provides a staggering number of incidents in which the caste of virility triumphs over the social status of wealthy or even educated women. In literary contexts one has to deal here with wish-fulfilment. Incidents from life (bullying, obscene, or hostile remarks) are probably another sort of psychological gesture of ascendancy. Both convey more hope than reality, for class divisions are generally quite impervious to the hostility of individuals. And yet while the existence of class division is not seriously threatened by such expressions of enmity, the existence of sexual hierarchy has been re-affirmed and mobilised to "punish" the female quite effectively. The function of class or ethnic mores in patriarchy is largely a matter of how overtly displayed or how loudly enunciated the general ethic of masculine supremacy allows itself to become. Here one is confronted by what appears to be a paradox: while in the lower social strata, the male is more likely to claim authority on the strength of his sex rank alone, he is actually obliged more often to share power with the women of his class who are economically productive; whereas in the middle and upper classes, there is less tendency to assert a blunt patriarchal dominance, as men who enjoy such status have more power in any case. It is generally accepted that Western patriarchy has been much softened by the concepts of courtly and romantic love. While this is certainly true, such influence has also been vastly overestimated. In comparison with the candour of "machismo" or oriental behaviour, one realises how much of a concession traditional chivalrous behaviour represents - a sporting kind of reparation to allow the subordinate female certain means of saving face. While a palliative to the injustice of woman's social position, chivalry is also a technique for disguising it. One must acknowledge that the chivalrous stance is a game the master group plays in elevating its subject to pedestal level. Historians of courtly love stress the fact that the raptures of the poets had no effect upon the legal or economic standing of women, and very little upon their social status. As the sociologist Hugo Beigel has observed, both the courtly and the romantic versions of love are "grants" which the male concedes out of his total powers. Both have had the effect of obscuring the patriarchal character of Western culture and m their general tendency to attribute impossible virtues to women, have ended by confining them in a narrow and often
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remarkably conscribing sphere of behaviour. It was a Victorian habit, for example, to insist the female assume the function of serving as the male's conscience and living the life of goodness he found tedious but felt someone ought to do anyway. The concept of romantic love affords a means of emotional manipulation which the male is free to exploit, since love is the only circumstance in which the female is (ideologically) pardoned for sexual activity. And convictions of romantic love are convenient to both parties since this is often the only condition in which the female can overcome the far more powerful conditioning she has received toward sexual inhibition. Romantic love also obscures the realities of female status and the burden of economic dependency. As to "chivalry," such gallant gesture as still resides in the middle classes has degenerated to a tired ritualism, which scarcely serves to mask the status situation of the present. Within patriarchy one must often deal with contradictions which ale simply a matter of class style. David Riesman has noted that as the working class has been assimilated into the middle class, so have its sexual mores and attitudes. The fairly blatant male chauvinism which was once a province of the lower class or immigrant male has been absorbed and taken on a certain glamour through a number of contemporary figures, who have made it, and a certain number of other working-class male attitudes, part of a new, and at the moment, fashionable life style. So influential is this working class ideal of brute virility (or more accurately, a literary and therefore middle-class version of it) become in our time that it may replace more discreet and "gentlemanly" attitudes of the past. One of the chief effects of class within patriarchy is to set one woman against another, in the past creating a lively antagonism between whore and matron, and in the present between career woman and housewife. One envies the other her "security" and prestige, while the envied yearns beyond the confines of respectability for what she takes to be the other's freedom, adventure, and contact with the great world. Through the multiple advantages of the double standard, the male participates in both worlds, empowered by his superior social and economic resources to play the estranged women against each other as rivals. One might also recognise subsidiary status categories among women: not only is virtue class, but beauty and age as well. Perhaps, in the final analysis, it is possible to argue that women tend to transcend the usual class stratifications in patriarchy, for whatever the class of her birth and education, the female has fewer permanent class association than does the male. Economic dependency renders her affiliations with any class a tangential, vicarious, and temporary matter. Aristotle observed that the only slave to whom a commoner might lay claim was his woman, and the service of an unpaid domestic still provides working-class males with a "cushion" against the buffets of the class system which incidentally provides them with some of the psychic luxuries of the leisure class. Thrown upon their own resources, few women rise above working class in personal prestige and economic power, and women as a group do not enjoy many of the interests and benefits any class may offer its male members. Women have therefore less of an investment in the class system. But it is important to understand that as with any group whose existence is parasitic to its rulers, women are a dependency class who live on surplus And their marginal life frequently renders them conservative, for like all persons in their situation (slaves are a classic example here) they identify their own survival with the prosperity of those who feed them. The hope of seeking liberating radical solutions of their own seems too remote for the majority to dare contemplate and remains so until consciousness on the subject is raised. As race is emerging as one of the final variables in sexual politics, it is pertinent, especially in a discussion of modern literature, to devote a few words to it as well. Traditionally, the white male has been accustomed to concede the female of his own race, in her capacity as "his woman" a higher status than that ascribed to the black male. Yet as white racist ideology is exposed and begins to erode, racism's older protective attitudes toward (white) women also begin to give way. And the priorities of maintaining male supremacy might outweigh even those of white supremacy; sexism may be more endemic in our own society than racism. For example, one notes in authors whom we would now term overtly racist, such as D. H. Lawrence - whose contempt for what he so often designates as inferior breeds is unabashed - instances where the lower-caste male is brought on to
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master or humiliate the white man's own insubordinate mate. Needless to say, the female of the nonwhite races does not figure in such tales save as an exemplum of "true" womanhood's servility, worthy of imitation by other less carefully instructed females. Contemporary white sociology often operates under a similar patriarchal bias when its rhetoric inclines toward the assertion that the "matriarchal" (e.g. matrifocal) aspect of black society and the "castration" of the black male are the most deplorable symptoms of black oppression in white racist society, with the implication that racial inequity is capable of solution by a restoration of masculine authority. Whatever the facts of the matter may be, it can also be suggested that analysis of this kind presupposes patriarchal values without questioning them, and tends to obscure both the true character of and the responsibility for racist injustice toward black humanity of both sexes.
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Link Econ Education 1nc**

The Affs use of an educational space to advance an economic cause overlooks the legacy of oppression of the feminine that always already foregrounds that dialogue this promotes patriarchy and subjugation of women Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with t he political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC) One of the most efficient branches of patriarchal government lies in the agency of its economic hold over its female subjects. In traditional patriarchy, women, as non-persons without legal standing were permitted no actual economic existence as they could neither own nor earn in their own right. Since women have always worked in patriarchal societies, often at the most routine or strenuous tasks, what is at issue here is not labor but economic reward. In modern reformed patriarchal societies, women have certain economic rights, yet the "woman's work" in which some two thirds of the female population in most developed countries are engaged is work that is not paid for. In a money economy where autonomy and prestige depend upon currency, this is a fact of great importance. In general, the position of women in patriarchy is a continuous function of their economic dependence. Just as their social position is vicarious and achieved (often on a temporary or marginal basis) though males, their relation to the economy is also typically vicarious or tangential. Of that third of women who are employed, their average wages represent only half of the average income enjoyed by men. These are the U. S. Department of Labor statistics for average year-round income: white male, $6704, non-white male $4277, white female, $3991, and non-white female $2816. The disparity is made somewhat more remarkable because the educational level of women is generally higher than that of men in comparable income brackets. Further, the kinds of employment open to women in modem patriarchies are, with few exceptions, menial, ill paid and without status. In modem capitalist countries women also function as a reserve labor force, enlisted in times of war and expansion and discharged in times of peace and recession. In this role American women have replaced immigrant labor and now compete with the racial minorities. In socialist countries the female labor force is generally in the lower ranks as well, despite a high incidence of women in certain professions such as medicine. The status and rewards of such professions have declined as women enter them, and they are permitted to enter such areas under a rationale that society or the state (and socialist countries are also patriarchal) rather than woman is served by such activity. Since woman's independence in economic life is viewed with distrust, prescriptive agencies of all kinds (religion, psychology, advertising, etc.) continuously admonish or even inveigh against the employment of middle-class women, particularly mothers. The toil of working class women is more readily accepted as "need," if not always by the working-class itself, at least by the middle-class. And to be sure, it serves the purpose of making available cheap labor in factory and lowergrade service and clerical positions. Its wages and tasks are so unremunerative that, unlike more prestigious employment for women, it fails to threaten patriarchy financially or psychologically. Women who are employed have two jobs since the burden of domestic service and child care is unrelieved either by day care or other social agencies, or by the cooperation of husbands. The invention of labor-saving devices has had no appreciable effect on the duration, even if it has affected the quality of their drudgery. Discrimination in matters of hiring, maternity, wages and hours is very great. In the U. S. a recent law forbidding discrimination in employment, the first and only federal
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legislative guarantee of rights granted to American women since the vote, is not enforced, has not been enforced since its passage, and was not enacted to be enforced. In terms of industry and production, the situation of women is in many ways comparable both to colonial and to pre-industrial peoples. Although they achieved their first economic autonomy in the industrial revolution and now constitute a large and underpaid factory population, women do not participate directly in technology or in production. What they customarily produce (domestic and personal service) has no market value and is, as it were, pre-capital. Nor, where they do participate in production of commodities through employment, do they own or control or even comprehend the process in which they participate. An example might make this clearer: the refrigerator is a machine all women use, some assemble it in factories, and a very few with scientific education understand its principles of operation. Yet the heavy industries which roll its steel and produce the dies for its parts are in male hands. The same is true of the typewriter, the auto, etc. Now, while knowledge is fragmented even among the male population, collectively they could reconstruct any technological device. But in the absence of males, women's distance from technology today is sufficiently great that it is doubtful that they could replace or repair such machines on any significant scale. Woman's distance from higher technology is even greater: large-scale building construction; the development of computers; the moon shot, occur as further examples. If knowledge is power, power is also knowledge, and a large factor in their subordinate position is the fairly systematic ignorance patriarchy imposes upon women. Since education and economy are so closely related in the advanced nations, it is significant that the general level and style of higher education for women, particularly in their many remaining segregated institutions, is closer to that of Renaissance humanism than to the skills of mid-twentieth-century scientific and technological society. Traditionally patriarchy permitted occasional minimal literacy to women while higher education was closed to them. While modern patriarchies have, fairly recently, opened all educational levels to women, the kind and quality of education is not the same for each sex. This difference is of course apparent in early socialisation but it persists and enters into higher education as well. Universities, once places of scholarship and the training of a few professionals, now also produce the personnel of a technocracy. This is not the case with regard to women. Their own colleges typically produce neither scholars nor professionals nor technocrats. Nor are they funded by government and corporations as are male colleges and those co-educational colleges and universities whose primary function is the education of males. As patriarchy enforces a temperamental imbalance of personality traits between the sexes, its educational institutions, segregated or coeducational, accept a cultural programming toward the generally operative division between "masculine" and "feminine" subject matter, assigning the humanities and certain social sciences (at least in their lower or marginal branches) to the female - and science and technology, the professions, business and engineering to the male. Of course the balance of employment, prestige and reward at present lie with the latter. Control of these fields is very eminently a matter of political power. One might also point out how the exclusive dominance of males in the more prestigious fields directly serves the interests of {patriarchal power in industry, government, and the military. And since patriarchy encourages an imbalance in human temperament along sex lines, both divisions of learning (science and the humanities) reflect this imbalance. The humanities, because not exclusively male, suffer in prestige: the sciences, technology, and business, because they are nearly exclusively male reflect the deformation of the "masculine" personality, e.g., a certain predatory or aggressive character. In keeping with the inferior sphere of culture to which women in patriarchy have always been restricted, the present encouragement of their "artistic" interests through study of the humanities is hardly more than an extension of the "accomplishments" they once cultivated in preparation for the marriage market. Achievement in the arts and humanities is reserved, now, as it has been historically, for males. Token representation, be it Susan Sontag's or Lady Murasaki's, does not vitiate this rule.
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Link Economics/Growth
The 1AC focuses on the national economy while overlooking the everyday economies of violence that block female advancement and uphold patriarchal dominance Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachel ors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) III Sociological Patriarchy's chief institution is the family. It is both a mirror of and a connection with the larger society; a patriarchal unit within a patriarchal whole. Mediating between the individual and the social structure, the family effects control and conformity where political and other authorities are insufficient. As the fundamental instrument and the foundation unit of patriarchal society the family and its roles are prototypical. Serving as an agent of the larger society, the family not only encourages its own members to adjust and conform, but acts as a unit in the government of the patriarchal state which rules its citizens through its family heads. Even in patriarchal societies where they are granted legal citizenship, women tend to be ruled through the family alone and have little or no formal relation to the state. As co-operation between the family and the larger society is essential, else both would fall apart, the fate of three patriarchal institutions, the family, society, and the state are interrelated. In most forms of patriarchy this has generally led to the granting of religious support in statements such as the Catholic precept that "the father is head of the family," or Judaism's delegation of quasi-priestly authority to the male parent. Secular governments today also confirm this, as in census practices of designating the male as head of household, taxation, passports etc. Female heads of household tend to be regarded as undesirable; the phenomenon is a trait of poverty or misfortune. The Confucian prescription that the relationship between ruler and subject is parallel to that of father and children points to the essentially feudal character of the patriarchal family (and conversely, the familial character of feudalism) even in modern democracies. Traditionally, patriarchy granted the father nearly total ownership over wife or wives and children, including the powers of physical abuse and often even those of murder and sale. Classically, as head of the family the father is both begetter and owner in a system in which kinship is property. Yet in strict patriarchy, kinship is acknowledged only through association with the male line. Agnation excludes the descendants of the female line from property right and often even from recognition. The first formulation of the patriarchal family was made by Sir Henry Maine, a nineteenthcentury historian of ancient jurisprudence. Maine argues that the patriarchal basis of kinship is put in terms of dominion rather than blood; wives, though outsiders, are assimilated into the line, while sisters sons are excluded. Basing his definition of the family upon the patria potestes of Rome, Maine defined it as follows: "The eldest male parent is absolutely supreme in his household. His dominion extends to life and death and is as unqualified over his children and their houses as over his slaves." In the archaic patriarchal family "the group consists of animate and inanimate property, of wife, children, slaves, land and goods, all held together by subjection to the despotic authority of the eldest male." McLennon's rebuttal to Maine argued that the Roman patria potestes was an extreme form of patriarchy and by no means, as Maine had imagined, universal. Evidence of matrilineal societies (preliterate societies in Africa and elsewhere) refute Maine's assumption of the universality of agnation. Certainly Maine's central argument, as to the primeval or state of nature character of patriarchy is but a rather naif rationalisation of an institution Maine tended to exalt. The assumption of patriarchy's
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primeval character is contradicted by much evidence which points to the conclusion that full patriarchal authority, particularly that of the patria potestes is a late development and the total erosion of female status was likely to be gradual as has been its recovery. In contemporary patriarchies the male's de jure priority has recently been modified through the granting of divorce protection, citizenship, and property to women. Their chattel status continues in their loss of name, their obligation to adopt the husband's domicile, and the general legal assumption that marriage involves an exchange of the female's domestic service and (sexual) consortium in return for financial support. The chief contribution of the family in patriarchy is the socialisation of the young (largely through the example and admonition of their parents) into patriarchal ideology's prescribed attitudes toward the categories of role, temperament, and status. Although slight differences of definition depend here upon the parents' grasp of cultural values, the general effect of uniformity is achieved, to be further reinforced through peers, schools, media, and other learning sources, formal and informal. While we may niggle over the balance of authority between the personalities of various households, one must remember that the entire culture supports masculine authority in all areas of life and - outside of the home - permits the female none at all. To insure that its crucial functions of reproduction and socialisation of the young take place only within its confines, the patriarchal family insists upon legitimacy. Bronislaw Malinowski describes this as "the principle of legitimacy" formulating it as an insistence that "no child should be brought into the world without a man - and one man at that - assuming the role of sociological father." By this apparently consistent and universal prohibition (whose penalties vary by class and in accord with the expected operations of the double standard) patriarchy decrees that the status of both child and mother is primarily or ultimately dependent upon the male. And since it is not only his social status, but even his economic power upon which his dependents generally rely, the position of the masculine figure within the family - as without - is materially, as well as ideologically, extremely strong. Although there is no biological reason why the two central functions of the family (socialisation and reproduction) need be inseparable from or even take place within it, revolutionary or utopian efforts to remove these functions from the family have been so frustrated, so beset by difficulties, that most experiments so far have involved a gradual return to tradition. This is strong evidence of how basic a form patriarchy is within all societies, and of how pervasive its effects upon family members. It is perhaps also an admonition that change undertaken without a thorough understanding of the sociopolitical institution to be changed is hardly productive. And yet radical social change cannot take place without having an effect upon patriarchy. And not simply because it is the political form which subordinates such a large percentage of the population (women and youth) but because it serves as a citadel of property and traditional interests. Marriages are financial alliances, and each household operates as an economic entity much like a corporation. As one student of the family states it, "the family is the keystone of the stratification system, the social mechanism by which it is maintained."
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Link Hegemony
Heg turn The declaration of being at war makes rape, assault, and prostitution be ignored in the face of masculine propaganda about castration of power Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the Universit y of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) Because of the smoke-screen of masculine propaganda one hears endless cant about castration whereas real and actual crimes men commit against women are never mentioned. It is considered bad taste, unsportsmanlike to refer to the fact that there are thousands of rapes or crimes against the female personality in New-York City every year I speak only of those instances which are reported probably one tenth of those which occur. It is also generally accepted that to regard Richard Speck and so many others like him in anything, but the light, of exceptional and irrelevant instances of individual pathology, is another instance of not playing that Speck merely enacted the presupposition of the majority male supremacists of the sterner sort and they are -legion. That his murders echo in the surrealist chambers of masculine phantasy and wish fulfillment is testified to by every sleazy essay into sadism and white slave traffic on the dirty movie belt of 42nd St, and anti-social character of hard core pornography. The Story of O tells it like it is about masculine phantasy better than does Romeo and Juliet. So does the Playboy, chortling over the con-game he has played on that Rabbit, he dreams of screwing the Bunny, or woman reduced to a meek and docile animal toy. For the extent and depth of the male's hatred and hostility toward his subject colony of women is a source of continual astonishment.' Just as behind the glowing' mirage of darkeys" crooning in the twilight is reality the block, the whip and the manacle, the history of women is full of colorful artifact. ...the bound feet of all of old China's women women deliberately deformed that they might be the better controlled (you can work with those useless feet, but you cannot run away) the veil of Islam (or an attenuated existence as a human soul condemned to wear a cloth sack over her head all the days of her half-life); the lash, the rod, domestic imprisonment through most of the world's history -rape, concubinage, prostitution. Yes, we have our own impressive catalogue of open tyrannies. Woman are still sold in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. In Switzerland, they are even today disenfranchised. And in nearly every rod of ground on this earth they live only via the barter system of sex in return for food of the latter. Like every system of oppression male supremacy rests finally on force, physical power, rape, assault and the threat of assault. A final resource when all else has failed the male resorts to attack. But the fear of force is there before every woman always as a deterrent dismissal, divorce, violence personal sexual or economic. As in any society in a state of war, the enforcement of male rule which euphemism calls the battle of the sexes", is possible only through the usual lies convenient to countries at war The Enemy is Evil the Enemy is not Human. And men have always been able to believe in the innate evil of women. Studies of primitive societies just as studies of our own religious texts illustrate over and over the innumerable instances of taboos practiced against women. A group of aborigines agree with Judaism in the faith that a menstruating, woman is unclean, taboo, untouchable. Should she have access to weapons or other sacred and ritual articles the male, she will place a hex or spell upon them that their masculine owners will not survive. Everything that pertains to her physical make-up or function -is despicable or subversive. Let side the village and inhabit a hut alone and without food during her period - let her be forbidden the temple even those outer precincts assigned to her for aof Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
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specified number of-days after, as the Gospels-coolly inform us she has given birth to the very savior of the world for she is still, dirty. Dirty and mysterious. Have you ever thought it curious that nocturnal' emissions were not regarded as either dirty or mysterious, that the penis was (until Industrialism decided to veil it again for greater effect) never considered as dirty but so regal and imperious that its shape is the one assigned to scepters, bombs, guns, and airplanes?
Demeaning patriarchal practices are used to justify fear of the other Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Primitive peoples explain the phenomenon of the female's genitals in terms of a wound, sometimes reasoning that she was visited by a bird or snake and mutilated into her present condition. Once she was wounded, now she bleeds. Contemporary slang for the vagina is "gash." The
Freudian description of the female genitals is in terms of a "castrated" condition. The uneasiness and disgust female genitals arouse in patriarchal societies is attested to through religious, cultural, and literary proscription. In preliterate groups fear is also a factor, as in the belief in a castrating vagina dentata. The penis, badge of the male's superior status in both preliterate and civilised patriarchies, is given the most crucial significance, the subject both of endless boasting and endless anxiety. Nearly all patriarchies enforce taboos against women touching ritual objects (those of
war or religion) or food. In ancient and preliterate societies women are generally not permitted to eat with men. Women eat apart today in a great number of cultures, chiefly those of the Near and Far East. Some of the inspiration of such custom appears to lie in fears of
In their function of domestic servants, females are forced to prepare food, yet at the same time may be liable to spread their contagion through ; A similar situation obtains with blacks in the United States. They are considered filthy and infectious, yet as domestics they are forced to prepare food for their queasy superiors. In both cases the dilemma is generally solved in a deplorably illogical fashion by segregating the act of eating itself, while cooking is carried on out of sight by the very group who would infect the table. With an admirable consistency, some Hindu males do not permit their wives to touch their food at all. In
contamination, probably sexual in origin. nearly every patriarchal group it is expected that the dominant male will eat first or eat better, and even where the sexes feed together, the male shall be served by the female. All patriarchies have hedged virginity and defloration in elaborate rites and interdictions. Among
virginity presents an interesting problem in ambivalence. On the one hand, it is, as in every patriarchy, a mysterious good because a sign of property received intact. On the other hand, it represents an unknown evil associated with the mana of blood and terrifyingly "other." So auspicious is the event of defloration
preliterates that in many tribes the owner-groom is willing to relinquish breaking the seal of his new possession to a stronger or older personality who can neutralise the attendant dangers. Fears of defloration appear to originate in a fear of the alien sexuality of the female. Although
any
physical suffering endured in defloration must be on the part of the female (and most societies cause her - bodily and mentally - to suffer anguish), the social interest, institutionalised in patriarchal ritual and custom, is exclusively on the side of the male's property interest, prestige, or (among preliterates) hazard.
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Link-LGBTQ CP
Societal practices towards homosexuals reveal the misogyny to justify sexual politics Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Mill etts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Considerable sexual activity does take place in the men's house, all of it, needless to say, homosexual. But the taboo against homosexual behaviour (at least among equals) is almost universally of far stronger force than the impulse and tends to effect a rechannelling of the libido into violence. This
association of sexuality and violence is a particularly militaristic habit of mind. The negative and militaristic coloring of such men's house homosexuality as does exist,
is of course by no means the whole character of homosexual sensibility. Indeed, the warrior caste of mind with its ultra-virility, is more incipiently homosexual, in its exclusively male orientation, than it is overtly homosexual. (The Nazi experience is an extreme case in point here.) And the
heterosexual role-playing indulged in, and still more persuasively, the contempt in which the younger, softer, or more "feminine" members are held, is proof that the actual ethos is misogynist, or perversely rather than positively heterosexual. The true inspiration of men's house association therefore comes from the patriarchal situation rather than from any circumstances inherent in the homo-amorous relationship. If a positive
attitude toward heterosexual love is not quite, in Seignebos' famous dictum, the invention of the twelfth century, it can still claim to be a novelty.
Most patriarchies go to great length to exclude love as a basis of mate selection. Modern patriarchies tend to do so through class, ethnic, and religious factors. Western classical thought was prone to see in
heterosexual love either a fatal stroke of ill luck bound to end in tragedy, or a contemptible and brutish consorting with inferiors. Medieval opinion was firm in its conviction that love was sinful if sexual, and sex sinful if loving. Primitive society
practices its misogyny
in terms of taboo and mana which evolve into explanatory myth. In historical cultures, this is transformed into ethical, then literary, and in the modem period, scientific rationalisations for the sexual politic. Myth is, of course, a felicitous advance in
the level of propaganda, since it so often bases its arguments on ethics or theories of origins. The two leading myths of Western culture are the classical tale of Pandora's box and the Biblical story of the Fall. In both cases earlier mana concepts of feminine evil have passed through a final literary phase to become highly influential ethical justifications of things as they are.
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Link Pandoras Box

Pandoras Box and the Bible reinforce patriarchal religion and ethics, blames the women for the burdens of humankind Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelor s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Pandora appears to be a discredited version of a Mediterranean fertility goddess, for in Hesiod's Theogony she wears a wreath of flowers and a sculptured diadem in which are caned all the creatures of land and sea. Hesiod ascribes to her the introduction of sexuality which puts an end to the golden age when "the races of men had been living on earth free from all evils, free from laborious work, and free from all wearing
Pandora was the origin of "the damnable race of women - a plague which men must live with." The introduction of what are seen to be the evils of the male human condition came through the introduction of the female and what is said to be her unique product, sexuality. In Works And Days Hesiod elaborates on Pandora and what she represents - a perilous temptation with "the mind of a bitch and a thievish nature," full of "the cruelty of desire and longings that wear out the body," 'lies and cunning words and a deceitful soul," a snare sent by Zeus to be "the ruin of men." Patriarchy has God on its side. One of its most effective agents of control is the
sickness." powerfully expeditious character of its doctrines as to the nature and origin of the female and the attribution to her alone of the dangers and evils it imputes to sexuality. The Greek example is interesting here: when it wishes to exalt sexuality it celebrates fertility through the phallus; when it wishes to denigrate sexuality, it cites Pandora.
Patriarchal religion and ethics tend to lump the female and sex together as if the whole burden of the onus and stigma it attaches to sex were the fault of the female alone. Thereby sex, which is known to be unclean, sinful, and debilitating, pertains to the female, and the male identity is preserved as a human, rather than a sexual one. The Pandora myth is one of two important Western archetypes which
condemn the female through her sexuality and explain her position as her well-deserved punishment for the primal sin under whose unfortunate consequences the race yet labours. Ethics have entered the scene, replacing the simplicities of ritual, taboo, and mana. The more sophisticated vehicle of myth also provides official explanations of sexual history. In Hesiod's tale, Zeus, a rancorous and arbitrary father figure, in sending Epimetheus evil in the form of female genitalia, is actually chastising him for adult heterosexual knowledge and activity. In opening the vessel she brings (the vulva or hymen, Pandora's "Box") the
male satisfies his curiosity but
sustains the discovery only by punishing himself at the hands of the father god with death and the assorted calamities of
postlapsarian life. The patriarchal trait of male rivalry across age or status line, particularly those of powerful father and rival son, is present as well as the ubiquitous maligning of the female. The myth of the Fall is a highly finished version of the same themes. As the central myth of the Judeo-Christian imagination and therefore of our immediate cultural heritage, it is well that we appraise and acknowledge the enormous power it still holds over us even in a rationalist era which has long ago given up literal belief in it while maintaining its emotional assent intact. This
mythic version of the female as the cause of human suffering, knowledge, and sin is still the foundation of sexual attitudes, for it represents the most crucial argument of the patriarchal tradition in the West. The Israelites lived in a continual state of war with the fertility cults of their neighbours; these latter afforded sufficient
attraction to be the source of constant defection, and the figure of Eve, like that of Pandora, has vestigial traces of a fertility goddess overthrown. There is some, probably unconscious, evidence of this in the Biblical account which announces, even before the narration of the fall has begun - "Adam called his wife's name Eve; because she was the mother of all living things." Due to the fact that the tale represents a compilation of different oral traditions, it provides two contradictory schemes for Eve's creation, one in which both sexes are created at the same time, and one in which Eve peremptory instance of the male's expropriation of the life force through
is fashioned later than Adam, an afterthought born from his rib, a god who created the world without benefit of
female assistance. The tale of Adam and Eve is, among many other things, a narrative of how humanity invented sexual intercourse.
Many such narratives exist in preliterate myth and folk tale. Most of them strike us now as delightfully funny stories of primal innocents who require a good deal of helpful instruction to figure it out. There are other major themes in the story: the loss of primeval simplicity, the arrival of death, and the fist conscious experience of knowledge. All of them revolve about sex. Adam is forbidden to eat of the fruit of life or of the knowledge of good and evil, the warning states explicitly what should happen if he tastes of the latter: "in that day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die." He eats but fails to die (at least in the story), from which one might infer that the serpent told the truth. But at the moment when the pair eat of the forbidden tree they awake to their nakedness and feel shame. Sexuality is clearly involved, though the fable insists it is only tangential to a higher prohibition against disobeying orders in the matter of another and less controversial appetite - one for

food. Roheim points out that the Hebrew
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verb for "eat" can also mean coitus. Everywhere in the Bible "knowing" is synonymous with sexuality, and clearly a product of contact with the phallus, here in the fable objectified as a
snake. To blame the evils and sorrows of life - loss of Eden and the rest - on sexuality, would all too logically implicate the male, and such implication is hardly the purpose of the story, designed as it is expressly in order to blame all this world's discomfort on the female.
Therefore it is the female who is tempted first and "beguiled" by the penis, transformed into something else, a snake. Thus Adam has "beaten the rap" of sexual guilt, which appears to be why the sexual motive is so repressed
in the Biblical account. Yet the very transparency of the serpent's universal phallic value shows how uneasy the mythic mind can be about its shifts. Accordingly, in
her inferiority and vulnerability the woman takes and eats, simple carnal thing that she is, affected by flattery even in a reptile. Only after this does the male fall, and with him, humanity - for the
fable has made him the racial type, whereas Eve is a mere sexual type and, according to tradition, either expendable or replaceable. And as the myth records the original sexual adventure, Adam was seduced by woman, who was seduced by a penis. 'The woman whom thou gavest to be with me, she gave me of the fruit and I did eat" is the first man's defence. Seduced by the phallic snake, Eve is convicted for Adam's participation in sex. Adam's curse is to toil in the "sweat of his brow," namely the labor the male associates with civilisation. Eden
was a fantasy world without either effort or activity, which the entrance of the female, and with her sexuality, has destroyed. Eve's sentence is far more political in nature and a brilliant "explanation" of her inferior status. "In sorrow thou shalt bring forth children. And thy desire shall be to thy husband. And he shall rule over thee." Again, as in the Pandora myth, a proprietary father figure is punishing his subjects for adult heterosexuality. It is easy to agree with Roheim's comment on the negative attitude the myth adopts toward sexuality: "Sexual maturity is regarded as a misfortune, something that has robbed mankind of happiness . . . the explanation of how death came into the world.'' What requires further emphasis is the responsibility of the female, a marginal creature, in bringing on this plague, and the justice of her suborned condition as dependent on her primary role in this original sin. The connection of woman, sex, and sin constitutes the fundamental pattern of western patriarchal thought thereafter
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Link Race
Failure to interrogate gender makes understandings of racial inequity impossibleTrayvon proves Mata 12 (Eric, DePaul University, When Race and Gender Intersect: Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman(updated), on his blog, Against Me(n), 3/20/12, http://ericmata.blogspot.com/2012/03/when-race-and-gender-intersect-trayvon.html)//LA The death of Trayvon Martin is a travesty. Social media (at least those I follow) is up in arms as to why George Zimmerman, the
man who is said to have shot and killed Martin has not been arrested. Police say they don't have enough evidence to arrest him. As I write this, the Justice Department and the FBI and looking into the case to determine the next steps. My hope is that the family of Trayvon Martin get the justice they deserve to stay to find some semblance of closure in this tragic event. Trayvon
is dead because he is Black. I truly believe that the combination of racial profiling and a neighborhood watch system, coupled with conceal and carry laws is the reason he is dead. At 17. Racism is still alive. We do not live in a postracial society. Barack Obama becoming president did not change the course for all Black men and boys in this country. Trayvon is also dead because George Zimmerman, although not White, lives in a country where Racism dictates a lot of how he thinks about Black boys and men . It is Racism and white privilege that caused Zimmerman to follow Trayvon. It is Racism and White privilege that caused Zimmerman to call the police, to label him suspect, to guess that he was on drugs. It is Racism and White privilege that made Zimmerman confront Trayvon on that gated community sidewalk. Trayvon is also dead because Zimmerman is a man. The notions of gender of masculinity is what lead Zimmerman to a Neighborhood Watch group. Notions of gender and masculinity drove Zimmerman to buy a gun, to apply for and obtain a conceal and carry license. It is these notions of gender and masculinity that drove Zimmerman to disobey the 911 operator, to confront Trayvon about his presence in that gated community. And it is these notions of gender and masculinity that drove Zimmerman to pull that trigger, to protect his community from what he determined, through the lens of both race and masculinity , to be a threat. I don't want us to overlook that race had a significant impact do want us to consider that gender, masculinity and maleness also had something to do with Trayvon's death. But if we fail to look at gender also , we miss out on an opportunity to highlight an extremely important component of this atrocity. The intersection of White privilege and gender normative male dominance is what drove Zimmerman to kill Martin. Yes, we must definitely address the fact that Racism is still alive and breathing in our country. That it defines and dictates the experiences of people in color in a very real, and tangible way. We address that White privilege is also very real and tangible and that too defines and dictates the experiences of White people in the US. We must
on the events of that evening. I
also address the role that gender and masculinity play in the lives of men and boys and how that sometimes leads to violence. It is Zimmerman having been impacted by White privilege that led him to profile Trayvon, and it was
his maleness that led him to confront and ultimately shoot Trayvon.
Its not just a question of race Marissa Alexander exists at the vertex of race and gender but the latter is never investigated Alexander exists as a gender transgressor and as such, was put in her place CD 12 (CrimeDime, blog run by criminologists and criminal justice professionals, 5-28-12, Part I: Marissa Alexander Isnt Really About Stand Your Ground, http://crimedime.com/2012/05/28/marissaalexander-isnt-really-about-stand-your-ground-part-i/) gz In Alexanders case, she is middle class, educated with a masters degree, and a mommy. Alexander is also black. Her race and ethnicity are powerful variables which, in this case, may have been strong enough to override her overall higher social status. Or, at the very least, it played a role. Imagine for a moment a woman in
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an orange jumpsuit behind bars. Is it easier to picture that woman as white? Or as a person of color? Alexanders race, in turn, is connected to the crime she committed. Was it something we think of as stereotypically feminine like teen girls shoplifting? Or was it something we think of as more masculine, something involving violence and a gun? To the extent that a woman or girl accused of committing a crime is still performing her gender, she tends to still be treated reasonably fairly. Certain crimes are not exactly thought of as acceptable for women to commit, but not serious affronts to the social order. These include things like shoplifting, passing bad checks, stealing from the petty cash or the supply room, and so on. Violence
in general, and guns in particular, however, are primarily the social domain of men. Consider infanticide. When women commit this crime, it is seen as an abomination, fundamentally unnatural. We ask, how could a woman, a mother, do this horrible thing, this crime against nature? And in the social imagination, fueled by the inaccuracies of a public educated by the media, we tend to think that women do this more than men. In fact, thats not true. Men commit more infanticides than women, but it just doesnt capture our attention in the same way. Because violence perpetrated by men is treated as natural. Tragic, upsetting, but not unnatural. Not something that shocks the social conscience, because weve more or less accepted male violence as an unfortunate, but understandable, presence in our society. Alexander got a gun to protect herself, knew how to use it, and then did, in fact, fire the weapon to protect herself and her child. This is not how women are supposed to behave. Guns are intrinsically associated with masculinity, not femininity. Marissa Alexander did not act like a lady, she did not cower in a corner, she did not submit to her husband. Marissa Alexander was a gender transgressor, operating outside the proscribed boundaries of acceptable female behavior. That transgression has helped to cost her the next twenty years of her life.
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Impact- VTL
Patriarchy kills value to life of the woman until she becomes the burden it is said to be Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters deg ree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Evidence from anthropology, religious and literary myth all attests to the politically expedient character of patriarchal convictions about women. One anthropologist refers to a consistent patriarchal strain of assumption that "woman's biological differences set her apart . . . she is essentially inferior," and since "human institutions grow from deep and primal anxieties and are shaped by irrational psychological mechanisms ...
socially organised attitudes toward women arise from basic tensions expressed by the male." Under patriarchy the female did not herself develop the symbols by which she is described. AS both the primitive and the civilised worlds are male worlds, the ideas which shaped culture in regard to the female were also of male design. The image of women as we know it is an image created by men and fashioned to suit their needs. These needs spring from a fear of the "otherness" of woman. Yet this notion itself presupposes that patriarchy has already been established and the male has already set himself as the human form, the subject and referent to which the female is "other" or alien. What ever its origin, the function of the male's sexual antipathy is to provide a means of control over a subordinate group and a rationale which justifies the inferior station of those in a lower order, "explaining" the oppression of their lives. The feeling that woman's sexual functions
are impure is both world-wide and persistent. One sees evidence of it everywhere in literature, in myth, in primitive and civilised life. It is striking how the notion persists today. The event of menstruation, for example, is a largely clandestine affair, and the psycho-social effect of the stigma attached must have great effect on the female ego. There is a large anthropological literature on menstrual taboo; the practice of isolating offenders in huts at the edge of the village occurs throughout the primitive world. Contemporary slang denominates menstruation as "the curse."
There is considerable evidence that such discomfort as women suffer during their period is often likely to be psychosomatic, rather than physiological, cultural rather than biological, in origin. That this may also be true to some extent of labor and delivery is attested to by the recent experiment with "painless childbirth." Patriarchal circumstances and beliefs seem to have the effect of poisoning the female's own sense of physical self until it often truly becomes the burden it is said to be.
Patriarchy forces women into being minorities by status not numbers- loss of vtl Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
The continual surveillance in which she is held tends to perpetuate the infantilisation of women even in situations such as those of higher
The female is continually obliged to seek survival or advancement through the approval of males as those who hold power. She may do this either through appeasement or through the exchange of her sexuality for support and status. As the history of patriarchal culture and the representations of herself within all levels of its cultural media, past and present, have a devastating effect upon her self image, she is customarily deprived of any but the most trivial sources of dignity or self-respect. In many patriarchies, language, as well as cultural tradition, reserve the human
education. condition for the male. With the Indo-European languages this is a nearly inescapable habit of mind, for despite all the customary pretence that "man" and "humanity" are terms which apply equally to both sexes, the fact is hardly obscured that in practice, general application favours the
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male far more often than the female as referent, or even sole referent, for such designations. When in any group of persons, the ego is subjected to such invidious versions of itself through social beliefs, ideology, and tradition, the effect is bound to be pernicious. This coupled with the persistent though frequently subtle denigration women encounter daily through personal contacts, the impressions gathered from the images and media about them, and the
discrimination in matters of behaviour, employment, and education which they endure, should make it no very special cause for surprise that women develop group characteristics common to those who suffer minority status and a marginal existence. A witty experiment by Philip Goldberg
proves what everyone knows, that having internalised the disesteem in which they are held, women despise both themselves and each other. This simple test consisted of asking women undergraduates to respond to the scholarship in an essay signed alternately by one John McKay and one Joan McKay. In making their assessments the students generally agreed that John was a remarkable thinker, Joan an unimpressive mind. Yet the articles were identical: the reaction was dependent on the sex of the supposed author. As women
in patriarchy are for the most part marginal citizens when they are citizens at all, their situation is like that of other minorities, here defined not as dependent upon numerical size of the group, but on its status. "A minority group is any group of people who because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treatment." Only a handful of sociologists have ever addressed themselves in
any meaningful way to the minority status of women. And psychology has yet to produce relevant studies on the subject of ego damage to the female which might bear comparison to the excellent work done on the effects of racism on the minds of blacks and colonials. The remarkably small amount of modern research devoted to the psychological and social effects of masculine supremacy on the female and on the culture in general attests to the widespread ignorance or unconcern of a conservative social science which takes patriarchy to be both the status quo and the state of nature.
Patriarchy denies minorities access to a better life creating a cycle of wanting to be the fortunate who get to entertain the rulers- kills vtl Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in rel ation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
As with other marginal groups a certain handful of women are accorded higher status that they may perform a species of cultural policing over the rest. Hughes speaks of marginality as a case of status dilemma experienced by women,
blacks, or second-generation Americans who have "come up" in the world but are often refused the rewards of their efforts on the grounds of their origins. This is particularly the case with "new" or educated women. Such exceptions are generally obliged to make
ritual, and often comic, statements of deference to justify their elevation. These characteristically take the form of pledges of "femininity," namely a delight in docility and a large appetite for masculine dominance. Politically, the most useful persons for such a role are entertainers and public sex objects. It
is a common trait of minority status that a small percentage of the fortunate are permitted to entertain their rulers. (That they may entertain their fellow subjects in the process is less to the point.) Women entertain, please, gratify, satisfy and flatter men with their sexuality. In most minority groups athletes or intellectuals are allowed to emerge as "stars," identification with whom should content their less fortunate fellows. In
the case of women both such eventualities are discouraged on the reasonable grounds that the most popular explanations of the female's inferior status ascribe it to her physical weakness or intellectual inferiority. Logically, exhibitions of physical courage or agility are indecorous, just as any display of serious intelligence tends to be out of place. Perhaps
patriarchy's greatest psychological weapon is simply its universality and longevity. A referent scarcely exists with which it might be contrasted or by which it might be confuted. While the same might be said of class, patriarchy has a still more tenacious or powerful hold through its successful habit of passing itself off as nature. Religion is also universal in human society and slavery was once nearly so;
advocates of each were fond of arguing in terms of fatality, or irrevocable human "instinct" - even "biological origins." When a system of power is thoroughly in command, it has scarcely need to speak itself aloud; when its workings are exposed and questioned, it becomes not only subject to discussion, but even to change. Such a period is the one next under discussion.
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Internal Links + Impacts
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Rape (IL)
I/l Patriarchys control over pornography exposes antagonism in the male- reinforces masculine hostility Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) Hostility is expressed in a number of ways. One is laughter. Misogynist literature, the primary vehicle of masculine hostility, is both an hortatory and comic genre. Of all artistic forms in patriarchy it is the most frankly propagandistic. Its aim is to reinforce both sexual factions in their status. Ancient, Medieval, and Renaissance literature in the West has each had a large element of misogyny. Nor is the East without a strong tradition here, notably in the Confucian strain which held sway in Japan as well as China. The Western tradition was indeed moderated somewhat by the introduction of courtly love. But the old diatribes and attacks were coterminous with the new idealisation of woman. In the case of Petrarch, Boccaccio, and some others, one can find both attitudes fully expressed, presumably as evidence of different moods, a courtly pose adopted for the ephemeral needs of the vernacular, a grave animosity for sober and eternal Latin. As courtly love was transformed to romantic love, literary misogyny grew somewhat out of fashion. In some places in the eighteenth century it declined into ridicule and exhortative satire. In the nineteenth century its more acrimonious forms almost disappeared in English. Its resurrection in twentieth-century attitudes and literature is the result of a resentment over patriarchal reform, aided by the growing permissiveness in expression which has taken place at an increasing rate in the last fifty years. Since the abatement of censorship, masculine hostility (psychological or physical) in specifically sexual contexts has become far more apparent. Yet as masculine hostility has been fairly continuous, one deals here probably less with a matter of increase than with a new frankness in expressing hostility in specifically sexual contexts. It is a matter of release and freedom to express what was once forbidden expression outside of pornography or other "underground" productions, such as those of De Sade. As one recalls both the euphemism and the idealism of descriptions of coitus in the Romantic poets (Keats's Eve of St. Agnes), or the Victorian novelists (Hardy, for example) and contrasts it with Miller or William Burroughs, one has an idea of how contemporary literature has absorbed not only the truthful explicitness of pornography, but its antisocial character as well. Since this tendency to hurt or insult has been given free expression, it has become far easier to assess sexual antagonism in the male.
Guilt of sexuality is placed upon women in the patriarchal system with double standards on virginity and abortion Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 195 6 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
The aspects of patriarchy already described have each an effect upon the psychology of both sexes. Their principal result is the interiorisation of patriarchal ideology. Status, temperament, and role are all value systems with endless psychological ramifications for each sex. Patriarchal
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marriage and the family with its ranks and division of labor play a large part in enforcing them. The male's superior economic position, the female's inferior one have also grave implications. The
large quantity of guilt attached to sexuality in patriarchy is overwhelmingly placed upon the female, who is, culturally speaking, held to be the culpable or the more culpable party in nearly any sexual liaison, whatever the extenuating circumstances. A tendency toward the reification of the female makes her more often a sexual object than a person. This is particularly so when she is denied human rights through
chattel status. Even where this has been partly amended the cumulative effect of religion and custom is still very powerful and has enormous psychological consequences. Woman
is still denied sexual freedom and the biological control over her body through the cult of virginity, the double standard, the prescription against abortion, and in many places because contraception is physically or psychically unavailable to her.
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Rape (!)
Patriarchy endorses dominance by forcing subjects into silence through rape, pornography, and racism- affects sexual politics Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 fr om the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC) Before assault she is almost universally defenceless both by her physical and emotional training. Needless to say, this has the most far-reaching effects on the social and psychological behaviour of both sexes. Patriarchal force also relies on a form of violence particularly sexual in character and realised most completely in the act of rape. The figures of rapes reported represent only a fraction of those which occur, as the shame of the event is sufficient to deter women from the notion of civil prosecution under the public circumstances of a trial. Traditionally rape has been viewed as an offence one male commits upon another - a matter of abusing "his woman." Vendetta, such as occurs in the American South, is carried out for masculine satisfaction the exhilarations of race hatred, and the interests of property and vanity (honour). In rape, the emotions of aggression, hatred, contempt, and the desire to break or violate personality, take a form consummately appropriate to sexual politics. In the passages analysed at the' outset of this study, such emotions were present at a barely sublimated level and were a key factor in explaining the attitude behind the author's use of language and tone. Patriarchal societies typically link feelings of cruelty with sexuality, the latter often equated both with evil and with power. This is apparent both in the sexual fantasy reported by psychoanalysis and that reported by pornography. The rule here associates sadism with the male ("the masculine role") and victimisation with the female ("the feminine role''). Emotional response to violence against women in patriarchy is often curiously ambivalent; references to wife-beating, for example, invariably produce laughter and some embarrassment. Exemplary atrocity, such as the mass murders committed by Richard Speck, greeted at one level with a certain scandalised, possibly hypocritical indignation, is capable of eliciting a mass response of titillation at another level. At such times one even hears from men occasional expressions of envy or amusement. In view of the sadistic character of such public fantasy as caters to male audiences in pornography or semi-pornographic media, one might expect that a certain element of identification is by no means absent from the general response. Probably a similar collective frisson sweeps through racist society when its more "logical" members have perpetrated a lynching. Unconsciously, both crimes may serve the larger group as a ritual act, cathartic in effect.
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Forced Sterilization
Institutional Racism allows for black women to be striped of their basic rights Fox 13 (Lauren R.D. Fox,writer, Female Prisoners Sterilized Without Consent In California Prisons July 9th, 2013 http://madamenoire.com/285399/female-prisoners-sterilized-without-consent-incalifornia-prisons/#sthash.mL6VdbnY.dpuf, //AR) During the years of 2006-2010, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation sterilized about 150 women without receiving approval from the state. The sterilization process is also known as tubal ligation; the doctors who performed this procedure were contracted by the CDCR. The doctors were funded through state funds to perform the procedure, with expenses totaling up to $147,460. The state of California made the practice of forced sterilization on prison inmates (especially those who classify as mentally ill and poor ) illegal since 1979 . Also, it is illegal for prisons to use federal funds to cover the costs of sterilization. Prisons are able to find a loop-hole in this law by allowing doctors to visit inmates. These visitations give doctors the opportunity to seek approval from inmates, even when they are in labor. A former inmate, Christina Nguyen who worked at Valley State Prison overheard medical staff persuading inmates who had several prison terms to become sterilized: I was like, Oh my God, thats not right, said Nguyen, 28. Do they think theyre animals, and they dont want them to breed anymore ? Inmates told The Sacramento Bee: Michelle Anderson, who gave birth in December 2006
while at Valley State, said shed had one prior C-section. Anderson, 44, repeatedly was asked to agree to be sterilized, she said, and was not told what risk factors led to the requests. She refused. Nikki Montano also had had one C-section before she landed at Valley State in 2008, pregnant and battling drug addiction. Montano, 42, was serving time after pleading guilty to burglary, forgery and receiving stolen property.
The mother of seven children, she said neither Heinrich nor the medical staff told her why she needed a tubal ligation. I figured thats just what happens in prison that thats the best kind of doctor youre going get, Montano said. He never told me nothing about nothing . Although prison and medical staff members told female inmates the sterilization would benefit them health wise, the underlying tone and purpose of the procedure is being used against women who would be labeled as secondclass citizens . According to OB-GYN Dr. James Heinrich:
I provided an important service to poor women who faced health risks in future pregnancies because of past Caesarean sections. Over a 10-year period,
that isnt a huge amount of money compared to what you save in welfare paying for these unwanted children as they procreated more . Sterilization goes beyond medical procedures; it becomes a race and economic issue between the upper/lower class . During the mid-twentieth century, sterilization was tested upon African American and Latino women. The
women who were a part of these tests were not told the precautions of sterilization. At the time most civil-rights leaders claimed
sterilization and even birth control was used to regulate or reduce the number of births by women of color . With all the advancements in family planning and contraception, do you think the medical procedure of sterilization should be
obsolete?
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Root Cause
Patriarchy is the most controlling form of dominance against subjectivity and difference its a series of social patterns that can be challenged effectively by fierce resistance Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Patriarchal religion, popular attitude, and to some degree, science as well assumes these psycho-social distinctions to rest upon biological
where culture is acknowledged as shaping behaviour, it is said to do no more than cooperate with nature. Yet the temperamental distinctions created in patriarchy ("masculine" and "feminine" personality traits) do not appear to originate in human nature, those of role and status still less. The heavier
differences between the sexes, so that musculature of the male, a secondary sexual characteristic and common among mammals, is biological in origin but is also culturally encouraged through breeding, diet and exercise. Yet it is hardly an adequate category on which to base political relations within civilisation.
Male supremacy, like other political creeds, does not finally reside in physical strength but in the acceptance of a value system which is not biological. Superior physical strength is not a factor in political relations - vide those of race and class.
Civilisation has always been able to substitute other methods (technic, weaponry, knowledge) for those of physical strength, and contemporary civilisation has no further need of it. At present, as in the past, physical exertion is very generally a class factor, those at the bottom performing the most strenuous tasks, whether they be strong or not. It is often assumed that patriarchy is endemic in human social life, explicable or even inevitable on the grounds of human physiology.
Such a theory grants patriarchy logical as well as historical origin. Yet if as some anthropologists believe, patriarchy is not of primeval origin, but was preceded by some other social form
we shall call pre-patriarchal, then the argument of physical strength as a theory of patriarchal origins would hardly constitute a sufficient explanation - unless the male's superior physical strength was released in accompaniment with some change in orientation through new values or new knowledge. Conjecture about origins is always frustrated by lack of certain evidence. Speculation about prehistory, which of necessity is what this must be, remains nothing but speculation. Were one to indulge in it, one might argue the likelihood of a hypothetical period preceding patriarchy. What would be crucial to such a premise would be a state of mind in which the primary principle would be regarded as fertility or vitalist processes. In a primitive condition, before it developed civilisation or any but the crudest technic, humanity would perhaps find the most impressive evidence of creative force in the visible birth of children, something of a miraculous event and linked analogically with the growth of the earth's vegetation. It
is possible that the circumstance which might drastically redirect such attitudes would be the discovery of paternity. There is some evidence that fertility cults in ancient society at some point took
a turn toward patriarchy, displacing and downgrading female function in procreation and attributing the power of life to the phallus alone. Patriarchal religion could consolidate this position by the creation of a male God or gods, demoting, discrediting, or eliminating goddesses and constructing a theology whose basic postulates are male supremacist, and one of whose central functions is to uphold and validate the patriarchal structure. So
much for the evanescent delights afforded by the game of origins. The question of the historical origins of patriarchy - whether patriarchy originated primordially in the male's superior strength, or upon a later mobilisation of such strength under certain circumstances - appears at the moment to be unanswerable. It is also probably irrelevant to contemporary patriarchy, where we are left with the realities of sexual
politics, still grounded, we are often assured, on nature. Unfortunately, as the psycho-social distinctions made between the two sex groups which are said to justify their present political relationship are not the clear, specific, measurable and neutral ones of the physical sciences, but are instead of an entirely different character - vague, amorphous, often even quasi-religious in phrasing - it must be admitted that many of the generally understood distinctions between the sexes in the more significant areas of role and temperament, not to mention status, have in fact, essentially cultural, rather than biological, bases. Attempts
to prove that temperamental dominance is inherent in the male (which for its advocates, would be tantamount to validating, logically as well as historically, the patriarchal situation regarding role and status) have been notably unsuccessful. Sources in the field are in hopeless disagreement about the nature of sexual
differences, but the most reasonable among them have despaired of the ambition of any definite equation between temperament and biological nature. It appears that we are not soon to be enlightened as to the existence of any significant inherent differences between male and female beyond the bio-genital ones we already know. Endocrinology and genetics afford no definite evidence of determining mentalemotional differences. Not only is there insufficient evidence for the thesis that the present social distinctions of patriarchy (status, role, temperament) are physical in origin, but we
are hardly in a position to assess the existing differentiations, since distinctions which we know to be culturally induced at present so outweigh them. Whatever the
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areal" differences between the sexes may be, we are not likely to know them until the sexes are treated differently, that is alike. And this is very far from being the case at present. Important new research not only suggests that the possibilities of
innate temperamental differences seem more remote than ever, but even raises questions as to the validity and permanence of psycho-sexual identity. In doing so it gives fairly concrete positive evidence of the overwhelmingly cultural character of gender, i.e. personality structure in terms of sexual category. What Stoller and other experts define as "core gender identity" is now thought to be established in the young by the age of eighteen months. This is how Stoller differentiates between sex and gender: Dictionaries stress
that the major connotation of sex is a biological one, as for example, in the phrases sexual relations or the male sex. In agreement with this, the
word sex, in this work will refer to the male or female sex and the component biological parts that determine whether one is a male or a female; the word sexual will have connotations of anatomy and physiology. This obviously leaves tremendous areas of behaviour, feelings, thoughts and fantasies that are related to the sexes and yet do not have primarily biological connotations. It is for some of these psychological phenomena that the term gender will be used: one can speak of the male sex or the female sex, but one
can also talk about masculinity and femininity and not necessarily be implying anything about anatomy or physiology. Thus, while sex and gender seem to common sense inextricably bound together, one purpose this study will be to confirm the fact that the two realms (sex and gender) are not inevitably bound in anything like a one-to-one relationship, but each may go into quite independent ways. In cases of genital malformation and consequent erroneous gender assignment at birth, studied at the California Gender Identity Center, the discovery was made that it is easier to change the sex of an adolescent male, whose biological identity turns out to be contrary to his gender assignment and conditioning - through surgery - than to undo the educational consequences of years, which have succeeded in making the subject temperamentally feminine in gesture, sense of self, personality and interests. Studies done in California under Stoller's direction offer proof that gender identity (I am a girl, I am a boy) is the primary identity any human being holds - the first as well as the most permanent and far-reaching. Stoller later makes emphatic the distinction that sex
is biological, gender psychological, and therefore cultural: "Gender is a term that has psychological or cultural rather than biological
"masculine" and "feminine"; these latter may be quite independent of (biological) sex. Indeed, so arbitrary is gender, that it may even be contrary to physiology: ". . . although the external genitalia (penis, testes, scrotum) contribute to the sense of
connotations. If the proper terms for sex are "male" and "female," the corresponding terms for gender are
maleness, no one of them is essential for it, not even all of them together.
In the absence of complete evidence,
I agree in general with Money, and the Hampsons who show in their large series of intersexed patients that gender
role is determined by postnatal forces, regardless of the anatomy and physiology of the external genitalia.'' It is now believed that the human fetus is originally physically female until the operation of androgen at a certain stage of gestation causes those with y chromosomes to develop into males. Psycho-sexually (e.g., in terms of masculine and feminine, and in contradistinction to male and female) there is no differentiation between the sexes at birth. Psychosexual personality is therefore postnatal and learned. ... the condition existing at birth and for several months thereafter is one of psycho-sexual undifferentiation. Just as in the embryo, morphologic sexual differentiation
passes from a plastic stage to one of fixed immutability, so also does psycho-sexual differentiation become fixed and immutable - so much so,
so strong and fixed a feeling as personal sexual identity must stem from something innate, instinctive, and not subject to postnatal experience and learning. The error of this traditional assumption is that the power and permanence of something learned has been underestimated. The experiments of animal ethologists on imprinting have now corrected this misconception. John Money who is quoted above, believes that "the acquisition of a native language is a human counterpart to imprinting," and gender first established "with the establishment of a native language.'' This would place the time of establishment at about eighteen months.
that mankind has traditionally assumed that Jerome Kagin's studies in how children of pre-speech age are handled and touched, tickled and spoken to in terms of their sexual identity ("Is it
the most considerable emphasis on purely tactile learning which would have much to do with the child's sense of self, even before speech is attained.
a boy or a girl?" "Hello, little fellow," "Isn't she pretty," etc.) put Because of our social circumstances, male and female are really two cultures and their life experiences are utterly different and this is crucial. Implicit in all the gender identity development which takes place through childhood is the sum total of the parents', the peers', and the culture's notions of what is appropriate to each gender by way of temperament, character, interests, status, worth, gesture, and expression.
Every moment of the child's life is a clue to how he or she must think and behave to attain or satisfy the demands which gender places upon one. In adolescence, the merciless task of conformity grows to crisis proportions, generally cooling and settling in maturity. Since patriarchy's biological foundations appear to be so very insecure, one
has some cause to admire the strength of a "socialisation" which can continue a universal condition "on faith alone," as it were, or through an acquired value system exclusively. What does seem decisive in assuring the maintenance of the temperamental differences between the sexes
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is the conditioning of early childhood. Conditioning runs in a circle of self-perpetuation and self-fulfilling prophecy. To take a simple example:
expectations the culture cherishes about his gender identity encourage the young male to develop aggressive impulses, and the female to thwart her own or turn them inward. The result is that the male tends to
have aggression reinforced in his behaviour, often with significant anti-social possibilities. Thereupon the culture consents to believe the possession of the male indicator, the testes, penis, and scrotum, in itself characterises the aggressive impulse, and even vulgarly celebrates it in such encomiums as "that guy has balls." The same process of reinforcement is evident in producing the chief "feminine" virtue of passivity. In contemporary terminology, the basic division of temperamental trait is marshalled along the line of "aggression is male" and "passivity is female." All other temperamental traits are somehow - often with the most dexterous ingenuity - aligned to correspond. If aggressiveness is the trait of the master class, docility must be the corresponding trait of a subject group. The usual hope of such line of reasoning is that "nature," by some impossible outside chance, might still be depended upon to rationalise the patriarchal system. An important consideration to be remembered here is that in patriarchy, the function of norm is unthinkingly delegated to the male - were it not, one might as plausibly speak of "feminine" behaviour as active, and "masculine" behaviour as hyperactive or hyperaggressive. Here it might be added, by way of a coda, that data from physical sciences has recently been enlisted again to support sociological arguments, such as those of Lionel Tiger who seeks a genetic justification of patriarchy by proposing a '"bonding instinct" in males which assures their political and social control of human society. One sees the implication of such a theory by applying its premise to any ruling group. Tiger's thesis appears to be a misrepresentation of the work of Lorenz and other students of animal behaviour. Since his evidence of inherent trait is patriarchal history and organisation, his pretensions to physical evidence are both specious and circular. One
can only advance genetic evidence when one has genetic (rather than historical) evidence to advance. As many authorities dismiss the possibility of instincts
(complex inherent behavioural patterns) in humans altogether, admitting only reflexes and drives (far simpler neural responses), the prospects of a "bonding instinct" appear particularly forlorn. Should
one regard sex in humans as a drive, it is still necessary to point out that the enormous area of our lives, both in early "socialisation" and in adult experience, labelled "sexual behaviour," is almost entirely the product of learning. So much is this the case that even the act of coitus itself is the product of a long series of learned responses - responses to the patterns and attitudes, even as to the object of sexual choice, which are set up for us by our social environment. The arbitrary character of patriarchal ascriptions of temperament and role has little effect upon their power over us. Nor do the mutually exclusive, contradictory, and polar qualities of the categories
"masculine" and "feminine" imposed upon human personality give rise to sufficiently serious question among us. Under their aegis each personality becomes little more, and often less than half, of its human potential. Politically, the fact that each group exhibits a circumscribed but complementary personality and range of activity is of secondary importance to the fact that each represents a status or power division. In the matter of conformity patriarchy
is a governing ideology without peer; it is probable that no other system has ever exercised such a complete control over its subjects. Patriarchy creates gender inequality which helps fuel racism Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 fr om the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree wit h first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC) the presence in women of the expected traits of minority status: group self-hatred and self-rejection, a contempt both for herself and for her fellows the result of that continual, however subtle, reiteration of her inferiority which she eventually accepts as a fact. Another index of minority status is the fierceness with which all minority group members are judged. The double standard is
What little literature the social sciences afford us in this context confirms applied not only in cases of sexual conduct but other contexts as well. In the relatively rare instances of female crime too: in many American states a woman convicted of crime is awarded a longer sentence. Generally an accused woman acquires a notoriety out of proportion to her acts and due to sensational publicity she may be tried largely for her "sex life." But so effective is her conditioning toward passivity in patriarchy, woman is rarely extrovert enough in her maladjustment to enter upon criminality. Just
as every minority member must either apologise for the excesses of a fellow or condemn him with a strident enthusiasm, women are characteristically harsh, ruthless and frightened in their censure of aberration among their numbers. The gnawing suspicion which plagues any minority member, that the myths propagated about his inferiority might after all be true often reaches remarkable proportions in the personal insecurities of women. Some find their
subordinate position so hard to bear that they repress and deny its existence. But a large number will recognise and admit their circumstances when they are properly phrased. Of two studies which asked women if they would have preferred to be born male, one found that one fourth
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of the sample admitted as much, and in another sample, one half. When one inquires of children, who have not yet developed as serviceable techniques of evasion, what their choice might be, if they had one, the answers of female children in a large majority of cases clearly favour
The phenomenon of parents' prenatal preference for male issue is too common to require much elaboration. In the light of the imminent possibility of parents
birth into the elite group, whereas boys overwhelmingly reject the opinion of being girls. actually choosing the sex of their child, such a tendency is becoming the cause of some concern in scientific circles. Comparisons such as
blacks and women reveal that common opinion associates the same traits with both: inferior intelligence, an instinctual or sensual gratification, an emotional nature both primitive and childlike, an imagined prowess in or affinity for sexuality, a contentment with their own lot which is in accord with a proof of its appropriateness, a wily habit of deceit, and concealment of feeling. Both groups are forced to the same accommodational tactics: an ingratiating or supplicatory
Myrdal, Hacker, and Dixon draw between the ascribed attributes of manner invented to please, a tendency to study those points at which the dominant group are subject to influence or corruption, and an assumed air of helplessness involving fraudulent appeals for direction through a show of ignorance. It is ironic how misogynist literature has for centuries concentrated on just these traits, directing its fiercest enmity at feminine guile and corruption, and particularly that element of it which is sexual, or, as such sources would have it, "wanton."
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Death penalty
Patriarchy deprives women of control on their own body results the death penalty of the woman and fetus Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, wh ere she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC) We are not accustomed to associate patriarchy with force. So perfect is its system of socialisation, so complete the general assent to its values, so long and so universally has it prevailed in human society, that it scarcely seems to require violent implementation. Customarily, we view its brutalities in the past as exotic or "primitive" custom. Those of the present are regarded as the product of individual deviance, confined to pathological or exceptional behaviour, and without general import. And yet, just as under other total ideologies (racism and colonialism are somewhat analogous in this respect) control in patriarchal society would be imperfect, even inoperable, unless it had the rule of force to rely upon, both in emergencies and as an ever-present instrument of intimidation. Historically, most patriarchies have institutionalised force through their legal systems. For example, strict patriarchies such as that of Islam, have implemented the prohibition against illegitimacy or sexual autonomy with a death sentence. In Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia the adulteress is still stoned to death with a mullah presiding at the execution. Execution by stoning was once common practice through the Near East. It is still condoned in Sicily. Needless to say there was and is no penalty imposed upon the male correspondent. Save in recent times or exceptional cases, adultery was not generally recognised in males except as an offence one male might commit against another's property interest. In Tokugawa Japan, for example, an elaborate set of legal distinctions were made according to class. A samurai was entitled, and in the face of public knowledge, even obliged, to execute an adulterous wife, whereas a chonin (common citizen) or peasant might respond as he pleased. In cases of cross-class adultery, the lower-class male convicted of sexual intimacy with his employer's wife would, because he had violated taboos of class and property, be beheaded together with her. Upper strata males had, of course, the same license to seduce lowerclass women as we are familiar with in Western societies. Indirectly, one form of "death penalty" still obtains even in America today. Patriarchal legal systems in depriving women of control over their own bodies drive them to illegal abortions; it is estimated that between two and five thousand women die each year from this cause. Excepting a social license to physical abuse among certain class and ethnic groups, force is diffuse and generalised in most contemporary patriarchies. Significantly, force itself is restricted to the male who alone is psychologically and technically equipped to perpetrate physical violence? Where differences in physical strength have become immaterial through the use of arms, the female is rendered innocuous by her socialisation.
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Battle of the sexes

Patriarchy puts the sexes at war justifying heinousness activities against woman by making her an inferior species Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) The history of patriarchy presents a variety of cruelties and barbarities: the suttee execution in India, the crippling deformity of foot-binding in China, the lifelong ignominy of the veil in Islam, or the widespread persecution of sequestration, the gynaecium, and purdah. Phenomenon such as clitoridectomy, clitoral incision, the sale and enslavement of women under one guise or another, involuntary and child marriages, concubinage and prostitution, still take place - the first in Africa, the latter in the Near and Far East, the last generally. The rationale which accompanies that imposition of male authority euphemistically referred to as "the battle of the sexes" bears a certain resemblance to the formulas of nations at war, where any heinousness is justified on the grounds that the enemy is either an inferior species or really not human at all. The patriarchal mentality has concocted a whole series of rationales about women which accomplish this purpose tolerably well. And these traditional beliefs still invade our consciousness and affect our thinking to an extent few of us would be willing to admit.
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Alt Solvency
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Castration Alt
The alt is a rejection of the affs ideology to metaphorically castrate them of the patriarchal status quo Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the U niversity of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) At the level of common attitude sex and particularly that very explosive subject of the relationship of the sexes is a subject closed to intelligent investigation and accessible only to persiflage and levity. The second evasion our culture has evolved is via folk myth. From Dagwood to the college professor, sex is folklore and the official version of both is that the male is the victim of a widespread conspiracy. From the folk figure of Jiggs or Punch to the very latest study of the damage which mothers wreak upon their sons, we are assailed by the bogey of the overbearing woman woman as some terrible and primitive natural evil our twentieth-century remnant of the primitive fear of the unknown, unknown at least to the male, and remember, it is the male in our culture who defines reality. Man is innocent, he is put upon, everywhere he is in danger of being dethroned. Dagwood the archetypal henpecked husband is a figure of folk fun only because the culture assumes that a man will rule his wife or cease to be very much of a man. Like a dimwitted plantation owner who is virtually controlled by his farcleverer steward or valet, Dagwood is a member of the ruling class held up both to scorn and to sympathy-scorn for being too human or too incompetent to rule, yet sympathetic because every other member of the privileged group knows in his heart how burdensome it is to maintain the illusory facade of superiority over those who are your natural equals. The phantasy of the male victim is not only a myth, it is politically expedient myth, myth either invented or disseminated to serve the political end of a rationalization or a softening and partial denial of power. The actual relation of the sexes in our culture from the dawn of history has been diametrically opposite to the of official cult of the downtrodden. Yet our culture seeks on every level of discussion to deny logical charge of oppression which any objective view of the, sex structure would bring up, masculine society has a fascinating tactic of appropriating all sympathy for itself. It has lately taken up the practice of screaming out that it is the victim of unnatural surgery ... it has been castrated". Even Albert Shanker has discovered of late that black community control, the Mayor, and the Board of Education have performed this abomination upon his person. To those in fear of castration word one word of comfort. The last instance of its practice on a white man in western culture was the late l8th century when the last castrati lost a vital section of his anatomy in the cause of the art of music at the hands of another male, I must add. For castration is an ancient cruelty which males practice on each other. In the American South it was as a way to humiliate black victims of the Klan. In the Ancient East it was a barbarous form of punishment for crime. In the courts of the Italian Renaissance castration was a perverse method of providing soprano voices for the Papal Choir. It was felt that women were too profane to sing the holy offices so to supply the demand for the higher musical register, eunuchs were created through putting young men to the knife As the practice of physical castration has been abolished clear that the word in current usage must be accepted in a metaphoric rather than literal connotation, if we are to any sense of the fantastic anxiety contemporary male egos, for on every hand, in the media and in the culture both high and low, men today have come to see the terrible specter of the castrating female all about them, their paranoiac delusions are taken for social fact. Having in a confused way, associated his genitals with his power, the male now bellows in physical pain and true hysteria every time his social and
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political prerogatives are threatened. If by castration is meant a loss through being forced to share power: with oppressed groups deprived of power- or even of human status, then there are many white men in America who will suffer this psychic operation, but it will be the removal of a cancer in the brain and heart not of any. pleasurable or creative organ. To, argue that any woman who insists on full human, status is a castrating bitch or guilty of the obscure evil: of penis envy (only the consummate male chauvinist could have imagined this term) is as patently silly as to argue that dispossessed blacks want to become white men issue is not to be Whitey, but to have a fair share of what Whitey has the whole world of human possibility. While I am fully aware that equal rights entail equal responsibility there are some things Whitey has which I- am very sure I dont want, for example, a Green Beret, a Zippo for burning down, villages the ear of a dead of peasant, the burden of the charred flesh a Vietnamese child. Nor do I have any interest in acquiring the habits of violence, warfare (unless in the just cause of self-defense a cause I cannot foresee ever happening in American foreign policy), or the white man's imperialist racism, or rape or the capitalist exploitation of poverty and ignorance.
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AT: Alt Fails

The alt. is possible, its a matter of us having it within our power to create a world that is bearable, we hold fate in our hands Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 f rom the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree wi th first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) It is time we realized that the whole structure of male and female personality is arbitrarily imposed by social conditioning a social conditioning which has taken all the possible traits of human personality which Margaret Mead once, by way of analogy, compared to the many colors of the rainbow's spectrum and arbitrarily assigned traits into two categories; thus aggression is masculine, passivity-feminine violence- masculine, tenderness feminine, intelligence masculine and emotion feminine, etc., etc... arbitrarily departmentalizing human qualities into two neat little piles which are drilled into children by toys, games, the social propaganda of television and the board of education's deranged whim as to what is proper male female Role-Building. What we must now set about doing is to reexamine this whole foolish and segregated house of cards, and pick from it what we can use: Dante, Shakespeare, Lady Murasaki and Mozart, Einstein and the care for life which we have bred into women and accept these as human traits. Then we must get busy to eliminate what are not properly humane or even human ideas the warrior, the killer, the hero as homicide, the passive, dumb cow victim. We must now begin to realize and to retrain ourselves to see that both intelligence and a reverence for life are HUMAN qualities. It is high time we began to be reasonable about the relationship of sexuality to personality and admit the facts -the present assignment of temperamental traits to sex is moronic, limiting and hazardous. Virility - the murderer's complex- or self definition in terms of how many or how often or how efficiently he can oppress his fellow - This has got to go. There is a whole generation coming of age in America who have already thoroughly sickened of the military male ideal, who know they were born men and don't have to prove it by killing someone or wearing crew cuts. There is also a vast number of women who are beginning to wake out of the long sleep known as cooperating in one's own oppression and self-denigration, and they are banding together, in nationwide chapters of the National Organization for Women in the myriad groups of Radical Women springing up in cities all over the country and the world, in the women's liberation groups of SDS and in other groups or, on campus, and they are joining together to make the beginnings of a new and massive women's movement in America and in the world to establish true equality between the sexes, to break the old machine of sexual politics and replace it with a more human and civilized world for both sexes, and to end the present system's oppression of men as well as women. There are other forces at work to change thewhole face of American society: the black movement to end racism, the student movement with its numbers and powers for spreading the idea of a new society founded on democratic principles, free of the war reflex. free of the economic and racial exploitation reflex. Black people, students and women that's alot of people with our combined numbers it is probably 70% of the population or more. It is more than enough to change the course and character of our society surely enough to cause a radical social revolution. And maybe it will also be the first Revolution to avoid the pitfall of bloodshed, a mere change of dictators and the inevitable counter-revolution which follows upon such betrayal and loss of purpose. We are numbers sufficient to alter the course of human history -by changing fundamental values by affecting an entire change of consciousness. We cannot have such a change of
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consciousness unless we rebuild values -we cannot rebuild values unless we restructure personality.' But we cannot do this or solve racial and economic crimes unless we end the oppression of all people unless we end the idea of violence, of dominance, of power, unless we end the idea of oppression itself unless we realize-that a revolution in sexual policy is not only part of but basic to any real change in the quality life. Social and cultural revolution in America and the world depend on a change of consciousness of which a new relationship between the sexes and a new definition of humanity and human personality are an integral part. As we awake and begin to take action, there will be enough of us and we will have both a purpose and a goal the first truly human condition, the first really human society. Let us begin the revolution and let us begin it with love: All of us, black, white, and gold, male and, female, have it, within our power to create a world we could bear out of the desert we inhabit for we hold our very fate in our hands.
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AT: Alt Causes/Alt Fails

Action now is key as students we live in a utopia of being almost treated equally we can solve for a lack of representation and oppression Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
This is from an actual book, Sexual Politics Ch. 2// SC) And now we have it we realize how badly we were cheated we had fought so long, worked so hard, pushed back despair so many times that we were exhausted we just said then give us that and we will do the rest ourselves. But -we didn't realize, as perhaps blacks never realized until the Civil Rights Movement, that the ballot is no real admission to civil life in America; it means nothing at all if you are not represented in a representative democracy. And we are not represented now any more than black people... both groups have only one senator one Tom apiece. The United States has fewer women in public office than hardly any nation in the world we are more effectively ostracized from political life in this country than any other constituency in America and we are 53% of its population. Political nominees announced their intention of helping asthmatic children and the mentally retarded of every age, if elected but not a word about women half the population- but not a word the largest minority status group in history. But not one word. It is time the official fallacy of the West and of the United States particularly - that the sexes are now equal socially and politically - be exploded for the hoax it really is. For at present any gainsaying of this piety is countered with the threat that women have got too much power I they're running the world, and other tidbits of frivolity which the speaker, strange as it may seem, might often enough believe. For the more petty male ego(like that of the cracker or the Union man..in the North who voted for Wallace) in his paranoia is likely to believe that because one woman or one black man in millions can make nearly or even a bit more than he does the whole bunch are taking over that sordid little corner of the world he regarded as his birthright because the was white and male and on which he had staked his very identity-just because it prevented him from seeing himself as exploited by the very caste he had imagined he was part of and with whom, despite all evidence to the contrary, he fancied he shared the gifts of the earth and the American dream . Nightmare that it is. The actual facts of the situation of woman in America today are sufficient evidence that, white or black, women are at the bottom unless they sleep with the top. On their own they are Nobody and taught every day they are Nobody and taught so well they have come to internalize that destructive notion and even believe it. The Department of Labor statistics can't hide the fact that this is a man's world a white man's world: the average year-round income of the white male is $6,704, of a black male $4,277, of a white I female $3,991, and of the black woman $2,816. As students you live in a Utopia enjoy it, for it is the only moment in your lives when you will be treated nearly as equals. When you get married or get a job you will be made to see where power is, but then it will be too late. That is why you should organize now: look at your curriculum and look at your housing rules, that's a start at realizing how-you are treated unfairly. But the oppression of women is not only economic; that's just a part of it. The oppression of women is Total and therefore it exists in the mind, it is psychological oppression. Let's have a look at how it works, for it works like a charm. From earliest childhood every female child is carefully taught that she is to be a life-long incompetent at every sphere of significant human activity therefore she must convert herself into a sex object a Thing. She must be pretty and assessed by the world: weighed, judged and measured by her looks alone. If she's pretty,
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she can marry; then she can concentrate rate her energies on pregnancy and diapers. That's life that's female life. That's what it is to reduce and limit the expectations and potentialities of one half of the human race to the level animal behavior.
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Alt Solvency
The alt is key to other radical reforms
Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
War Against Fathers, Marriage, and the Family (Cumberland Books). http://profam.org/pub/fia/fia.2202.htm , "The Family in America Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) //
SC
Divorce also demonstrates how sexual radicalism reproduces itself in new forms. It has almost certainly led to same-sex marriage, which would not be an issue today if marriage had not already been devalued by divorce. Commentators miss the point when they oppose homosexual marriage on the grounds that it would undermine traditional understandings of marriage, writes Bryce Christensen. It is only because traditional understandings of marriage have already been severely undermined that homosexuals are now laying claim to it.*46+ Though gay activists cite th eir very desire to marry as evidence that their lifestyle is not inherently promiscuous, they also acknowledge that that desire arises only by the promiscuity permitted in modern marriage. Stephanie Coontz notes that gays ar e attracted to marriage only in the form debased by heterosexual divorce: Gays and lesbians simply
Same-sex marriage is therefore only a symptom of the larger politicization of private and sexual life. Further, just as the divorce revolution led to same-sex marriage, so through the child abuse industry it has extended this to parenting by same-sex couples. Most critiques of homosexual parenting have focused on the therapeutic question of whether it is developmentally healthy for children to be raised by two homosexuals.[48] Few have stopped to ask the
looked at the revolution heterosexuals had wrought and noticed that, with its new norms, marriage could work for them, too.*47+ more momentous political question of where homosexual parents get children in the first place. Here the discussion does not require esoteric child-development theory or psychological jargon from academic experts. It can readily be understood by any parent who has been interrogated by Child Protective Services. The answer is that homosexuals ge t other peoples children, and they get them from the same courts and social service bureaucracies
While attention has been focused on sperm donors and surrogate mothers, most of the children sought by potential homosexual parents are existing children whose ties to one or both of their natural parents have been severed. Most often, this has happened through divorce.[49] The question then
that are operated by their feminist allies. arises whether the original parent or parents ever agreed to part with their children or did something to warrant losing them. Current law governing divorce and child custody renders this question open. The explosion of foster care and the assumed but unexamined need to find permanent homes for allegedly abused children provides perhaps the strongest argument in favor of gay marriage and gay parenting.[50] Yet the politics of child abuse and divorce indicate that this assumption is not necessarily valid. The government-generated child abuse epidemic, and the mushrooming foster care business which it feeds, have allowed government agencies to operate what amounts to a traffic in children. The San Diego Grand Jury reports a widely held perception within the community and even within some areas of the Department *of Social Services+ that the Department is in the baby brokering
Introducing same-sex marriage and adoption into this political dynamic could dramatically increase the demand for children to adopt, thus intensifying pressure on social service agencies and biological parents to supply such children. While sperm donors and surrogate mothers supply some children for gay parents, in practice most are already taken from their natural
business.*51+ parents because of divorce, unwed parenting, child abuse accusations, or connected reasons. Massachusetts Senator Therese Murray, claiming that 40% of adoptions have gone to gay and lesbian couples, urges sympathy for children who have been neglected, abandoned, abused by their own families.*52+ But false and exaggerated abuse accusations against not only fathers but mothers too make it far from self-evident that these children are in fact
he very issue of gay parenting has arisen as the direct and perhaps inevitable consequence once government officials got into the business which began largely with divorce of distributing other peoples children.
victims of their own parents. What seems inescapable is that t
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Answers To
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AT: Perm
Only rejection solvesany powerful circle is controlled by man including politics means even if women initiate change it still imitates the males efforts and methods Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a m asters degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Patriarchal myth typically posits a golden age before the arrival of women, while its social practices permit males to be relieved of female
Sexual segregation is so prevalent in patriarchy that one encounters evidence of it everywhere. Nearly every powerful circle in contemporary patriarchy is a men's group. But men form groups of their own on every level. Women's groups are typically auxiliary in character, imitative of male efforts and methods on a generally trivial or ephemeral plane. They rarely operate without recourse to male authority , church or religious groups appealing to the superior authority of a cleric, political groups to male legislators, etc. In sexually segregated situations the distinctive
company. quality of culturally enforced temperament becomes very vivid. This is particularly true of those exclusively masculine organisations which anthropology generally refers to as men's house institutions. The men's house is a fortress of patriarchal association and emotion. Men's houses in preliterate society strengthen masculine communal experience through dances, gossip, hospitality, recreation, and religious ceremony. They are also the arsenals of male weaponry. David Riesman has pointed out that sports
and some other activities provide males with a supportive solidarity which society does not trouble to provide for females. While hunting, politics, religion, and commerce may play a role, sport and warfare are consistently the chief cement of men's
house comradery. Scholars of men's house culture from Hutton Webster and Heinrich Schurtz to Lionel Tiger tend to be sexual patriots whose aim is to justify the apartheid the institution represents. Schurtz believes an innate gregariousness and a drive toward fraternal pleasure among peers urges the male away from the inferior and constricting company of women. Notwithstanding his conviction that a mystical "bonding
The institution's less genial function of power center within a state of sexual antagonism is an aspect of the phenomenon which often goes unnoticed. The men's house of Melanesia fulfil a variety of purposes and are both
instinct" exists in males, Tiger exhorts the public, by organised effort, to preserve the men's house tradition from its decline. armory and the site of masculine ritual initiation ceremony. Their atmosphere is not very remote from that of military institutions in the modern world: they reek of physical exertion, violence, the aura of the kill, and the throb of homosexual sentiment. They are the scenes of scarification, head-hunting celebrations, and boasting sessions. Here men's houses boys have such low status they are often called the "wives" of their initiators,
young men are to be "hardened" into manhood. In the the term "wife" implying both
inferiority and the status of sexual object. Untried youths become the erotic interest of their elders and betters, a relationship also encountered in the Samurai order, in oriental priesthood, and in the Greek gymnasium. Preliterate wisdom decrees that while inculcating the young with the masculine ethos, it is necessary first to intimidate them with the tutelary status of the female. An anthropologist's comment on Melanesian men's houses is applicable equally to Genet's
underworld, or Mailer's U. S. Army: "It would seem that the sexual brutalising of the young boy and the effort to turn him into a woman both enhances the older warrior's desire of power, gratifies his sense of hostility toward the maturing male competitor, and eventually, when he takes him into the male group, strengthens the male solidarity in its symbolic attempt to do without women." The
derogation of feminine status in lesser males is a consistent patriarchal trait. Like any hazing procedure, initiation once endured
produces devotees who will ever after be ardent initiators, happily inflicting their own former sufferings on the newcomer. The psychoanalytic term for the generalised adolescent tone of men's house culture is "phallic state." Citadels of virility, they reinforce the most saliently poweroriented characteristics of patriarchy. The Hungarian psychoanalytic anthropologist Geza Roheim stressed the patriarchal character of men's house organisation in the preliterate tribes he studied, defining their communal and religious practices in terms of a "group of men united in the cult of an object that is a materialised penis and excluding the women from their society." The tone and ethos of men's house culture is sadistic, power-oriented, and latently homosexual, frequently narcissistic in its energy and motives. The
men's house inference that the penis is a weapon, endlessly equated with other weapons is also clear. The practice of castrating prisoners is itself a comment on the cultural confusion of anatomy and status with weaponry. Much of the glamorisation of masculine comradery in warfare originates in what one might designate as "the men's house sensibility." Its sadistic and brutalising aspects are disguised in military glory and a particularly cloying species of masculine sentimentality.
A great deal of our culture partakes of this tradition, and one might locate its first statement in Western literature in the heroic intimacy of

Patroclus and Achilles. Its development can be traced through the epic and the saga to the chanson de geste.
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The tradition still
flourishes in war novel and movie, not to mention the comic book.
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AT: Framework
Focusing on policy at the expense of sexual politics is a form of violence through demanded consent and dominance Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the womens liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuali ty. Millett earned a bachelors degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a masters degree with first -class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book, which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure. The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work, Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young womans abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led b y an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Milletts subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).
2// SC)
Hannah Arendt has observed that government is
upheld by power supported either through consent or imposed through violence. Conditioning to an ideology amounts to the former. Sexual politics obtains consent through the "socialisation" of both sexes to basic patriarchal polities with regard to temperament, role, and status. As to status, a pervasive assent to the prejudice of male superiority guarantees superior status in the male, inferior in the female. The first item, temperament, involves the formation of human personality along stereotyped lines of sex category ("masculine" and "feminine"), based on the needs and values of the dominant group and dictated by what its
members cherish in themselves and find convenient in subordinates: aggression, intelligence, force, and efficacy in the male; passivity,
decrees a consonant and highly elaborate code of conduct, gesture and attitude for each sex. In terms of activity, sex
ignorance, docility, "virtue," and ineffectuality in the female. This is complemented by a second factor, sex role, which role assigns domestic service and attendance upon infants to the female, the rest of human achievement, interest, and ambition to the male. The limited role allotted the female tends to arrest her at the level of biological experience. Therefore, nearly all that can be described as distinctly human rather than animal activity (in their own way animals also give birth and care for their young) is largely reserved for the male. Of course, status again follows from such an assignment. Were one to analyse the three categories
one might designate status as the political component, role as the sociological, and temperament as the psychological yet their interdependence is unquestionable and they form a chain. Those awarded higher status tend to adopt roles of mastery, largely because they are first encouraged to develop temperaments of dominance. That this is true of caste and class as well is self-evident.
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*AFFSexual Politics
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A2: Prior question

Criticism of feminist thought is a prior question Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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All politics is on one level sexual politics. George Gilder, 1986 Four decades into the boldest social experiment ever undertaken in the Western democracies, the full impact of what was once quaintly known as womens liberation is at last becoming clear. The political class of both the Left and Right have colluded to limit the debate to a series of innocuous controversies: job discrimination, equal pay, affirmative action. Only abortion has any depth, and that debate has been mired in stalemate. Meanwhile,
beneath the political radar screen, the real consequences are finally emerging: a massive restructuring of the social order, demographic trends that threaten the very survival of Western civilization, and perhaps least noticed, an exponential growth in the size
and power of the state the state at its most bureaucratic and tyrannical. Feminism has now positioned itself as the vanguard of the Left, shifting the political discourse from the economic and racial to the social and increasingly the sexual. What was once a socialistic assault on property and enterprise has become a social and sexual attack on the family, marriage, and masculinity. This marks a truly new kind of politics, the most personal and thus potentially the most total politics ever devised: the politics of private life and sexual relations. Sexual
politics
is both feminist and homosexual, with no distinct line separating them. Feminism has been the more overtly
political doctrine. Until recently, gays asked mostly to be left alone and as such gained widespread sympathy. Many homosexuals, especially males, probably do not consciously think about their sexuality in expressly political terms. Yet homosexuality in itself can be a political statement, especially lesbianism, which for many constitutes the personal dimension of feminist ideology. Feminism is the theory, lesbianism is the practice, in words attributed to Ti-Grace Atkinson. For many of todays feminists, lesbianism is far more than a sexual orientation
an ideological, political, and philosophical means of liberation of all women from heterosexual tyranny.[1] For sexual activists, sex itself is not a private but a political act.
or even a preference. It is, as students in many colleges learn, Recalling Henry Adams definition of politics as the systematic organization of hatreds, it requires little imagination to see that this rebellion against sexual tyranny has politicized and transformed sex, an act associated at its most sublime with love, into what may yet prove historys purest distillation of hate. No
sexual ideology has ever appeared before, and its unprecedented power is at once obvious and disguised. Obvious, because it is not difficult to see that politicizing sex and sexual relations potentially penetrates far deeper into the human psyche, unleashes energies and emotions, and disrupts relationships and institutions far more fundamental than those attacked by radical ideologies of the past. The capacity for intrusion into the private sphere of life is unrivalled since the bureaucratic dictatorships of the
last century and potentially surpasses even them. Radical feminism is the most destructive and fanatical movement to come down to us from the Sixties, writes Robert Bork. This is a revolutionary, not a reformist, movement, and it is meeting with considerable success. Totalitarian in
it is deeply antagonistic to traditional Western culture and proposes the complete restructuring of society, morality, and human nature.[2] Yet how precisely the scenario is playing out is far less clear and, indeed, has
spirit,
escaped most observers. The grip that sexual politics already commands over our political culture is so profound that its most destabilizing
few have even singled out sexual politics for focused critical attention. It is bemoaned as simply another facet of leftist politics, like socialism and racial nationalism. But it is much more. Sexual politics is the most complex and subtle political ideology today. On the one hand, the excesses of organized
features are often undetected even by its harshest critics. Apart from its advocates, feminisms formal agenda no longer command serious respect. Many assume it is spent as a political force, that feminism is dead and we live in a post-feminist age. At the same time, unspoken feminist assumptions no longer hover in the political margins; they have permeated the mainstream and thrive unchallenged and unchallengeable on the Left, the Center, and even the Right. The danger is not the absurdities of its extremists, whom few now regard, but the steady erosion of social cohesion, civic freedom, and above all privacy, as well as the politicization of personal life by a sexual ideology that has so mesmerized us all that we are largely immune from realizing it.
Perhaps the greatest
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danger is the absence of coherent opposition. For more than any other political movement, feminism neuters, literally emasculates its opposition.
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AT: Poverty/ Racism= root cause

The alt makes the skwo violence worse surpassing race and poverty Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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It is well documented that virtually every social pathology today including violent crime and the drug abuse driving much of it is attributable to single-parent homes and fatherless children more than any other factor, far surpassing race and poverty. [80] That toxic
More crimes than these may be attributable to sexualized public life. environment is usually and resignedly attributed to paternal abandonment, with the only available response being ever-more repressive but ineffective child-support crackdowns. If
instead we see single parenthood as the deliberate product of the feminist revolution, then the explosion of crime, addiction, and truancy and with them the massive expansion of the penal system and state apparatus generally takes on new significance. It is then far from fanciful to
suggest that sexual militancy also lies behind larger trends in actual violent crime and incarceration. Solid research links the nightmarish increases in crime and violence among young people between 1960 to 1990 to the entry of large numbers of mothers into the work force [and] the rise in single-parent households, Bryce Christensen points out.*81+ Feminism
may be driving not only the criminalization of the innocent but also the criminality of the guilty. We are thus fighting a losing battle against crime, incarceration, and expanding state power generally until we confront the role of sexual ideology in family breakdown and the social anomie that ensues. While increased police and penal
measures are usually associated with right-wing politics, it is becoming clear that the long-term force is sexual radicalism. Marie Gottschalk describes how womens organizations played a central role in the dramatic rise of the carceral state.*82+ Gottschalk laments that her fellow feminists who demand more incarceration of men have entered into some unsavory coalitions with conservative law-and-order groups. But conservatives might ask if their own legitimate concern about crime has led them to serve inadvertently as the unwitting instruments of a repressive ideology.[83] For ever-more-draconian police measures will only create a fortress state. No free or civilized society can survive the mass criminalization of its male population. Indeed, the fortress state may be developing externally as well as internally. Indications exist that recent Islamic militancy is fueled in large part from perceptions of Western sexual decadence.[84] Conversely, while many feminists identify with the antiwar Left, the
future may belong to hawks like Phyllis Chesler and Hillary Clinton, who push war as an instrument of worldwide womens liberation and pressure governments to justify military policies in feminist terms. Sexuality transforms military life in complex ways. Bork criticizes feminism for weakening our military readiness, emphasizing the dangers of women in combat roles.[85] Yet a more far-reaching consequence may be how divorce debilitates military men. Men are increasingly aware how easily they can be divorced unilaterally while serving their country, lose their children and everything else they possess, and even return home to face
criminal penalties if they cannot pay child support imposed in their absence.[86]
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Alt fails
The alt prevents the guilty from being punished while the innocent fall victim to the blame Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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Many have discerned a similarity between feminism and Marxism, but few appreciate how feminism
extends the socialist logic and may actually exceed its intrusive potential. Womens liberation, if not the most extreme then certainly the most
influential neo-Marxist movement in America, has done to the American home what communism did to the Russian economy, and most of the ruin is irreversible, writes Ruth Wisse of Harvard. By defining relations between men and women in terms of power and competition instead of reciprocity and cooperation, the movement tore apart the most basic and fragile contract in human society, the unit from which all other social institutions draw their strength.*3+ Politicizing
sex takes the logic of class conflict a great leap forward. The charge of oppression is leveled not at broad, impersonal social classes but at the most intimate personal relationships. The oppressor is not the entrepreneurial class or entrepreneur but the husband (or intimate partner), the father, even the son. To relieve the oppressed, the all-powerful state nationalizes not only the private firm but the private family. Human intimacy the individuals last refuge from state power is not only a collateral casualty but a targeted enemy. The danger therefore comes not so much from the assault on freedom generally
(which traditional tyrannies also threaten) but specifically from the attack on private life, especially family life (which traditional dictatorships usually left alone). Radical feminism is totalitarian because it denies the individual a private space; every private thought and action is public and, therefore, political, writes Bork. The party or the movement claims the right to control every aspect of life.*4+ Daphne Patai also perceives this hostility to privacy.
Feminism today, in its erasure of the boundaries between public and private, is writing a new chapter in the dystopian tradition of surveillance and unfreedom, she observes, ...whereby ones every gesture, every thought, is exposed to the judgement of ones fellow citizens.[5] This attack on privacy is especially dangerous, because today many conservatives those otherwise most likely to challenge feminism themselves do not value privacy and civil liberties. By a destructive irony, feminists have already appropriated privacy as a rationale for abortion in legal cases like Roe v. Wade, leading conservatives (who at one time extolled the
virtues of private life) to abandon the concept itself. Many conservatives also dismiss civil liberties as a pretext for acquitting criminals. This leaves the Left with a monopoly as guardians of the Bill of Rights.
The guilty do indeed go unpunished, but partly because the innocent are convicted in their place. As we will see, the principal political force driving incarceration today of both the innocent and the guilty is politicized sexuality. Revolutions are very hard indeed on
privacy, observes our leading sociologist of revolution.*6+ That the totalitarian governments of the twentieth century intruded themselves into the most intimate corners of personal life, politicized the private, and destroyed much of family life is well known.[7] But even they did not usually make the destruction of private life their explicit aim. Modern sexual politics, by contrast, specifically targets privacy, and especially family privacy. Political theorist Carol Pateman insists that denying the
dichotomy between the public and the private...is, ultimately, what the feminist movement is about, and two prominent feminists sneer at the ideology of the family as a bastion of privacy.*8+ Feminisms fundamental principle that the personal is political is so obviously totalitarian that historian Eugene Genovese (himself a former Marxist) has termed it Stalinist.[9] Again, this potential is obvious theoretical. What is
seldom appreciated is how far the potential has been realized. Radical feminists must regard it as unfortunate that they lack the power and mechanisms of the state to enforce their control over thoughts as well as behavior, muses Bork. However, the
movement is gradually gaining that coercive power in both private and public institutions.[10] Actually, they have it now.
The alt creates more single mother homes increasing the likely hood of child abuse and murder
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Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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The divorce machinery intertwines the personal and the political as nothing before, and its personal dimension is precisely what disguises the intrusiveness of its political power. Divorce injects state power including the penal apparatus with its police and prisons directly into private households and private lives. The
personal is political is no longer a theoretical slogan but a codified reality institutionally enforced by new and correspondingly feminist tribunals: the family courts. These bureaucratic
pseudo-courts permit politicized wives to subject their husbands to criminal penalties for their personal conduct, without having to charge the men with any actionable offense for which they can be tried in a criminal court. To enforce this, divorce vastly expanded the cadres of feminist police child protective services plus domestic violence and child support enforcement agents that target men almost exclusively and operate outside due process protections. To
justify its growth and funding, this government machinery in turn generated a series of hysterias against men and fathers so inflammatory and hideous that no one, left or right, dared question them or defend those accused: pedophilia, wife-beating, and nonpayment of child support. While family law is ostensibly the province of state government, Congress heavily subsidizes family dissolution through
child abuse, domestic violence, and child support enforcement programs. It invariably approves these by near-unanimous majorities, fearing feminist accusations of being soft on pedophiles, batterers, and deadbeat dads. Each
of these hysterias originated in welfare, each is propagated largely by feminist social workers and feminist lawyers who receive the federal funding, and each is closely connected with divorce. Child abuse hysteria targets both men and women, as we
have seen. Yet most accusations are leveled against fathers in divorce cases. The irony is that it is easily demonstrable that child abuse is almost entirely a product of feminism itself and its welfare bureaucracies. The
growth of child abuse coincides directly with the rise of single-mother homes which are the setting for almost all of it. Department of Health and Human Services
(HHS) figures demonstrate that children in single-parent households are at much higher risk for physical violence and sexual molestation than
A British study found that children are up to thirty-three times more likely to be abused in single-mother homes than in intact families.[54] The principal impediment to child abuse is thus
those living in two-parent homes.[53]
precisely the first person the feminist bureaucracies remove: the father. The presence of the father...placed the child at lesser risk for child sexual abuse, concludes one study, defensively. The protective effect from the fathers presence in most households was sufficiently strong to offset the risk incurred by the few paternal perpetrators.*55+ In fact, the risk of paternal perpetrators is miniscule, since it is well established that not married fathers but single mothers
are most likely to injure and kill their children.[56] Sexual abuse, much less
common than severe physical abuse, is perpetrated mostly by boyfriends and stepfathers, though government figures often include them as fathers to disguise the fact that biological fathers are the least likely child abusers.*57+ A 2005 PBS documentary asserts without evidence that Children are most often in danger from the father. Feminist child protection agents implement this propaganda as policy. A San Diego grand jury found that false accusations during divorce were not only tolerated but encouraged. The
system appears to reward a
parent who initiates such a complaint, it states, describing allegations which are so incredible that authorities should have
been deeply concerned for the protection of the child.*58+
This movement makes the government corrupt and makes the welfare state dangerous Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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Child support was originally rationalized (and federalized) as a means of recovering welfare costs from allegedly absconding low-income fathers. Feminists transformed it into a huge subsidy on middle-class divorce. A child support schedule will tell a mother exactly how large a tax-free windfall she can force her husband to pay her simply by divorcing, regardless of any fault on her part (or absence of fault on his). The
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amount is set by enforcement agents and collected at gunpoint if necessary. Mothers are not the only ones who profit by creating fatherless children.
Governments also generate revenue from child support and therefore from breaking up families. State governments receive federal funds for every child support dollar collected, incentivizing them to create as many single-mother households as possible. Mothers are encouraged to divorce
and governments simultaneously maximize revenue by setting support at levels that are generous for mothers and onerous for fathers. While little government revenue is generated from the impecunious young unmarried fathers who hold most child support debt (and for whom the system was ostensibly created), middle-class divorced fathers offer deeper pockets to loot. By
including middle-class divorcees, the welfare machinery became a means not of distributing money but of collecting it, and governments began raising revenue which they can add to their general funds and use to expand their overall operations by promoting single motherhood among the affluent.[79] This marked a new
stage in the expansion and redefinition of the welfare state: from distributing largesse to collecting it. The result is a self-financing machine, generating government profits through expanded police actions by proliferating single-parent homes and fatherless children. The
welfare state has become a self-financing perpetual growth machine for destroying families, bribing mothers, rendering children fatherless, plundering family wealth, eroding due process, and criminalizing fathers.
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Alt=Utopian
The alt is dangerously utopian it causes us to be immunized from recognizing the real thing Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
SC This points to feminisms most institutionalized and destructive legacy: not eliminating gender roles, which it has not done and can never do, but politicizing the feminine. While some among feminisms elites moved into traditional male occupations, many more women entered the workforce at functions that extended the domestic roles with which they were comfortable. Thus rather than caring for their own children within the family, women began working in new professions
where they care for other peoples children as part of the public economy: daycare, early education, and social services. This transformed child-rearing from a private familial into a public communal and taxable activity, expanding the tax base and with it the size and power of the state, while also driving down male wages. Soon, a political class paid from those taxes began to take command position in control of vastly expanded public education and social services bureaucracies, where they supervise other women who look after other peoples children,
This trend renders the dream of a more caring public sphere through feminism not only nave but dangerously utopian. For as feminists correctly
further expanding the size and scope of the state into what had been private life.
pointed out, the feminine functions were traditionally private. Politicizing the feminine has therefore meant politicizing and bureaucratizing
This is how the totalitarian potential which Bork and others perceive is already being realized in ways even they may have yet to grasp. Though many overuse this term, one danger of loose usage is to immunize us from recognizing the real thing. For long recognized as a defining feature of totalitarianism is that it is specifically bureaucratic dictatorship, which is precisely what the ideological politics of Marxism-feminism have produced. Controversies over equal pay and affirmative action have diverted attention from the massive feminist breakthrough in the hidden realm
private life.
of bureaucratic politics, where it encountered virtually no opposition or even notice. With striking resemblance to Djilas new class of apparatchiks, what the institutional Left generally and feminism in particular are constructing today is not simply tyranny but bureaucratic tyranny, tyranny no individual consciously planned and no individual can stop. Far
from softening the hard edges of power politics, feminism has merely inserted calculations of power into the most private corners of life. It has subjected family life to increasing political and bureaucratic control. It has decimated families through twin processes whose direct connection with feminism have not been fully appreciated: the weakening of parents and the politicization of children. The most obvious example, as Bork and others point out and where, again, some opposition has arisen is in the politics of schooling. Public schools were the earliest triumph of socialism and of the states gradual usurpation of parental roles within the liberal

democracies. The ideological foundation of public education in weakening parental authority and transferring it to the state emerges in the words of a political scientist: Children are owed as a matter of justice the capacity to choose to lead lives adopt values and beliefs, pursue an occupation, endorse new traditions that are different from those of their parents. Because the child cannot him or herself ensure the acquisition of such capacities and the parents may be opposed to such acquisition, the state must ensure it for them. The state must guarantee that children are educated for minimal autonomy.[27] What
has not been appreciated again, even by critics such as private is that the schools were the first triumph of not simply the welfare state but the school and homeschool advocates welfare state matriarchy. Connected to this matriarchy is another that has become even more powerful and authoritarian because
it has grown up upon less resistant low-income communities and, until recently, was largely hidden from the middle class: the massive and constantly expanding political underworld of the social services bureaucracies. Ironically, two leftist authors have perceived the danger more readily than most conservatives. They even adopt Djilas term, describing a new class of professionals social workers, therapists, foster care providers, family court lawyers who have a vested interest in taking over parental function. If children are the clients, parents can quite easily become the adversaries, write Sylvia Ann Hewlett and Cornel West, the people who threaten to take business away.*28+ What Hewlett and West do not tell us is that
this new class is driven in addition to self-interest and bureaucratic
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aggrandizement largely by feminist ideology. The power of this bureaucratic underworld derives almost entirely from
children. It is the world of social work, child psychology, child and family counseling, child care, child protection, child support enforcement, and juvenile and family courts. Overwhelmingly, it is feminist-dominated. This is not always obvious, because its matriarchs are not necessarily Vassar womens studies majors indulging in tedious dorm-room debates about whether feminists may wear lipstick. But what it lacks in ideological purity it more than makes up for in coercive power. Its operatives are quasi-police functionaries with an agenda, and they are concerned less with ideological consistency than with political power. These
feminists created and now control the vast and impenetrable social services industries that most journalists and scholars find too dreary to scrutinize. They dominate the $47 billion federal Administration for Children and Families, itself part of the gargantuan $700 billion
Department of Health and Human Services. They are both dispensers and recipients of its $200 billion grant program (larger than all other federal agencies combined, according to HHS) among local human services or social services bureaucracies probably the largest patronage machine ever created in the Western world, reaching virtually into every household in the land and one that makes the former Soviet nomenklatura look ramshackle. They created and control the family law sections of the bar associations and the family courts, which they modified into their image from an earlier incarnation as juvenile courts (themselves created from compassion). And they dominate the forensic psychotherapy industry, with its close ties to the courts, social work agencies, and public schools. By no means are they all doctrinaire
when push comes to shove, they know their power comes from being female. And again, their most potent source of power is children.
devotes of The Feminine Mystique or The Female Eunuch. But
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Loss of vtl
The alt is a worse form of living, the skwo feminist movement has already left children without vtl and parents a guilt free conscious Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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The matriarchal logic of the welfare state became apparent as it expanded, perhaps inexorably, into the middle class. This was effected through what is by far the most subtle and potent weapon ever devised in the arsenal of sexual warfare, the one which brought underclass problems (and the state welfare machinery that had grown up to address them) to the middle class: divorce. Divorce has never been analyzed politically. Not generally perceived as a political issue or a gender battleground, and never one they wished to advertise (largely because they triumphed
divorce became the most devastating weapon in the arsenal of gender warriors, because it brought the gender war into every household in the Western world. What media accounts
without opposition), facetiously laugh off as an amusing battle of the sexes is in reality an intrusive, lethal political apparatus whose fallou t is hate, poverty, violence, and incarceration. Conservatives have seriously misunderstood the divorce revolution. While they bemoan mass divorce, they also refuse to confront its political causes. Maggie Gallagher once attributed this silence to political cowardice: Opposing gay marriage or gays in the military is for Republicans an easy, juicy, risk -free issue, she complained. The message *is+ that at all costs we should keep divorce off the political agenda. The first and foremost assault on marriage came not from gays but from feminists. Michael McManus of Marriage Savers writes that divorce is a far more grievous blow to marriage than todays challenge by gays. No American politician of national stature has seriously challenged involuntary divorce. Democrats did not want to anger their large constituency among women who saw easy divorce as a hard-won freedom and prerogative, writes Barbara Dafoe Whitehead. Republicans did not want to alienate their upscale constituents or their libertarian wing, both of whom tended to favor easy divorce, nor did they want to call attention to the divorces among their own leadership.*38+ In his famous denunciation of single parenthood, Vice President Dan Quayle was careful to make clear, I am not talking about a situation where there is a divorce.*39+ The exception proves the rule. When the late Pope John Paul II spoke out against divorce in January 2002, he was attacked from the right as well as the left.[40] To the extent that conservatives have addressed divorce at all, they tend to parrot the feminist line that divorce is perpetrated by philandering men who inflict hardship on women and children. Yet feminists long ago recognized its political power. As early as the American Revolution,
divorce has represented female rebellion: The association
of divorce with womens freedom and prerogatives, established in those early days, remained an enduring and important feature of American divorce, writes Whitehead. Into the nineteenth century, divorce became an increasingly important measure of womens political freedom as well as an expression of feminine initiative and independence.*41+ But it was in the twentieth century that feminists teamed up with trial lawyers and other legal entrepreneurs to institutionalize no-fault divorce a measure that subtly but decisively amounted, no less, to the abolition of marriage as a legally enforceable contract, in Gallaghers phrase. The National Association of Women Lawyers (NAWL) claims credit for pioneering no-fault divorce as early as 1943, which it describes as the greatest project NAWL has ever undertaken. By 1977, the ideal of no-fault divorce became the guiding principle for reform of divorce laws in the majority of states.*42+ Today, divorce stands as the proudest celebration of feminine power. Exactly the thing that people tear their hair out about is exactly the thing I am very proud of, says Germaine Greer.[43] Contrary to popular belief, the overwhelming majority of divorces are filed by women. Few involve grounds, such as desertion, adultery, or violence. Nebulous justifications suffice: growing apart, not feeling loved or appreciated.*44+ This includes divorces involving children. Divorce
demonstrates how the hoax of paternal abandonment is an optical illusion, for today it is not fathers who are abandoning both their marriages and their children en masse. A glance at our social infrastructure reveals that, under feminist influence, it is mothers. We have created a panoply of mechanisms and institutions allowing divorcing mothers to rid themselves, temporarily or permanently, of inconvenient children: safe havens have legalized child abandonment by mothers; daycare is tailored to the needs of mothers, not children; foster care relieves single mothers who cannot provide basic care and protection;
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CHINS petitions allow single mothers to turn over unruly adolescents to the care and custody of social workers; SIDS and in some countries infanticide laws have even made the murder of children semi-legal. And then of course there is abortion. When one adds the
extension and proliferation of institutions not normally associated with divorce but whose purpose is to relieve parents in general and mothers in particular of childrearing duties public schools, organized after-school activities, convenience and fast food, psychotropic drugs to control unruly boys
we can begin to see how massively our society and economy have been gearing up for decades to cater to divorce, facilitate single motherhood, marginalize fathers, and generally render parents and families redundant.[45]
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Skwo solves
Skwo solves the focus of politics has shifted to the politics of maternity Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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Feminisms triumph has not come through its most extreme ideologues. Much as Stalinism inherited the methods and practices of czarist absolutism and Russian nationalism, the triumphal phase of the new feminist and gay politics comes by commandeering and politicizing the very institutions they once renounced: motherhood, marriage, the family, the church, the state. The early feminist attack on marriage and the family is now largely forgotten or dismissed. We cant destroy the inequities between men and women until we destroy marriage, Ms. magazine editor Robin Morgan wrote in her 1970 book, Sisterhood is Powerful.[11] Sheila Cronin, head of the National Organization for Women, said that Freedom for women cannot be won without the abolition of marriage.*12+ Linda Gordon elaborated in a famous 1969 article in WOMEN: A Journal of Liberation. The nuclear family must be destroyed, she declared: The break-up of families now is an objectively revolutionary process. Families have supported oppression by separating people into small, isolated units, unable to join together to fight for common interests. Families make possible the super-exploitation of women by training them to look upon their work outside the home as peripheral to their true role. No woman should have to deny herself any opportunities because of her special responsibilities to her children. Families will be finally destroyed only when a revolutionary social and economic organization permits peoples needs for love and security to be met in ways that do not impose divisions of labor, or any external roles, at all.[13] While such statements are often dismissed as the ranting of extremists, a glance at the state of marriage and the family today reveals that this is precisely what feminists have achieved. But they achieved it in ways much more subtle than these screeds indicate. While Germaine Greer famously urged women to refuse to marry, that strategy could achieve nothing.[14] It
was by participating in marriage that feminists destroyed it. Homosexual
activists are now simply following the feminists lead. The most extreme homosexual activists renounce marriage altogether and leave it in peace; it is the moderates who hope to transform marriage in their image and thereby undermine it. Yet precisely because it is obvious, homosexual marriage is not the most dangerous threat to marriage today; it has provoked vocal opposition. The really dangerous trends are more subtle and arouse little opposition; some have even been enabled and abetted by conservatives. While feminism in its earliest, ideologically pure stage demanded equality and rights, today, even as the ideological purists are relegated to the margins, it is nonetheless wheedling its way into the mainstream and conservative culture by appropriating traditional morality, including the very feminine stereotypes against which it initially rebelled. Feminisms current campaign to appropriate motherhood, for example, cynically but
Feminists like Ann Crittenden have learned to extol motherhood, enabling them to pose as victims and gain sympathy from the general public and even from conservatives. Waving the banner of motherhood, feminists leave the patriarchy little defense. But feminists are not defending motherhood; they are politicizing it. The
superficially exploits the pieties of traditional morality and the sentimentalities of uninformed conservative people. feminists...want to thoroughly politicize the last bastion of personal life in our society: families, writes Wendy McElroy. They want to wrest motherhood from its traditional right-wing associations and make it a left/liberal issue, with Mothers Are Victims writ-large on its banner. The deception is subtle but profound. Motherhood
is no longer a private relationship but a claim to political power and to marshal the coercive state apparatus against those depicted as the oppressors of mothers. The feminization of a wide range of
issues having no obvious connection with sexuality is now culminating in what one newspaper calls the radicalization of Americas mothers:
the whole agenda in the US is shifting towards the politics of maternity. *15] Code Pink, Not only mobilized in opposition to the Iraq war, but more subtle are the Million Mom March (criminalizing gun ownership), Mothers Against Drunk Driving (criminalizing private, nonviolent acts), and more recently the militant Moms Rising, are variations on the theme. These pro-family women wish to harness what *Naomi+ Wolf calls the pissed-offedness of mothers in order to play hardball politics, says McElroy. Many are deceived into believing that feminists have become the champions of traditional motherhood and families, when their actual agenda is to make them dependants of the state. Crittenden indicts not
Some commentators argue that

feminism, but capitalism, and argues for
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government to economically recognize motherhood so that women will not be dependent upon husbands.*16+ The deception succeeds because motherhood is an easy claim to privilege and always has been. Crittendens 2002 book title, The Price of Motherhood: Why the Most Important Job in
the World Is Still the Least Valued, is itself a revealing sleight-of-hand. If anyone has devalued motherhood, of course, it is feminists. Susan Douglas and Meredith Michaels demonstrate with their own book title, registering precisely the opposite gripe: The Mommy Myth: The Idealization of Motherhood and How It Has Undermined Women. Apparently opposites, these authors all share the conviction that mothers are oppressed by something. The two titles succinctly convey feminisms determination to depict everything pertaining specifically to women as oppression and highlight feminist complaints as a strategy to, as they say, have it all without regard for consistency or logic. This points to a trait feminism shares with all radical ideologies but carries much further: the capacity to expand its own power and that of the state by creating the very problems about which it complains. Mothers do not receive sufficient respect from society, McElroy paraphrases Crittenden, as if feminism werent largely to blame. This is potent because it politicizes the private and cynically exploits societys natural sympathy for women. The older battle cries of liberal feminism, opposing traditional gender roles or promoting equal pay, have given way to victim feminism which insists that women are by definition victims. The
shift was almost imperceptible but profound, for the
victim posture exploits, rather than renounces, womens traditional weaknesses, which are also and always have been claims to privilege: motherhood, children, domesticity, sex. Feminists have turned these into claims to state intervention by posing as victims of not just an impersonal society but newly invented or redefined crimes of which only women can be victims and that only men can commit: rape, sexual harassment, domestic violence, child abuse, nonpayment of child support (plus lesser, more vague offenses like aggressive driving). These new crimes politicize precisely the spheres of life that normally we are at pains to protect from politics and the competition for power: home, family, children and the criminal justice system. They succeed because they exploit the natural desire of both men and women to protect and provide for women. (Though here too, homosexuals are following the feminists lead with
demands for hate crimes laws that likewise politicize criminal justice.)
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Impact defense
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Rape
Rape impact is flawed- rape is one of the most falsely reported and fabricated crimes Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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These are all appeals to female fear. Ironically, they are also appeals to male chivalry, to rescue damsels in distress, to display masculinity (an emergent theme in conservative literature) by creating occasions for combat with other men. But in contrast to traditional chivalry, this gallantry does not proceed from personal duty and requires no risk, courage, or self-sacrifice. The chivalry feminists demand is bureaucratic, exercised by officials with a professional or pecuniary interest. It is politicized
chivalry, displayed not by individual men but by cadres wielding state power such as police and plainclothes quasi-police functionaries. This is evident in the
campaign for victims rights. This began as an effort by conservatives to provide more effective recourse to crime victims, largely in response to liberal moves to weaken punishments. President Reagans 1982 Task Force on Victims of Crime led to the creation of US Justice Departments Office of Victims of Crime. A glance at that agencys website reveals that the campaign has been hijacked by feminists, and most of the crimes have been redefined in feminist terms: the victims are mostly women, the perpetrators are mostly men, and the crimes are mostly political.[17] The
politicization of criminal justice is seen in the redefinition of rape and explosion of false rape accusations. Legal theorists like Catherine MacKinnon, who asks whether consent is a meaningful concept and who has repeatedly suggested that virtually all heterosexual intercourse amounts to rape, have been highly influential at law
schools throughout the United States and with the governments of individual states and Canada. Any honest veteran sex assault investigator will tell you that rape
is one of the most falsely reported crimes, says Craig Silverman, a former Colorado prosecutor known for his zealous pursuit of alleged rapists.*18+ Purdue University sociologist Eugene Kanin found that 41% of the total disposed rape cases were officially declared false during a 9-year period, that is, by the complainants admission that no rape had occurred and the charge, therefore, was false. Unrecanted accusations mean the actual percentage of false allegations is almost certainly higher. Kanin concluded that these false allegations appear to serve three major functions for the complainants: providing an alibi, seeking revenge, and obtaining sympathy and attention. *19] The Center for Military Readiness provides additional motivations: False rape accusations also have been filed to extort money from celebrities, to gain sole custody of children in divorce cases, and even to escape military deployments to war zones.[20]
Almost daily we see men released after decades in prison because DNA testing proves they were wrongly convicted. And they are the fortunate ones. While DNA testing has righted some wrongs, the corruption of the rape industry is so systemic that, as last years Duke University case shows, hard evidence of innocence is no barrier to prosecution and conviction. It is well documented that feminist crime lab
technicians fabricate and doctor evidence to frame men they know to be innocent.[21] Yet there has been no
systematic investigation by the media or civil libertarians as to why so many innocent citizens are regularly incarcerated on fabricated allegations and evidence. The exoneration of the Duke lacrosse players on an obviously trumped-up charge has resulted in few attempts to determine how widespread such rigged justice is against those not wealthy or fortunate enough to garner media attention.[22] Even conservative critics studiously avoided acknowledging feminisms role in the accusations at Duke but instead emphasized race a minor feature of the case but a much safer one to criticize. There is little indication that white people are being systematically incarcerated on
both white and black, accused of the kind of gender crimes that feminists have turned into a political agenda.
fabricated accusations of non-existent crimes against blacks. This is precisely what is happening to men (and even some women),
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Poverty
The alt. normalizes poverty as means of sexual freedom Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
SC Child Protective Services, who seldom see a child that is not abused. During
The growing political power of this bureaucratic underworld is manifested today in the rise of what amounts to a plainclothes feminist police force: the dreaded, federally funded
the 1980s and 1990s, waves of child abuse hysteria swept America and other countries, resulting in torn-apart families, hideous injustices, and
Parents were unjustly separated from their children and incarcerated by setting aside constitutional safeguards while the media and civil libertarians looked the other way.[29] Feminist
ruined lives. prosecutors like Nancy Lamb in North Carolina whipped up public invective against parents they had jailed yet knew to be innocent. The press was transfixed by Lamb, writes William Anderson, with her flashing eyes and bobbed hair. Lamb was speaking for the children, you see, and the press adored her. That she was making preposterous claims and attempting to destroy the lives of seven people despite all good evidence to the contrary was not even discussed. As with false rape accusations, the politicization of child abuse reached its apogee in the Clinton administration Justice Department. From Janet Renos infamous prosecutions of Grant Snowden in Florida...to the McMartin case in Los Angeles, to Wenatchee, Washington, writes Anderson, the Edenton case was part of a line of what only can be called witch hunts in which state social workers badgered very young children until they came up with lurid tales after having denied that those things occurred.*30+ It was also during the Clinton years that child protection was elevated to a paramilitary operation, when Attorney General Reno used unsubstantiated child abuse rumors to justify a violent assault against American citizens in Waco, Texas, resulting in the deaths of 24 children whom she was ostensibly protecting. This militarization of child protection was seen more recently in the largest seizure of children in American history, also in Texas, when almost five hundred children were seized from their polygamous mothers in the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus
A night-time raid with tanks, riot police, SWAT teams, snipers, and cars full of Texas Rangers and sheriffs deputies that is the new face of state child protection, writes attorney Gregory Hession, social workers backed up with automatic weapons. The role of feminist ideology was
Christ of Latter Day Saints, also without any evidence of abuse. downplayed by the media but revealed by a spokeswoman for the state agency, who justified seizing the children because of a mindset that even the young girls report that they will marry at whatever age, and that its the highest blessing they can have to have children. As Hession comments, encouraging respect for motherhood is abuse.*31+ The witch hunts were carried into adulthood through recovered memory therapy, another feminist innovation whereby wild tales of childhood sex crimes were manufactured from a psychological theory. In Victims of Memory, Mark Pendergrast shows how the recovered memory hoax destroyed families, ruined lives, and sent innocent parents to prison, though as the price of getting published Pendergrast bends over backward to insist, defensively and contrary to his own evidence, that this was not driven by feminism.[32] Sexual Politics and the Welfare State Though child abuse officials now target middle-class families, bureaucratic child protection originated in welfare. And indeed, the earliest institution of sexual politics was the welfare state. The welfare state has traditionally been regarded as the landmark triumph of class politics within the liberal democracies the one successful achievement of social democracy that has grown and survived even in countries, like the United States, which avoided such terms. Yet from todays perspective,
the welfare state stands as the first salvo of gender politics, the first social experiment of government growth following
the enfranchisement of feminists.[33] Each stage of welfare state expansion has been justified not simply for the poor but specifically for poor children. The interests of these children could also be gradually divorced from their parents, though in practice they tended to be identified
The proliferation of singlemother homes lent plausibility to the feminists new rallying cry, the feminization of poverty, that shifted poor relief from a socialist to a feminist crusade.[34] But the feminization of poverty was a deception from the
with the mothers who claimed to be the guardians of those interests: increasingly, single mothers.
start a creation of ideology rather than of any objective social phenomena and another example of ideology creating its own grievance. Originally justified to provide for the families of men who had been laid off during economic downturns or killed in war, the welfare state
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quickly became a subsidy of single-mother homes and fatherless children. It had immediately set in, that is, to expand precisely the problem it claimed to be alleviating. To justify this sleight-of-hand, the architects of welfare state expansion needed a rationale, and they found it in one of the most potent and destructive falsehoods ever foisted on a well-meaning but gullible public, a falsehood that has served, directly or indirectly,
to justify the exponential expansion of not only the welfare state but the scope and power of government in many other spheres. This is the falsehood that government must provide for massive numbers of women and
children whose men have abandoned them.[35] With the abrupt reversal of an airbrushed Kremlin photograph, the welfare states rationalizing figure was demoted from a hero to a villain. The same working men who had been valiantly dying in imperialisms wars or laid off as innocent victims of heartless capitalism were suddenly and ignominiously absconding from the bastards they had sired. The destructive force of this untruth is incalculable. Accept it, and virtually every expansion of both social welfare spending and law-enforcement authority is readily justified and indeed, unanswerable. Women and children are being abandoned by irresponsible men: What politician could resist that appeal?
No evidence indicates that the ongoing crisis of fatherless children is caused primarily by fathers abandoning their children.[36] It is now very clear that it has been driven throughout by feminist policies and programs. Single mothers were not being thrown into poverty by absconding men; they were choosing it because it offered precisely the sexual freedom that was feminisms seminal urge, regardless of the
But the truth was very different. consequences for their children. Single motherhood is feminisms most potent and most destructive accomplishment, and before the right audience feminists not only concede but boast about it. Single Mothers By Choice expresses this boast organizationally, and when pressed, most single mothers will insist that that is precisely what they are. While feminists readily pose as the champions of children when
it comes to perpetuating welfare dependency, it is clear that, beneath the rhetorical fluff, the exhilarating power accruing to single mothers is more than adequate compensation for pulling their children into poverty. In fact, the very feminist intellectuals who popularized the term feminization of poverty have acknowledged as much: Independence, even in straitened and penurious forms, write Barbara Ehrenreich and her colleagues, still offers more sexual freedom than affluence gained through marriage and dependence on one man.*37] The myth of the absconding father provided a means to leverage a massive expansion of state power through emotional
blackmail. It was also a declaration of bureaucratic war against what is after all the first and foremost feminist enemy, the literal embodiment of the hated patriarchy: fathers. So long as the principal engine for creating single-mother homes was welfare, the abandonment myth was only implied.
Everyone knew that welfare was subsidizing and proliferating single-mother homes in the inner cities, but until money became contentious no one was greatly bothered with assigning blame.
Most welfare mothers producing fatherless children were never married, so no documentation attested to who was breaking up a family that had seldom really existed in intact form. As the phenomenon spread to the middle class (today the fastest-growing sector of unwed childbearing), the engine driving single-mother homes was not so much welfare as divorce. Here the implicit became explicit with an open assault on two closely connected institutions that had quietly ceased to exist in the welfare underclass but which were still thriving in the middle class: fatherhood and marriage.
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Domestic Violence
The negs understanding of domestic violence is flawed Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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Seldom does public policy stand in such direct defiance of undisputed truths, to the point where the cause of the problem is presented as the
Judges are not unaware that the most dangerous environment for children is precisely the single-parent homes they create when they remove fathers in custody proceedings. Yet they seldom hesitate to remove them, knowing they will never be held accountable for harm to the children. On the contrary, if they do not they may be punished by feminist-dominated bar associations and social work bureaucracies whose business and funding depend on a constant supply of abused children. Bureaucracies often expand by creating the very problem they exist to solve. Appalling as it sounds, the conclusion is inescapable that we have created an army of officials with a vested interest in child abuse. Child abuse is not the only family violence to be exacerbated and politicized by feminists. The mammoth domestic violence industry arose largely as a means of evicting divorced fathers from their homes. Its an easy way to kick somebody out, says one family law specialist.[59] Like child abuse, domestic violence has no precise definition. It is adjudicated not as violent assault
solution, and vice-versa. but as conflict among intimate partners. It therefore obliterates the distinction between crime and disagreement and need not be violent or even physical. Definitions from the US Justice Department include jealousy and possessiveness, name calling and constant criticizing, and ignoring, dismissing, or ridiculing the victims needs.*60+ For such crimes men are jailed without trial. Such
definitions circumvent due process protections. With child abuse and spouse abuse you dont have to prove anything, a seminar leader instructs divorcing mothers. You just have to accuse.*61+ One scholar calls it an area of law mired in intellectual dishonesty and injustice and a due process fiasco.*62+ Feminists portray domestic violence as a political crime to perpetuate male power. Yet the scholarly literature has long established that men and women commit domestic violence in comparable numbers.[63] More important than achieving gender balance, however, is to understand how the explosion in accusations is connected almost entirely with family dissolution.[64] Practitioners and scholars now readily report that patently trumped-up accusations are routinely used, without punishment, in custody proceedings to separate children from fathers who have committed no actionable offense.[65] Open perjury is readily acknowledged,[66] and bar associations and even courts actively counsel mothers on how to fabricate accusations. *67+ Domestic violence is a backwater of
tautological pseudo-theory, write Donald Dutton and Kenneth Corvo. No other area of established social welfare, criminal justice, public health, or behavioral intervention has such weak evidence in support of mandated practice.*68+ Feminists acknowledge that most cases arise during custody battles.[69] Yet they strenuously oppose divorce and custody reform,[70] and their literature is dominated by complaints not that violent convicts are walking the streets but that fathers convicted of no infraction retain access to their children after their wives divorce them.[71] Restraining orders separating fathers from their children are routinely issued during divorce proceedings without any evidence.[72]
Due process procedures are so routinely ignored that one judge told his colleagues not to become concerned about the constitutional rights of the man that youre violating.... We dont have to worry about the rights.*73+ Specialized domestic violence courts are mandated not to dispense impartial justice but, says New Yorks
openly feminist chief judge, to make batterers and abusers take responsibility for their actions.*74+ These courts may seize property, including homes, without the accused being convicted or even formally charged or present to defend themselves. This bill is classic policestate legislation, one scholar concludes.*75+ Toronto lawyer Walter Fox calls them pre-fascist: Domestic
violence courts...are designed to get around the protections of the criminal code. The burden of proof is reduced or removed, and theres no presumption of innocence.*76+ Forced confessions are also routine. Fathers
are summarily incarcerated unless they sign confessions stating, I have physically and emotionally battered my partner. The father must then
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describe the violence, even if he insists he committed none. I am responsible for the violence I used, reads one form. My behavior was not provoked.*77+ The deadbeat dad is another figure largely manufactured by the divorce machinery. He is far less likely to have voluntarily abandoned the offspring he callously sired than to be an involuntarily divorced father who has been forced to finance the filching of his own children.*78+
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Extinction
The same ideological interests of the k caused the housing bubble collapse and will lead to the collapse of civilization Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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the housing bubble was the result of welfarestate agencies pushing home ownership as an entitlement on low-income families. We do not know how
The latest manifestation may be the credit crisis. As Star Parker points out, many of these were single parents subsisting not on productive labor but on other entitlements, but for intact, two-parent families home ownership is not usually an impossibility at some point in life. As
the institution of government grows, we sadly watch the collapse of the institutions that really sustain growth of home ownership: American marriage and families, writes Parker, citing Census Bureau figures that homeownership overwhelmingly (86.3%) occurs among married-couple families.[89] Decades before the family crisis became obvious, sociologist Carle Zimmerman demonstrated that family atomization preceded civilizational collapse. Zimmerman showed how Greek and Roman decline was preceded by a renunciation of family life, first by educated elites and then others, and argued that our own civilization is on a similar trajectory. Zimmerman was writing during the post-war baby boom
before second wave feminism, no-fault divorce, same-sex marriage, and demographic winter when the family was generally assumed to be stable. Yet he predicted these developments based on long-range trends mostly elite intellectual fashions whose significance few others grasped. Indeed, Zimmerman emphasized how difficult the decline is to perceive while it is taking place: These changes came about slowly, over centuries, and almost imperceptibly.*90+ Today,
even as the family crisis becomes undeniable, there is still little awareness of its full ramifications and how close we are to the point of no return. Modern sexual ideologies are much more militant than anything in Greece or Rome and more self-consciously hostile to the family. The bureaucratic machinery they have constructed around the family is also much more vast and entrenched than
any in those civilizations. Indeed, it is the most intrusive and repressive government apparatus ever created in the United States. Yet todays most outspoken family advocates show little awareness of it, and few seem disposed to confront it or organizationally prepared to resist it.
The sexualization of public life stands behind every major threat to our civilization. Unless we summon the courage to confront it directly, Western society will become increasingly emasculated and will not survive. This is what Zimmerman warned in the halcyon days of 1947, and since then his warnings have only been
vindicated.
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Double bind
Double bind either the neg gives up all their power for equality or gendered roles continue in order to gain feminist power Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
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Power is the alpha and the omega of contemporary Communism, wrote Milovan Djilas during the repression of the 1950s. Ideas, philosophical principles, and moral considerations... all can be changed and sacrificed. But not power.*23+ Something similar can be said about todays feminism, an ideology with no fixed principles, as evidenced by its capacity to spawn interminable discussions about its true
Women are oppressed by gender roles, but those same roles confer a claim to moral superiority because they make women more caring and compassionate. Men and women must compete on equal terms, except when men must be excluded from
nature: At times all gender differences are social constructions; at other times women have special needs. certain competitions so that women can win. Fathers should share equally in rearing children, but custody (and the power and money that accompany it) must always go to mothers. Alison Jaggar, author of Living with Contradictions, proclaims unashamedly that feminists should insist on having it both ways: Feminists
should embrace both horns of this dilemma, she writes. They should use the
rhetoric of equality in situations where womens interests clearly are being damaged by being treated either differently from or identically with men.*24+ Her words are revealing. This rhetoric of equality is just that: rhetoric. As with Humpty Dumpty, words like equality change meanings when convenient; interests alone endure. As Jaggar admits,
it proceeds from no principles other than power: to
increase the power not so much of women, as of those who claim to speak on behalf of the rest. This is revealed by the fashionable euphemism used to disguise it: empowerment. The shift from liberal demands for unisex equality to claims of a positively superior politics
What might appear as a moderating compromise with traditional gender roles was in reality a modest sacrifice of ideological purity in exchange for power. Political theorist Kathy Ferguson envisions a world where male-dominated power politics would be supplanted with this feminine politics of empowerment. Male power brokers would be replaced by quasi-Platonic female caretakers whose claim to leadership would be their compassion. In this feminist utopia the only remaining problem would be who would minister to the needs of these saintly souls. For a feminist community, then, Platos question Who will guard the guardians? might be rephrased as, Who will care for the caretakers?*25] Professor Ferguson would have been less visionary but more perspicacious if she had asked, Who will guard the
characterized by greater caring and sensitivity than traditional masculine power politics carried far-reaching implications.

caretakers? For her dream of a syndicalist rule by caretakers is now the reality, and the caretakers have run amok. Caretakers routinely drug foster children runs a headline in the Los Angeles Times. Children under state protection in California group and foster homes are being drugged with potent, dangerous psychiatric medications, at times just to keep them obedient and docile for their overburdened caretakers.*26+
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Links to politics
The k links to immigration Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville, Ph.D.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The
War Against Fathers, Marriage, and the Family (Cumberland Books). http://profam.org/pub/fia/fia.2202.htm, "The Family in America Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) //
SC Immigration pressure may also be traced to sexualized government institutions. Immigrant families attracted to welfare are increasingly single mothers or become single mothers soon after arriving. In Europe, immigration is now creating a welfare underclass similar to that familiar in the United States, which is itself expanding through immigration. The principal rationalization for relaxing immigration standards low birth
rates and the perceived need for younger workers and taxpayers is another consequence of the sexual revolution, one threatening Western civilization itself. The welfare state itself, with its offer of a universal retirement pension, certainly reduced the need for large families as an insurance policy for old age. Yet even more direct is sexual liberation, including contraception and abortion which shifted reproductive decisions from the family unit to the individual woman.[87] Here too divorce may be the decisive factor (and again the most neglected) not only breaking up families early but also generating fear of marriage and procreation among men.[88]
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Latino Identity
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Trayvon L
Black-White binaries ignore an intersectional approach to Latino identity Nopper 12 (Tamara, U Penn, 20 Years in the Making: George Zimmermans Minority Defense and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots, 4/20/12, http://tamaranopper.com/2012/04/20/george-zimmermans-minoritydefense-and-the-1992-los-angeles-riots/)//LA In some accounts, Zimmermans interracial lineage as well as his being Latino exemplified the browning of America. According to this framework, the increasing Latino population in the United States will change not only the racial and cultural demographics of the the country but also how we as a nation think about race, identity, and being American. Just as internal diversity among Latinos by color, nationality, migration histories, and class reportedly makes it difficult for some Latino immigrants and their descendants to determine who they are, or what box to check on the U.S. census, non-Latino Americans will also have to question long standing assumptions about what race is and how it operates in the face of increasing diversity. Such sentiment was expressed in discussions about Zimmerman. For example, in
an article in The Washington Post titled Who is George Zimmerman? (and republished by The Seattle Times under the headline Florida shooter George Zimmerman not easily pigeonholed), the reporters write, There may be no box to check for George Zimmerman, 28, no tidy way to categorize, define and sort the man whose pull of a trigger on a Sanford, Fla., street is forcing America to once again confront its fraught relationship with race and identity. In other writing, some
authors were less ambivalent about Zimmermans race
and declared him white. One striking example of this was an op-ed published in The Orlando Sentinel written by Leonard Pitts, in
which he responded to one readers frustration at his not identifying Zimmerman as Hispanic in a previous columnMr. Zimmerman was Hispanic not White plez do your homework before writing your column!!!! Pitts
begins his column with: Im here to explain why George Zimmerman is white. Pointing out that according to the U.S. census, Hispanic is an ethnicity and not a race, Pitts draws from academic scholarship on what has come to be known as whiteness studies, which seeks to destabilize whiteness as the normative racial position by tracing how whiteness developed as a social and legal category and how whites became dominant in the U.S. racial hierarchy. Specifically, Pitts cites David Roediger, the historian famous for drawing from W.E.B. Du Boiss psychological wage of
whiteness concept outlined in his 1935 classic Black Reconstruction in America and repackaging it as the wages of whiteness. Recounting Roedigers basic premise that European immigrants became white after coming to the United States and learning, as James Baldwin famously put it, that the price of the ticket for whiteness is to distance oneself from Blacks, Pitts also defines being white as having your suffering and perspective matter in the world. As he puts it, whiteness
is not simply color, but privilegethe privilege of being seen, of having your worth presumed, of receiving the benefit of the doubt and some human compassion, of being treated as if you matter. Pitts concludes that for these reasons, Zimmerman is white. Similarly, Isabel Wilkerson, in a New York Times essay on Martins murder and the city of Sanfords racial history, employs aspects of
whiteness studies in her discussion. For example, discussing how unprecedented numbers of Latino immigrants have arrived at a place still scarred by the history of a vigilante-enforced caste system and the stereotypes that linger from it, she concludes, In this context, newcomerslike previous waves of immigrants in the pastmay feel pressed to identify with the dominant caste and distance themselves from blacks, in order to survive. Wilkersons commentary suffers from one of the major limitations of some of the most popular work grouped under whiteness studies (such as that by Roediger, Baldwin, Noel Ignatiev, and Timothy Breen), which is the assumption that certain European immigrants or poor white Americans (or in Breens case, white indentured servants) had at one point a shared, or at least similar status with African Americans in the race and class hierarchy in relation to white elites. In doing so, Wilkerson discursively transforms the descendants of African slaves into immigrants. She writes: One of the great tragedies of the last century was the pitting of immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe against African-Americans who had migrated from the rural South to the industrial North. Both groups were seeking the same thing and were pretty much the same peoplepeople of the land trying to make a way for their families in forbidding and alien places.
Unlike the European immigrants, who chose whiteness, Latinos, according to Wilkerson, may be forging a different path: Despite all that has gone before, there is reason for optimismThe arrival of a new kind of immigrant to a country that has endured so much discord offers a chance for re-examination and redemption. Thus, one of the most encouraging signs, Wilkerson asserts, is that Latinos are increasingly choosing to be identified as other rather than black or white on the U.S. census and thus may reject the
pattern of European immigrants who became white by distancing themselves from Blacks. What this debate about Zimmermans racial identity and Black-Latino relations demonstrates is that with
few exceptions, we have no intellectual vocabulary to adequately discuss the racial position of non-Black people of color (NBPOC) in relation to African
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Americans in the U.S. racial order. Instead, as in the case of Zimmerman, we have the following options: argue that Latinos are acting white, that George Zimmerman is a white Latino (although I think he could easily be read as a Brown Latino), or discuss the internal diversity of Latinos in terms of color, language, and nativity and simply hope that their so-called internal conflicts (which are really structural) get worked out soon. Overall, there is a difficulty, which appears to be both conceptual and emotional (or at the very least ethical), to say that as a Latino and thus someone who exists in the world politically as Brown, Zimmerman or other Latinos can be anti-Black and more importantly, have political and social power over Blacks (in the United States and in Latin America) independent of identifying with whiteness or being socially or legally classified as white. So what does all of this have to do with the 1992 Los Angeles Riots and more
specifically, what do I mean when I write that Zimmermans minority defense was 20 years in the making? In brief, some of the major patterns of progressive race scholarship emerging after, and to large degree in response to the riots, contribute to the logic of Zimmermans minority defense. Post-1992 Los Angeles Riots Race Scholarship In the wake of the riots, scholars
argued that its multiethnic composition, as well as the changing demographics of the United States (think of the projection of the coming white minority), necessitated that political conversations about, and research on race go beyond examining white Americas treatment of African Americans, a sentiment expressed in the slogan beyond Black and white. Some scholars claimed that the Black-white model of race relations was inadequate for analyzing what some (mis)labeled Americas first multiethnic riot. Whereas previous urban rebellions have
been characterized by African Americans looting or destroying white owned-businesses in response to police brutality and economic and political conditions, the 1992 riots involved primarily Black and Latino rioters, with Korean immigrant-owned businesses the hardest hit. Some scholars, denying the material basis of conflict, went so far as to suggest that one of the reasons Korean immigrants were targeted was because they were the victims of Blacks misdirected anger partially caused by their purported ignorance of Korean history, people, and culture. In other words, if
there had been more attention given to the experiences of other racial minority groups in public discourse and scholarship prior to the riots, Blacks would have been less likely to be susceptible to negative images of Korean immigrants circulated in the media and would have thus directed their anger at another and more appropriate target (interestingly, Latino rioters are generally not depicted as targeting Korean storeowners for the same reason). And so it began: going beyond Black and white would not only help us better identify what caused the 1992 riots but also prevent, through educational measures, future multiracial explosions (and more specifically, Black (misdirected) rage). More research on the shared racial oppression and community building between people of color would presumably thwart the dividing and conquering of oppressed peoples. In this spirit, a growing body of work examining the experiences of NBPOC and inter-minority relations has been
published in the last 20 years. Within this scholarship there are two patterns I want to emphasize that are relevant to Zimmermans minority defense.
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AT: Latinos were enslaved/Race Ks about LA

You cant group Black and Latino identityslavery is unique Nopper 12 (Tamara, U Penn, 20 Years in the Making: George Zimmermans Minority Defense and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots, 4/20/12, http://tamaranopper.com/2012/04/20/george-zimmermans-minoritydefense-and-the-1992-los-angeles-riots/)//LA Pattern 1: Comparative Racialization The first pattern is that scholars claimed Asian Americans and Latinos have unique racial experiences that cannot be adequately understood using the Black-white framework. This work of comparative racialization sought to identify differences among people of color while still retaining the notion that all non-whites have a shared racial status under white supremacy. Much of this research traces its roots to Michael Omi and Howard Winants book Racial Formations (1986, 1994)treated as the bible among many progressive race scholarswhich posits the primacy of race as a determinant of inequality and proposes that each group has a particular racial formation. This approach provided the best of both worlds for NBPOC progressive scholars: it rejected arguments, growing in popularity among a wide spectrum of ideological voices, that class, not race was the primary factor shaping life chances while not indicting any particular NBPOC group as dominant in relationship to African Americans. The employment of the racial formations approach resulted in an (unstated) return of sorts, to Robert Blauners colonialism model published in his book Racial Oppression in America. Blauners framework examines the particular structural degradation of each minority group in the United States, such as slavery, colonialism, genocide, exclusion, or contract labor, while positing a shared oppressed status as non-white. From this perspective we could conclude that Zimmerman, as a Spanish speaking minority and son of a Peruvian mother, also knows discrimination and thus, was more like the boy he killed than people thought. George was a minoritythe othertoo. While these words were actually penned by writers of the
aforementioned Washington Post article, they could easily come from the pages of an academic monograph by a comparative racialization scholar. Yet the return to a Blaunerian approach, by way of racial formations, ignored one of the most important points of Kwame Ture and Charles V. Hamiltons 1967 book Black Powerwhich preceded the publication of Blauners Racial Oppression by five yearsin which they applied the colonial model to African Americans in U.S. urban ghettoes. While
scholars have rightfully addressed the limitations of the colonial analogy for dealing with the afterlife of slavery, it is telling that
contemporary scholarship is most likely to resemble Blauners approach than that of Ture and Hamiltons. Perhaps this is because, as Ture and Hamilton suggest, analogizing
African Americans and immigrant groups, even with the hesitance Blauner expresses in his work, will always be flawed. As they put it, When some people compare the black American to other immigrant groups in this country, they overlook the fact that slavery was peculiar to the blacks. No other minority group in this country was treated as legal property. In these two sentences, Ture and Hamilton anticipated and provide a critique of the racial formations approach as well as whiteness studies aforementioned claim that non-Black groups could have a shared starting location on the bottom with African Americans despite not having been enslaved. Unfortunately, today,
Ture and Hamilton tend to be cited by an aging group of (primarily African American) scholars whereas Omi and Winants racial formations and its variants have continued to be popular among a broad array of progressives (for a clue on why this may be so, consider the epilogues of both books second versions as they each address the 1992 riots in ways that demonstrate competing political orientations).
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AT: Grade it like a Paper
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Shell
This approach is exclusionarymust open spaces for safe pedagogical investigation Omolade 87 (Barbara, CUNY and Consortium of black womens organizers in Brooklyn, A Black Feminist Pedagogy, Womens Studies Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 3/4, p. 35-6, JSTOR)//LA However, when I assign a scholarly paper, I must assume the politically problematic role of evaluator. My standards of judgment are dictated by the purpose and rationale of a college education: to produce students who can enter the professional and managerial class because they have and can communicate useful knowledge and information. When students fail to write and read up to par, they become nonstudents, incapable of participating in the very medium and work of the academy. In the past, these students, i.e., Black working-class women, never came into the academy unless they had exceptional literacy skills. Literacy itself has further class connotations because it also means having the time and space to read and write, usually in isolation from one's family and kin. Literacy necessarily distances and separates people: the learner from the doer, the scholar from the worker. But the challenge of a Black feminist pedagogy is to use literacy to connect people with ideas and histories across racial, gender, and class boundaries and to further connect Black women to each other and to their unique history. By making available knowledge of their own history as well as
that of the ruling elite, knowledge of men and women and Black and white people, we can give students a sense of their worth and their power to affect their position and condition. The worker can become a scholar who does not have to abandon her class in order to become educated.
The process of evaluation, of correcting and measuring the written and spoken skills of students, has usually been used in racist and sexist and elitist ways, which serve to diminish students' integrity and humanity. But a liberal feminist stance should not be used to deny the students an honest appraisal of their learning and skills. I used to err on the side of liberalism and promoted sisterly rapport instead of directly grappling with the difficulty of teaching scholarly writing skills and critical thinking . Such skills can assist Black women in gaining an overall and coherent way of analyzing the information they receive in the classroom and from the experiences of their lives. In attempting to avoid making Black women students feel uncomfortable, I tried to protect those who wrote poorly and analyzed superficially from feeling a sense of failure. In the beginning, I assigned papers but did not rigorously grade them, satisfied that students expressed themselves and tried hard. Then, I gave double grades on term papers: one for ideas and one for grammar, stupidly separating content from process. When my grades accurately reflected their work, I felt that I had abandoned all my sisterly values. The double grade process, however, protected me from guilt about grading their papers at all, and helped me avoid the truth about their writing skills and course performances. By avoiding the struggle to face the weaknesses of my Black women students, I also avoided the essentials of the learning process. All teaching and learning involve tensions and discomfort, as students unlearn and replace old ideas and limited understandings with newer, and, one hopes, better, information. The solution lay not in attempting to remove the discomfort and tension, but in creating a learning environment where Black women could feel safe about making mistakes and taking chances. Students have to be taught to honestly evaluate failure and turn mistakes into lessons as they face the difficulties associated with learning mathematics, history, paper writing, or speaking in class.
Dont baby the *Aff/Neg+only rejecting their flawed model can produce material change [Doubles as Pedagogy 1st card] Omolade 87 (Barbara, CUNY and Consortium of black womens organizers in Brooklyn, A Black Feminist Pedagogy, Womens Studies Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 3/4, p. 38-9, JSTOR)//LA The struggle at Medgar Evers College revealed the responsibility of Black women academicians to develop the meaningful content of a pedagogy that makes rigorous academic demands and the political aim of
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liberating working people, especially Black women, from ignorance and powerlessness. Then, along with those students, Black women academicians must struggle for the power to implement their pedagogy. Black women instructors and students who participated in the Medgar Evers College sit-in have developed the framework of that pedagogy: a Black feminist set of academic themes that centers on the research, study, and development of Black women. In order to assume power in the urban areas of the United States, which are increasingly populated by women and men of color, the continually exploited and oppressed peoples, especially Black women, must develop the skills to take over and run urban institutions. In order to transform current conditions and positions of powerlessness, those people must have the capacity to run them differently and humanely. The development of these leadership skills requires that students learn differently within a liberatory classroom environment. Class- room instructors must be more like consultants to, rather than controllers of, the learning process. Although some educators advance a pedagogy that proposes to do away with all structures such as course outlines, the absence of structure leaves students without a clear sense of where a course is going. It is like telling students to drive to California from New York without knowing how to drive very well and without a road map. The
instructor, on the other hand, has many maps and drives very well. No one can teach students to "see," but an instructor is responsible for providing the windows, out of which possible angles of vision emerge from a coherent ordering of information and content. The
classroom process is one of information-sharing in which students learn to generalize their particular life experiences within a community of fellow intellectuals. The breadth of material students receive about the diverse perspectives of women and men all over the world should give them new ideas and new models of scholarship. This is especially critical for Black women students, since Black women's experiences and Black female scholarship are seldom placed within the syllabi of the academy's courses. Without an explicit pedagogy, Black women and all other working-class students will continue to be disregarded as participants in the learning environment. They will learn in a fairy land, with the good fairy godmothers (who are Black) giving them solace and approval without wisdom, and the bad fairy godfathers (who are white) denying them both humanity and useful information. Neither fairy godmothers nor godfathers can be equal partners with students engaged in a political struggle to learn enough and know enough to transform our mutual futures within and without the academy.
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Intersectionality
Intersectionality is inevitableto focus on ones own specific oppression makes impossible wider struggles for liberation Green and Ellison 7/4 (Kai M. and Treva, Black, queer, trans, and anti-capitalist scholars, activists, and artists based in Los Angelestheir byline, Dispatch from the Very House of Difference: Anti-Black Racism and the Expansion of Sexual Citizenship OR We Need to Do So Much Better at Loving Each Other, The Feminist Wire, 7/4/13, http://thefeministwire.com/2013/07/dispatch-from-the-very-houseof-difference-anti-black-racism-and-the-expansion-of-sexual-citizenship-or-we-need-to-do-so-muchbetter-at-loving-each-other/)//LA The productive tension between sexual citizenship and expansion of militarism, surveillance, policing, and incarceration rely on a discursive and material separation of race from sexuality . This is why for example, queer youth of color can be exposed to extreme police harassment and interpersonal harm even in so-called gay ghettos. The very question of whether gay is the new black requires and enacts a unconscionable forgetting of the systems of domination and creative destruction that operate in part through a construction of gay and Black as mutually exclusive. These kinds of representational traps attempt to make equality for queer racialized sexualities unintelligible and unthinkable as they support the kinds of relations that perpetuate harm and violence, sometimes against the very people they purport to protect. These harmful dichotomies arent just uni-directional in flow; they dont just come from politicians and the HRC but also from us, from how we narrate and define our struggles. In the November 1978 November issue of The Black Panther
journalist Reggie Major wrote a commentary titled The Privileged Oppressed, in which he criticizes White gay male gentrification in Alamo Square, Haight-Fillmore, and the Mission District. Majors notes that some Blacks take issue with the equation of the gay rights struggle with the Black liberation struggle saying: One of the reasons for this objection is the fact that many gays are involved in ex ercising White male privilege at the very time they are claiming to be members of an oppressed group,*3+ Majors points out that White gay males have benefited from racist housing and loan policies by receiving bank loans, which were previously formally denied to Blacks, and taking advantage of the fact that Black-owned properties in Black neighborhoods were appraised at lower values. He makes a call for White gays to be in solidarity noting that Black organizations spoke out against the Briggs Initiative, which sought to bar gays and lesbians from working in California schools. Majors ends the article with a call for solidarity: There has to be a broad front that pushed for increased human and civil rights for all citizens, and Blacks and gays should be members of that front,*4+. The
disaggregation of race from gender and sexuality evinced in the separation of gay and Black helps to cohere the polemic and call to action but also participates in a framework of intelligibility that renders black queerness unthinkable and ignores how White gay gentrification impacts LGBT people of color and poor White LGBT people. When we frame our struggles in ways that ignore the various and complicated ways that harm and violence circulate, it becomes difficult for people to show up as themselves or in some cases to show up at all. Desires for equality have a tendency to move people to become more invested in sameness instead of thinking about the reality of difference. We are not the same. Audre Lorde told us this. Toni Cade Bambara told us this. Gloria Anzalda told us this. Marlon Riggs told us this. We are not the same and it is our differences that give us strength. It is our ability to see that our freedoms are all connected and of equal value, but our oppressions while linked are not the same. We must not allow one kind of oppression to displace another in our political imaginaries, especially if that displacement is more of an ideological fallacy than a material reality. For those who understand oppression through one dominant identity, say as a white woman, it might be easy to come together as women to rally around how this society devalues womens lives and labor, but it might not be so easy to see the ways in which as a white women you can create systems that are oppressive and closed to women of color or people of color in general. We have to do better. Our lenses must be broadened so that at all times we are not only aware of our particular positions of oppression, but also our relative positions of privilege. Understanding privilege is not about guilt, though this is what seems to be happening
these days. I dont need you to feel bad about what happened during slavery or whats happening with the expansion of the prison industrial complex. Guilt is paralyzing and it doesnt produce much movement or change, its just stifling. Relinquish your
guilt and use your privilege to change the structures that produce that privilege. Dont include me in your privileged
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ranks, it means nothing if I cant take my people with me. Barack Obama as first Black president means nothing if Black people as a class remain in crises. This essay begins with recounting places and moments of injury. These stories are the kinds of stories that become unspeakable and unknowable in a discursive order and model of reform that privileges single-issue politics over mobilizing around the material conditions that produce trauma, vulnerability and death. There are certainly reforms to be made, but we need to become more aware of the places and people we are asked to give up in order to receive something that could easily be retracted. We dont have to become Black. We dont have to become gay. But we must be able to build beyond our own individual positions whether we stand in the intersection or not, we have to develop a model for recognizing the intersection, these moments when race, gender, class, citizenship, sexuality and ability collide (and they are always colliding). We must look for those who are lost; those who weve been asked to forget about because they are not our own. To dwell in the house of difference is to think, plan, and create with the intersection in mind and in heart. The
dispatch has been sent. Will you heed the call?
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Fighting racism in the name of race only reifies normative racial historicityturns the case Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 69)//LA
I am suggesting two things: first, the order of racial difference attempts to compensate for sex's failure in language; second, we must not therefore analogize race and sex on the sexual model of linguistic excess or contradiction. The
signifier Whiteness tries to fill the constitutive lack of the sexed subject. It promises a totality, an overcoming of difference itself. For the subject of race, Whiteness represents complete mastery, self-sufficiency, and the jouissance of Oneness. This is why the order of racial difference must be distinguished from, but read in relation to, sexual difference. If sex is characterized by a missing signifier, race, on the contrary, is not and cannot be organized around such an absence- a missing signifier- that escapes or confounds language and inter-subjectivity. Race has an all-toopresent master signifier- Whiteness- which offers the illegal enjoyment of absolute wholeness. Race, therefore, does not bear on the paradigm of failure or success of inter-subjectivity on the model of the sexual relation. The rationale of racial difference and its organization can be understood as a Hobbesian one. It is a social contract among potential adversaries secured to perpetuate singular claims to power and dominance, even as it seeks to contain the consequences of such singular interests. The shared insecurity of claiming absolute humanness, which is what race as a system manages, induces the social and legal validation of race as a discourse of neutral differences. In other words, race identity can have only one function-it establishes differential relations among the races in order to constitute the logic of domination . Groups must be differentiated and related in order to make possible the claim to power and domination. Race identity is about the sense of one's exclusiveness, exceptionality and uniqueness. Put very simply, it is an identity that, if it is working at all, can only be about pride, being better,
being the best. Race is inextricably caught up in a Hobbesian discourse of social contract, where personal (or particular) interest masquerades as public good. Sexual difference, on the other hand, cannot be founded upon such a logic. The
values attached to male and female are historically contingent as feminists have long suggested, but power cannot be the ultimate cause of sexual difference. Racial difference, on the other hand, has no other reason to be but power, and yet it is not power in the sense of material and discursive agency that can be reduced to historical mappings. If such were the case, as many have assumed, then a historicist genealogy of the discursive construction of race would be in order: Foucault not Lacan, discourse analysis not psychoanalysis. But race organizes difference and elicits investment in its subjects because it promises access to being itself. It offers the prestige of being better and superior; it is the promise of being more human, more full, less lacking. The possibility of this enjoyment is at the core of "race." But enjoyment or jouissance is, we may recall , pure unpleasure. The possibility of enjoyment held out by Whiteness is also horrific as it implies the annihilation of difference. The subject of race therefore typically resists race as mere "social construction," even as it holds on to a notion of visible, phenotypal difference. Visible difference in race has a contradictory function. If it protects against a lethal sameness, it also facilitates the possibility of that sameness through the fantasy of wholeness. Insofar as Whiteness dissimulates the object of desire, 10 any encounter with the historicity, the purely symbolic origin of the signifier, inevitably produces anxiety. It is necessary for race to seem more than its historical and cultural origin in order to aim at being. Race must therefore disavow or deny knowledge of its own historicity, or risk surrendering to the discourse of exceptionality, the possibility of wholeness and supremacy. Thus race secures itself through visibility. Psychoanalytically, we can perceive the object cause of racial anxiety as racial visibility, the so-called pre-discursive marks on the body (hair, skin, bone), which serve as the desiderata of race. In other words, the
bodily mark, which (like sex) seems to be more than symbolic, serves as a powerful prophylactic against the anxiety of race as a discursive construction. We seem to need such a refuge in order to preserve the investment we make in the signifier of Whiteness. Thus race
should not be reduced to racial visibility, which is the mistake made by some well-meaning and not-as-wellmeaning advocates of a color blind society. Racial visibility should be understood as that which secures the much deeper investment we have made in the racial categorization of human beings. It is a lock-and-key relation, and
throwing away the key of visibility because it happens to open and close is not going to make the lock inoperable. By interrogating visibility we

can ask what the lock is preserving, and why. The
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capacity of visibility to secure an investment in identity also distinguishes race from other systems of difference such as caste, class, ethnicity, etc. These latter forms of group
identity, insofar as they cannot be essentialized through bodily marks, can be easily historicized and textualized. Nothing prevents their deconstruction, whereas in the case of race, visibility
maintains a bulwark against the historicity and historicization of
race. (In fact, Brennan suggests that the "ego's era" is characterized by a resistance to history.) It is this function of visibility that renders cases of racial passing fraught and anxious. My contention that the category of race is inherently a discourse of supremacy may seem inattentive to the advances that our legal systems and liberal social ideologies have made precisely in relation to "racism" and "racist" practices. Modern civil society refuses to permit its subjects the enjoyment of supremacist rhetoric, the rhetoric of exceptionality, by distinguishing between race and racism. It draws this distinction between a supposed ontology (the study of physical or cultural differences) and an epistemology (discriminatory logic) in the name of preserving a semblance of inter-subjectivity. Race, it suggests, is a neutral description of human difference; racism, it suggests, is the misappropriation of such difference. The liberal consensus is that we must do away with such ideological misappropriation, but that we must "celebrate difference." It is understood as a "baby and the bath water" syndrome, in which the dirty water of racism must be eliminated, to reveal the cleansed and beloved "fact" of racial identity. This rather myopic perspective refuses to address the peculiar resiliency of "race," the subjective investment in racial difference, and the hyper-valorization of appearance. It dismisses these issues or trivializes them because race seems a historical inevitability. The logic
is that people have been constituted for material and other reasons as black and white and that this has had powerful historical consequences for peoples thus constituted. Whether
race exists or not, whether race and racism are artificial distinctions or not, racialization is a hard historical fact and a concrete instance of social reality. We have no choice, according to this reasoning, but to inhabit our assigned racial positions. Not to do so is a form of idealism, and a groundless belief that power can be wished away. In making this ostensibly "pragmatic" move, such social theorists effectively reify "race." Lukacs, who elaborated Marx's notion of reification in
relation to the commodity form in History and Class Consciousness, is worth recalling here: Its basis is that a relation between people takes on the character of a thing, and thus acquires a 'phantom objectivity,' an autonomy that seems so strictly rational and all-embracing as to conceal every trace of its fundamental nature: the relation between people. (1923:89) To
arrest analysis of race at the point where one discerns and marks its historical effects is to reproduce those very relations of power that one intends to oppose. It is to render race so objective that it is impossible to conceive human difference or inter-subjectivity anew. Modern civil society engages in such reification because ultimately its desire is to keep the dialectic between races alive. It must thus prohibit what it terms "racism" in order to prevent the annihilation not so much of the "inferior" races but of the system of race itself. This is how the system of "desiring Whiteness" perpetuates itself, even in the discourses that are most pragmatically aimed against racism. The resilience and endurability of race as a structure can thus be attributed to its denials and disavowals. On the one hand, it is never in the place that one expects it to be: it
disavows its own historicity in order to hold out the promise of being to the subject- the something more than symbolic- a sense of wholeness, of exceptionality. On the other hand, as
a social law, it must disavow this object in order to keep the system viable and to perpetuate the dialectic: the race for Whiteness. Exploring the structure of race requires a toleration of
paradox, an appreciation of the fact that it is an inherently contradictory discourse, and a willingness to see beyond relations of power in order to mine the depth of subjective investment in it.
The alternative is to release the racial signifier from its historical mooring in a signified; their approach only reifies racism and hopeless opposition Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 15860)//LA In presenting my hypothesis to various interlocutors in formal and informal settings, I have been asked how my theory of race as a symbolic system sustained by a regime of visibility translates into social policy. How does it affect our thinking about affirmative action, about anti-discrimination legislations, about those particularly powerful modes of political mobilization that have aggregated around identity? It is sophisticated and easy to be dismissive of "identity politics" because it seems naive and essentialist. But the immeasurable weightiness of, say,
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the black power movement or the women's rights movement in pushing back the forces of exploitation and resuscitating devalued cultures through the redefinition of identity must give us pause. Identity politics works. However, the argument of this book is that it also ultimately serves to reinforce the very system that is the source of the symptoms that such politics confines itself to addressing. It is race itself that must be dismantled as a regime of looking. We cannot aim at this goal by merely formulating new social policies . In fact, my theory is anti-policy for two reasons: first, any attempt to address race systematically through policy, and by that I mean state policy, will inevitably end up reifying race. Second, the only effective intervention can be cultural, at the "grassroots" level. Such intervention can and should work, sometimes in tandem and at others in tension with state policy, but the project of dismantling the regime of race cannot be given over to the state. Gramsci speaks of the necessity of transforming the cultural into the political; where race is concerned, it is imperative that we turn what is now "political," an issue of group interests, into the "cultural," an issue of social practice. We must develop a new adversarial aesthetics that will throw racial signification into disarray. Given that race discourse was produced in a thoroughly visual culture, it is necessary that the visual itself be used against the scopic regime of race. I have laid the basis for such an aesthetics in Chapters 4 and 5, where the relation of the bodily mark to the signifier is thrown into perplexity. In Suture, we as spectators are asked to give up our investment in Whiteness, the signifier that promises access to absolute humanness. The film puts pressure on
the purely symbolic origins of race by unraveling the relation between racial gestalt and one's identity. Clay is Vincent if he takes up his place in the signifying chain. Similitude is established not on the basis of the body's gestalt, but the part object-ears, eyes, etc. In Toni Morrison's "Recitatif," it is racial
reference that is called into question. As with Suture, the relation between visibility and the signifier is refused , but for another purpose. By emptying the racial signifier of its properties, so that white and black have no connotations, Morrison renders meaningless the relations among the signifier, the body, and identity. For Morrison, it is such emptiness that makes love approachable. I am proposing an adversarial aesthetics that will destabilize racial looking so that racial identity will always be uncertain and unstable. The point of such a practice would be to confront the symbolic constitution of race and of racial looking as the investment we make in difference for sameness. The confrontation has to entail more than an exploration of the fantasy, which process I detailed in Chapter 2 on "The secret sharer." There we took measure of the fantasy of wholeness as the obliteration of difference that Whiteness holds out to the subject of race. A simple rejection of this fantasy of selfinflation on a political or ethical basis, such as the repugnance we see exhibited by Orwell, in Chapter 3, cannot be adequate. In Orwell's case, his liberal rejection of mastery can only lead to the reproduction of the system of race. For it is not enough to be aware of the affect of anxiety that race invariably generates. One must traverse the fundamental fantasy of singular humanity upon which racial identity is founded. It is a question of resituating oneself in relation to the raced signifier. Such a practice would
not aim so much at a cross-identification, such as ticking the "wrong" box on a questionnaire, or passing for another race. It would
confound racial signification by stressing the continuity, the point of doubt among the so-called races, to the extent that each and every one of us must mistrust the knowledge of our racial belonging. The idea would be to void racial knowledge by releasing the racial signifier from its historical mooring in a signified. Such practices can only be, and must be representational, as what they necessitate is a radical intervention into language and signification. This entails the reinvention of culture as organized by differences based on other kinds of "reasonings" than race. Every medium of representation can and must be harnessed for such a practice. In addition to those I have cited earlier such as film,
painting and literature, we must consider the possibilities presented by that other mode of representation, namely representation by proxy.
The possibility of unsettling political representation, for instance, or procedures of verification based on race such as the passport, the visa and the driver's license may renew and refresh questions of identity what is worth preserving, what is not. The idea is not to erase identity, even if such a preposterous act were possible. Rather, we must rethink identity in tension with our usual habits of visual categorization of individuals. Ideally, the practice that I am advocating will deploy the visual against the visual. Such redefinition is thinkable only as a collective and normalizing project; it should be aimed at infiltrating
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normative bourgeois self-definition. The practice of "discoloration" will be more effective if it is not restricted to particular intellectual groups or artists. Gramsci suggests that a philosophical movement, even as it elaborates
a form of thought superior to "common sense" and coherent on a scientific plane .... never forgets to remain in contact with the "simple" and indeed finds in this contact the source of the problems it sets out to study and to resolve. (Gramsci 1971 :330) In other words, we
cannot voluntarily abandon the quotidian logic of race. To do so would be a form of vanguardism that will only reinforce the system as the necessary point of differentiation. Rather, it is to the common sense of race that we must appeal. Otherwise, we will fail to address social contradiction in its specificity. Thus producing a sub-culture of "discolorationists" or encouraging subjects voluntarily to refuse racial identity (as advocated for "white" people by the journal Race Traitor) possibly will not be effective. An anti-race praxis must aim at a fundamental transformation of social and political logic. It cannot be a mere "phenomenon of individuals" which, as Gramsci reminds us, only marks the "'high points' of the progress made by common sense" (1971 :331 ). As a praxis, psychoanalysis is the most appropriate discourse for the examination of why we or certain groups may resist such an adversarial aesthetics. Working through our fantasies will involve the risk of desubjectification that many of us dread. Such dread, such an encounter with our own limit, is the only means of articulating the possibility of an ethics beyond the specious enjoyment promised by Whiteness.
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2NC Thesis [MUST READ]

The 1AC affirmed WHITENESS as MASTER SIGNIFIER, the point from which their whole system may be defined. In so doing they come to define themselves and others based upon the absolute power of the master signifierthis turns the case because theyll come to desire wholeness through the suturing of the lack Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 5860)//LA The striking phrase "the visible absence of color" refers to Whiteness as the simultaneous presence and absence of a certain substance. It is precisely the indefniteness, the ambivalence, the mute meaningfulness, the colorless, all-color of Whiteness that fascinates and mesmerizes the subject as the promise of being itself. For Melville, it is the absent cause of perceptible hues of nature which are but "the subtile deceits, not
actually inherent in substances, but only laid on from without" ( 186). This cause is the "great principle of light" which "for ever remains white or colorless in itself, and if operating without medium upon matter, would touch all objects, even tulips and roses, with its own blank tingepondering all this, the palsied universe lies before us as a lepe1" ( 186). Whiteness
here is the great and immanent absence that sustains the system of chromatism; it actually enables one to see, even as it presents a threat to ordinary vision. As the cause of color, of visibility itself, Whiteness as light is beyond mere perception; he who looks upon it would, in Melville's terms, end as "the wretched infidel [who] gazes himself blind" (l86). Melville's notion of Whiteness as the formless and dangerous essence of visibility is wholly compatible with the view of Whiteness as the master signifier of race that I have been delineating so far. In the last chapter, my emphasis was on the capacity of Whiteness to engender the structure of racial difference. Here, I will focus on the lethal and illegal fantasy of sameness and mastery that Whiteness offers as the real yet concealed motivation for the maintenance of race. The master signifier makes difference possible, but it is also excluded from the play of signification that it supports. In Lacan's terms, we could propose that the dual character of
Whiteness, as support and panic-inducing kernel, exists in a relation of "extimacy" (Lacan's term for the paradox of the excluded interior) to the symbolic system it engenders. This
signifier, in its awesome and terrifying aspect, discloses itself as something inassimilable to the very system that it causes and upholds. In our terms, Whiteness engenders the scale of human difference as racial embodiment, but this ostensibly " neutral" system of differences is organized around the exclusion of Whiteness, particularly the terror that it presents as pure and blinding light, which would annihilate and erase difference. I argue that this " terror" should be understood as the raison d'etre for race itself- the will to preeminence, to mastery, to being- which must necessarily be prohibited by social and juridical law. This ineffable and excluded power of Whiteness, as that which makes perception possible but is itself the blinding possibility beyond the visible, should be explored as the " lure" that fuels and perpetuates racial visibility while holding out a promise of something beyond the empirical mark. I suggested in the previous chapter that the visible bodily marks of race serve to guarantee Whiteness as something more than its discursive construction. Whiteness, I argue, attempts to signify being, but this audacious attempt is impossible because of the simple fact that Whiteness is only a cultural invention. This impossibility, based on the historicity of Whiteness, generates anxiety. But anxiety in race identity is endemic insofar as Whiteness tries to fill a space which must remain empty, or unsignified. This is where so-called ordinary visible difference, telling people apart on basis of bodily detail, comes to sustain the regime of race. If we can find a non-discursive basis (the marks on the body) for our faith in race, then the function of Whiteness, as the unconscious promise of wholeness, is preserved. Our investment in phenotype actually serves a dual function. On the one hand, it allows the co-existence of race as social construction, which serves to defend against the jouissance of Whiteness. On the other, it preserves that fantasy of wholeness by valorizing phenotype as something pre-discursive. In this chapter, I explore the lethal fantasy at the core of race, which is the possibility of transcending or reaching beyond the visible phenotype. It is the possibility of being itself, where difference and lack
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are wholly extinguished. As the master signifier of race, Whiteness maintains the structure of (visible) diffe rence- the chain of metonymic substitutions which locates the subject as desiring (thus eternally lacking) Whiteness. The fantasy of encountering Whiteness would be, for the subject of race, to recover the missing substance of one's being. It would be to coincide, not with a transcendental ideal, some rarefied model of bodily perfection, but with the "gaze," that void in the Other, a piece of the Real, that could annihilate difference. The Lacanian view about
our general sense of visual reality or conscious perception is that it is itself subtended by our drive to search, recognize and recover the object of desire. In other words, what
we take to be the evidence of our eyes, the fruit of our active looking, is largely caused by an unrecognized and underlying need to encounter that which Lacan terms "the gaze." The
gaze is "that which always escapes the grasp of that form of vision that is satisfied with imagining itself as consciousness" (XI: 74). It is
beyond reality and visual perception which, as Freud established, are founded on language and thought. The gaze is of the order of the Real, because it directly addresses lack- the lack in the Other and the lack in the subject. Encountering it would be lethal, insofar as it is contingent on the subject's constitutive lack or castration (XI: 73), the subject as manque a etre (or subject as a want-to-be.) To encounter the gaze would be to relinquish one's subject status, to give up meaning for being. The gaze promotes the fantasy of wholeness, but at the price of one's distinctive subject status. The gaze thus causes desire, it is the consummate version of the objet petit a, and more importantly it is the object of the scopic drive. Translated or extended to the sphere of race, it is Whiteness as being itself that functions as the lure-the gaze that causes desire and is at the center of the drive's trajectory. Put more starkly, it is our drive for supremacy, for the jouissance of absolute humanness, that sustains our active looking. Setting aside the historical fact that such a goal is impossible because race has no purchase on the body's jouissance, or in anything beyond its own cultural origins, we must nevertheless take up the persistence of the fantasy of Whiteness.
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2NC Prior Question

The normative conclusions of the aff all presume a relationship to Whiteness as a master signifier the K comes first Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 345)//LA The above view of the ego and the body image raises the question of the relation of the ego ideal to race. What is the status of the master signifier of race in the constitution of the bodily ego? If we agree that the body image is constituted with the help of the signifier, then are all body images necessarily raced? Is Whiteness a founding signifier for the subject as such, and of his/her ego? Is the racial signifier necessary for the constitution of the bodily ego? It is important that we not mistake the moment of the constitution of the bodily ego as the necessary moment when the body becomes racially visible. To do so would not be a sufficient departure from the erroneous belief that race is purely a question of misrecognition or identification with a
mirror image. We would merely have added the factor of the racial signifier to the account of the mirror stage. There is no doubt that one can be constituted as a subject with a "unified" bodily ego without necessarily identifying with a racial signifier, or seeing oneself as racially marked. (The large point here is that race is not like sex. Not all are subject to the racial signifier.) We only have to consider the numerous accounts from literature and autobiography that enact the scene of becoming racially visible to oneself. Besides Fanon, who speaks of discovering that he is "black" during his first visit to France, there is Stuart Hall, who in "Minimal selves" says that for many Jamaicans like himself, "Black is an identity which had to be learned and could only be learned in a certain moment " ( 1996b: 116). This process of introjecting the signifier is repeated by other characters such as Janie in Zora Neal Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God, James Weldon Johnson's protagonist in Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man, and by Oulaudah Equiano in his autobiographical narrative. There are doubtless numerous other examples that one could cite. The
fact that the secondariness of race seems to apply only to so-called "people of color," and that there are rare, or virtually no instances of a socalled "white" person discovering his or her race may lead to several specious speculations such as: "black" people identify with "whites" as the latter are more powerful and define the norm. Such misidentification on the part of "blacks" leads to trauma when they discover the reality of their blackness (Fanon's thesis). Other problematic views might be that "white" people impose an identity upon those they have colonized in order to justify their dominance, or "whites" have no race or race consciousness; "whites" are not racially embodied, and this is an index of their transparency and power, etc. While some of these propositions might make some ideological sense, all of these conclusions nevertheless presume the pre-existence of "black" and "white" as if these were natural and neutrally descriptive terms. I would suggest that the difference among black, brown, red, yellow and white rests on the position of each signifier in the signifying chain in its relation to the master signifier, which engenders racial looking through a particular process of anxiety. Perhaps the more effective ideological stance may be not to raise race consciousness among so-called "whites," as scholars in Whiteness studies suggest, but to trouble the relation of the subject to the master signifier. One must throw into doubt the security and belief in one's identity, not promote more fulsome claims to such identity.
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2NC Turns Case

Their failure to interrogate Whiteness as master signifier turns the caseperpetuates a racist system Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 556)//LA
Guillaumin 's terms are useful not so much in distinguishing between premodern and contemporary notions of race, as she suggests, but rather in discerning the emergence of race through the self-splitting referred to earlier. Guillaumin 's failure to discern the notion of Whiteness as the organizing principle of Eurocentrism (as distinguished from "banal ethnocentrisms") enables her to exonerate both ethnocentrism and aristocratism as not "true racism." But proper attention to the crucial element of class at play in Whiteness reveals that it is not about aristocratism, but about "the people"the volk, with precisely the sense of its "own naturalness" that Guillaumin disavows as an element in autoreferential systems. I would also suggest that the altero-referential system does not so much displace but is founded on the auto-referential notion of Whiteness. Thus the discourse of race as we understand it today is an effect of that internal splitting that we identified earlier as the cause of race. The
structure of race is totalizing, and attempts to master and overcome all difference within its boundaries. The dichotomy of self and other is within Whiteness in the competition over who properly possesses Whiteness,
or sovereign humanness. H.F. K.Gunther's ( 1927) classification along physiognomic lines is a part of the logical nucleus of racial visibility grounded in "the narcissism of small differences" that grounds racial visibility. Thus in Gunther's classification, "other" European races such as the Mediterranean can carry the "Negro strain," or the Tartar may carry the "Asiatic." The
signifier Whiteness is about gaining a monopoly on the notion of humanness, and is not simply the displaceable or reversible pinnacle of the great chain of beingY However, one must not forget that as the unconscious principle or the master signifier of the symbolic ordering of race, Whiteness also makes possible difference and racial intersubjectivity. It orders, classifies, categorizes, demarcates and separates human beings on the basis of what is considered to be a natural and neutral epistemology. This knowledge is also the agency that produces and maintains differences through a series of socially instituted and legally enforced laws under the name of equality, multiculturalism, anti discrimination, etc. Anti-racist legislations and practices, in other words, work ultimately in the service of race , which is inherently, unambiguously, structurally supremacist. The structure of race is deeply fissured, and that is discernible in the constitutive tension, or contradiction between its need to establish absolute differences, and its illegal desire to assert sameness. In fact, race establishes and preserves difference for the ultimate goal of sameness, in order to reproduce the desire for Whiteness . As Foucault might have put it, race separates in order to master. However, unlike the technologies of power that Foucault so painstakingly detailed, the analysis of race cannot be exhausted through its historicization. Race produces unconscious effects, and as a hybrid structure located somewhere between essence and construct, it determines the destiny of human bodies. It is our ethical and political task to figure out how destiny comes to be inscribed as anatomy, when that anatomy does not exist as such.
Their analysis makes racial visibility an inevitable aspect of critiquemust endorse a Lacanian investigation Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 2830)//LA Subjective memory works like an automaton, marking and manipulating the subject even as it produces him or her in one's particularity. In relation to race, this model is again useful in catalyzing a major shift from essentialist, or even historicist notions of "racial memory," as hoary contents coded genetically, spiritu ally, discursively, culturally, in particular groups characterizing identity, to memory of race as contentless signifiers, a chain of difference reproduced mechanically by the function ing of language. How does such an understanding of the "memory" of
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race affect analysis? First, it must be acknowledged that the account I have given of "the subject of race" using Lacan's model of the symbolic is too deterministic . It is also incomplete. The subject is not simply the figure that emerges when all the dots are connected; the subject is also constituted or determined by the not fully inscribed page- the gaps in the chain that connect the pieces. This is a fundamental proposition in Lacan, and it is not the question of a shift in emphasis referred to earlier. What the unconscious also registers is the lack or the desire of the subject that can never be fully expressed in language. "The unconscious is, in the subject, a schism of the symbolic system, a limitation, an alienation induced by the symbolic system" (I: 196). This discovery of fundamental disjunction in the subject, that he/she merely marks a place between signifiers in a chain of signifiers, is the aim of analysis. The subject goes well
beyond what is experienced "subjectively" by the individual, exactly as far as the truth he is able to attain .... Yes, this truth of his history is not all contained in his script, and yet the place marked there by the painful shock he feels from knowing only his own lines, and not simply there, but also in pages whose disorder gives him little comfort. (E: 55) In the deployment of Lacan's theory of the subject of the symbolic to "the subject of race," it
is necessary to inquire what the subject of race desires. Also, what kind of access does race, as a chain of signifiers that determines the symbolic subject, have to "being," or that which is excluded by the chain? I will be suggesting that racial visibility is to be located precisely at this point of interrogation: it is the level at which race, or more properly its master signifier "Whiteness" aspires to being . The above questions suggest that the model of the subject as determined by a chain of signifiers is necessarily incomplete insofar as it cannot account for sexual difference or more properly for the body. More questions emerge: If the unconscious is
structured like a language, then how is the body constituted? If sexual difference is merely a question of the signifier, how do we account for the body's drives, or for sexuality that is often at odds with the logic of sexual difference? In relation to "race," to
stop with the account of the symbolic function of Whiteness would be too premature, for it does not address the issue of visibility, or the relation of the signifier to the visible body, which is, after all, the inaugural point of this inquiry. In order to take up in earnest the question of the body and of its constitution as raced, it is necessary to clarify the relation between the ego as body image and racial visibility. First, one must repudiate the notion that race is merely a process of specular identification, where a prediscursive and pre-raced entity assumes a racial identity on the basis of certain familial others whose image it identifies
with in a mirror relation. Such a notion is based on a simplified account of Lacan 's concept of the imaginary and the mirror stage. I undertake the following discussion of the imaginary for two reasons: to suggest that insofar
as the symbolic underwrites the imaginary, race must be understood as a symbolic phenomenon. It is a logic of difference inaugurated by a signifier, Whiteness, that is grounded in the unconscious structured like a language. This signifier subjects us all equally to its law regardless of our identities as "black," "white," etc. Racial visibility is a remainder of this symbolic system. Second, the process of becoming racially visible is not coterminous with the organization of the ego or the acquisition of the body image. In other words, the visibility of the body does not necessarily have to be a racial visibility. It is important that one disarticulate the two processes; otherwise racial visibility will seem to be an ontological necessity that is a universal verity of subjective existence as such.
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2NC Link (Whiteness)

Whiteness predetermines discussions of racial differencetheir normative approach will only retrench master signifiers Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 4445)//LA How does race articulate itself with sex? How does it produce extra-symbolic effects? I would suggest that race aims for the body in its otherness15 by disavowing its own historicity. For what the racial symbolic promises the subject is precisely access to being. Whiteness offers a totality, a fullness that masquerades as being. Thus for the raced subject, to encounter the historicity of Whiteness is particularly anxiety-producing. In other words, the cause of the raced subject is its own disavowed historicity. I refer not so much to the fact that race is historicizable (that it has at its origin some historical, cultural or social cause) but rather to the phenomenon of its historicity (which is the delimitation of race as a regulative norm at the expense of its natural universality) that radically exposes the subject to its own linguistic limit. To encounter one's subjectivity as an effect of language , and not as an enigma, is anxiety-producing not because one is reduced to a construct (what would that really mean experientially?) but because it implies the foreclosure of desire and the possibility of being. It is to discover that the law of racial difference is not attached to the Real . What the raced subject encounters, in a given moment of anxiety, is the law as purely symbolical. This is to confront the utter groundlessness of the law of racial difference, to discover that the question of one's being is not resolved by Whiteness, but that Whiteness is merely a signifier that masquerades as being and thereby blocks access to lack. To pose the question of being in relation to race is to face that there is not one. It is here that we must situate social and juridical laws against discrimination as well. Like the prohibition against miscegenation, our legal prohibitions, couched in the language of respect for difference, ultimately serve to protect the paradox of Whiteness. The paradox is that Whiteness attempts to signify the unsignifiable, i.e. humanness, in order to preserve our subjective investment in race. The Other of race, in short, is not lacking; there is no "hole" where being could be promising jouissance. All of race is expressed and captured by language.
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2NC Link (Topic)

The aff is the ultimate manifestation of Whiteness as Master Signifierthe impact is colonialism and violence on the colonially raced other Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 7982)//LA It is to Hannah Arendt ( 1973) that we owe the remarkable insight that the practice of imperialism entailed the development of two "devices"- race and bureaucracy. Arendt's great achievement is her delineation of the convergence of these two discourses, which she suggests were independently discovered, but begin to dovetail with the progress of domination. Arendt characterizes the discourse of race as "the emergency explanation of human beings whom no European or civilized man could understand, and whose humanity so frightened and humiliated the immigrants that they no longer cared to belong to the same human species" (Arendt 1973: 185). Bureaucracy, on the other hand, she suggests, was founded on "legend," the "quixotic" (21 0) notion of the white man's burden to slay the dragon of primitive superstition, which deteriorated rapidly into boyhood ideas of adventure as selfless service to the cause of Empire (209- 1 0). Arendt's analysis of bureaucracy is particularly illuminating for an understanding of the relationship of colonial discourse to the order of Whiteness (or race). Citing the influential colonial administrator Lord Cromer as a model of the colonial bureaucrat who articulated a " theory" of bureaucracy, Arendt argues that his gradual persuasion to the method of a "hybrid form of government" entailed the governance of subject territories through what he termed "personal influence," without accountability to a legal or political policy or treaty. Cromer's perspective, which was to prove definitive for colonial rule in general, recommended that the bureaucrat, who worked anonymously behind the scenes, be freed from any form of accountability to public institutions such as Parliament, the law courts or the press (21 4 ). Such a form of bureaucracy, Arendt suggests, through her reading of Cromer's letters and speeches, was the outcome of his realization of the essential contradiction of colonial rule, the impossibility of cultivating democracy , and in his own words, of governing "a people by a people-the people of India by the people of England" (cited in Arendt 1973:214). Thus the transformation of the administrator as (the great English) apostle of the rule of law to one who "no longer believed in the universal validity of law, but was convinced of his own innate capacity to rule and dominate" (221 ), meant that the surreptitious exertion of violence, termed "administrative massacres" (216) in lieu of the "civilizing mission," was now a "realistic" alternative for containing the natives. But such a subversive
efflorescence at the very heart of the great project of freeing the natives from the shackles of their "cruel superstitions" brought bureaucracy in opposition to the foundations of colonial law. It
is at this moment, of the loss of faith in the so-called English ideals of parliamentary democracy and rational government, that Arendt marks the convergence of the device of bureaucracy with the practices of race. This does not mean that she proposes adherence to English ideals as a norm from which colonial discourse has deviated. If anything, Arendt's thesis is that every discourse of progress always carries within it its own negation in the form of a "subterranean" current. In her preface to the first edition of The Origins of
Totalitarianism, she writes that her book assumes that progress and Doom are two sides of the same medal; that both are articles of superstition, not of faith ... The conviction that everything that happens on earth must be comprehensible to man can lead to interpreting history by commonplaces . . .. The subterranean stream of Western history has finally come to the surface and usurped the dignity of our tradition. This
is the reality in which we live. And this is why all efforts to escape from the grimness of the present into nostalgia for a still intact past, or into the anticipated oblivion of a better future, are in vain. (Arendt 1973: vii-ix) Arendt's analysis of the confluence of colonial bureaucracy and race enables us to discover the contradictions built into colonial discourse. It is these contrad ictions that Homi Bhabha ( 1994) elaborates as structural ambivalence- an ambivalence that splits the discourse between official claims to the rule of law as a rationalization of colonial power and its practical underside- that is the impossibility of "justice" in an inherently unstable and disoriented political situation. While Bhabha pinpoints this ambivalence under various terms- mimicry, sly civility and hybridity- what is significant is the fact that the contradiction within the order of race- as the institution of difference and the desire for sameness- is best discerned in the field of colonialism. As a concrete utilization of the logic of "race," colonial discourse, as the agency of a
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naming and an ordering of difference, inevitably produces, or more properly is founded upon, a residue, namely what Arendt terms bureaucracy, the material practice entailed by the "desire" of Whiteness for absolute mastery. But bureaucracy must not be understood as a simple and correctable error of colonial discourse; rather, it must be understood as the "symptom" of the inherently contradictory claims of the rhetoric of colonialism (the impossibility of the rule of law) engendered as it is by an impossible desire. Slavoj Zizek's formulation of the symptom is useful here; he suggests that it is in a given discourse "the
point of exception functioning as its internal negation" ( 1989:23). And basically, for the symptom to function as the necessary contradiction, the subject must have no knowledge of its logic. The
unconscious aspect of Whiteness guarantees just such a nonknowledge, while its illegal desire, articulated in the symptom of lawless bureaucracy in the scene of colonialism, supported by the latent equation of Whiteness with humanness, remains repressed and unacknowledged only to return in an uncanny encounter. My literary example in the last chapter, Conrad's "The secret
sharer" ( 1966), illustrated the fantasy of Whiteness fulfilling its promise and delivering a lethal enjoyment that logically and existentially would be impossible. Such an assertion then raises the question of that impossibility, how is it encountered, and with what consequences? What
does it mean for Whiteness as wholly symbolic or bound by language (in the sense that race is "successful" and is not missing a signifier) to fulfill or attempt to fulfill its promise as the master signifier? What is the consequence of its failing to do so because of its "success"? How does historicity expose the "success" of race? How does the anxiety that ensues at such exposure manifest itself? How can we map or discover such a successful failure? Since we are dealing here with the unconscious function of the signifier in the constitution of the subject of race, it is incumbent on us to turn to the formations of the unconscious,
i.e., dreams, parapraxes, slips of the tongue, jokes, etc. Jokes, and humor in general, are a particularly useful site for probing the working of the signifier, as they are less particularized than dreams and the lapses of speech, and since they can only be told in a public context, intersubjectivity is an indispensable element to them. Jokes need at least three people, and exploring this triangular relation in the context of colonialism may lead us to discern the anxious function of Whiteness. In the following I use George Orwell's anecdotes of his experience as a policeman in Burma and as a visitor in Morocco as texts of the failure of Whiteness. Orwell's pieces are particularly useful because in their attempt to be confessional, to speak the truth about difference and prejudice under the guise of a liberal faith in race, they display an anxiety that divulges all .
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Link XT/Answers
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Black Link
Identifying individuals as Black or White is not neutralits part of a system of racial biologism based on the Master Signifier Whiteness Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 141143)//LA Racial identity, too, I would like to suggest- i.e., words like black and white, when used as nounsworks like names.10 That is, they are rigid designators- they are signifiers that have no signified. They establish a reference, but deliver no connotations or meaning whatsoever. We can, of course, reasonably argue that race does not exist insofar as the identity of a person as "black" or "white" is contingent upon a cluster of concepts that are themselves too protean to be able to uphold anything like a necessary truth. We can cite historical evidence to show that groups that were once considered white are no longer classified as such for this or that reason, etc. But as my discussion in Chapter l specified, arguments leveled at race theory are highly ineffectual and possess insufficient explanatory power. Thus rather than lapse into the historicist argument, it may be more productive to view racial color designators as operating not unlike proper names. The proper name is neither wholly one's own (i.e., we are all named by others) nor is it meaningful. One inhabits the name as the reference of oneself, and as Kripke asserts, it bears no relation to a set of
properties that establish either its meaning or its reference: Nixon is Nixon, or as he says, quoting Bishop Butler, "everything is what it is and not another thing" (Kripke 1982:94). Is this not true for
"black" and "white"? If someone is designated as one or the other, there is a necessary truth to that designation, but does it mean? What would be the cluster of concepts that could establish such an identity? Even in identity statements such as "blacks are people of African descent" or "whites are people of European descent," though the predicates supposedly define and give the meaning of black and white, establishing the necessity of these concepts in every counter-factual situation will not be possible if only because national designations, and the notion of descent, are historically volatile and . 11 As Kripke says, it is not how the speaker thinks he got the reference, but the actual chain of communication, which is
relevant .... Obviously the name is passed on from link to link. But of course not every sort of causal chain reaching from me to a certain man will do for me to make a reference. There may be a causal chain from our use of the term "Santa Claus" to a certain historical saint, but still the children, when they use this, by this time probably do not refer to that saint. ... It seems to me wrong to think we give ourselves some properties which somehow qualitatively uniquely pick out an object and determine our reference in that manner. (Kripke 1982:93-4) If we substitute "black" or "white," etc. for Santa Claus in the above quotation, we discern two things immediately: first,
the paradigm of "black" as reaching back to "Africa," as Santa Claus could to a medieval saint, is the source of an insurmountable confusion in critical race theory. The idea that "black" means "people of African descent" leads into the thicket of debates about biological descent, which will inevitably run into the false contradiction between culture and biology. Second, we can now see that the notion of racial passing is nothing but an intervention into the passing of the name from link to link. Changing one's identity from black to white, or viceversa, means that one passes from one chain of communication to another. For instance,
when the "Ex-Colored Man" in James Weldon Johnson's Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man decides to pass from black to white, he does so by passing from one chain to another: "I finally made up my mind that I would neither disclaim the black race nor claim the white race; but that I would change my name, raise a mustache, and let the world take me for what it would" (Johnson 1995:90, emphasis added). In his last lecture,
Kripke himself suggests the possibility of "black" and "white" as rigid designators by advocating the view that terms for natural kinds are much closer to proper names than is ordinarily supposed ... Perhaps some "general" names ("foolish," "fat," "yellow") express properties. In a significant sense, such general names as "cow" and
"tiger" do not, unless being a cow counts trivially as a property. Certainly "cow" and "tiger" are not short for the conjunction of properties a dictionary would take to define them. (Kripke 1982: 127- 8) It should be noted that Kripke's use of "yellow" in the above quotation is a reference to color and not to a human race, which could not, according to the above logic, express properties. In
this context, we can understand the utterance "black is beautiful" not as an attempt at substituting a negative cluster of concepts with a positive one in order to reclaim the properties attached to "black" identity; rather, it is intelligible as an attempt to preserve the rigid designation of "black," by displacing its so-called
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properties onto black as a color, to mark its function as a general name, than as a property of group identity. We must ask what consequence race names as rigid designators have for the psychoanalytic examination of race identity. I suggest that insofar as race identity, unlike sexual identity, has no bearing on the real, such rigid designation is better understood not as an indication of the "failure" of the symbolic (a symptom that escapes meaning or the possibility of interpretation), which would be the Lacanian translation of rigid designation, but of its agency. Black and white and other racial signifiers do not fail to signify properties (as "the" woman does in her position as objet a or the symptom); they perform the only function they can: they designate rigidly this or that individual ("everything is what it is and not another thing"). Does this mean that race names as rigid designators cannot be translated into Lacanian terms, that they have no psychoanalytic valence? That race names are rigid designators is, first of all, a counterintuitive claim. If we consider how and why racial signifiers are used in everyday speech, we encounter not only the ideological production of specific racial content (usually referred to as stereotypes), but the fraught status of the racial referent as such. One points with a wordblack man, white woman- but this pointing cannot be "innocent" in the sense that it "merely" establishes reference as in: "no other than Nixon might have been Nixon" (Kripke 1982:48). The pointing in this case involves the whole regime of racial visibility which, as I have been delineating it, is founded on a certain anxiety. This relation between racial naming as meaning, or the description of properties, and racial naming as reference, or pure designation, is not one of misreading the logical functioning of names; rather, I suggest that racial naming as referring to properties (or the stereotype) acts as an envelope, a cover for the anxiety of racial reference which literally means nothing. (This is the very definition of the stereotype as a form of discourse that attempts to produce meaning where none is possible.) There is something anxiety-producing about the fullness of the signifier/referent relation that bypasses the signified, or the concept, that would properly produce meaning and thus desire.
Black=Linkit socially constructs race reps Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 155)//LA What kind of an identity statement is "Maggie is black"? I have cited Kripke's thesis regarding names as rigid designators, and we have extended that thesis to race designators such as "black" and "white" to suggest that these nouns also function as names, insofar as they merely determine reference without recourse to qualitative descriptions that may serve as criteria for identity. Like proper names, "black" and "white" have no meaning, and neither is their reference determined through a cluster of concepts such that they are true in all situations. Race identity, then, is not contingent; it is necessary, even "essential," insofar as it is a rigid designation without qualitative criteria that can be true in all situations. We have further extended the absence of the signified in this notion of the signifier to Lacan's notion of identity, particularly in relation to the place of "woman" in sexual difference, as something that exceeds the symbolic. If the signified is a symbolic construct, it is precisely in its absence or failure that identity is made possible. With reference to woman and sexual difference, this is the excluded possibility of jouissance, the lack in the Other, that determines the subject of desire as such. However, racial identity insofar as it is entirely symbolic has no bearing on the lack in the Other . Thus the absence of the signified here does not mean that the symbolic has failed; it is rather that it has succeeded too well . There is no question of mapping racial difference onto the graph of sexual difference. "Black," "white," etc. are rigid designators, and whatever qualities or signifieds we may attempt to attach to them will be determined by history . This does not mean that racial identity is contingent; it is so only if we think of identity in qualitative terms . And as Kripke says, everyone knows that there are contingent identities. Racial identity is necessary in that it rigidly designates a referent
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without need of qualitative properties. To return to the context of the story, what does it mean to say that Maggie is black?
What effect does it have, especially in relation to the fact that such reference is precisely refused, by the narrator, for Twyla and Roberta? I have suggested that one of the effects of such narrative reticence is to exemplify racial names as rigid designators without qualitative properties. Therefore trying to decode the narrative to read one of the other characters as black or white is to elide the fundamental proposition of the story: racial signifiers do not mean anything in the strong sense of having "no sense." Therefore, what is the effect of Roberta's fixing of Maggie as black, given that Twyla was unaware of Maggie's identity as black?
Their terminology PROVES the Kif language didnt shape identity they wouldnt use Black as a descriptive term Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 132133)//LA Using the racial signifier to designate a person ("the black guy over there") or appending it to a name ("so-and-so, the black poet") is a dominant mode of establishing identity, especially in the absence of visual evidence such as a photograph. However, it has of late become a questionable practice, at least in the news media, to cite someone's race when the story is apparently "neutral."' One may refer to a person's race only when the story warrants it. We have thus learnt to be uncomfortable in invoking racial identity unnecessarily, especially when recounting an unsavory narrative. Most polite and "sensitive" speakers prefer the ethnic or pseudo-technical term such as "African-American" or "Caucasian." This is perhaps because color identities aim at a descriptive accuracy that never finds their mark. Nevertheless, it is still fairly routine to use racial signifiers as a necessary means to establish identity. Personal ads that use abbreviations such
as SWF or DBM, or references to achievements such as "Arthur Ashe, the first black Wimbledon champion," seem to indicate that these signifiers are doing some work. But what do we know, really, when we learn that someone has been designated as the "first black" to win a tennis trophy, or when the "fit, dog lover" declares herself a SWF? Are "black" and "white" in these statements on par with "tennis champion" and "single, female, dog lover," or with Ashe and anonymous? In other words, are
"black" and "white" descriptions, or are they names? Are names descriptions? That is, of course, the more fundamental question. Actually, as descriptions, black and white do not say much about identity, though they do establish group and personal identifications of the subjects involved. It is customary in most cultural theory to distinguish between identity and identification as social and psychical phenomena respectively. In psychoanalysis, identification is the more privileged term and is elaborated as a set of finite or incomplete processes by which identity is constituted. Freud refers to identification in several related domains. In Group
Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, Freud proposes identification as "the earliest and original form of emotional tie" (Freud 1921 :39). The division in psychology between group formations and the constitution of the "individual" subject, he suggests, is artificial and untenable. For such an opposition to work, it would entail the irreducibility of a notion such as "social instinct," or "herd instinct," which Freud demonstrates can always be broken down to its individual libidinal origins. Thus,
even though identities such as racial, ethnic, national and cultural are primarily social or group phenomena, Freud suggests that their composition is derived from the modes of libidinal ties, or identifications, that subjects effect with certain objects that replace their ego ideals.2 Freud 's examples of such potentially lethal ties, or identifications, are of being in love and hypnosis, themes that Lacan
takes up in Seminar XI in relation to transference and the gaze as objet a. Elsewhere, Freud invokes the concept of identification in relation to objects of the drive, in mourning, in narcissism, in the formation of symptoms. Identification
is the key term in conversion hysteria and obsessional neurosis, and it is not a negligible term in his theory of other pathologies, including the perversions and psychoses.3 In all of these discussions, identity is contingent on the vagaries of unconscious identification and is not determined by either anatomy (biological differences) or destiny, as in one's birth.
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Race=Master Signifier
Whiteness is a master signifierthere is no referent by which we can understand racethis makes the 1ACs interrogation unproductive Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 1922)//LA
Racialist common sense asserts that race is a familial matter because we inherit our parents' physical features: little Koen looks different from Teun his twin brother. Thus the site where race as biological inheritance seems most insistent, and that which obsesses contemporary racialized societies, is visible difference. However insignificant it may be scientifically or philosophically, it seems to be of crucial significance psychically. This accounts for the bifurcation in the rhetoric of race between designations that are dependent upon a "theory"- philological, anthropological, or biological- of human difference such as Indo-European or Mongoloid, and the more commonplace designations of color, often correlated with cultures or nations (white, black, brown, red and yellow), which entirely flout "theory." What matters in racial practice today is visibility- the supposed evidence of the eyes- surface not depth.6 Racial practice is ultimately an aesthetic practice, and must be understood above all as a regime of looking. It is necessary to focus on the way we reproduce the visibility of race as our daily common sense, the means by which we "tell people apart," a logic that is best enshrined in the Canadian phrase "visible minorities." To focus on racial visibility is not to suggest that race refers to brute marks on the body that are legible transhistorically and transculturally. As a first step, we must acknowledge that nothing about the body, its functions, its marks, or its sensations can be expected to carry stable meanings across time or space. It is neither "essential," something pre-given in nature, nor is it purely "cultural," comparable to other marks of difference displayed through clothing by members of religious orders, or class differences asserted through symbols by the aristocracy, or the branding of slaves and convicts.7 Unlike these categories, race is a less determinate concept that invokes a system of classification according to "somatic/morphological criteria" which presumes that the bodily mark precedes the classification (Guillaumin 1995: 140). Though it is possible to retrace the genealogy of the visibility of race as manufactured out of purely contingent historical and material interests, these factors have only a partial explanatory power. While the visible references of race can realign visibility according to historical need , the fact of visibili ty itself remains constant. This intransigence is an outcome of the fact that the visible reference of race makes a claim to nature- it is about "telling," like "sex," who is this or that.8 Unlike other forms of socially constructed difference, such as class or ethnicity, "race," like sex, appears as a fundamental and normative factor of human embodiment, something that one inherently is from birth. Thus, despite historicist arguments about its social construction, which may or may not be valid, there is a powerful semblance of necessity built into race that makes it ultimately intractable to constructionist claims. "Race," because it calls upon kinship, functions with almost as powerful a sense of constraint as sex, that great category of human difference whose analysis, whether biological, psychical, or cultural, is inevitably relegated to or grounded in the domain of the family. But one must be cautious about analogizing race with sex, a temptation that would greatly simplify one's analysis. To assume such symmetry would be to risk eliding the particular mode of embodiment entailed by race that only psychoanalysis can properly reveal. It would also foreclose our attempts to grasp race in its historicity, and its protean capacity to
is no denying the fact that race is after all a historical invention, and that like most inventions it veils the artifice of its origins. But that in itself is not interesting, for as I have already suggested, uncovering "race's" genealogy is not to address racial practice. What is confounding about race is its successful grafting to nature. Thus we must ask how race appears as the logic of human difference itself. Why do we allocate difference along certain conventional lines of looking? How do we come to be racially embodied? What is the structure of racial difference, and what insights can psychoanalysis offer in the study of the raced subject? Argument I propose the following working definition: the structure of racial difference is founded on a master signifierWhiteness- that produces a logic of differential relations. Each term in the structure establishes its reference by referring back to the original signifier. The system of race as differences among black, brown, red, yellow, and white makes sense only in its unconscious reference to Whiteness, which subtends the binary opposition between "people of color" and "white." This inherently asymmetrical and hierarchical opposition remains unacknowledged due to the effect of difference engendered by this master signifier, which itself remains outside the play of signification even as it enables the system . 2 In order to understand how the signifier impacts the body, or how it institutes a regime of visibility, I will be interested in how race confronts its own historicity. The problem is not simply a question of race disavowing the conditions of its historical emergence, which then implies that our task is to expose that process. While such ideological critique is indispensable, it does not adequately account for the effects of nature that race produces. Rather than reduce race to the workings of power, I will focus on how race transmutes its historicity, its contingent foundations, into biological necessity. It is this process, a process that depends upon and exploits the structure of sexual difference, that one must
insert itself along with sex into the structure of the subject .
For there
grasp. 3 Lacan's theory of sexual difference as that which marks the breakdown of language, thereby indexing the subject of the unconscious as more than his/ her symbolic determination, provides the analytical tools by which we may discern the subject of race. Race depends upon the sexed subject for its effectivity; the indeterminacy of the sexed subject is the fulcrum around which race turns. The signifier Whiteness attempts to signify the sexed subject, which is the "more than symbolic" aspect of the subject. 4 We infer the audacious workings of the signifier from moments when such signifying ambition fails. By focusing on moments of racial anxiety, we can discern that such affect
is usually produced in relation to the subject's encounter with the historicity of Whiteness. The major consequence of such anxiety is the production of an object: the marks on the body that appear as prediscursive. Racial visibility, I contend, is related to an unconscious anxiety about the historicity of Whiteness. This anxiety is the inevitable result of being subjected to the fraudulent signifier (Whiteness) which promises everything while disavowing its symbolic origins. These relations among historicity,
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the signifier, and anxiety are not necessarily causal. A briefer statement of the argument of this book could be made as follows: Race
is a regime of visibility that secures our investment in racial identity. We make such an investment because the unconscious signifier Whiteness, which founds the logic of racial difference, promises wholeness. (This is what it means to desire Whiteness: not a desire to become Caucasian [!] but, to put it redundantly, it is an "insatiable desire" on the part of all raced subjects to overcome difference.) Whiteness attempts to signify being, or that aspect of the subject which escapes language. Obviously, such a project is impossible because Whiteness is a historical and cultural invention. However, what guarantees Whiteness its place as a master signifier is visual difference. The phenotype secures our belief in racial difference, thereby perpetuating our desire for Whiteness. We cannot reach an understanding of this all-important factor of racial visibility without clarifying the status of the signifier in the constitution of the subject. What is the relevance here of Lacan's axiom that the unconscious is structured like a language? Is he suggesting that the
signifier is the foundation of the subject? It is worthwhile to sort out this issue in the context of a discussion about race, as it will lead to an insight into the difference and implication of race and sex in terms of the body. Therefore, in the following, I take up the function of the signifier in the constitution of the subject as the subject of the unconscious, situate
Whiteness as the master signifier of racial difference, and then go on to pose the question of the relation between the signifier and the body, which is the proper site of our interrogation of racial visibility.
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AT: Historicity
The argument isnt that their analysis is wrong, but rather that its not productivebiologism is everpresent Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 1617)//LA While both Appiah and Goldberg offer persuasive analyses of the (academic) discourse of race, as representatives of what are now entrenched positions on the race term, they fail to confront the fact that racial practice is not fully covered by racial theory. There is a hiatus between racial theory and practice in that the two can function quite independently of each other. Thus to proceed as if an engagement with racial theory were to undermine the foundations of racial practice is to misrecognize the structure of the discourse of race. Etienne Balibar suggests that we regard "shifts in doctrine and language [in race theory] as relatively incidental
matters," given the fact that from the point of view of the victims of racist practice, "these justifications simply lead to the same old acts" (Bali bar 1991: 18). This does
not mean that race theory is irrelevant, or that we must focus entirely on racism and racist practice at the cost of ignoring its more institutionalized forms. Rather, as a first step, we must begin to recognize the double-edged aspect of the rhetoric of race, where so-called theory and practice do not always coincide to produce the effect of causality. The inadequacy of critical race theory with reference to practice is most evident in relation to cases such as that of little Koen, with which I began.
Interestingly, what is precisely at play in this case is nature and culture, or biology and the social problems of inclusion and exclusion that Appiah and Goldberg focus on respectively. For instance, given Appiah's view that race evaporates with the exposure of race's scientific or genetic fallibility, it is, interestingly enough, genetics itself which is at the heart of this little racial "mistake." In his argument with the DutchAfrican-American philosopher W.E.B.Du Bois, Appiah demonstrates that race
cannot be invoked, except through a specious use of genetics, to define the destiny of a so-called people, or to delineate group aspirations. However,
what Koen as a Dutch-Afro-Caribbean child seems to represent is precisely the relation between genes and destiny. At one level, we may say that at the age of eight months, he has already been disqualified to borrow at a bank. But more seriously, the irony of this particular case is that genetic theory here does not serve to discredit racial identity; rather, the DNA test establishes Koen as "black" boy (though born of a "white" mother). Admittedly, Koen's parents are not suggesting that Koen is inherently incapable of borrowing at a bank, and neither is the DNA test a verification of race as much as of paternity; identity
and destiny here are socially interpreted rather than genetically determined . However, the issue remains that destiny is not uncorrelated to genetics. And no amount of argumentation disarticulating the two will do away with the fact that because something is inherited as "race," your life is predetermined for you. As the Dutch parents testify, most of us continue to harbor deep-seated notions of racial inheritance, despite its scientific untenability simply due to genetic theory's claims to heritabilty as such. Some of us, as committed social constructionists, may perhaps
disclaim this notion because science tells us that the relation between genes and racial identity and destiny is not one of simple predication. DNA tests can establish parentage, but they cannot establish a trans-historical racial identity. Nevertheless, the DNA test in this case does determine Koen's racial identity (and his non-creditworthiness), though not directly. The relation between genes and identity/destiny is no longer one of predication but implication. The notion of race as genetic inheritance can continue to be entertained when mediated by kinship relations: Koen 's father is a "black man" from Aruba. It is a question, it seems of the signifier, of the Name of the Father, which imparts not only sexual and familial identity, but also racial. Thus the signifier establishes race at the same moment that genetics establishes kinship, and it is this synchrony that enables the simultaneous articulation of genes and identity/ destiny, though not causally. None of this alters the fact that the bottom line in both arguments, whether that of predication or articulation, is of genetic inheritance. Thus I would affirm Appiah 's argument that race is inextricably linked to inheritance. If we reduce the position of DuBois and that of Koen's father into simple propositions, we see their logical similarity: "Black people (because they are born 'black') have an inherently valuable message for the world" (as this message is a factor of their racial inheritance); and "Black people (because they are born 'black') will always be poor" (which is a factor of their social inheritance based on their racial identity). Both statements leave intact the implication of race as inheritance and destiny. However, my
skepticism is directed not at the contents of Appiah's argument but at its utility. Appiah's impulse to undermine race by interrogating its scientific grounds is academically valuable, but it does not address the way in which race recoups inheritance through other rhetorical means, such as articulation with kinship and recourse to visibility. It seems that, given the power of the notion of heritability as such, no amount of disputation with racial theory can dislodge the association one makes of race with inheritance. Race will continue to be articulated with kinship, with ethnicity, with culture, in ways that will require repeated purges of its claims to inheritance. Theoretical expurgations may be useful at
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one level, but they do not undercut the emotional force of an ethnos that race so effectively and resiliency enables. I argue that this effect is made possible primarily through race's ability to combine with narratives of the family and kinship in order to appear as a factor of inheritance. Race, then, derives its power not from socially constructed ideologies, but from the dynamic interplay between the family as a socially regulated institution, and biology as the site of essences and inheritances. In fact, the more one attempts to render race as merely a social construct, the more it contributes towards the naturalization of that construct.
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AT: Race=Biology/Appearance
Their understanding is historicistprevents productive critique Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 1216)//LA Most contemporary debates over the definition of cultural identities and psychical identifications, whether racial , ethnic or sexual, seem to lapse invariably into the opposition between biological essence and social construction. Where race is concerned, however, the opposition, when examined closely, is more over the terms of the debate- i.e. the deployment of the term " race" itself-than over ontological considerations. Few if any liberally inclined persons today will hold that "race," as it was theorized in the nineteenth century, as a concept referring to the aspirations and abilities of a homogeneous group, is an inherited biological essence. In fact, the scientific bases of race have been thoroughly discredited, as have the philosophical, to the point that race is now considered a "folk" belief.2 However, this has not meant the disappearance of race from science.3 It persists, for instance, in medical literature as a means to map the demography of diseases and symptoms. But, if one applies some pressure to the medical category of race, one discovers that it has none of the cultural valence associated with "race"; rather, it is a diffused concept that refers mostly to "human diversity" not group essence.4 Race is also frequently equated nowadays with the term "phenotype" as an acceptable term to denote what are supposedly "gross morphological differences," or (irrelevant visible marks of skin color, hair texture and bone structure. Nevertheless, despite (or perhaps
because of) the scientific evisceration of race as meaningful, and the narrowing of its reference to mere bodily signifiers with no signifieds, or meanings, race
has never been more reified as a factor of cultural identity. As a concept it is acknowledged to matter in ever more important ways as it continues to influence social legislation. In our unexamined effort to perpetuate race as meaningful , the debate over hereditary race has today been displaced onto questions of identity politics. Should the term race be conceived as a neutral concept designating "human diversity," which is therefore worth salvaging for its emancipatory power? Can or should race be separated from
its history of racist practice and doctrine? Can group identity organized along the lines of racial difference ever overcome the pernicious exclusivism endemic to the concept? Among the most vocal figures representing the two sides of this debate within the academy in the US today are Anthony Appiah and David Goldberg. According
to Appiah (1992), any invocation of racial identity, even
when it claims to be a "socio-historical" notion, and open to affiliations, etc., is always biologically grounded. In "Illusions of race" Appiah examines Du Bois' categorization of human races and his claim that the "Negro" race, "generally of common blood and language," has a special message for the world. Appiah
rightly characterizes Du Bois' supposedly culturalist definition of race as produced in and as a dialectical opposition that invariably relies on the scientific or biological view which it contests. Delving into contemporary biological literature on "race," Appiah further elucidates the speciousness of genetic
theories of racial difference.5 Separating the "visible morphological characteristics of skin, hair, and bone" ( 1992: 35) from inherited "characterological" traits supposedly coded in genes, Appiah is at pains to disarticulate appearance, conceived as pure contingency, from destinypathological or political. "The truth," Appiah concludes, is that there are no races: there is nothing in the world that can do all we ask race to do for us .... Talk of race is particularly distressing for those of us who take culture seriously. For, when race works- in places where "gross differences" of morphology are correlated with "subtle differences" of temperament, belief, and intention- it works as an attempt at metonym for culture, and it does so only at the price of biologizing what is culture, ideology. (Appiah 1992:45) Thus,
for Appiah, invocations of racial belonging, whether Anglo-Saxon or African, are always false if not dangerous, insofar as they are grounded in an implicit biologism that is scientifically untenable. But
Appiah's examination of the gene theory of races, to prove that so-called racial characteristics (such as aesthetics, aspirations, potentialities) are not heritable, overlooks an important point. Discrediting the scientific validity of race based on the relative invariability of genetic characteristics among so-called racial populations cannot in itself obliterate race or scientific interest in it. For as Colette Guillaumin suggests, scientific racial theory fixes on various localities of the body at different times, deploying signifiers that map the body according to convenience: "Rooted at first in the body or the blood, this ideology later shifted to the brain and nervous system, and has now taken refuge in the genetic and chromosome potential" (1995:63). And at present that too has given way after The Bell Curve (Herrnstein and Murray 1996) to the measurement of IQ. In other words, arguing
with science is only to displace race onto another locus of scientific investigation. Insofar as race is perpetuated as a meaningful category in our language, science will continue to furnish explanations of it. Arguing with race is at some level always a futile activity. As
Guillaumin says with regard to such exorcising gestures: "Negations are not recognized as such by our unconscious mental processes. From this
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point of view, a fact affirmed and a fact denied exist to exactly the same degree, and remain equally present in our affective and intellectual associative networks" ( 1995: 105). It is
precisely this unconscious resiliency of race that invites psychoanalytic exploration. For Goldberg ( 1993), on the other hand, race is not necessarily a biological phenomenon.
It is a virtually "empty concept" that articulates group identity for the sake of exclusion and inclusion and can overlap with any number of discourses on community, including ethnicity and nation. "Race has been able, in and through its intersections with other forms of group identity, to cover over the increasing anonymity of mass social relations in modernity" (1993:81 ). Thus Goldberg
insists that race must be grasped as a historically fluid concept that signifies differently according to the historical and material interests of the time. For him a key question is whether any generally abstract characterization approaching definition can
be given to the concept of race. It should be obvious from all I have said that race cannot be a static, fixed entity, indeed, is not an entity in any objective sense at all. I am tempted to say that race is whatever anyone in using that term or its cognates conceives of collective social relations. It is, in this sense, any group designation one ascribes of oneself as such (that is, as race, or under the sign) or which is so ascribed by others. Its meanings, as its forces, are always illocutionary. (ibid.) When using "race," Goldberg suggests, we must be clear about which signification we are employing. Quite predi ctably, Goldberg criticizes Appiah's view (that all references to race are always grounded in a covert biologism) as being too narrow and thus as overlooking race's productive aspect as a discourse of power (1993 :86). Classification, valuation, and ordering are processes central to racial creation and construction. The ordering at stake need not be hierarchical but must at least identify difference; and the valuation need not claim superiority, for all it must minimally sustain is a criterion of inclusion and exclusion. (1993:87) For
Goldberg, race can be logically separated from racism, that is, from its legacy of racist practice . He writes:
Race has been conceptually well-placed to characterize freedom's routes, to channel freedom's mobility, and so to thrive in this age of ambiguity, for as I have made clear it is by nature (insofar as it has one) a concept virtually vacuous in its own right. Its virtual conceptual emptiness allows it parasitically to map its signification of naturalized differences onto prevailing social views . .. to articulate and extend racialized exclusions . . .. This prevailing historical legacy of thinking racially does not necessitate that any conceptual use of or appeal to race to characterize social circumstance is inherently unjustifiable .... What distinguishes a racist from a non-racist appeal to the category of race is the use into which the categorization enters, the exclusions it sustains, prompts, promotes, and extends .... Though race has tended historically to define conditions of oppression, it could, under a culturalist interpretation . .. be the site of a counterassualt, a ground of field for launching liberatory projects or from which to expand freedom(s) and open up emancipatory spaces. (Goldberg 1993:210-ll) Goldberg's
insistence on the emptiness of the concept of race is at first glance refreshing, in that the vacuity seems to account for the inexhaustible capacity of race to reproduce itself. However, by suggesting that "race is whatever anyone in using that term or its cognates" means by it, and that it is any "group designation" ascribed by oneself or by others, he elevates the term to a universal generality that evacuates it of its linguistic specificity. His view that cognates of "race," for instance, mean the same thing as "race," completely elides the hegemony of linguistic categories. It renders languages wholly commensurate with one another, and hypostasizes race itself as a "natural" element of difference that languages name in various ways. Goldberg's overtly Foucauldian emphasis on the productivity of race may appear potentially useful. However, his focus on the socio-historical formation of "racialized discourse," which refers to race as "meaning different things at different times," combined with his inattention to the specificity of language, is problematic. It serves to undermine his project, which is to argue for the political nature of "race ." By universalizing race, Goldberg in effect conflates the Foucauldian notion of power itself with race as the effect and cause of discourse, thus making it impossible to pose the question of the historicity of "race." There is first the
sociolinguistic counterargument, also a historicist one, that we must take seriously. As Guillaumin and others have argued, the concept of race is specific to Europe and was invented in the late eighteenth to nineteenth century. Goldberg courts the danger of reifying race by universalizing it as the governing epistemological paradigm, when he ascribes racial thinking to groups that conceive their identities on the basis of other terminologies of difference (Guillaumin 1995:61). Moreover, by
separating race from racism and attempting to deliver it to a culturalist reinterpretation, Goldberg reproduces the very problems of biologism that Appiah critiques with reference to Du Bois. But even more importantly, by abstracting the concept from its historical or linguistic practice, Goldberg dislodges race from any mooring in history or language, thus rendering it, in effect, a catch-all term for difference as such. Why race should be salvaged as the
only term that can offer emancipatory possibilities despite its execrable history is never clear.
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AT: Whiteness is real

Whiteness is a system of ordering, not a description Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana, Boston College, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race, p. 97)//LA The issue here is not so much that of Orwell's identification with his own Whiteness. Such a reading would merely reproduce the colonialist presumption about "race." It is more interesting to note that Orwell is not speaking in terms of his belonging to Whiteness. Rather, underlying his more commonplace designation of white versus non-white people, he speaks of Whiteness not merely as a property of particular human beings, but as a technicality- that is, a system of ordering the world, a discourse of differences which institutes a regime of looking. Also, in "A hanging," Orwell is surprised by his own
responses when he recognizes the humanity of the emaciated native prisoner. Walking ahead on his way to the gallows, the man avoids a puddle, and Orwell is astonished by this simple human gesture in the face of death: "It is curious," he admits, "but till that moment I had never realised what it means to destroy a healthy, conscious man. When I saw the prisoner step aside to avoid the puddle, I saw the mystery, the unspeakable wrongness, of cutting a life short when it is in full tide. This man was not dying, he was alive just as we were alive" (1968a: 45). What Orwell articulates repeatedly in his brief essays about his tenure as a police officer in colonial Burma and his sojourn in Morocco is the uncanny surprise and shock at his own responses in discovering a shared humanity. Orwell's essays are not naive articulations about encountering the humanity of the "other," in which case the horror of difference (the fetishizing of hair, skin and bone) would have been the predictable response. Rather, the shock is in discovering that the continuity of humanness can be surprising, thus signalling the profound alienation or split within his own psyche between what he recognizes and what he knows. In other words, in
the extremity of the colonial context, Orwell seems to risk encountering the aspiration at the heart of the system of race, and that is founded on a core notion of wholeness (promised by the signifier "Whiteness") that mandates the very notion of humanness. In other words, what is uncanny for a subject such as Orwell is the discovery that at the core exists the untenable, unassimilable notion that the very assumption of a human subject position is to be implicated in a racial economy of meaning.
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*AFFPsychoanalysis
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Psychoanalysis=Bad
Psychoanalysis results in fatalism, passivity, and inaction Gordon 1 (Psychotherapist Paul, Psychoanalysis and Racism: The Politics of Defeat, Race Class 2001 42: 17)
The postmodernists' problem is that they cannot live with dis appointment. All the tragedies of the political project of
emancipation the evils of Stalinism in particular are seen as the inevitable product of men and women trying to create a better society. But, rather than engage in a critical assessment of how, for instance, radical political movements go wrong, they discard the emancipatory project and impulse itself . The postmodernists, as Sivanandan puts it, blame modernity for having failed them: `the intellectuals and academics have fled into discourse and deconstruction and representation -- as though to interpret the world is more important than to change it, as though changing the interpretation is all we could do in a changing world' . 58 To justify their ight from a politics holding out the prospect of radical change through self-activity, the disappointed intellectuals find abundant intellectual alibis for themselves in the very work they champion, including, in Cohen's case, psychoanalysis. What Marshall Berman says of Foucault seems true also of psychoanalysis; that it offers à world-historical alibi' for the passivity and helplessness felt by many in the 1970s, and that it has nothing but contempt for those naive enough to imagine that it might be possible for modern human kind to be free. At every turn for such theorists, as Berman argues, whether in sexuality, politics, even our imagination, we are nothing but prisoners: there is no freedom in Foucault's world, because his
language forms a seamless web, a cage far more airtight than anything Weber ever dreamed of, into which no life can break . . . There is no point in trying to resist the oppressions and injustices of modern life, since even our dreams of freedom only add more links to our chains; how ever, once we grasp the futility of it all, at least we can relax. 59 Cohen's political defeatism and his conviction in the explanatory power of his new faith of psychoanalysis lead him to be contemptuous and dismissive of any attempt at political solidarity or collective action. For him, `communities' are always ìmagined', which, in his view, means based on fantasy, while different forms of working-class organisation, from the craft fraternity to the revolutionary group, are dismissed as `fantasies of self-sufcient combination'. 60 In this scenario, the idea that people might come together, think together, analyse together and act together as rational beings is impossible. The idea of a genuine community of equals becomes a pure fantasy, a `symbolic retrieval' of something that never existed in the rst place: `Community is a magical device for conjuring something apparently solidary out of the thin air of modern times, a mechanism of reenchantment.' As for history, it is always false, since `We are always dealing with invented traditions.' 61 Now, this is not only non sense, but dangerous nonsense at that. Is history àlways false'? Did the Judeocide happen or did it not? And did not some people even try to resist it? Did slavery exist or did it not, and did not people resist that too and, ultimately, bring it to an end? And are communities always ìmagined'? Or, as Sivanandan states, are they beaten out on the smithy of a people's collective struggle? Furthermore, all attempts to legislate against ideology are bound to fail because they have to adopt `technologies of surveillance and control identical to those used by the state'. Note here the Foucauldian language to set up the notion that all `surveillance' is bad. But is it? No society can function without surveillance of some kind. The point, surely, is that there should be a public conversation about such moves and that those responsible for implementing them be at all times accountable. To equate, as Cohen does, a council poster about `Stamping out racism' with Orwell's horrendous prophecy in 1984 of a boot stamping on a human face is ludicrous and insulting. (Orwell's image was intensely personal and destructive; the other is about the need to challenge not individuals, but a collective evil.) Cohen reveals himself to be deeply ambivalent about punitive action against racists, as though punishment or other rm action against them (or anyone else transgressing agreed social or legal norms) precluded ùnderstand ing' or even help through psychotherapy. It is indeed a strange kind of ànti-racism' that portrays active racists as the `victims', those who are in need of `help'. But this is where Cohen's argument ends up. In their move from politics to the academy and the world of `discourse', the postmodernists may have simply exchanged one grand narrative, historical
materialism, for another, psychoanalysis. 62 For psychoanalysis is a grand narrative, par excellence. It is a theory that seeks to account for the world and which recognises few limits on its explanatory potential. And the claimed radicalism of psycho analysis, in the hands of the postmodernists at least, is not a radicalism at all but a prescription for a politics of quietism, fatalism and defeat. Those wanting to change the world, not just to interpret it, need to look elsewhere.
Psychoanalysis only explains individual decisionsnot applicable to social experiences Gordon 1 (Psychotherapist, Paul, Psychoanalysis and Racism: The Politics of Defeat, Race Class 2001 42: 17)
The problem with the application of psychoanalysis to social institu tions is that there can be no testing of the claims made. If someone says, for instance, that nationalism is a form of looking for and seeking to replace the body of the mother one has lost, or that the popular appeal of a particular kind of story echoes the pattern of our earliest relationship to the maternal breast, how can this be proved? The
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pioneers of psychoanalysis, from Freud onwards, all derived their ideas in the context of their work with individual patients and their ideas can be examined in the everyday laboratory of the therapeutic encounter where the validity of an interpretation, for example, is a matter for dialogue between therapist and patient. Outside of the con sulting room, there can be no such verification process, and the further one moves from the individual patient, the less purchase psycho analytic ideas can have. Outside the therapeutic encounter, anything and everything can be true, psychoanalytically speaking. But if every thing is true, then nothing can be false and therefore nothing can be true.
Zero truth value to psychoanalysis cant make truth claims, encourages infinite regress and transforms even the clearest components of reality into a poetic phantasmagoria
Perpich 5 (Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt, Diane, Figurative Language and the "Face" in
Levinas's Philosophy, Philosophy & Rhetoric, Vol. 38, No. 2, p. 103-121)
Levinas's hesitations about the value of psychoanalysisindeed, what might be called his allergic reactions to psychoanalysisare similarly based. Psychoanalysis, he writes, "casts a basic suspicion on the most unimpeachable testimony of self-
consciousness" (1987b, 32). Psychological states in which the ego seems to have a "clear and distinct" grasp of itself are reread by
psychoanalysis as symbols for a "reality that is totally inaccessible" to the self and that is the expression of "a social reality or a historical influence totally distinct from its [the ego's] own intention" (34). Moreover, all of the ego's protests against the interpretations
of analysis are themselves subject to further analysis, leaving no point exterior to the analysis: "I am as it were shut up in my own portrait" (35). Psychoanalysis threatens an infinite regress of meaning, a recursive process that leads from one symbol to another, from one symptom to another with no end in sight and no way to break into or out of the chain of signifiers in the name of a signified. "The real world is transformed into a poetic world, that is, into a world without beginning in which one thinks without knowing what one [End Page 111] thinks" (35). Put less poetically, Levinas's worry is that psychoanalysis furnishes us with no fixed point or firm footing from which to launch a critique and to break with social and historical determinations of the psyche in order to judge society and history and to call both to account. Indeed, his uncharacteristic allusion to "clear and distinct" ideas betrays his
intention: to seek, against both religious and psychoanalytic participations, for a relationship in which the ego is an "absolute," "irreducible" singularity, within a totality but still separate from it, that is, still capable of a relation with exteriority. To seek such a relation is, Levinas says, "to ask whether a living man [sic] does not have the power to judge the history in which he is engaged, that is, whether the thinker as an ego, over and beyond all that he does with what he possesses, creates and leaves, does not have the substance of a cynic" (35). The naked being who confronts me with his or her alterity, the naked being that I am myself and whose being "counts as such" is now naked not with an erotic nudity but with the nudity of a cynic who has thrown off the cloak of culture in order to present him- or herself directly and "in person" through "this chaste bit of skin with brow, nose, eyes, and mouth" (41). Levinas picks up the thread of this worry about psychoanalysis in "Ethics and Discourse," the main section of "The Ego and the Totality." To affirm humankind as a power to judge history, he claims, is to affirm rationalism and to reject "the merely poetic thought which thinks without knowing what it things, or thinks as one dreams" (40). The impetus for psychoanalysis is philosophical, Levinas admits; that is, it shares initially in this affirmation of rationalism insofar as it affirms the need for reflection and for going "underneath" or getting behind unreflected consciousness and thought. However, if its impetus is philosophical, its issue is not insofar as the tools that it uses
for reflection turn out to be "some fundamental, but elementary, fables . . . which, incomprehensibly, would alone be unequivocal, alone not translate (or mask or symbolize) a reality more profound than themselves " (40). Psychoanalysis returns one, then, to the irrationalism of myth and poetry rather than liberating one from them. It resubmerges one within the cultural and historical ethos and mythos in a way that seems to Levinas to permit no end to interpretation and thus no power to judge. He imagines psychoanalysis as a swirling phantasmagoria in which language is all dissimulation and deception. "One can find one's bearings in all this phantasmagoria, one can inaugurate the work of criticism only if one can begin with a fixed point. The fixed point cannot be some incontestable truth, a 'certain' statement that would always be subject [End Page 112] to psychoanalysis; it can only be the absolute status of an
interlocutor, a being, and not a truth about beings" (41). In this last claim, the fate of Heideggerian fundamental ontology that is an understanding of Being rather than a relation to beings (or to a being, a face) is hitched to the fate of psychoanalysis and both linked to participation, the "nocturnal chaos" that threatens to drown the ego in the totality.
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Psychoanalysis=Bad Policy
Psychoanalytic affirmation does not spill over to government policy Rosen-Carole 10 (Professor of Philosophy @ Bard, Adam Rosen-Carole 10, Visiting Professor of Philosophy at Bard College, 2010, Menu Cards in Time of Famine: On Psychoanalysis and Politics, Psychoanalytic Quarterly, Vol. LXXIX, No. 1, p. 205-207)
On the other hand, though in these ways and many others, psychoanalysis seems to promote the sorts of subjective
dispositions and habits requisite for a thriving democracy, and though in a variety of ways psychoanalysis contributes to personal
emancipation say, by releasing individuals from self-defeating, damaging, or petrified forms action and reaction, object attachment, and the likein light of the very uniqueness of what it has to offer, one cannot but wonder: to what extent, if at all, can the habits
and dispositionsbroadly, the forms of lifecultivated by psychoanalytic practice survive, let alone flourish, under modern social and political conditions? If the emancipatory inclinations and democratic virtues that psychoanalytic practice
promotes are systematically crushed or at least regularly unsupported by the world in which they would be realized, then isnt psychoanalysis implicitly making promises it cannot redeem? Might not massive social and political transformations be the condition for the efficacious practice of psychoanalysis? And so, under current conditions, can we avoid experiencing the forms of life nascently cultivated by psychoanalytic practice as something of a tease, or even a source of deep frustration? (2) Concerning psychoanalysis as a politically inclined theoretical enterprise, the worry is whether political diagnoses and proposals that proceed on the
basis of psychoanalytic insights and forms of attention partake of a fantasy of interpretive efficacy (all the
worlds a couch, you might say), wherein our profound alienation from the conditions for robust political agency are registered and repudiated? Consider, for example, Freud and Bullitts (1967) assessment of the psychosexual determinants of Woodrow Wilsons political aspirations and impediments, or Reichs (1972) suggestion that Marxism should appeal to psychoanalysis in order to illuminate and redress neurotic phenomena that generate disturbances in working capacity, especially as this concerns religion and bourgeois sexual ideology. Also relevant are Freuds, ieks (1993, 2004), Derridas (2002) and others insistence that we draw the juridical and
political consequences of the hypothesis of an irreducible death drive , as well as Marcuses (1970) proposal that we
attend to the weakening of Eros and the growth of aggression that results from the coercive enforcement of the reality principle upon the sociopolitically weakened ego, and especially to the channeling of this aggression into hatred of enemies. Reich (1972) and Fromm (1932) suggest that psychoanalysis be employed to explore the motivations to political irrationality, especially that singular irrationality of joining the national-socialist movement, while Irigaray (1985) diagnoses the desire for the Same, the One, the Phallus as a desire for a sociosymbolic order that assures masculine dominance. iek (2004) contends that only a psychoanalytic exposition of the disavowed beliefs and suppositions of the United States political elite can get at the fundamental determinants of
the Iraq War. Rose (1993) argues that it was the paranoiac paradox of sensing both that there is every reason to be frightened and that
everything is under control that allowed Thatcher to make this paradox the basis of political identity so that subjects could take pleasure in violence as force and legitimacy while always locating real violence somewhere elseillegitimate violence and illicitness increasingly made subject to the law (p. 64). Stavrakakis (1999) advocates that we recognize and traverse the residues of utopian fantasy in our contemporary political imagination.1 Might not the psychoanalytic interpretation of powerful figures (Bush, Bin Laden, or whomever), collective subjects (nations, ethnic groups, and so forth), or urgent political situations register an anxiety regarding political impotence or castration that is pacified and modified by the fantasmatic frame wherein the psychoanalytically inclined political theorist situates himor herself as diagnosing or interpretively intervening in the lives of political figures, collective political subjects, or complex political situations with the idealized efficacy of a successful clinical intervention? If so, then the question is: are the contributions of psychoanalytically inclined political theory anything more than tantalizing menu cards for meals it cannot deliver? As I said, the worry is
twofold. These are two folds of a related problem, which is this: might the very seductiveness of psychoanalytic theory and practicespecifically, the seductiveness of its political promiseregister the lasting eclipse of the political and the objectivity of the social, respectively? In other words, might not everything that makes psychoanalytic theory and practice so politically attractive indicate precisely the necessity of wide-ranging social/institutional transformations that far exceed the powers of psychoanalysis? And so, might not the politically
salient transformations of subjectivity to which psychoanalysis can contribute overburden subjectivity as the site of political transformation, blinding us to the necessity of largescale institutional reforms? Indeed, might not massive institutional transformations be necessary conditions for the efficacy of psychoanalytic practice, both personally and politically? Further, might not the so-called interventions and proposals of psychoanalytically inclined political theory similarly sidestep the question of the institutional transformations necessary for their realization, and so conspire with our blindness to the enormous institutional impediments to a progressive political future? The idea, then, is to use the limits of psychoanalytic practice and psychoanalytically inclined political theory as a form of social diagnosis. I want to read the limits of psychoanalytically inclined political theory for what they can tell us about the lasting eclipse of the political, and so, inversely, for what they can tell us about what a viable political culture requires, just as I want to read the
limits of the political efficacy of psychoanalytic practice for what they can tell us about what would be required for their successful realization .2
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Attaching the plan to psychoanalytic prescriptions is particularly dangerous Rosen-Carole 10 (Professor of Philosophy @ Bard, Adam Rosen-Carole 10, Visiting Professor of Philosophy at Bard College, 2010, Menu Cards in Time of Famine: On Psychoanalysis and Politics, Psychoanalytic Quarterly, Vol. LXXIX, No. 1, p. 226-229)
The second approach to the problem has to do with psychoanalytic contributions to political theory that avoid Freuds methodological individualism, but nevertheless run into the same problem. An expanding trend in social criticism involves a tendency to discuss the death or aggressive drives, fantasy formations, traumas, projective identifications, defensive repudiations, and other such psychic phenomena of collective subjects as if such subjects were ontologically discrete and determinate. Take the following passage from iek (1993) as symptomatic of the trend I have in mind: In Eastern Europe, the West seeks for its own lost origins, its own lost original experience of democratic invention. In other words, Eastern Europe functions for the West as its Ego-Ideal (Ich-Ideal): the point from which [the] West sees itself
in a likable, idealized form, as worthy of love. The real object of fascination for the West is thus the gaze, namely the supposedly naive gaze by means of which Eastern Europe stares back at the West, fascinated by its democracy. [p. 201, italics in original] Also, we might think
here of the innumerable discussions of Americas death drive as propelling the recent invasions in the Middle East, or of the ways in which the motivation for the Persian Gulf Wars of the 1990s was a collective attempt to kick the Vietnam
War Syndrome that is, to solidify a national sense of power and prominence in the recognitive regard of the international community or of the psychoanalytic speculations concerning the psychodynamics of various nations involved in the Cold War (here, of course, I have in mind Segals *1997+ work), or of the collective racist fantasies and paranoiac traits that organize various nation-
statess domestic and foreign policies.7 Here are some further examples from iek, who, as a result of his popularity, might be said
to function as a barometer of incipient trends: What is therefore at stake in ethnic tensions is always the possession of the national Thing. We always impute to the other *ethnic group, race, nation, etc.] an excessive enjoyment: he wants to steal our enjoyment (by ruining our way of life) and/or he has access to some secret, perverse enjoyment. [1993, pp. 202-203+ Beneath the derision for the new Eastern European post- Communist states, it is easy to discern the contours of the wounded narcissism of the European great nations. *2004, p. 27, italics added+ There is in fact something of a neurotic symptom in the Middle Eastern conflicteveryone recognizes the way to get rid of the obstacle, yet nonetheless, no one wants to remove it, as if there is some kind of pathological libidinal profit gained by persisting in the deadlock. *2004, p. 39, italics added+ If there was ever a passionate attachment to the lost object, a refusal to come to terms with its loss, it is the Jewish attachment to their land and Jerusalem . . . . When the Jews lost their land and elevated it into the mythical lost object, Jerusalem became much more than a piece of land . . . . It becomes the stand-in for . . . all that we miss in our earthly lives. [2004, p. 41] Rather than explore collective subjects through analyses of their individual members, this type of psychoanalytically inclined
engagement with politics treats a collective subject (a nation, a region, an ethnic group, etc.) as if it were simply amenable to explanation, and perhaps even to intervention, in a manner identical to an individual psyche in a therapeutic context. But if the transpositions of psychoanalytic concepts into political theory are epistemically questionable, as I believe they are,8 the question is: why are they so prevalent? Perhaps the psychoanalytic interpretation of collective
subjects (nations, regions, etc.), or even the psychoanalytic interpretation of powerful political figures, registers a certain anxiety regarding political impotence and provokes a fantasy that, to an extent, pacifies and modifiesdefends againstthat anxiety. Perhaps such
engagements, which are increasingly prevalent in these days of excruciating political alienation, operate within a fantasmatic frame wherein the anxiety of political exclusion and castrationthat is, anxieties pertaining to a sense of oneself as politically inefficacious, a non-agent in most relevant sensesis both registered and mitigated by the fantasmatic satisfaction of imagining oneself interpretively intervening in the lives of political figures or collective political subjects with the efficacy of a clinically successful psychoanalytic interpretation . To risk a
hypothesis: as alienation from political efficacy increases and becomes more palpable, as our sense of ourselves as political agents diminishes, fantasies of interpretive intervention abound. Within such fantasy frames, one approaches a powerful
political figure (or collective subject) as if s/he were on the couch, open and amenable to ones interpretation . 9
One approaches such a powerful political figure or ethnic group or nation as if s/he (or it) desired ones interpretations and acknowledged her/his suffering, at least implicitly, by her/his very involvement in the scene of analysis. Or if such fantasies also provide for the
satisfaction of sadistic desires provoked by political frustration and castration (a sense of oneself as politically voiceless, moot, uninvolved, irrelevant), as they very well might, then ones place within the fantasy might be that of the all powerful analyst, the sujet suppos savoir, the analyst presumptively in control of her-/himself and her/his emotions, etc. Here the analyst becomes the one who directs and organizes the analytic encounter, who commands psychoanalytic knowledge, who knows the analysand inside and out, to whom the analysand must speak, upon whom the analysand depends, who is in
a position of having something to offer, whose adviceeven if not directly heededcannot but make some sort of impact, and in the face of whom the analysand is quite vulnerable, who is thus powerful, in control . . . perhaps the very figure whom the psychoanalytically inclined interpreter fears. Minimally, what I want to underscore here is that (1) a sense of political alienation may be
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registered and fantasmatically mitigated by treating political subjects , individual or collective, as if they were on the couch; and (2) expectations concerning the expository and therapeutic efficacy of psychoanalytic interpretations of political subjects may be conditioned by such a fantasy .
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Loren and Metelmann
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Wilderson Link
Their conceptualization of race and racism links to this argument. Wilerson 10 (Frank B., Their Author, Red, White & Black: Cinema and the Structure of US Antagonisms, Duke U Press, p. 101-104)//LA Jacques Lacan and Frantz Fanon grappled with the question what does it mean to be free? and its corollary what does it mean to suffer? at the same moment in history. To say that they both appeared at the same time is to say that they
both have, as their intellectual condition of possibility, Frances brutal occupation of Algeria. It is not my intention to dwell on Lacans lack of political activism or to roll out Fanons revolutionary war record. My
intention is to interrogate the breadth of full speechs descriptive universality and the depth of its prescriptive cureto interrogate its foundation
by staging an encounter between, on the one hand, Lacan and his interlocutors and, on the other hand, Fanon and his interlocutors. To this end alone do I note the two mens relation to French colonialism, as the force of that relation is felt in their texts. Frantz Fanons psychoanalytic description of Black neurosis, hallucinatory
whitening, and his prescriptions for a cure, decolonization and the end of the world (BSWM 96) resonate with Lacans categories of empty speech and full speech. There is a monumental disavowal of emptiness involved in hallucinatory whitening, and disorder and death certainly characterize decolonization. For Fanon the trauma of Blackness lies in its absolute Otherness in relation to Whites. That is, White people make Black people by recognizing only their skin color. Fanons
Black patient is overwhelmed...by the wish to be white (BSWM 100). But unlike Lacans diagnosis of the analysand, Fanon makes a direct and self-conscious connection between his patients hallucinatory whitening and the stability of White society. If Fanons texts ratchet violently and unpredictably between the body of the subject and the body of the socius, it is because Fanon understands that outside *his+ psychoanalytic office, [he must] incorporate [his+ conclusions into the context of the world. The room is too small to contain the encounter. As a psychoanalyst, I should help my patient to become conscious of his unconscious and abandon his attempts at a hallucinatory whitening...
Here we have a dismantling of all the fantasms that constitute the patients ego and which s/he projects onto the analyst that resonates with the process of attaining what Lacan calls full speech. But Fanon takes this a step further, for not only does he want the analysand to surrender to the void of language, but also to act in the direction of a change...with respect to the real source of the conflict that is, toward the social structures (BSWM 100). As a psychoanalyst, Fanon does not dispute Lacans claim that suffering and freedom are produced and attained, respectively, in the realm of Symbolic; but this, for Fanon, is only half of the modality of existence. The other half of suffering and freedom is violence. By the time Fanon has woven the description of his patients condition (i.e., his own life as a Black doctor in France) into the prescription of a cure (his commitment to armed struggle in Algeria), he has extended the logic of disorder and death from the Symbolic into the Real. Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder...[I]t is the meeting of two forces, opposed to each other by their very nature...Their first encounter was marked by violence and
their existence together...was carried on by dint of a great array of bayonets and cannons...[T]his narrow world, strewn with prohibitions, can only be called in question by absolute violence. (The Wretched of the Earth 36-37) This is because the structural,
or absolute, violence or what Loic Wacquant calls the carceral continuum, is not a Black experience but a condition of Black life. It remains constant, paradigmatically, despite changes in its performance over time slave ship, Middle Passage, slave estate, Jim Crow, the ghetto, the prison industrial complex.xxviii There is an uncanny connection between Fanons absolute violence and Lacans Real. Thus, by extension, the grammar of suffering of the Black itself is on the level of the Real.
coherence and stability. He also raises In this emblematic passage, Fanon does for violence what Lacan does for alienation: namely, he removes the negative stigma such a term would otherwise incur in the hands of theorists and practitioners who seek
within Lacans schema of suffering and freedom a contradiction between the idea of universal un-raced contemporaries and two forces opposed to each other, whose first encounter and existence together is marked by violence. In short, he divides the world not between cured contemporaries and uncured contemporaries, but between contemporaries of all sorts and slaves. He lays the groundwork for a theory of antagonism over and above a theory of conflict. If Lacans full speech is not, in essence, a cure but a process promoting psychic disorder, through which the subject comes to know her/himself, not as a stable relation to a true selfthe Imaginarybut as a void constituted only by
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language, a becoming toward death in relation to the Otherthe Symbolicthen we will see how this symbolic self-cancellation (Silverman, Male Subjectivity...63-65, 126-128) is possible only when the subject and his contemporaries (Lacan, Ecrits 47) are White or Human.xxix The process of full speech rests on a tremendous disavowal which re-monumentalizes the (White) ego because it sutures, rather than cancels, formal stagnation by fortifying and extending the interlocutory life of intra-Human discussions. I am arguing that (1) civil society, the terrain upon which the
analysand performs full speech, is always already a formally stagnated monument; and (2) the process by which full speech is performed brokers simultaneously two relations for the analysand, one new and one old, respectively. The
process by which full speech is performed brokers a (new) deconstructive relationship between the analysand and his/her formal stagnation within civil society and a (pre-existing or) reconstructive relationship between the analysand and the formal stagnation that constitutes civil society. Whereas Lacan was aware of how language precedes and exceeds us (Silverman 2000: 157), he did not have Fanons awareness of how violence also precedes and exceeds Blacks. An awareness of this would have disturbed the coherence of the taxonomy implied by the personal pronoun us. The trajectory of Lacans full speech therefore is only able to make sense of violence as contingent phenomena, the effects of transgressions (acts of rebellion or refusal) within a Symbolic Order. Here, violence, at least in the first instance, is neither sense-less (gratuitous) nor is it a matrix of human (im)possibility: it is what happens after some form of breach occurs in the realm of signification. That is to say, it is contingent.
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Impact/Alt Cards
The 1A/NC posits racism as the Lacanian Realthis is backwards and makes racism an inevitability only shifting our conceptualization to place RACE in the realm of the Real and RACISM in that of representation can solve Loren and Metelmann 11 (Scott and Jrg, University of St. Gallen, Whats the Matter: Race as Res, Journal of Visual Culture, 10(3), p. 397-405)//LA As such, race might be thought of as having a relay function. It is a medium , so to speak, through which meaning and relations native to various social spaces are given utterance, visualized, imagined and imaged, and thereby negotiated. As a medium, race performs the functions of vision and division. It gives form to perception and does so through differentiation. Race might thus be thought of as a conceptual icon, an image of the mind. Thought of within the framework of visual culture, one might claim that according to Mitchells argument, race performs the work of a visual medium in so far as ideas and perceptions are not merely given form through the visual, but are themselves formed through the visual. This is visualization as the sorting and mapping of social reality, making visualization through race an essentially political act. In order to
properly classify and understand race as a conceptual icon with a politico-structural function, Mitchell proposes an inversion of the usual grammar of race as it has been mapped onto Lacans ontological registers of the real, the imaginary and the symbolic. How is this done? First, Mitchell alters Lacans triadic syntax by extending a fourth axis upward, above and between the symbolic and the imaginary in order to indicate that this is the space of representation (Figures 2 and 3). Below the symbolic and the imaginary is the location of the real, of nonrepresentation, of dumb, pre-symbolic material, the Kantian Ding an sich. Mitchells
argument assumes that the real is the locus race has previously been linked to. He claims, though, that if race is a medium, a location for the generation and transfer of meaning, then it must be moved away from the mute material of pre-symbolic nature, of the real, into the realm of representation. Accordingly, what we need to reconceptualize in its place is racism. Thus, an inversion calls for moving race to the location of representation and racism to the location of the real, implying that race would have previously been associated with the real and racism with representation. Incredibly stubborn, engendering trauma, an enduring thing in need of (the right kind of) mediation, some of racisms characteristics lend themselves to association with the Lacanian real. Race, on the other hand, is the iconic location where the mediation necessary for sense-making takes place. The intentions motivating this inversion of grammar is one we support: at first sight it appears without a doubt preferable not to have racism as that which mediates race. We have seen too much of race projected through the lens of racism. Nevertheless, placing racism at the locus of the Lacanian real gives way to a variety of complications. Though it is important to iterate that traumatic encounters with the real can very well be generated through racism (racist acts of physical or political violence, for example), placing racism per se within the register of the Lacanian real is an impossibility. Thought alongside Linda Williams work on race, such an
inversion also runs the risk of falling into the melodramatic trap of classifying through Manichaean binaries. There are more effective ways to stress the signifying magnitude of race as a medium and to theorize the tenacious and socially traumatic potential of racism through Lacanian theory. First, we would like to propose that Mitchells own argument
can only be fortified by not inverting races grammar mapped onto the Lacanian registers, but by aligning race with the mute material of the real and locating racism within representation, albeit a very particular type of representation. In order to do so without compromising the useful notion of race as a medium, we need to distinguish between two separate racial orders: race in its mute material form and race in its meaning-making, socially significant (in all possible senses) capacity. Race as the Lacanian real does not signify anything. It might be thought of as the presymbolic material of bodily fluids, flesh and bone, of genetic coding, but certainly not as history, genealogy, culture, etc. Strictly speaking, this is race as a non-ontology, or rather as ontos (of being) without logos (speech, discourse, representation). Against the tendency of putting race in scare quotes because of a lack of consensus on what the term signifies, it is this first order of race in its mute material capacity that we might leave in scare quotes precisely because of its connection to the real. If we are to maintain theoretical rigor regarding the Lacanian register of the real, we should claim that there is no race. Race is a lack around which various discourses are constructed. As such, racism must
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continue to be thought of as one possible attempt at articulating this lack. There is nothing mute nor material about racism. It has no ontos without logos, but rather comes into being through expression, as speech, as discourse, as representation, as action. This is one reason it cannot be placed at the locus of the Lacanian real. If we want to indulge a certain theoretical flexibility and conceive of the Lacanian real not as mute material, but as a
combination of Hegelian second nature linked with the Lacanian reals capacity to engender trauma (if we are not mistaken, it is thus that Mitchell wants us to understand
racism as real), we not only risk taking recourse to a form of essentialism; we risk making racism immovable. This is a second reason for not linking racism with the Lacanian real. Before going on to talk about how to usefully theorize racism in the field of representation, wed like to clarify second order race: race in its meaning- making capacity. Thinking about race as a potential medium, a relay for meaning, can help us get beyond the discussion of the pre-symbolic real, which has limited and perhaps more importantly limiting use in theorizing social discourses. In order to make this transition, we will continue to think about race and the Lacanian real in semiotic terms, thereby linking first and second order race: race as dumb matter, as res, and race as lack. These orders are inherently linked as dumb matter and lack are both void of meaning. For Lacan, the kernel around which language and the entirety of the symbolic order are constructed is lack. Meaning is always in a state of negotiation, with constant slippage in the chain of signification. How to avoid, though, the postmodern swamp of unending fluidity in meaning? Lacan proposes the point de capiton (quilting point): certain signifiers have a greater organizing function than others (Lacan, 1993). These signifiers would have a markedly larger cluster of associations directly attached to them, stopping up the fluidity and slippage in signification and helping to fix meaning. If one were to visualize these, in particularly if one were to visualize race as a point de capiton, it would probably look a lot like Mitchells graph of race as a medium. If we are to mobilize race in a meaningful way through Lacanian theory, we suggest designating a first order race, race as res, and a second order race, race in the signifying function of a point de capiton. What, though, to do with racism? If it is not placed in the realm of the real, which we view as both an ontological impossibility and a counterproductive means of indicating its traumatic potential, then it must be within representation.
With our claim that racism re-presents race, it is essential to distinguish between the structures and functions of Lacans symbolic and imaginary registers.
Instead, one should place racism in the realm of the Symboliconly this disavows the inevitability of Racism and makes possible change Loren and Metelmann 11 (Scott and Jrg, University of St. Gallen, Whats the Matter: Race as Res, Journal of Visual Culture, 10(3), p. 397-405)//LA The phantasmatic content and context of racism become evident in the discourses of potential loss it constructs. Tenacious adherence to the imaginary is symptomatic of a refusal to acknowledge the lack constituting the signifier, and by extension constituting community. One might thus claim that whereas the nature of the symbolic also serves to narrate and visualize lack in the real, strong adherence to the imaginary is not only a defense against castration (or lack); it makes fully apparent the anxiety of castrative loss. One must point out that, as with the lack that constitutes the signifier, the anxiety of castrative loss generally directs itself at something always already lost and produces a denial of loss/lack as a symptom. Racist anxieties about loss might concern the loss of jobs, land, capital, the stability of socio-economic or political hierarchy, of exclusive access to metaphysical truths, of power, etc. It is not surprising that these are all things colonialism made such strident efforts to accumulate. It is precisely indulgence in imaginary fantasies of wholeness which in psychoanalytical terms might be thought of as a refusal to forgo the object of desire, and should within the context of race be thought of as a refusal to forgo exceptionalist status in the face of difference that constitutes socio-pathological behavior. Lacan suggests that the psychotic is he who is trapped within the phantasmatic relay of imaginary desire in an attempt to block out the condition of lack and threat of castration. Racism is thus better placed at the location of the imaginary, where it has the function of re-presenting the real and of covering over lack, but the fault of neglecting to recognize its
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own split status as a social fiction and not an essentialist truism. Such classification helps to explain the tenacity of racism, its capacity for engendering trauma, and its need of further mediation, all of which Mitchell sought to achieve by placing it in the real. It is the role of the symbolic as mediator of imaginary dualisms that establish the symbolic as the true realm of the political. How, then, can we achieve the proper mediation and politicization of racism within the Lacanian schema of the three registers structuring ontology? By linking processes of racialization to the symbolic. In order to keep race from becoming or remaining an imaginarily bound idol of the mind, we might borrow Jamesons injunction to always historicize and claim that one should always racialize: making sense of and within the social through the concept of race becomes a process of racialization. Accordingly, we suggest the mapping of race as an ontology onto the Lacanian registers as
shown in Figure 5.
Turns the casemakes racism inevitable and prevents productive scholarship Loren and Metelmann 11 (Scott and Jrg, University of St. Gallen, Whats the Matter: Race as Res, Journal of Visual Culture, 10(3), p. 397-405)//LA Beyond the noted benefits of placing racism in the order of the imaginary, this kind of structure resolves an additional complication that arises if we place racism in the real. One of the points raised during Mitchells talk was that if racism were to act as a kind of ontological basis for race, then race would necessarily always be linked to a pejorative nature. That is, with racism as the real and race as the derivative term, not only would racism take on an immovable and essentialist quality: race would also always be an extension of this pejorative essentialism. The structure presents us with a variation on the Amfortas question: Race, what are you suffering from? Race would be interminable suffering as a derivative of racism. Here, we can see how the notion of racism as immovable, traumatic real is not only problematic in a strictly Lacanian or social constructivist sense, but troublesome from within race theory; particularly in the context of Linda Williams linking of melodrama and race. Racism as an immovable pejorative that serves as the foundation for concepts of race within representation feeds into the archetypal Manichaean structure central to melodrama: the eternal battle between good and evil. Mitchells re-articulation of the Lacanian triad might be seen as a theoretical version of
the American melodramatic racial fix that Williams put forth in her seminal book, Playing the Race Card (2001). She argues that since the midnineteenth century, melodrama has been, for better or worse, the primary way in which mainstream American culture has dealt with the moral dilemma of having first enslaved and then withheld equal rights to generations of African Americans (2001: 44). It
is through forms of racial victimization within the melodramatic mode the beaten/tortured black male body and the threatened/raped white female body that the white supremacist American culture first turned its deepest guilt into a testament of virtue
(Williams, 2001: 44). After Harriet Beecher Stowes articulation of sympathy for black suffering (Tom, Eliza), Dixon and Griffith trumped Stowes race card by inverting its racial polarities to show white women threatened by emancipated black men (Williams, 2001: 5). There is not just one race card to be played, but different versions of racial victimization and vilification played out over time. Taking recourse to Lauren Berlants theory that individual citizens are not identified through a universalist rhetoric, but through their capacity for suffering and trauma (Williams, 2001: 43), Williams mobilizes the logic of pain as the core of personhood by applying it to the melodramas of racially beset victims. It is this essential link between wound/trauma (in Greek it is literally the same), race and the paradoxical location of strength in weakness that we want to stress in our response to Mitchell: What
does it mean against this background to position racism within the traumatic real? Does it not imply that we simply have to accept the wounds that white hands inflict on black bodies, that imperialist cultures inflict on colonized cultures? If racism is an essentialist truth, an immovable matter of fact, then the tortures will go on forever. The problem with Mitchells proposition is the following: What starts as an effort to prevent cultural studies from the overly hasty and perhaps naive move to hail the end of race threatens to default into a melodramatic reaffirmation of binaries on the basis of the classic victim paradigm. As, for example, the case of Rodney King and the trial of O.J. Simpson have shown, there is an ongoing melodramatic Manichaean split of race into Tom and anti-Tom lenses. This could be fully consistent with Mitchells claim that race is itself the medium if he were not to give in to the melodramatic temptation to completely section off racism from its societal negotiations. As Williams ends her book by advocating intellectual rigor in the analysis of melodrama whenever it appears, we would like to point to the possible dangers of Mitchells re-articulation of race and racism: calling into question the over-hasty
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proclamations of a post-racial era should not lead us to a new fixing of racial realities that we have to accept with all of their hatred and pain. This, we know, was not Mitchells intention. Seeing race, not racism, as the matter that on the one hand has to be socially negotiated and, on the other, acts as a lens for social negotiation, is crucial for understanding the durable, and in Lacanian terms imaginary, nature of racism. Because the imaginary is inherent in the seeable, the scrutiny of imaginary projections where they meet social ontologies might be understood as one of the important political functions of visual culture studies.
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Hammersley
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1NC Shell
The affirmatives arguments about epistemology reveal an instrumentalist mindsetthey judge the VALIDITY of arguments based on the VALUE, not their empirical basis Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA Finally, there is instrumentalism. Here, the validity of knowledge is defined solely according to whether action on the basis of it has desirable effects. We can find this idea among pragmatist philosophers like James and Dewey, as well as in Marxism, Critical Theory and some forms offeminism.21 The implication of this position is that research must be pursued in close association with practical activities and judged in terms of its contribution to those activities. If it facilitates their success it is true, if it does not it is false. Thus, the validity of Foster's work could be assessed in terms of whether or not it serves the fight against racism. And, indeed, some of the criticism of his work does focus on its assumed consequences in this respect. 22 I will consider such arguments as they apply to the issue of the relevance or value of his work later; here I am concerned simply with the epistemological interpretation of instrumentalism. And this seems to me to be decidedly weak. While we may recognise that the value of academic work should be judged partly in terms of its political and social relevance, the claim that its validity should be judged in these terms is much more questionable. In so far as the production of desirable consequences is taken as defining validity, this position proposes a replacement for the correspondence theory of truth, yet implicitly relies on that theory. This is because claims about the effects of acting on the beliefs being assessed cannot themselves be judged instrumentally (otherwise we are in an infinite regress). Where instrumentalism implies treating desirable consequences as an indicator of validity, this assumes a much stronger relationship between the truth of a belief and the practical consequences of acting on it than is justifiable: it is clear, I think, that validity is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition of practical success. So, to summarise, there is apparently
intractable disagreement at the level of substantive and methodological arguments between Foster and his critics. And it seems that this probably results, in part at least, from some more profound differences of view, differences that are
indicated by what I have called meta-methodological criticisms, criticisms that challenge the methodological framework on which Foster is assumed to be operating. Effectively, he is accused of empiricist foundationalism, a position that does not seem to be defensible. I examined three currently fashionable alternatives to this view, traces of which can be found in the writings of Foster's critics. But I argued that none of these alternatives is sound. This clearly leaves us with a problem, and
it is my task in the next section of this paper to try to show how it might be resolved, and the implications of this for the debates around Foster's work.
Reject the affour argument isnt that WEVE sufficiently undermined their epistemology but that their stance with respect to our arguments prevents the possibility of productive racial scholarship Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA It would be a mistake, then, it seems to me, for 'anti-racists' to dismiss Foster's work. To the extent that it throws doubt on the accuracy of some of the assumptions on which they operate, they ought to consider its validity seriously and not simply ignore, reject or even try to suppress it .45 It may point to a necessary reconstruction of 'anti-racism'. This might be required if it were true that racism on the part of British teachers was not widespread or that it did not play a significant role in the generation of 'racial' inequality. Accepting this would not involve a denial that there may be features of the British education system and society that generate the underachievement of black pupils. Indeed, Foster himself suggests one mechanism for this: the allocation of black pupils to schools that are less effective educationally.46 Of course, there still remains the question of what level or sort of evidence should persuade 'anti-racists' that Foster is right. I do not want to speculate about this

here, merely to point out that there
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should be some level of confirming evidence at which 'anti-racists' would accept his arguments. And even if Foster does not provide that level of evidence, his work could be accepted by them as making a potential contribution to increasing the effectiveness of their activities.47 In my view these considerations should outweigh any negative propaganda effects that Foster's work is likely to have. After all, racists have seldom found it difficult to invent arguments and evidence to support their position, and
have generally shown scant regard for the difference between such inventions and more soundly based scientific conclusions. I want to conclude by going even further than this and suggesting that 'anti-racists'
are unwise to reject the conventional model
of research in favour of an activist conception. One reason for this is that the propaganda capacity of research is to a large extent parasitic upon the conventional model. Once research becomes seen as geared to the pursuit of particular political goals, with research results being selected, even in part, according to their suitability for propaganda purposes, its propaganda value is gone. There are also dangers in integrating research with other sorts of practical activity. It is likely to be difficult for practitioners of 'anti-racist' education, as for practitioners of other kinds engaged in pressure group politics, to give separate consideration to the informational and the propaganda implications of arguments and evidence. The virtue of the research community is that it is, or ought to be, concerned exclusively with the validity of those findings, not with their propaganda significance . And
while the judgments of the research community in this respect are no substitute for practitioners making their own assessments, they can make an important contribution to those assessments.
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2NC Empiricism
The 1AC is not falsifiabletheres no way to determine the truth value of responses to their conception of society Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA In the discussions of non-foundationalist philosophers of science and others we can identify an empirical model of how scientists actually judge claims in the absence of a foundation.23 This involves a process in which consistency with existing beliefs plays a key role. While this model does not rule out the acceptance of new ideas that are incompatible with existing beliefs, it may make this less likely than on the foundationalist model, where these would simply be accepted if supported by decisive evidence. Ideas that are in conflict with existing beliefs will be initially resisted and subjected to severe scrutiny, however apparently strong the evidence available in support of them. Obversely, the nonfoundationalist model makes the acceptance of new ideas that are consistent with existing beliefs easier than it would be on the basis of foundationalism: in this case little evidence may be needed. This model can be elaborated by the addition of a distinction (or, better, a dimension) between core and peripheral beliefs. Where new ideas threaten relatively peripheral existing beliefs, change may occur without much resistance. However, where new ideas challenge core beliefs change is much less likely. What distinguishes core and peripheral beliefs is the extent to which other beliefs depend on them, so that if they are modified much of the rest of the belief system will need to change. Ease of acceptance is an inverse product of how much reassessment and reorganisation of what is currently taken to be established knowledge would be required to accept the new claim and retain overall consistency. Furthermore, defensive cognitive strategies may be developed specifically to protect the core from criticism. 24 An obvious implication of this model is that evidence running counter to accepted core beliefs may not be taken seriously. Kuhn, for instance, argues that over a period when scientific work in a particular field is dominated by a single paradigm, anomalous evidence (that is, evidence that cannot be accounted for within that paradigm) accumulates but is ignored. It only becomes significant if and when an alternative paradigm is identified that looks as though it may be able to account for all the evidence covered by the old one and the anomalies; at which point there may be a scientific revolution leading to paradigm change, though even this usually depends on generational replacement of the 'old guard' by the new.25 If we apply this to the multi-paradigmatic case of the social sciences, where there are debates among parties adopting sharply discrepant assumptions, we can see why discussions among them may well be inconclusive, or at least will take a very long time to resolve.26 Thus, the goal of the
early advocates of the foundationalist model, to find a method that would terminate debate by necessarily convincing anyone relying solely on reason, seems to be beyond reach. If we look at the case ofF oster and his critics from this point of view, I think we get the following result. On
the foundationalist model, whether others would accept Foster's arguments would depend entirely on whether he shows that the findings of the studies he criticises do not derive logically from brute data and that those of his own study do. But, given the absence of any foundation of absolutely certain knowledge, Foster can only do the former not the latter. And once we switch to a nonfoundationalist position, we no longer have an absolute standard by which to decide even whether Foster's criticisms of others' work are sufficiently convincing to be accepted. Whether or not they are accepted will depend in part on judgments about the relative benefits and costs of accepting them, in terms of the reorganisation of existing beliefs, and this will vary among audiences. (Of course, exactly the same applies to his critics' substantive and methodological questioning of Foster's own empirical research.)
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AT: Racism=RC
This doesnt disprove anything weve saidthe burden of proof is on them here to justify foundationalism over micro-empiricism Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA In part, what seems to be implied in these arguments is that the evidence which Foster offers in his study, and his questioning of the findings of other studies, must be rejected because they are incompatible with the widely accepted theory that racism is institutionalised in British society, that it is part of the fundamental structure of that society. On this basis his critics argue that while discrimination may not seem to be occurring in some particular setting, once we view this setting in the context of British (or English) society as a whole it will be seen to form part of a larger pattern of racism. So, here Foster's claims are being questioned on the grounds of his presumed commitment to an inadequate methodological framework, one which gives a misleading priority to micro-empirical evidence at the expense of macro-theoretical perspective. This can be summarised as the charge that Foster's work is empiricist. 12 And, of course, this argument connects with much discussion of the methodology of qualitative
research today, in which the empiricism of quantitative research, and of some qualitative work, is challenged on the basis of alternative epistemological assumptions. 13 What
is being rejected here can be more usefully (because more specifically) referred to as a foundationalist epistemology. This is the notion that research conclusions are founded, in some rigorously determinate fashion, on a body of evidence whose own validity is beyond question (for
example, because it consists of reports of intersubjectively observable behaviour). Thus, Troyna criticises Foster for 'methodological purism', which he interprets as requiring evidence that rules out all possible alternative interpretations. 14 Foundationalism
has, of course, been subjected to very damaging criticism in philosophy, as well as in the social sciences , over the past 30 or 40 years, and I think it is clear that it is not defensible. There is no single, agreed alternative to foundationalism, but we can identify three radical alternatives that have become increasingly influential in social research in recent years; and whose influence is detectable in the writings of some of Foster's critics. These alternatives are: relativism, standpoint theory, and instrumentalism. These are not always clearly distinguished, and they are sometimes used in combination. However, I will try to show that none of them is very satisfactory.
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AT: Your epistemology is bad cuz youre white

They say our epistemology is bad because of our standpointtheyre in a double bind between relativism and standpoint epistemology A. Relativism means they lose on presumption Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA Applying relativism to the case under discussion, it would be argued that the validity of Foster's appeal to the canons of good research is relative to a particular methodological framework, namely positivism or postpositivism; and that other frameworks would produce different conclusions. We may, for instance, decide to
treat the claims of some black pupils that they and others have been subjected to racist treatment by teachers as necessarily true in their own terms, as reflecting their experience and the framework of assumptions that constitute it, that framework being incommensurable with the one adopted by Foster. Something
like this may underlie Connolly's question: 'how can Foster as a White middle class male construct his own definition of racism to then use to judge the accuracy of Black working class students' definitions?' 15 If treated as valid, this argument has the effect of apparently undercutting Foster's empirical research in the sense that it need no longer be treated by others as representing reality. Yet, at the same time, from this point of view Foster's arguments remain valid in their own terms; in fact, they remain as valid as those of his critics. This seems to lead to a sort of stalemate. And, of course, there is the problem that relativism is self-undermining: if it is true, then in its own terms it can only be true relative to a relativist framework; so that from other points of view it remains false. 16 As a non-relativist, this leaves Foster free to claim quite legitimately (even from the point of view of relativism) that his views represent reality, whereas a relativist critic could not make the same claim for
her or his views but must treat them simply as representing a particular framework of beliefs to which he or she happens to be committed.
B. Standpoint epistemology is silly (like clowns) Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA The second view I want to consider is sometimes associated with versions of the first, but must be kept separate because it involves a quite distinctive and incompatible element. I will refer to this as standpoint theory. Here people's experience and knowledge is treated as valid or invalid by dint of their membership in some social category. 17 Here again Foster's arguments may be dismissed because they reflect his background and experience as a white, middle class, male teacher. However, this time the implication is that reality is obscured from those with this background because of the effects of ideology. By contrast, it is suggested, the oppressed (black, female and/or working class people) have privileged insight into the nature of society. This argument produces a victory for one side, not the stalemate that seems to result from relativism; the validity of Foster's views can therefore be dismissed. But in other respects this position is no more satisfactory than relativism. We must ask on what grounds we can decide that one group has superior insight into reality. This cannot be simply because they declare that they have this insight; otherwise everyone could make the same claim with the same legitimacy (we would be back to relativism). This means that some other form of ultimate justification is involved, but what could this be? In the Marxist version of this argument the
working class (or, in practice, the Communist Party) are the group with privileged insight into the nature of social reality, but it is Marx and Marxist theorists who confer this privilege on them by means of a dubious philosophy of history. 18 Something
similar occurs in the case of feminist standpoint theory, where the feminist theorist ascribes privileged insight to women, or to feminists engaged in the struggle for women's emancipation. 19 However, while we must recognise that people in different social locations may have divergent perspectives, giving them
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distinctive insights, it is not clear why we should believe the implausible claim that some people have privileged access to knowledge while others are blinded by ideology. 20
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AT: Your scholarship=racist/politically motivated

Burden of proof is on themclaiming scholarship to be bad because of its motivations requires PROOF and isnt in of itself a reason to reject its empirical validity Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA The practical value criticisms made by Foster's critics are concerned with his intentions, with some features of his research practice, and with what they see as the consequences of the publication of his work. He has been accused, for instance, of lacking proper commitment to racial equality, indeed of producing work that is racist.33 It has also been claimed that one of the interview questions he used with teachers invited them 'to articulate racist stereotypes', and thereby gave these respectability.34 Finally, it is suggested that he can and will be read as 'blaming the victim' ;35 and that the publication of his work plays into the hands of those who seek to deny the existence of racism for political reasons, thereby undermining the efforts of 'anti-racist' activists: it is 'disabling rather than enabling'.36 In terms of the model of the research community I outlined in the previous section, these practical value criticisms are only directly relevant if they indicate deviation on Foster's part from the proper orientation of the researcher specified in that model. This orientation involves researchers being primarily committed to the discovery of the truth by means of rational discussion, being prepared to offer evidence for their claims where there is disagreement, being willing to change their views on the basis of compelling evidence, and assuming that all this is true of other researchers unless strong evidence to the contrary emerges. Some of the practical value criticisms of Foster imply such deviation, suggesting for instance that he 'has not stopped to critically examine the ideology which informs his own practice' and that in his empirical research he was 'keen to demonstrate that (the) teachers were not racist'.37 The implication here seems to be that he had a hidden political agenda. Convincing evidence is required to establish this claim, of course, and dismissal of Foster's work on these grounds without strong evidence is itself a breach of the norms. 311 Most of the value criticisms of Foster's work, however, fall outside of what is directly relevant according to the model outlined in the previous section. Examples are the charges that he 'lacks commitment to racial equality' and that his research 'disables' those fighting racism . 39
This does not mean that these criticisms should automatically be ruled out of account by those operating on the basis of the model, however. There are two indirect ways in which ethical issues can still be relevant.
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AT: Judge evidence by its activist potential

EVEN IF this is the model you use to evaluate evidence, we can access all our arguments. Hammersley 93 (Martyn, Prof @ Open University, Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics, British Journal of Sociology, 44.3, 429-448, JSTOR)//LA Nevertheless, I think questions can be raised about the practical value criticisms made of Foster's work even from the point of view of this activist conception of social research. Central here is a distinction between two ways in which research may serve practical purposes. First, it may provide information about the world in which a practical activity is carried out and on the basis of which its goals and means should be developed, reviewed and perhaps changed. Second, it may serve a propaganda role, it may be used to legitimate the goals and means adopted or to criticise those of opponents. Much political activity involves debate between opponents, and while no-one would suggest that conflicts are usually resolved in a purely discursive way, propaganda is a factor that has some weight (especially in liberal democratic societies), not least in mobilising the support of others. Now, of course, the same research findings may serve both of these functions, but how findings are assessed by political activists will usually vary depending on which function is treated as primary. If the first is dominant, there will be particular concern with the accuracy and relevance of the information provided. While I do not assume that for action to be successful it must be based on true assumptions, nor that true assumptions will automatically lead to success, I do believe that there is a positive relationship between the two. By contrast, from a propaganda point of view the truth of the findings is less significant than whether relevant others regard them as true and what they take their implications to be. What is important here is what role the findings can play in the propaganda war. Recognising the propaganda role of information involves a view of political debate and conflict that places it at a considerable distance from the sort of rational discourse that is central to the model of the research community which I outlined in the previous section. In such debate dissembling, the suppression of evidence, the dismissal of opponents' views on the basis of their motives, accusations of ideology and racism etc. may be rational techniques, at least from a short-term and partisan perspective. This is not a novel view of politics, of course. And it matters not at all for my argument here whether this is taken to be the universal character of politics or whether it is specific to a particular historical period.42 Let us simply accept, for the sake of argument, that this is how politics is today. Looking at the critical response to Foster's work in the light of this, I think we need to recognise that the judgments that 'anti-racist' activists will and should make about the validity, or at least the implications, of Foster's work may be different to those that researchers (on my model) should make. Not only may the belief in widespread teacher racism be more deeply entrenched for them than it is for some researchers, on the basis of practical experience and commitment, but also they are not under the same obligation as researchers to treat as in need of supporting argument all that the research community does not currently accept as beyond reasonable doubt. Of course, in discourse with fellow practitioners, and with those with whom they must deal in the course of their practice, they will need to take account of what is and is not shared knowledge. However, this may be different to what is accepted by researchers, especially where the boundaries of the practitioner community are politically defined, as they are in the case of 'anti-racism'. Furthermore, in such contacts practical considerations will be most salient, including for instance the costs of different sorts of error. Finally, disagreements may be resolved (legitimately or illegitimately) by other means than rational discussion, including coercion, manipulation, negotiation, delegation, democracy, market forces etc. 43 This is not to say that practitioners, such as 'anti-racist' educators, should simply ignore the findings of research. The point is rather that they should judge those findings in relation to their own practical knowledge and according to what is required to pursue their work well. On this basis it might be quite reasonable for 'anti-racists' to continue with their campaign against racism among teachers despite the
doubts that Foster has raised; though they would be foolish to completely ignore those doubts.
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Quiet K
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Quashie
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Aesthetics 1NC
The 1AC represents Blackness as resistancethis narrow view precludes the possibility of a more capacious understanding of Black subjectivityrather, we should affirm an Aesthetics of Quiet that makes possible a more productive relationship to Blackness Quashie 12 (Kevin Everod, Smith College, The Sovereignty of Quiet: Beyond Resistance in Black Culture, p. 3-9)//LA This book explores what a concept of quiet could mean to how we think about black culture. The exploration is a shift in how we commonly understand blackness, which is often described as expressive, dramatic, or loud. These qualities inherently reflect the equivalence between resistance and blackness. Resistance is, in fact, the dominant expectation we have of black culture. Indeed, this expectation is so widely familiar that it does not require explanation or qualification; it is practically unconscious. These assumptions are noticeable in the ways that blackness serves as an emblem of social ailment and progress. In an essay from his 1957 collection
White Man Listen!, Richard Wright captures this sentiment, noting that "The Negro is America's metaphor" (109). Wright's comment might be hyperbolic, but it also summarizes the exceptional role that black experience has played in American social consciousness: Blackness
here is not a term of intimacy or human vagary but of publicness. One result of this dynamic is a quality of selfconsciousness in black literature, a hyper- awareness of a reader whose presence-whether critical or sympathetic- shapes what is
expressed. Such self-consciousness is an example of the concept of doubleness that has become the preeminent trope of black cultural studies. The result is that black
culture is celebrated for the exemplary ways it employs doubleness as well as for its capacity to manipulate social opinion and challenge racism. This is the politics of representation, where black subjectivity exists for its social and political meaningfulness rather than as a marker of the human individuality of the person who is black. As an identity, blackness is always supposed to tell us something about race or racism, or about America, or violence and struggle and triumph or poverty and hopefulness. The determination to see blackness only through a social public lens, as if there were no inner life, is racist- it comes from the language of racial superiority and is a practice intended to dehumanize black people. But it has also been adopted by black culture, especially in terms of nationalism, but also more generally: it creeps into the consciousness of the black subject, especially the artist, as the imperative to represent. Such expectation is part of the inclina- tion to understand black culture through a lens of resistance, and it practically thwarts other ways of reading. All of this suggests that the common frameworks for thinking about blackness are limited. Resistance is hard to argue against, since it has been so essential to every black freedom movement. And yet resistance is too broad a term- it is too clunky and vague and imprecise to be a catch-all for a whole range of behaviors and ambitions. It is not nuanced enough to characterize the totality of black culture or expression. Resistance exists, for sure, and deserves to be named and studied. And still,
sometimes, when the term ''resistance" is used, what is being described is something finer. There is an instructive example of this tension in Stephanie Camp's Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in rhe Piamarion Sortr/1, a compelling work on the lives of black women during slavery. As Camp's title suggests, the frame for the book is resistance, the ways that black women's everyday lives ("private, concealed, and even intimate worlds" [3]) constitute a defiance of the vagaries of enslavement. Like Deborah Gray White and others before her, Camp notices how black women's acts
of resistance appear in day-today activities as much as (if not more than) in formal planned rebellions or revolts. And yet even Camp realizes that the meaning of black women's everyday lives was not shaped entirely by their engagement with and resistance to the institution of slavery-that black women and men who were enslaved grew gardens and decorated their living spaces and organized parties in the woods (the chapter "The Intoxication of Pleasurable Amusement: Secret Parties and the Politics of the Body" is beautifully imagined and written). The point here is not to dismiss the intensity and vulgarity of slavery's violence on black people, but instead to restore a broader picture of the humanity of the people who were enslaved. Under Camp's careful eye, these women's everyday lives are brought into fuller
relief, and even if Camp reads these lives as moments of resistance, their aliveness jumps out beyond that equation to offer something more.
The case for quiet is, implicitly, an argument against the limits of blackness as a concept; as such, this book
exists alongside many others that have questioned the boundaries of racial identity. These include recent scholarly work by Robert Reid-Pharr,
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Paul Gilroy, Thomas Holt, Michelle Wright, Gene Andrew Jarrett, Kenneth Warren, Kimberly Nichele Brown, Hazel Carby, Trey Ellis, Thelma Golden, and especially David Lionel Smith, whose essay "What Is Black Culture?" is dazzling and indispensible. There is also a large body of work by black women scholars, especially since the 1970s, that has posed consistent challenges to the singularity of race. The
specific concern about the dominance of resistance as a framework, however, is exposed by black artists who have
always struggled with the politics of representation. From Zadie Smith, Afaa M. Weaver, and Rita Dove, to Zora Neale Hurston, Langston Hughes, and Ralph Ellison, the black artist lives within the crosshairs of publicness and, if she or he is to produce meaningful work, has to construct a consciousness that exists beyond the expectation of resistance. Inspired by these artists, this argument for quiet
aims to give up resistance as a framework in search of what is lost in its all-encompassing reach.4 Resistance, yes, but other capacities too. Like quiet. The idea of quiet is compelling because the term is not fancy- it is an everyday word-but it is
also conceptual. Quiet is often used interchange- ably with silence or stillness, but the notion of quiet in the pages that follow is neither motionless nor without sound. Quiet, instead, is
a metaphor for the full range of one's inner lifeone's desires, ambitions, hungers, vulnerabilities, fears. The inner life is not apolitical or without social value, but neither is it determined entirely by publicness. In fact, the interior- dynamic and ravishing- is a stay against the dominance of the social world; it has its own sovereignty. It is hard to see, even harder to describe, but no less potent in its ineffability. Quiet. In humanity, quiet is inevitable, essential. It is a simple, beautiful part of what it means to be alive. It is already there, if one is looking to understand it. An aesthetic of quiet is not incompatible with black culture, but to notice and understand it requires a shift in how we read, what we look for, and what we expect, even what we remain open to. It requires paying attention in a different way. This point about how we read is especially relevant to the image in the frontispiece, Whitfield Lovell's KIN Vll (Scent
o[Mt~gnolia). Lovell is a giant in contemporary art, a 2007 MacArthur fellow whose work has been show- cased at the Smithsonian, the Whitney, the MOMA, and in various other locations in the United States and abroad. His most well-known exhibits, Whispers from the Walls and Sanctuary. consist of a series of tableaux and full-room installations that display the daily lives of anonymous African Americans. In these installatio ns, charcoal drawings of posed studio photo graphs found at flea markets or town archi\es (largely from the 1900s to the 1940s) are paired with various objects (boxing gloves, a knife, barbed wire, a bucket). The drawings are made on pieces of wood- parts of fences or walls-and seem to bring domestic scenes to life. More recently, in a stunning collection entitled Kin, Lovell has cont inued d rawing portraits o f anonymous black people, though this time on paper; these figures are made from identification photographs (headshots from passports or mug shots, for example) and are often paired with an object. Critics note the dignity of Lovell's figures, which is a tribute to his skill in drawing: His portraits render their subjects in terrific clarity (the intensity in the eyes, the defined neck and cheek, the textured quality of the hair). His use of shadow is astute, and the result is images of people who look like people- not symbols of a discourse of racism, but people in the everyday, wary and resolute, alive. They look familiar to us even if it is rare to see black faces represented in such a studied, elegant way. But the dignity is related also to the pairing of image and artifact, the clean juxtaposition of locating each near the other without abrasion or overlap. This doesn't really create a sense of doubleness because the portrait is intended to be prominent; still proximity is contagion, and the artifact insinuates itself on the portrait. In KIN VII (Scent of Magnolia), the cloth wreath becomes part of the male figure's body, making the place where one might expect a shirt collar, a piece of jewelry, the outline of a chest. Localized and domesticated, the wreath's randomness becomes specific to this bold beautiful black face. And the subject is clarified by the artifact: Are these flowers from his room, a private and unusua l explosion of color? The flowers he gave to a date or the ones he brought to a funeral? A sign of his desire to visit all the world's spectacular gardens? We might pick up the title's reference to Billie Holiday's thick voice on "Strange Fruit" ("scent of magnolia sweet and fresh/the sudden smell of burning flesh") which might lead to a more ominous reading- his killed body marked by a wreath- but it is unsatisfying to be so singular and definitive with this image. Because of the flowers, he can be a subject more than an emblem; we can wonder if he loved pink and purple tones, without ignoring the possibility of racist violence. 'Whatever the story, the flowers are a surprise that interrupt the dominant narratives that might be ascribed to the profile of a black man of that age. The foreboding is there to be read in some of the objects in Lovell's work- chains, barbed wire, targets, rope- which is as it would be, o ften is, for a black person in the United States. And still, foreboding is only part of one's life story, and it should not overwhelm how we think of the breadth of humanity. Lovell seems to aim for a balance between the social or public meaning of a person or object, and its intimacy, its human relevance. Where his earlier work created tableaux using full-bodied figures, the aesthetic of juxtaposition in these more recent pieces is what evokes narrative, as if we are seeing the unfolding of a scene of human life, as if more and more of the image will manifest if you look long enough. (This is especially true of Lovell's drawings that lack a corresponding artifact.) The
key is to let the unexpected be possible. We might want to read a narrative of resistance on KIN \riT (Scent of Magnolia), but there is something else there: a ravishing quiet. Quiet is antithetical to how we think about black culture, and by extension, black people. So much of the discourse of racial blackness imagines black people as public subjects with identities formed and articulated and resisted in public. Such blackness is dramatic, symbolic, never for its own vagary, always representative and engaged with how it is imagined publicly. These characterizations are the legacy of racism and they become the common way we understand and represent blackness; literally they become a lingua franca. The idea of quiet, then, can shift attention to what is interior. This shift can fed like a kind of heresy if the interior is thought of as apolitical or inexpressive, which it is not: one's inner life is raucous and full of expression, especially if we distinguish the term "expressive" from the notion of public. Indeed the
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interior could be understood as the source of human action- that anything we do is shaped by the range of desires and capacities of our inner life. This is the agency in Lovell's piece, the way that what is implied is a full
range of human life: that we don't know the subject just by looking at him or noticing the artifact; that his life is wide-open and possible; that his life is more than familiar characterizations of victimization by or triumph over racism. For sure,
the threat and violence of racism is one story, as is the grace and necessity of the fight. But what else is there to black humanity, this piece seems to ask. The question is an invitation to imagine an inner life of the broadest terrain. It
is remarkable for a black artist working with black subjects (and in a visual medium) to restore humanity without being apolitical. It is remarkable, also, to make the argument that Lo vell makes so well with his work- that what
is black is at once particular and universal, familiar and unknowable. This is challenging territory to navigate, given the importance of resistance and protest to black culture. But the intent here is not to disregard these terms, but to ask what else--what else can we say about black culture, what other frameworks might help to illuminate aspects of the work produced by black writers and thinkers? How can quiet, as a frame for reading black culture, expose life that is not already determined by narratives of the social world? After all, all living is politicalevery human action means somethingbut all living is not in protest; to assume such is to disregard the richness of life. In humanity, quiet is inevitable, essential. It is a simple beautiful part of what it means to be alive. It is already there, if one is looking to understand it. There are
many books on black expressiveness and resistance; there will be-and should be-many more. This, however, is not one of them. This book is about quiet.
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2NC Perm
The logic of the aff exists only insofar as it ensures effective resistancethat already precludes an effective investigation of interiority Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod, Smith College, The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet, African American Review, 43(2-3), Summer/Fall 2009, p. 329-43)//LA In this way, expressiveness has been vital to promoting black culture and liberation; in fact it is not an overstatement to say that it is closely linked to every black civil rights effort, and is the ultimate archetype of the culture. The case could even be made that black expressiveness, rather than being a function of the public sphere, is an African cultural retention, which is what Robert Farris Thompson proposes in Flash
of the Spirit. (Vlach himself argues convincingly that the aesthetic expressiveness found in early black folk art is both a retention and a functional reality of enslaved people.) Yet
this appreciation leaves untouched the ways that the relationship between blackness and publicness overdetermines how expressiveness is read, what expressiveness means. In light of the discourse of publicness, expressiveness is reduced to being contrarian and resistant. There is little liberty or reason to consider other kinds of expressivities, ones that are animated less by a sense of audience and more by the wide range of human impulses. Indeed this failure to imagine other expressivities obscures and even disavows manifestations of black culture that fall outside the aesthetic that publicness has either made, or made possible. As a consequence of this historical significance of public expressiveness, resistance becomes the dominant idiom for reading and describing black culture. One result of this dominance is that the major concepts used to discuss black culture (for example, doubleness, signifying, the mask) are engaged largely for their capacity to support the idea of resistance. In this light, these concepts say less about the interior of black subjectivity, and leave us without a general concept that aims to describe or reference the inner life. NOTE: *Remember to say that the K only rejects the affs aesthetics, not necessarily their advocacy statement. This means Aesthetics 1st is also an answer to the perm]
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2NC Alt/FPIK
Reject the affs simplistic conception of Black interiority in favor of a new aesthetics of Quietthis doesnt preclude resistance to racism, but rather just the affs public conception of resistance NOTE: [this is distinct from the perm because it rejects PUBLICNESS, while the permutation would include it or else they sever] Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod, Smith College, The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet, African American Review, 43(2-3), Summer/Fall 2009, p. 329-43)//LA Exploring the connection between the discourse of resistance and the notion of publicness is important to understanding how it is that resistance manifests as both the (sole?) subject and intent of black aesthetics. None of this is intended to dismiss the importance of resistance in black culture. The point is more simply that resistance alone is not (or is no longer) a sufficient frame for understanding black culture. Black culture, and the lives it represents, is richer, fuller, more complicated than a discourse of resistance can paint.21 Hence quiet, this thing that is sublime inexpressible, thunderous, full of awe. In humanity, quiet is inevitable and essentialit is our dignity. It is represented by our interior, that place in us below our hip personality that is connected to our breath, our words, and our death (Goldberg 28). In its magnificence, it is an invitation to consider cultural identity from somewhere other than the conceptual places that we have come to accept as definitive of black culturenot the hip personality exposed to and performed for the world, but the interior charisma, the reservoir of human complexity that is deep inside. Quiet compels us to explore the beauty of the quality of being human, not only our lives weighed down by the suppositions of identity, and in doing so, honors the contemplative quality that is also characteristic of black culture.22 It is this exploration, this reach toward the inner life, that an aesthetic of quiet makes possible. It is this that is the path to a sweet freedom: a black expressiveness without publicness as its forebear, a black subject in the undisputed dignity of its humanity.23
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AT: You Talk, Bro

Brief explanation of alt vs aff Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod, Smith College, The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet, African American Review, 43(2-3), Summer/Fall 2009, p. 329-43)//LA This characterization of waiting as a quiet expressiveness is a rejection of publicness, a decided step away from the tone and topic and advice that one might expect of an essay on being young, a woman and colored.20 Bonner doesnt offer a public call to arms or a private rant; she doesnt present her protagonist as bothered and bothersome. Instead, her subject is free, or wants to be, and her freedom informs the narrative choices of her poetic and wandering essay.
Quiet is not silenceits a productive window into the interiorthe distinction isnt whether we use words is HOW we use themfor an INTENTIONAL purpose or as a mere EXPLORTATION of Black interiority Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod, Smith College, The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet, African American Review, 43(2-3), Summer/Fall 2009, p. 329-43)//LA What, then, would a concept of expressiveness look like if it were not tethered to publicness? The performative aspects of black culture are well noted, but what else can be said here? Could the concept of quiet help to articulate a different kind of expressiveness, or even stand as a metaphor for the interior? In everyday discourse, quiet is synonymous with silence and is the absence of sound or movement, but for the idea of quiet to be useful here, it will need to be understood as a quality or a sensibility of being, as a manner of expression. Such expressiveness is not concerned with publicness, but instead is the expressiveness of the quiet symbolizesand if interrogated, expressessome of the capacity of the interior. This notion of the interior is elusive but is nonetheless important to understanding quiet. Most simply, interiority is a quality of being inward, a metaphor for life and creativity beyond the public face of stereotype and limited imagination (Alexander x). This latter description is from Elizabeth Alexanders collection Black Interior, and it captures precisely the value of the concept of the interiorthat it gestures away from the caricatures of racial subjectivity that are either racist or intended to counter racism, and suggests what is essentially and indescribably human. The interior is the inner reservoir of thoughts, feelings, desires, fears, ambitions that shape a human self; it is both a space of a wild self-indulgence and the locus at which selfinterrogation takes place (Spillers 383; original emphasis). Said another way, the interior is expansive, voluptuous, creative, impulsive, dangerous, and not subject to ones controlit has to be taken on its own terms. It is not to be confused with intentionality or consciousness, since it is something more chaotic than that; it is more akin to hunger, memory, forgetting, the edges of all the humanity one has. Despite its name, the interior is not unconnected to the world of things (the public or political or social world), nor is it an exact antonym for exterior. Instead, the interior shifts in regard to lifes stimuli but it is neither resistant to nor overdetermined by the vagaries of the outer world. The interior has its own ineffable integrity.12 There is in trying to describe the interior a predicament of expression since the interior is not really discursiveit cannot be represented fully and is largely indescribable. Furthermore, the interior is largely known through language or behavior, through exterior manifestations, and is therefore hard to know on its own terms. At best, it can be approximated or implied, but its vastness and wildness escape definitive characterization. Yet the interior is expressive; it is articulate and meaningful and has social impact. It is indeed the combination of the interiors expressiveness, and the inability to articulately it fully, that makes interiority such a meaningful idiom for rethinking the nature of black expressiveness. Quiet, then, is the expressiveness of this interior, an inexpressible expressiveness that
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can appear publicly, have and affect social and political meaning, and challenge or counter social discourse, though none of this is its aim or essence. That is, since the interior is not essentially resistant, then quiet is an expressiveness that is not consumed with intentionality. It is in this regard that the distinction between quiet and silence is more clear: silence, in a purely denotative sense, implies something that is suppressed or repressed, an interiority that is about withholding, something hidden or absent; quiet, more simply, is presence. (One can, for example, describe a sound or prose as quiet.) It is true that silence can be expressive, but its expression is often based on refusal or protest, not the abundance of the interior described above. The expressiveness of silence is often aware of an audience, a watcher or listener whose presence is the reason for the withholding. This is a key difference between the two terms because in its inwardness, the aesthetic of quiet watcher-less. Finally, quiet is not necessarily or essentially stillness; in fact quiet, as the expressiveness of inner life, can encompass and represent wild motion.13 The Signifying Subject and the Aesthetic of Quiet The idea of an aesthetic of quiet is foreign to but not incompatible with black cultural studies. For example, the trope of signifying is widely
considered distinctive of black cultural expression. Based on the verbal art of ritualized insult in which the speaker puts down, needles, or talks about someone, to make a point or sometimes just for fun, the concept of signifying celebrates the use of humor, indirection, and word play (Smitherman, Black Talk 207). Conceptually, verbal
signifying has three rhetorical componentswhat is said, what is unsaid, and the relationship between the two. The piece that is said is often demonstrative, conscious of the listening audience, and contrasts with the silence of what is unspoken. The power of signifying as a rhetorical act lies in the third componentthe dialectic produced between what is spoken and what is notas irony, indirection and juxtaposition coalesce to create meaning that is complicated and subtle, even surprising. In fact, it is never assured that the act of signifying will yield, for the reader or listener, the desired expression. In this regard, signifying is a transcendent expressiveness, relying unreliably on prolific interplay between said and unsaid, public and private; one cannot appreciate it by only paying attention to what is said, explicitly or directly. Nevertheless, the general discussion of signifying as verbal exchange tends to focus on its public dimension, on the demonstrative and cocksure exteriority of the trope rather than its capacity to serve as an idiom of interiority. This emphasis categorizes signifying as an essentially public expressivity, for even when the act of signifying is not in reference to a discourse of resistance, the meaningfulness of the signifying act depends on the concept of publicness (e.g., audience).14
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AT: Must Resist

We dont preclude the possibility of breaking down dominant structures or white supremacyits just that our strategy cannot be one of resistancean aesthetics of Quiet is preferable Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod, Smith College, The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet, African American Review, 43(2-3), Summer/Fall 2009, p. 329-43)//LA The interest in quiet arrives because of the trouble posed by public expressiveness, particularly the assumption that black culture is predominantly resistant. This characterization is so ordinary that it ends up simplifying blackness. Furthermore, because the characterization is supported by the political and historical reality of black peoplefor example, the important role expressiveness plays in the struggles for civil rightsit goes largely unchallenged. The problem here is not expressiveness per se, but that black expressiveness is so tethered to what is public and to a discourse of resistance. As it is engaged, this concept of public expressiveness presumes to know and to say everything, clearly and definitively. This is why it is useful to political discourse, because it can allow a group to speak with a sense of singular purpose. In this regard, public expressiveness is the workhorse of nationalism, and is vital to any marginalized population. Perhaps this makes sense, since there is no question about the meaningfulness of race and especially racism in American
culture, the way racism influences and shapes black culture; there is also no question that resistance, as individual and collective action or as an aesthetic, is a meaningful part of black culture, historically and in the present. But
there is still an important question about the other qualities of black culture that are overwhelmed by the dominance of resistance as an aesthetic. Simply, what else beyond resistance can we say about the shape and meaning of black culture and subjectivity?16 The contention is in the way publicness has a chokehold on black culture and identity. It is hard to imagine a conceptualization of blackness that does not already envision itselfand the humanness of its struggle to be freewithin the context set by publicness: as a subjectivity whose expressiveness is demonstrative and resistant. Hortense Spillers is right when she notes that every feature of social and human differentiation disappears in public discourses regarding African-Americans (224). This is precisely the need for a concept of interiority, so that it may support representations of blackness that are irreverent, messy, complicatedrepresentations that have greater human texture and specificity than the broad caption of resistance can offer. We should be wary of the dominance of expressiveness as a black aesthetic and of the easy conclusions that it makes possible.17 This interior expressiveness is already present in Smiths and Carloss
protest, if we can remember to ask questions about their hearts in excited flutter, their heads bowed, the inwardness of their bodies in prayer. Part of what makes their protest so striking is its stark contrast with another iconic image of black publicnessthe black body hanging from a tree. The magnitude of the contrast is heightened by the aesthetic similarity between photographs of their 1968 protest and images of lynched bodies. But even at its most horrible, the image of the lynchee is one of silence and speaks through the alphabet of violent repression. Smiths and Carloss image, on the other hand, is alive, is articulate in its quiet; though
they do not speak, their language is a generous vocabulary of humanity. In this context, Smith and Carlos are a triumphant, beautiful alternative.18 But there is also a danger in only reading their moment for the way it counters the violence of white supremacy, as an alternativeto do so is to disregard the evidence of their humanity for its own sake, that they are strong but also vulnerable, two people in a moment of grace, all thrill and tremble and loveliness. It is not only the explicit public argument that they are making about racism and poverty that should be important to us, or even their implied contrast with untold numbers of murdered others. What must also matter is the argument announced in their posture of surrender, the glimpse of their exquisite interiors. Their protest is more fluent because of this expressiveness that is not dependent on publicness; they are compelling as much for their quiet as for the very publicity of their expression.
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Brown
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Brown 1NC
The 1AC is symptomatic of the modern liberal orders fetishization of breaking silencethis aesthetic is flawed and will only retrench systems of domination Brown 5 (Wendy, Prof @ UC Berkeley, Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics, Freedoms Silences, p. 83-97)//LA As freedom is both realized and negated by choice, so is silence con- vened, broken, and organized by speech. Silence and speech are not only constitutive of but also modalities of one another. They are different kinds of articulation that produce as well as negate each other. Si- lence calls for speech, yet speech, because it is always particular speech, vanquishes other possible speech, thus canceling the promise of full representation heralded by silence. Silence, both constituted and broken by particular speech, is neither more nor less truthful than speech is, and neither more nor less regulatory. Speech harbors silences; silences harbor meaning. When silence is broken by speech, new silences are fabricated and enforced; when speech ends, the ensuing silence carries meaning that can only be metaphorized by speech, thus producing the conviction that silence speaks. The belief that silence and speech are opposites is a conceit underlying most contemporary discourse about censorship and silence. This conceit enables both the assumption that censorship converts the truth of speech to the lie of silence and the assumption that when an enforced silence is broken, what emerges is truth borne by the vessel of authenticity or experience. Calling these assumptions into question means not only thinking about the relation between silence and speech differently but also rethinking the powers and potentials of silence. Here is the way this problem unfolds politically: insurrection requires breaking silence about the very existence as well as the activity or injury of the collective insurrectionary subject. Even dreams of emancipation cannot take shape unless the discursively shadowy or altogether invisible character of those subjects, wounds, events, or activities is redressed, whether through slave ballads, the flaunting of forbidden love, the labor theory of value, or the quantification of housework. Nor are the silences constituted in discourses of subordination broken forever when they are broken once. They do not shatter the moment their strategic function has been exposed, but must be as- saulted repeatedly with stories, histories, theories, and discourses in alternate registers until the silence itself is rendered routinely intelligible as a historically injurious force. In this way, those historically excluded from liberal personhood have proceeded against the spectrum of silences limning the universal claims of humanist discourse for the past several centuries. Jews, immigrants, women, people of color, homosexuals, the unpropertied: all have pressed themselves into civic belonging not simply through asserting their personhood but through politicizingarticulatingthe silent workings of their internally excluded presence within prevailing notions of personhood. But while the silences in discourses of domination are a site for insurrectionary noise, while they are the corridors to be filled with explosive counter tales, it is also possible to make a fetish of breaking silence. It is possible as well that this ostensible tool of emancipation carries its own techniques of subjugationthat it converges with une- mancipatory tendencies in contemporary culture, establishes regulatory norms, coincides with the disciplinary power of ubiquitous confessional practices; in short, it may feed the powers it meant to starve. Neither a defense of silence nor an injunction to silence, this essay interrogates the presumed authenticity of voice in the implicit equation between speech and freedom entailed in contemporary affirma- tions of breaking silence. Borrowing tacitly from Foucaults theorization of confessional
discourse, Joan W. Scotts problematization of experience, and Shoshana Felmans and Dori Laubs identification of our time as the age of testimony,1 the essay asks whether our contemporary crisis of truth has not been displaced into an endless stream of words
about ourselves, words that presume to escape epistemological challenges to truth because they are personal or experiential. It asks as well whether this stream of words does not perpetuate the crisis of which it is a symptom. In the course of this inquiry, silence is considered as not simply an aesthetic but a political value, a means of preserving certain practices and dimensions of existence from regulatory power, from normative violence, as well as from the scorching rays of public exposure. A link is examined, too,
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between, on the one hand, a contemporary tendency concerning the lives of public figuresthe confession or extraction of every detail (sexual, familial, therapeutic, financial) of private and personal lifeand, on the other, a putatively countercultural or emancipatory practice: the compulsive putting into public discourse of heretofore hidden or private experiences, from catalogues of sexual pleasures to litanies of sexual abuses, from chronicles of eating disorders to diaries of home births and gay parenting. In linking these two phenomenathe privatization of public life via the mechanism of public exposure of private life on the one hand, and the compulsive and compulsory cataloguing of the details of marginalized lives on the otherI
want to highlight a modality of regulation and depoliticiza- tion specific to our age that is not simply confessional but empties private life into the public domain. The effect is both to
abet the steady commercialization and homogenization of intimate attachments, experiences, and emotions already achieved by the market and to usurp public space with often trivial matters, rendering
the political personal in a fashion that leaves injurious social, political, and economic powers unremarked and untouched. In short, while intended as a practice of freedom (premised on the modernist conceit that the truth makes us free), these productions of truth may have the capacity not only to chain us to our injurious histories as well as the stations of our small lives, but to instigate the further regulation of those lives while depoliticizing their conditions.
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2NC Silence Solves

The kritik is the debate equivalent of the 5th amendmentsilence makes possible resistance to the structures of power Brown 5 (Wendy, Prof @ UC Berkeley, Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics, Freedoms Silences, p. 83-97)//LA The paradoxical capacity of silence to engage opposites with regard to powerboth to shelter power and to serve as a barrier against poweris rarely accented in Foucaults thinking as a consequence of his emphasis (elsewhere) on discourse as a vehicle of power. In casting silence as a potential refuge from power, I do not think he is reneging on this emphasis or suggesting a prediscursive existence to things. Critical here is the difference between what Foucault calls unitary discourses, which regulate and colonize, and those that do not perform these functions with the same social pervasiveness, even while they do not escape the tendency of all discourse to establish norms by which it regulates and excludes. Through
this distinction one can make sense of Foucaults otherwise inexplicable reference to sex in the eighteenth century as being driven out of hiding and constrained to lead a discursive existence, or his troubling example of the village simpleton whose inconsequential sexual game with a little girl was suddenly subjected to medical, judicial, and popular scrutiny and condemna- tion.9 Neither in these cases nor in others where Foucault seems to imply a freer, because prediscursive, existence to certain practices does he appear to mean that they really occurred outside discourse; the point is rather that they
had not yet been brought into the pervasive disciplinary or biopolitical discourses of the agescience, psychi- atry, medicine, law, pedagogy.10 Silence, as Foucault affirms it, is then identical neither with secrecy nor with not speaking. It instead signifies a particular relation to regulatory discourses, as well as a possible niche for the practice of freedom within those discourses. Put differently, if discourses posit and organize silences, then silences themselves must be understood as discursively produced, as part of discourse, rather than as its opposite. Hence silences are no more free of organization by power than speech is, nor are they any more inventable or protectable by us than speech is. Yet, and paradoxically, silenceeven that produced within discoursemay also function as that which discourse has not penetrated, as a scene of practices that escape the regulatory functions of discourse. It is this latter function that renders silence itself a source of protection and potentially even a source of power. The Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution may be understood as mobilizing precisely this power against discourse, even as the amendment itself functions discursively and leads a distinctly discursive life.
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2NC Turns Case

Speaking out makes liberation impossible and turns the caseendorse instead a productive silence with the potential to actualize freedom Brown 5 (Wendy, Prof @ UC Berkeley, Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics, Freedoms Silences, p. 83-97)//LA
This problem is not specific to MacKinnons work nor even to feminist legal reform, although it emerges with particular acuteness in both. Rather, MacKinnons and kindred efforts
at bringing subjugated discourses into the law merely constitute examples of what Foucault identified as the risk of recodification and recolonization of disin- terred knowledges by those unitary discourses, which first disqualified and then ignored them when they made their appearance. These efforts suggest how the work of breaking silence can metamorphose into new techniques of domination, how our truths can become our rulers rather than our emancipators, how our confessions become the norms by which we are regulated. Though this kind of regulatory function is familiar enough to students of legal and bureaucratic discourse, it is less frequently recognized and perhaps more disquieting in putatively countercultural discourse, when confessing injury can become that which attaches us to the injury, paralyzes us within it, and prevents us from seeking or even desiring a status other than that of injured. In an age of social identification through attributes marked as culturally significant gender, race, sexuality, and so forthconfessional discourse, with its truth-bearing status in a postepistemological universe, not only regulates the confessor in the name of freeing her, as Foucault described that logic, but extends beyond the confessing individual to constitute a regulatory truth about the identity group: confessed truths are assembled and deployed as knowledge about the group. This phenomenon would seem to undergird a range of recurring troubles in feminism, from the real woman rejoinder to poststructuralist decon- structions of her to totalizing descriptions of womens experience that are the inadvertent effects of various kinds of survivor stories. Thus, for
example, the porn star who feels miserably exploited, violated, and humiliated in her work invariably monopolizes the feminist truth about sex work, as the girl with math anxieties constitutes the feminist truth about women and math; eating disorders have become the feminist truth about women and food, as sexual abuse and violation oc- cupy the feminist knowledge terrain of women and sexuality. In other words, even as feminism aims to affirm diversity among women and womens experiences, confession as the site of production of truth, converg ing with feminist suspicion and de-authorization of truth from other sources, tends to reinstate a unified discourse in which the
story of greatest
suffering becomes the true story of woman. (This may constitute part of the rhetorical purchase of confessional discourse in
a postfoundational epistemological era: confession substitutes for the largely discredited charge of false consciousness, on the one hand, and for generalized truth claims rooted in science, God, or nature on the other.) Thus, the adult who does not manifestly suffer from her or his childhood sexual experience, the lesbian who does not feel shame, the woman of color who does not primarily or correctly identify with her marking as suchthese
figures are excluded as bona fide members of the identity categories that also claim them. Their status within these discourses is that of being in denial, of suffering from false consciousness, or of being a race traitor. This is the norm-making process in traditions of breaking silence, which, ironically, silence and exclude the very persons these traditi ons mean to empower. While these practices tacitly silence those who do not share the experiences of those whose suffering is most marked (or whom the discourse produces as suffering markedly), they also condemn those whose sufferings they record to a permanent identification with that suffering. Here, there is a temporal ensnaring in the folds of our own discourses insofar as our manner of identifying ourselves in speech condemns us to live in a present dominated by the past. But what if speech and silence arent really opposites? Indeed, what if to speak in- cessantly of ones suffering is to silence the possibilities of overcoming it, of living beyond it, of identifying as something other than it? What if this incessant speech overwhelms not only the experiences of others but also alternative (unutterable, traumatized, fragmentary, or unassimilable) zones of ones own experience? Conversely, what if a certain modality of silence about ones sufferingand we might consider modalities of silence to be as varied as modalities of speecharticulates a variety of possibilities not otherwise available to the sufferer?
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General Impact to Identity

The aff ontologizes identity as monolithicthis locks in racism and makes resistance to domination impossible Brown 6 (Wendy, Prof @ UC Berkeley, Regulation Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire, p. 143-4)//LA [NOTE: MOT = Museum of Tolerance]
Fourth, this amalgamation of differences facilitates slides between them; for example, the United Farm Workers struggle can be included under tolerance because this economic justice project happens to attach to brown bodies. The amalgamation
makes possible an especially pernicious interchangeability between religion, culture, ethnicity, and race, and interchangeability that isnt entirely reducible to analytic sloppiness or to the effect of extending the model of Judaism to everything else. Rather, these categories become fungible when identity is ontologized such that belief and practice are derived from blood or phenotype. This ontologization is what makes perversely intelligible the inclusion of racial difference as a candidate for tolerance within a definition of tolerance as the
acceptance of beliefs and practice that differ from ones own. It also permits the slip from religion to race when the Millennium Machine video on terrorism asks viewers whether racial profiling is an acceptable security measure in the aftermath of an attack by Islamic terrorists. The
implication is that people of a certain phenotype or appearance inherently hew to a particular set of beliefs and that those beliefs, in turn, can produce a certain set of diabolical practices. Once culture, ethnicity, race, and religion are all part of the generic problem of difference, and once identity itself is ontologized, this chain of logic becomes possible. Yet this derivation of belief and practices from race is what the MOT elsewhere defines as stereotyping and condemns as an enemy of tolerance. Moreover, the naturalization and amalgamation of difference inscribes the very racism, sexism, and homophobia is purports to redress. It makes identity ontological rather than as an effect of the powers that produce itindeed, that produce every Us and Them, whether women and men, Korean and black, homosexual and heterosexual, or Jew or Christian. In casting difference as an inherent ground of hostility, this logic affirms the tribalism it claims to deplore. But this is also the logic that permits a definition of tolerance as the acceptance of beliefs and practices that differ from ones own to be sustained when dealing with categories such as race and gender that would seemingly undermine it. If difference is natural and deep, then it contours belief and practice even where these do not take expressly religious or cultural shape. So race and gender, as sites of deep difference, constitute the basis for disparate beliefs and practices; in the process, sexism and racism are reduced to the failure to treat difference with respect, to accord it human dignity despite its strangeness. In this radically depoliticized account of subordination and domination, hegemony and marginalization, the natural diffidence of difference becomes the engine of human history.
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*AFFNo Alt Solvency

Your author concludes affsilence doesnt solve oppression Brown 5 (Wendy, Prof @ UC Berkeley, Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics, Freedoms Silences, p. 83-97)//LA It is tempting to end on this note. But it favors one side of a paradox about silence and silencing without recalling the other. For while silence can be a mode of resistance to power, including to our own productions of regulatory power, it is not yet freedom precisely insofar as it constitutes resistance to domination rather than its own discursive bid for hegemony. Put another way, one challenge to the convention of equating speaking with power and silence with powerlessness pertains to the practice of refusing to speak as a mode of resistance. Here, even as silence is a response to domination, it is not enforced from above but rather deployed from below: refusing to speak is a method of refusing colonization, of refusing complicity in injurious interpella- tions or in subjection through regulation. Yet it would be a mistake to value this resistance too highly, for it is, like most rights claims, a defense in the context of domination, a strategy for negotiating domination, rather than a sign of emancipation from it. In The Alchemy of Race and Rights, the black legal scholar Patricia
Williams coins a provocative phrase that captures this feature of silence as discourse. Following a disturbing encounter with some ob- noxious young students who jostled her off the sidewalk in a largely white college town, she speaks of pursuing her way, manumitted into silence.23 In this paradoxical locution, Williams intimates that pur- chased emancipation from slavery conferred a right to silence, one to which, however, she is also condemned. Manumitted
into silence emancipated into silenceno longer a subject of coerced speech, no longer invaded in every domain of her being, yet also not heard, seen, recognized, wanted as a speaking being in the public or social realm. Perhaps then, one historical-political place of silence for collective subjects emerging into history is this crossed one: a place of potentially pleasurable reprieve in newly acquired zones of freedom and privacy, yet a place of freedom from that is not yet freedom to make the world.
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Hundleby
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Routes of the Oppressed 1NC

The aff reveals the perspective of the oppressed, and in so doing shares their secretsthis undermines the potential for resistance, turning the case Hundleby 5 (Catherine, U of Windsor, The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets, Hypatia, 20(4), Fall 2005, p. 44-58)//LA I keep secrets. Even though I am told over and over by white feminists that we must reveal ourselves, open ourselves, I keep secrets. Disclosing our secrets threatens our survival. Mar a Lugones Postcolonial and other oppositional literature introduces many readers to secrets from the social margins, sometimes only mentioning them, sometimes sharing their content. Moving beyond colonialism and other forms of oppression is as much a goal as a description of this writing. Because survival may be threatened, the question arises in what circumstances feminists should expect the secrets of oppressed people to be shared, and so in what circumstances we should investigate or reveal them. This issue seems to confound the central claim of standpoint epistemologistspostcolonial, feminist, or otherwisethat there is cognitive value in learning from peoples experiences of oppression (Harding 1991; Hartsock 1986; Mills 1998). Whether or not one shares similar experiences, standpoint theorists argue, to begin thought from the perspective of others and other others, as Sandra Harding puts it, provides an epistemic advantage. Secrets concerned with resistance, such as in the Underground Railroad, womens shelters, and lesbian passing, must be especially valuable and relevant to developing knowledge from a standpoint, because activism is supposed to be necessary to acquire the advantage. Yet, revealing aspects of resistance so vulnerable that they are kept secret threatens to undermine the potential of those secrets for resisting and opposing oppression. Thus, the epistemological value of oppositional secrecy seems to conflict with standpoint theorists advice of emancipatory activism. The case of oppositional secrecy seems to indicate an exception to standpoint theory, a case in which emancipatory politics does not encourage but prohibits sharing understanding. However, as I argue in this essay, the need to preserve oppositional secrecy is not an exception to, but only a limited case of, standpoint epistemology. Political considerations do not bar some of the understandings that might be gained, but political distinctions do indicate when and where the cognitive value of such understandings tapers off. The cognitive significance of exposing hidden understanding reduces in cases of extreme political vulnerability that morally require secrecy.
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Turns Case
Secrets are a prerequisite to liberationrevealing them endangers the lives and freedoms of the oppressed Hundleby 5 (Catherine, U of Windsor, The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets, Hypatia, 20(4), Fall 2005, p. 44-58)//LA Given the two distinguishable forms of oppositional secrecy, the question remains what political reasons generally keep people who oppose oppression from revealing or investigating the secrets of the oppressed despite the potential understanding to be gained. How does a person guided by standpoint theory decide when an oppositional secret may be revealed? How does an intellectual activist against oppression, who may or may not share a particular experience of oppression, know when to resist revealing or investigating politically justified secrecy? Whether one shares the particular experience of oppression, or shares the secret itself, the most obvious reasons for respecting the secrets of the oppressed rely on moral and political considerations. The political project of emancipation depends on keeping the secret , at least to some extent or in some way, and so an inquirer must be aware that violating that secrecy jeopardizes those who participate in it. The cost may be even their lives . Clearly, no foreseeable substantial
moral or political threat to the participants in a secret can result from a permissible revelation. How is the threat to the oppositional project recognized and evaluated? People tend to resolve such dilemmas by seeking out those who share in the form of oppression, and those who are already trusted in sharing the secret. In
the wrong hands, secrets are dangerous, can be misused, and indeed can reinforce the circumstances of oppression, however noble ones intentions. The type of ignorance encouraged by social privilege may make a knower unaware of the dangerous implications of a particular piece of knowledge for the welfare of marginalized people. Consider how white or straight folks may be oblivious as they out and thus endanger a person who is passing. To ward off potential danger, one appeals to the immorality of disrespecting the secrets of others. The decision of when and how to reveal a secret is left as much as possible to the judgment of those whose secret it is.4 The more removed one is from the content being hiddenwhether or not the circumstance involves oppression, but with special care if it doesthe less political authority one has to evaluate that circumstance and to investigate or share the secret.5 So, one avoids revealing or inquiring into the sexual or racial identity of others. The person or people in question judge
best the full practical and political import of open identification.
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AT: But our project is important

All the reasons why your project is important are reasons to keep it secretcomparative evidence Hundleby 5 (Catherine, U of Windsor, The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets, Hypatia, 20(4), Fall 2005, p. 44-58)//LA The very nature of secrecy makes it difficult to find examplesand so much the worse because suppression and underdevelopment make understanding from an oppressed perspective difficult to recognize. However, even a thoroughly privileged Western feminist can discern two forms of oppositional secrecy. First, oppressed people build covert networks to escape or mitigate oppression, as in the Underground Railroad or illegal systems providing contraceptive information and services. Second, people belonging to an oppressed group may pass as having a more politically central identity. For instance, blacks may pass as white,
or gays and lesbians pass as straight; indeed, all sorts of passing is possible through marriage and name-changes. These two types of oppositional secrecy take special forms. For instance, a
casual form of secret arises when people covertly share information by using a language different from the politically dominant tongue. Francophones in anglophone Canada and Latino/as in the United States occasionally make use of this tool for secrecy, and we can consider it an ad hoc networking provision, an Underground Railroad in microcosm. The goal is to secure safe passage, not of whole people or physical provisions, but of information alone, just as some birth control networks provide. Some oppositional secrets combine the two strategies of passing and networking. Passing as a typical house or generic institution may be important for a womens shelter, but this requires a network of support by volunteers, and strict privacy policies that keep the
shelter beyond easy access by abusers; all this together makes it possible for residents to hide their identities. (More completely covert networks may be necessary for highly endangered clients.) Likewise, same-sex couples in the United States seeking access to marriage may use networks to provide temporary addresses and pass as residents of states that provide access to legal marriage; and in Japan, they may pass as parent and child to gain access to the property rights otherwise afforded to couples (Maree 2004). Another hybrid of passing and networking that disrupts oppression is secret sabotage, including feigned helplessness, an underground activity that depends on passing. A slave who intentionally damages farm machinery to provide another slave time to recuperate from an illness wishes to pass as a dutiful slave but also to negotiate systematic reprieve for the other (Douglass 1995). Appearing dutiful is also necessary for the unhappy mother who intentionally asks nonsensical questions, or burns dinner and breaks dishes. Her behavior mothering, a reprieve pro-
provides reprieve from the indignity that can infect vided by demonstrating to herself her own measure of independence (Lugones 2003, 56). The effects of secrecy vary according to context and are difficult to predict. What is meant to be oppositional may instead be collaborative, and generally involves both. Any oppositional activity is likely to be curdled, that is, both blended with repressive aspects and ambiguous in the face of interlocking oppressions (Lugones 2003, 816). On the oppositional side, consider how passing tends be more useful for lesbians than gay men who
may confront het- erosexism without the complications of sexism (Card 1995). Yet, for lesbians, passing entails a special risk of collaboration: the invisibility of lesbian identity encourages neglect of lesbian issues and dismissal of specific lesbian concerns as merely personal or at best marginal and insignificant. Thus, lesbian invis-
ibility can perpetuate lesbians minority status; indeed, any case of passing can perpetuate servility to the dominant culture and so undermine personal dignity (Card 1995, 120). So, the strategy of passing is easily corrupted. Note how passing as white is fraught for African Americans seeking the benefits of skin privilege, who may therefore perceive themselves and be perceived by others as traitors. Unintentional collaboration in oppressive systems is less a danger for deliberate underground avenues of resistance. Admittedly, a casual linguistic secret or underground network depends on those in power being substantially ignorant, and ignorance of marginalized lives can be a source of oppression.2 The occupation of separate physical and linguistic domains may support oppressive social systems. Yet employing the marginalized environment as an avenue for resistance need not validate the system of privilege in the same way or to nearly the same degree as acquiring the privileges of the political center by passing. The ignorance that makes possible underground networks does not directly create the oppressive environment. In no immediate sense does a slave owners ignorance of how to survive in the wild oppress the slaves, or a Canadian anglophones ignorance of the French language oppress francophones.3 However, collaboration may result indirectly from even the most pointed of oppositional actions, and thus to hidden emancipatory networks. The success of
the Underground Railroad was double-edged, as abolitionist and escaped slave Frederick Douglass warned. Of course, some slaves gained hope and abolitionists gained inspiration from hearing of it. However, even the very limited awareness of it available to slaveholders, an awareness
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that might be dismissed as rumor, could make the slaveholders extra vigilant, and may ultimately have served their interests more than the slaves (Douglass 1995, 60). Despite
such frequently ambiguous implications of political secrecy, it certainly can be very effective, and it is not a strategy unique to the oppressed. Covert networks and disguises also undermine legitimate forms of social control. Still, underground systems of prisoners whose social suppression is
politically warranted can be left out of this discussion, at least insofar as we can distinguish between oppression and politically warranted suppression. Inmates in a prison may find means of sharing drugs and weapons, and for continued illegal and immoral behavior, means that resemble those of Jews in a concentration camp for sharing food and water; yet revealing
unjust networks poses no problem for standpoint theory. The relevant difference is not the materials exchanged and particular activities of networks, which only illustrate the contrast with networks mobilized against oppression. What morally distinguishes the casesor aspects of the cases, as they are curdledis the purpose for the form of underground network, whether the goal is politically justified. People imprisoned as a result of racist or classist social policies that may, for instance, lead them to steal in order to eat, have oppositional knowledge. Their perspective provides cognitive advantage, productive alternative perspectives. As for
networks, so for passing. Consider the moral dilemmas of blacks passing as white in the Harlem renaissance that provide the backdrop for Nella Larsens novella Passing (1997). Gertrudes passing as white motivated by love is sympathetic, and so it is interesting for standpoint theory. By contrast, standpoint theorists can find little of cognitive significance in Gertrudes friend Clare passing as white insofar as it is motivated by luxury. Straightforward social climbing is not politically justified and reflects only a mainstream perspective. Apparent
similarities between oppositional secrets and other forms of secrecy need not confound people who use standpoint epistemology.
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Impact Calc/AT: Case OWs

The K outweighstheres no risk that the political efficacy of the aff outweighs its epistemic harms default to EXPLICIT impact comparison Hundleby 5 (Catherine, U of Windsor, The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets, Hypatia, 20(4), Fall 2005, p. 44-58)//LA Can cognitive advantage to the general community be sufficient to outweigh the political disadvantage of marginalized people losing a strategic secret? Does it make sense to think this way? On the one hand, weighing cognitive against political values seems like comparing apples with oranges. On the other hand, speaking as if cognition can be wholly separated from and contrasted with political or ethical values not only sounds crass but can only be a heuristic for identifying conflicting interests. Such dichotomies are denied by feminist philosophers of science (Longino 1997; Nelson and Nelson 1995), and particularly by standpoint theorists (Hartsock 1983; Rose 1983), who maintain that the cognitive value to accrue from obtaining an oppositional standpoint is always politically dependent. If the secrets are used to resist oppression, the political interests clearly take priority, but it is not clear just how much priority relative to the epistemological interests. Yet an account of the intersection between political and epistemological interests can aid responsible inquiry, both personal and scientific. Distinguishing epistemological concerns may be artificial, but still informative, if only because people tend to divide up human interests by separating cognitive from ethical and political values. The epistemological value of a standpoint depends on there being a political center and contrasting social margins. Without the existence of oppression, no perspective provides a special epistemological advantage. A certain cognitive value derives from a particular form of oppression up until the point at which we eradicate it. With the
achievement of social justice comes the elimination of what made that perspective demand special political and cognitive attention.
Without oppression, understanding from a particular social perspective is no longer underdeveloped or suppressed, and so it brings no special cognitive advantage (Figure 1). Epistemological Value I suggest that just as for both suppressed and underdeveloped knowledge, political conditions can be portrayed in epistemological terms in the case of oppositional secrecy. There are both cognitive and political reasons for respecting the authority of those experiencing oppression. This means that decisions about investigating or revealing secrets can be covered in the terms of a standpoint epistemology, and are not simply a matter of the political values outweighing the epistemological. What appears to be an ethical trumping of cognitive interests is simply a nonstarter in cognitive terms that cannot motivate the revelation of politically necessitated secrets. Little potential for gaining understanding about the world can arise from perspectives that are extremely vulnerable because of political circumstances. Admittedly, secrecy
restricts access to certain information and cognitive skills, detracting from the flow of information that makes multiple perspectives available, and which benefits a community in general. For
those who dont share the secret, and especially for those whom are pointedly deceivedthe slaveholders, batterers, and homophobesthe withheld wisdom could be very valuable .
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2NC Link
Revealing the secrets of the oppressed destroys the value to life and turns the caseany risk of a link outweighs since minor revelations snowball Hundleby 5 (Catherine, U of Windsor, The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets, Hypatia, 20(4), Fall 2005, p. 44-58)//LA The benefit for an outsiders understanding of the world diminishes with the preciousness of the secret. Such understandings are not merely suppressed or underdeveloped, but valuable because of and therefore contingent on the possibility of social change. If an understanding is extremely vulnerable in the current political climate, there is only a small chance that it will bear out. The project served by the secret is likely to fail. For instance, sharing knowledge of the existence of a secret may encourage others to seek out further details, and endanger the plans and corresponding projection of the world, as Douglass worried. Whatever aspect of a secret is revealed, revelation of the information tends to change the political nature of the world and can undermine the secrets cognitive potential if that potential is fragile. Fresh scrutiny will face the sabo- taging wife should others become aware that there is some secret regarding her behavior. Their watchful eyes will make it difficult for her to continue to act out, and so will amplify the oppression she experiences. The extreme case of genocide demonstrates vividly how political necessity mitigates epistemological values. There approaches nothing to learn of the future world from the understandings of peoples who do not survive. Although there is much to learn from them about their oppression, that oppression stops being part of the world as those oppressed people stop being part of the world. The world becomes less the world those people lived in and understood, and 7 their perspectives decline in relevance and epistemological value.
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*AFFCase OWs
Case comes firstsecrets are only relevant if the oppressed have value, and only the aff can maintain that Hundleby 5 (Catherine, U of Windsor, The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets, Hypatia, 20(4), Fall 2005, p. 44-58)//LA Whatever motivation there is for secret understandings, their cognitive value largely depends on how the world is shaped by politics now and in the possible future. The more access abusers have to their victims, the less
difference the victims meager secrets can make, even to the victims themselves, and the less real is the content of those secrets, in both a literal and a psychological sense. It is less possible for gays and lesbians to pass, and so less informative that they do, so long as they are persecuted. The more thoroughgoing and accepted is slavery, the less the Underground Railroad can work to develop and preserve African Americans culture, self-esteem, and individual lives. The
knowledge kept secret by people who suffer these forms of oppression is useful and true only to the extent that the world might support the value and the legitimacy of those peoples lives, a possibility that is threatened and undermined by oppression. Secrets of the oppressed are meaningful views of the world and have cognitively important consequences especially to the extent that those secrets support an otherwise endangered moral status and provide for political emancipation, which is to say, to the extent that they have morally desirable consequences. Likewise, to the extent that oppositional politics require secrecy on moral grounds, the cognitive returns of revealing those secrets diminish and little is told of the present world.
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Nuclear Racism
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Cards
The acceptable risk mentality of the affirmative is a tacit endorsement of this racism Green 99 (Jim Green is the national anti-nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and Australian coordinator of the Beyond Nuclear Initiative.[1] Green is a regular media commentator on nuclear waste issues.[2] He has an honors degree in public health and was awarded a PhD in science and technology studies for his analysis of the Lucas Heights research reactor debate Radioactive racism http://www.reocities.com/jimgreen3/racism.html)//BK
"Racism makes the continuing production of nuclear waste possible. If the white people who make decisions about nuclear waste felt that the people of color in poor areas are as valuable as the decision makers' own mothers and fathers and sons and daughters, would they continue to dump nuclear waste in those areas? If tailings from uranium mining were located next to the homes of investment bankers instead of the homes of indigenous people, would uranium mining continue? The continuation of the nuclear fuel cycle depends ... on the practice of human sacrifice. It depends on affluent whites deciding to risk the health and lives of people who are not affluent or white. This is what 'acceptable risk' often means in practice."
Racism must be rejected in every instance Barndt 91 (Joseph R. Barndt co-director of Ministry Working to Dismantle Racism "Dismantling Racism" p. 155)//BK
To study racism is to study walls. We have looked at barriers and fences, restraints and limitations, ghettos and prisons. The prison of racism confines us all, people of color and white people alike. It shackles the victimizer as well as the victim. The walls forcibly keep people of color and white people separate from each other; in our separate prisons we are all prevented from achieving the human potential God intends for us. The limitations imposed on people of color by poverty, subservience, and powerlessness are cruel, inhuman, and unjust; the effects of uncontrolled power, privilage, and greed, whicha are the marks of our white prison, will inevitably destroy us as well. But we have also seen that the walls of racism can be dismantled. We are not condemned to an inexorable fate, but are offered the vision and the possibility of freedom. Brick by brick, stone by stone, the prison of individual, institutional, and cultural racism can be destroyed. You and I are urgently called to joing the efforst of those who know it is time to tear down, once and for all, the walls of racism. The danger point of self-destruction seems to be drawing even more near. The results of centuries of national and worldwide conquest and colonialism, of military buildups and violent aggression, of overconsumption and environmental destruction may be reaching a point of no return. A small and predominantly white minority of the global population derives its power and privelage from the sufferings of vast majority of peoples of all color. For the sake of the world and ourselves, we dare not allow it to continue.
It is no accident that Nuclear plants are located in minority communities NY Times 97 (Power Plant Is Rejected Over Racism Concerns http://www.nytimes.com/1997/05/04/us/power-plant-is-rejected-over-racism-concerns.html)//BK
The commission's Atomic Safety and Licensing Board, in a decision issued on Friday, said its own staff must more thoroughly examine accusations that Louisiana Energy Services purposely chose to locate the plant close to poor, black neighborhoods in northern Louisiana. ''Certainly the possibility that racial considerations played a part in the site selection cannot be passed off as mere coincidence,'' the board wrote. Three years ago, President Clinton ordered Federal agencies to protect minorities from disproportionately large exposure to pollution . If Mr. Clinton's order is to have any weight, the board said, ''the staff must lift some rocks and look under them.'' The consortium chose in 1989 to build the plant about 40 miles northeast of Shreveport, between Forest Grove,
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population 150, founded by freed slaves, and Center Springs, population 100, founded around the turn of the century.
These waste sites will inevitably create health problems for future generations all the result of attempts to increase profits. Brook 98 *Daniel, Environmental Genocide: Native Americans and Toxic Waste, American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 57, No. 1, Jan., pp. 105-113, http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3487423.pdf]
Unfortunately, it
is a sad but true fact that "virtually every landfill leaks, and every incinerator emits hundreds of toxic chemicals into the air, land and water" (Angel 1991, 3). The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency concedes that "[e]ven if the . . . protective systems work according to plan, the landfills will eventually leak poisons into the environment" (ibid.). Therefore, even if these toxic waste sites are safe for the present generation-a rather dubious proposition at best-they will pose an increasingly greater health and safety risk for all future generations. Native people (and others) will eventually pay the costs of these toxic pollutants with their lives, "costs to which [corporate] executives are conveniently immune" (Parker 1983, 59). In this way, private corporations are able to externalize their costs onto the commons, thereby subsidizing their earnings at the expense of health, safety, and the environment.
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Yancy
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1NC (unfinished)
(Frantz Fanon, philosopher, revolutionary, all around cool dude, 1952, Black Skin, White Masks, translated by Charles Lam Markmann, p 84) gz Look, a Negro! It was an external stimulus that flicked over me as I passed by. I made a tight smile. Look, a Negro! It was true. It amused me. Look, a Negro! The circle was drawing a bit tighter. I made no secret of my amusement. Mama, see the Negro! Im frightened! Frightened! Frightened! Now they were beginning to be afraid of me. I made up my mind to laugh myself to tears, but laughter had become impossible
If you think this story is rooted solely in the past youve got another thing coming this accusation is an act of performative policing by white civil society the lived experience of the black subject becomes simultaneously dangerous and fungible this reality is not contingent but rather a structural ontology imposed on black experience that unlocks gratuitous violence
Yancy 12 (George Yancy, PhD in philosophy from Dusquesne University, professor of philosophy at Dusquesne University, 2012, Look a White! pp 2-5) gz Note the iterative Look, a Negro! It is repetitive and effectively communicates something of a spectacle to behold. Yes. Its a Negro! Be careful! Negroes steal, they cheat, they are hypersexual, mesmerizingly so, and the quintessence of evil and danger. The tight smile on Fanons face is a forced smile, uncomfortable, tolerant. Fanon feels the impact of the collective white gaze. He is, as it were, strangled by the attention. He has become a peculiar thing. He becomes a dreaded object, a thing of fear, a frightening and ominous presence. The turned heads and twisted bodies that move suddenly to catch a glimpse of the object of the white boys alarm function as confirmation that something has gone awry. Their abruptly turned white bodies help to materialize the threat through white collusion. The white boy has triggered something of an optical frenzy. Everyone is now looking, bracing for something to happen, something that the Negro will do. And given his cannibal nature, perhaps the Negro is hungry. Fanon writes, The little white boy throws himself into his mothers arms: Mama, the niggers going to eat me up.2 Fanon has done nothing save be a Negro. Yet this is sufficient. The Negro has always already done something by virtue of being a Negro. It is an anterior guilt that always haunts the Negro and his or her present and future actions. After all, this is what it means to be a Negroto have done something wrong. The little white boys utterance is felicitous against a backdrop of white lies and myths about the black body. As Robert GoodingWilliams writes, The *white+ boys expression of fear posits a typified image of the Negro as behaving in threatening ways. This image has a narrative significance, Fanon implies, as it portrays the Negro as acting precisely as historically received legends and stories about Negros generally portray them as acting.3 One can imagine the innocent white index finger pointing to the black body. Here the
pointing is not only an indicative, but the schematic foreshadowing of an accusation, one which carries the performative force to constitute that danger which it fears and defends against.4 The act of pointing is by no means benign; it takes its phenomenological or lived toll on the black body . As Fanon writes, My body was given back to me sprawled out, distorted, recolored, clad in mourning in that white winter day. The Negro is an animal, the Negro is bad, the Negro is mean, the Negro is ugly; look, a nigger.5 Fanon is clear that the white boy, while not fully realizing the complex historical, psychological, and phenomenological implications, has actually distorted his (Fanons) body. Look, a Negro! is rendered intelligible vis--vis an entire play of white racist signifiers that ontologically truncate the black body; it is an expression that calls forth an entire white racist worldview. The white boy, though, is not a mere innocent proxy for whiteness. Rather, he is learning, at that very moment, the power of racial speech, the power of racial gesturing. He is learning how to think about and feel toward the so-called dark Other. He is undergoing white subject formation, a formation that is fundamentally linked to the
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object that he fears and dreads. To invoke Fanon, the *white+ collective unconscious is not dependent on cerebral heredity; it is the result of what I shall call the unreflected imposition of a culture.6 Or, as I would argue, the white boys racial practices are learned effortlessly, practices that are always already in process. In short, the white boys performance of whiteness is not simply the successful result of a superimposed superstructural grid of racist ideology. Rather, the white boys performance points to fundamental ways in which many white children are oriented, at the level of everyday practices, within the world, where their bodily orientations are unreflected expressions of the background lived orientations of whiteness, white ways of being, white modes of racial and racist practice.7 It is a process, though, where the white embodied subject is
intimately linked to the black embodied subject. Therefore, as Mike Hill argues in reference to Toni Morrisons insightful concept of American Africanism, the
distance implicit in presumptive white purity is false, and covers an occluded racial proximity.8 Look, a Negro! draws its force from collective fear and misrecognition. Although Fanon does
grant that, within the field of culturally available racial descriptors, it is true that he is a Negro, he recognizes how the term is fundamentally linked to various racist myths. This is why Fanon also writes, Dirty
nigger! Or simply, Look, a Negro!9 There is no distinction here within the context of the white gaze. To see a Negro is to see a nigger; it is to see a problema problem that is deemed, from the perspectives of whites, ontological. In the face of so many white gazes, one desires to slip into corners.10 Yet as Fanon makes clear, it is not easy to hide.
Metaphorically, he describes how his long antennae pick up the catch-phrases strewn over the surface of thingsnigger underwear smells of nigger nigger teeth are whitenigger feet are bigthe niggers barrel chest.11 He
cannot live a life of anonymity, etymologically, without a name or nameless. Apparently, only whites have that wonderful capacity to live anonymously, thoughtlessly, to be ordinary qua human, to go unmarked and unnamedin essence, to be white.12 They are like Clint Eastwoods white stock characters in his Western shoot-em-up movies who come into town nameless and mysterious. Indeed, Eastwoods central character is the man with no name. This is the portrayal of white liberalism perhaps at its best. The black lone figure already has a name. Indeed, he has multiple names: nigger, rapist, savage. The white townspeople become fearful as he moves through the street; they know that even as a man of the law, as shown in the comedy Blazing Saddles (1974), he is on the verge of whipping it out. Fanon writes, The Negro is the incarnation of a genital potency beyond all moralities and prohibitions. 13 To be the black or the Negro, then, is to be immediately recognized and recognizable. One is in clear view: Look, a Negro-nigger! There is no escape; there are no exceptions; it is a Sisyphean mode of existence. Fanon writes, When [white] people like me, they tell me it is in spite of my color. When they dislike me, they point out that it is not because of my color. Either way, I am locked into the infernal circle.14 Yet this infernal circle is not of Fanons doing. It is the social world of white normativity and white meaning making that creates the conditions under which black people are always already marked as different/deviant/ dangerous. Look, a Negro! (or perhaps, simply, Look, the wretched and forlorn nigger!) has the perlocutionary power to incite violence, violence filled with white desire and bloodlust. Call: Look, a Negro! Response: Rape the black bitch! Call: Look, a Negro! Response: Get a rope! Call: Rape! Response: Castrate the nigger! The black body is deemed a threat vis--vis the virgin sanctity of whiteness,15 something to be marked, sequestered, and in many cases killedjust for fun. In fact, in 2011 in Jackson, Mississippi, a forty-nine-year-old black man, James Craig Anderson, was targeted
primarily by a white eighteen-year-old male, who, according to law enforcement officials, said to his white friends, Lets go fuck with some niggers. On seeing a black man standing in a parking lot (Look, a Negro!), the group first repeatedly beat him. It is alleged that the expression White Power! was also yelled out by one of the white youth. As Anderson staggered, he was then brutally run over by a truck driven by the white eighteen-year-old, an event captured on surveillance tape. After driving over and killing Anderson, the white male, who since has been indicted on charges of capital murder and a hate crime, allegedly said to his friends, I ran that nigger over.16 While many of the details of this crime are still unknown as of this writing, the racist narrative is certainly consistent with the historical legacy of whiteness in North America as it relates to black people. As I write about this incident, I hear the words of many of my white students: But our generation has changed when it comes to racism. Call: Look, a Negro! Response: Run the nigger over!
Its time to flip the script vote aff/neg to affirm a counter-gift that reveals the invisible practices of whiteness
Yancy 12 (George Yancy, PhD in philosophy from Dusquesne University, professor of philosophy at Dusquesne University, 2012, Look a White! pp 5-12) gz
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Look, a Negro! is a form of racist interpellation that, when examined closely, reveals whites to themselves. One might say that the Negro is that which whites create as the specter/phantom of their own fear.17 Thus, I would argue that the whites who engage in a surveillance of Fanons body dont really see him; they see themselves. James Baldwin, speaking to white North America with eloquence and incredible psychological insight, says, But you still think, I gather, that the nigger is necessary. But hes unnecessary to me, so he must be necessary to you. I give you your problem back. Youre the nigger, baby; it isnt me.18 What is so powerful here is the profound act of transposition. One might ask, Will the real nigger please stand up? Ah, yes, Look, a white! Such naming and marking function to flip the script. Flipping the script, which is a way of changing an outcome by reversing the terms or, in this case, recasting the script19 of those who reap the benefits of white privilege says, I see you for what and who you are! Flipping the script is, one might say, a gift offering: an opportunity, a call to responsibilityperhaps even to greater maturity. Look, a white! is disruptive and clears a space for new forms of recognition. Public repetition of this expression and the realities of whiteness that are so identified and marked is one way of installing the legitimacy that there is something even seeable when it comes to whiteness. Moreover, public repetition functions to further an antiracist authority over a visual field20 historically dominated by whites. It is important to note, though, that the subject of the utterance, Look, a white! is not a sovereign, ahistorical, neutral subject that has absolute control over the impact of the utterance. Look, a Negro! is already embedded within citationality conditions that involve larger racist assumptions and accusations as they relate to the black body that shape the intelligibility, and the meaningful declaration, of the utterance. Look, a Negro! presupposes a white subject who is historically embedded within racist social relations and a racist discursive field that preexists the speaker. As a form of repetition, one that would be cited often and by many, Look, a white! has the potential to create conditions that work to install an intersubjective intelligibility and social force that effectively counter the direction of the gaze, a site traditionally monopolized by whites, and perhaps create a moment of uptake that induces a form of white identity crisis, a jolt that awakens a sudden and startling sense of having been seen. In response, one might hear, You talkin to me? But unlike the scenario played out in Taxi Driver (1976), where Robert De Niro poses this question, in this case the mirror speaks back: Youre damn right. Indeed, I am! Look, a white! returns to white people the problem of whiteness. While I see it as a gift, I know that not all gifts are free of discomfort.21 Indeed, some are heavy laden with great responsibility. Yet it is a gift that ought to engender a sense of gratitude, a sense of humility, and an opportunity to give thanksnot the sort of attitude that reinscribes white entitlement. As bell hooks writes, Those white people who want to continue the dominant subordinate relationship so endemic to racist exploitation by insisting that we serve themthat we do the work of challenging and changing their consciousnessare acting in bad faith.22 The gift is not all about you. As white, you are used to everything always being about you. We have heard, as Du Bois writes, your mighty cry reverberating through the world, I am white! Well and good, O Prometheus, divine thief.23 But your cry to the world was followed by exploitation, dehumanization, and death. I am white! was egomaniacal and thanatological; it was a process of self-naming that functioned to justify, through racial myth making, the actions of whites in their quest to dominate those backward and inferior others. This process of self-naming was not a gift but a manifestation of white messianic imperialism. In this case, it was a deathdealing superimposition of white power. As Steve Martinot notes, As a gift, it must see the world as other, against which it demands of its own citizens (the white members of the white nation) that they stand in allegiance and solidarity, and that the other on whom the gift is bestowed (imposed) be grateful.24 Flipping the script, within the context of this book, however, is about uscollectively. Sara Ahmed writes, It has become commonplace for whiteness to be represented as invisible, as the unseen or the unmarked, as non-colour, the absent presence or hidden referent, against which all other colours are measured as forms of deviance.25 According to
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George Lipsitz, Whiteness is everywhere in U.S. culture, but it is very hard to see.26 He goes on to say, As the unmarked category against which difference is constructed, whiteness never has to speak its name, never has to acknowledge its rule as an organizing principle in social and cultural relations.27 Richard Dyer writes, In fact, for most of the time white people speak about nothing but white people, its just that we couch it in terms of people in general.28 Finally, as Terrance MacMullan sees it, White people remain ignorant of white privilege because of the fact that all aspects of our livesour institutions, practices, ideals, and lawswere defined and tailored to fit the needs, wants, and concerns of white folk.29 But to whom is whiteness invisible? Ahmed is clear that whiteness is invisible to those who inhabit it,30 to those who have come to see whiteness and what it means to be human as isomorphic. For them, it has become a mythical norm.31 This does not mean, however, that whites who choose to give their attention to thinking critically about whiteness are incapable of doing so, though it does mean that there will be white structural blinkers that occlude specific and complex insights by virtue of being white. Therefore, people of color are necessary to the project of critically thinking through whiteness, especially as examining whiteness has the potential of becoming a narcissistic project that elides its dialectical relationship with people of colorthat is, those who continue to suffer under the regime of white power and privilege. Pointing to the importance of Audre Lordes work, which emphasizes the importance of studying whiteness and its significance to antiracism, Ahmed argues that if the examination of whiteness is to be more than about whiteness, *it must begin] with the Black critique of how whiteness works as a form of racial privilege, as well as the effects of that privilege on the bodies of those who are recognized as black.32 The fact of the matter is that, for white people, whiteness is the transcendental norm in terms of which they live their lives as persons, individuals. People of color, however, confront whiteness in their everyday lives, not as an abstract concept but in the form of embodied whites who engage in racist practices that negatively affect their lives. Black people and people of color thus strive to disarticulate the link between whiteness and the assumption of just being human, to create a critical slippage. By marking whiteness, black people can locate whiteness as a specific historical and ideological configuration, revealing it as an identity created and continued with all-too-real consequences for the distribution of wealth, prestige, and opportunity.33 The act of marking whiteness, then, is itself an act of historicizing whiteness, an act of situating whiteness within the context of material forces and raced interest-laden values that reinforce whiteness as a site of privilege and hegemony. Marking whiteness is about exposing the ways in which whites have created a form of humanism that obfuscates their hegemonic efforts to treat their experiences as universal and representative. According to bell hooks, Many [whites] are shocked that black people think critically about whiteness because racist thinking perpetuates the fantasy that the Other who is subjugated, who is subhuman, lacks the ability to comprehend, to understand, to see the working of the powerful.34 On this score, then, black subjectivity poses a threat to the invisibility of whiteness. Yet this is a specific type of threat. Because of the profound relational reality of whiteness to the nonwhite Other, whites are not the targets of their own whiteness, so the reality of the invisibility of whiteness, its status as normative, does not affect them in the same way. In fact, this is impossible, for as whites continue to strive to make whiteness visible, they do so from their perspective (which is precisely embedded within the context of white power and privilege), not from the perspective of those who constitute the embodied subjectivities that undergo the existential traumas due to whiteness (the terror of whiteness, the colonial desires of whiteness, the possessive investments in whiteness that perpetuate problematic race-based economic orders, residential orders, judicial orders, somatic orders, etc.). Speaking directly to the ramifications of this specific threat, Crispin Sartwell writes, One of the major strategies for preserving white invisibility to ourselves is the silencing, segregation, or delegitimation of voices that speak about whiteness from a nonwhite location.35 While it is true that not all people of color have the same understanding of the operations of whiteness, at all levels of its complex expression, this does not
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negate the fact that people of color undergo raced experiences vis--vis whiteness that lead to specific insights that render whiteness visible. Being a wise Latina woman,36 for example, is one mode of expression of such raced experiences, experiences that have deep socio-ontological and epistemic implications. Yet how can people of color not have this epistemic advantage? After all, black people and people of color, when it comes to white people, are bone of their thought and flesh of their language.37 As Du Bois writes, I see these souls *that is, white souls] undressed and from the back and side. I see the working of their entrails. I know their thoughts and they know that I know. This knowledge makes them now embarrassed, now furious!38 Ahmed, hooks, and Du Bois emphasize the necessity of a black countergaze, a gaze that recognizes the ways of whiteness, sees beyond its invisibility, from the perspective of a form of raced positional knowledge. The black counter-gaze is a species of flipping the script. Indeed, the expression, Look, a white! presupposes this counter-gaze. I encourage my white students to mark whiteness everywhere they recognize it. Of course, thinking critically with them about whiteness enables these students to become more cognizant of the obfuscatory ways in which whiteness conceals its own visibility. The critical process creates a more complex epistemic field, as it were, in terms of which whiteness becomes more recognizable in its daily manifestations. After taking my courses, many white students say, I cant stop seeing the workings of race. Its everywhere. One often gets the impression that they would rather return to a more innocent time, before taking my course, before they learned how to see so much more. The reality is that the workings of race are precisely what people of color see/experience most of the time. Important to this learning process, though, is reminding my white students that they are white, that they are part of the very workings of race that they are beginning to recognize.39 For most of my white students, before taking my course their own whiteness is just a benign phenotypic marker. Indeed, for most of them, whiteness has not really been marked as a raced category to begin with. They do not recognize the normative status of whiteness that the marking is designed to expose. For them, to be white means I am not like you guysthose people of color. Whiteness as normative and their whiteness as unremarkable thus remain in place, uninterrogated, unblemished. Sara Ahmed writes, There must be white bodies (it must be possible to see such bodies as white bodies), and yet the power of whiteness is that we dont see those bodies as white bodies. We just see them as bodies.40 In short, the process of disentangling the sight of white bodies from the sight of such bodies as just bodies is not easy, but it is necessary. For many whites, the process of marking the white body (Look, a white!) is not just difficult but threatening. The process dares to mark whites as racists, as perpetuators and sustainers of racism. Furthermore, the process dares to mark whites as raced beings, as inextricably bound to the historical legacy of the workings of race. Hence, the process encourages a slippage not only at the site of seeing themselves as innocent of racism but also at the site of seeing themselves as unraced.41 As Zeus Leonardo and Ronald K. Porter write, Hiding behind the veil of color-blindness means that lifting it would force whites to confront their self-image, with people of color acting as the mirror. This act is not frightening for people of color but for whites.42 It is frightening because whites must begin to see themselves through gazes that are not prone to lie/obfuscate when it comes to the workings of race qua whiteness. Indeed, there is no real need to lie about whiteness. People of color have nothing to lose; whites have so much to protect. Yet what do they have to protect? As Richard Wright notes, Their constant outward-looking, their mania for radios, cars, and a thousand other trinkets, made them dream and fix their eyes upon the trash of life, made it impossible for them to learn a language that could have taught them to speak of what was in theirs or others hearts. The words of their souls were the syllables of popular songs.43 The use of the mirror is effective as a metaphor. White people see themselves through epistemic and axiological orders that reflect back to them their own normative status and importance. Indeed, the script has already been written in their favor. It is time for the mirror to speak through a different script, from the perspective of lived experiences of those bodies of color that encounter white people on a daily basis as a problem or perhaps even as a
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site of terror. The mirror will tell the truth: No, damn it! Snow White is not the fairest of them all. She is precisely the problem! This returns us to the issue of the gift. Seeing whiteness from the perspective of, in this case, black people functions as an invitation to see more, to see things differently. It is a special call that reframes, that results in a form of unveiling, of seeing, and of recognizing a different side. It is a gift that invites an opening, perhaps having a Hubble telescopelike impact: I had no idea that there was so much more to see, and with such clarity! I have had this experience while reading works by feminist theorists. I have dared to see the world and my identity through their critical analyses, from their experiences of male dominant culture, from their mirror. Damn, what a sexist! I overlooked that one. Yet I am thankful for their gift. And while it is true that I always fail to comprehend the sheer complexity of what it is like to be a woman in a world that is based on male patriarchy, and the multiple forms of male violence toward women, I can use that mirror to make a difference. I can see me differently; I can see the operations of male hegemony differently, in ways that implicate me. And as a gift, I treat it as such. I am humbled by it. Whites must also be humbled by the gift of seeing more of themselves, more of the complex manifestations of their whiteness, as seen through black experiences of whiteness. As whites use the mirror to see and name whiteness, they do not magically become black. Indeed, accepting the gift ought to involve the recognition of important boundaries. There is no room for white territorialization or white appropriation, features that are symptomatic of whiteness itself. To go it alone implies that whites themselves can solve the problems of whiteness. It would be like men getting together by themselves to solve the historical problem of male hegemony and sexism without the critical voices of women. Within the context of whiteness, after the gift has been given, one still remains white, ensconced within a white social structure that not only continues to confer privileges but also militates against one even knowing that *whiteness+ is there to be shown.44 As stated previously, Look, a white! presupposes a black counter-gaze. Moreover, it is this black gaze that I encourage my white students to cultivate. Look, a white! is a way of engaging the white world, calling it forth from a different perspective, a perspective critically cultivated by black people and others of color. It is a perspective gained through pain and suffering, through critical thought and daring action. Seeing the world from the perspective of a flipped script (Look, a white!) does not, however, reinscribe a form of race essentialism. In Fanons case, Look, a Negro! was never intended as a gift; it functioned as a penalty. For the object so identified, this phrase meant that there was a price to be paid. The public declaration was designed to fix the black body racially, to forewarn those whites within earshot that a beastly threat was near. Look, a white! is not meant to seal white bodies into that crushing objecthood45 that Fanon speaks of vis--vis the white gaze. There is no desire to fix white people in the sense in which a chemical solution is fixed by a dye.46 Instead, Look, a white! has the goal of complicating white identity. It has the goal of fissuring white identity, not stabilizing it according to racist myths and legends. To say, Look, a white! is an act of ostension, a form of showing, but it is not limited to phenotype, though this necessarily shows up in the act of ostension. Look, a white! points to what has been deemed invisible, unremarkable, normative. As children, some of us liked counting anything at all, chairs, passing cars, birds on a rooftop. And we counted them partly because we just loved to count. But we also had this ability to notice so many things that adults had relegated to the background. As adults, we count our money, we count the days of the weekthe things that apparently really matter. Look, a white! tells us to be attentive to what has become the background. As a powerful act of pointing, Look, a white! brings whiteness to the foreground. Whiteness as a site of privilege and power is named and identified. Whiteness as an embedded set of social practices that render white people complicit in larger social practices of white racism is nominated. It is about turning our bodies (and our attention) in the direction of white discourse and white social performances that attempt to pass themselves off as racially neutral, and it is about finding the courage to say, Look, a white! As Christine E. Sleeter writes, While in an abstract sense white people may not like the ideas of reproducing white racism, and in a personal sense, do not see themselves as racist, in their talk and
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actions, they are.47 Look, a white! also points to the historical white regulatory, antimiscegenation norms that produced white bodies. Look, a white! points to the *white racist+ discursive rules and regulations that dictated the biological chain that produced these hands, these eyes, and skin tone48 that have become privileged as beautiful, normative, white. Look, a white! assiduously nominates white bodies within the context of a stream of history dominated by white racism. Look, a white! unveils the ways in which white bodies are linked to white discursive practices and racist power relations that define those white bodies. Look, a white! signifies compulsory repetitions *that+ construct illusory origins of [whiteness] that function as regulatory regimes to keep [whites] within a particular grid of intelligibility by governing and punishing nonnormative behavior, interpellating [whites] back into the normative discourse [and back into normative spaces+. 49 Look, a white! dares to mark those whites who deem themselves ethically superior because they have a better grasp of the operations of white racism than those other complacent whites. Look, a white! marks those whites who see themselves as radically progressive now that they are able to confess their racism publicly or because they publicly demonstrate intellectual savvy in how they engage whiteness with sophistication. As intimated previously, Look, a white! militates against its reduction to identifying singular, individual, intentional acts of racism only. Instead, Look, a white! also identifies what one is in a social framework or system of social categorizations.50 In this way, Look, a white! does not open the door to facile claims about symmetrically hurtful racial stereotypes, reverse discrimination, and the rhetoric of a so-called color-blind, perpetrator perspective. Look, a white! marks such moves as sites of obfuscation, revealing them as forms of mystificatory digression from the clearly asymmetrical and enduring system of white power itself.51 Look, a white! flags whiteness in the form of colonialism and imperialism, which function as forms of gluttony and fanaticism that would dare to consume the entire earth. Du Bois asks, But what on earth is whiteness that one should so desire it? Then always, somehow, some way, silently but clearly, I am given to understand that whiteness is the ownership of the earth forever and ever, Amen!52 I want my white students to shout, Look, a white! on a daily basis, to call whiteness out, publicly. I encourage them to develop a form of double consciousness, one that enables them to see the world differently and to see themselves differently through the experiences of black people and people of color. On this score, Look, a white! becomes a shared perspective, a shared dynamic naming process, buttressed and informed by the insights regarding whiteness that black people and people of color have acquired. The strategy is to have my white students see the white world through our eyes, a perspective that will challenge whiteness, not deteriorate into white guilt or take new forms of white pity to help the so-called helpless. Look, a white! is meant to be unsafe, indeed, to be dangerous to whites themselves. By dangerous I mean threatening to a white self and a white social system predicated on a vicious lie that white is right morally, epistemologically, and otherwise.
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Ontological Whiteness
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1NC
[AT: Yancy] The judges perspective will inevitably intervene into the affs projectthat perpetuates racism and whiteness. White guilt and shame only recreate the systems of domination that created racism in the first place. Sullivan 12 (Shannon, Penn State U, On the Need for a New Ethos of White Antiracism, philoSOPHIA vol. 2 Issue 1, project MUSE)//LA Today, however, guilt and especially shame, rather than fear, hatred, and greed, tend to be the recommended affects for white people who care about racial justice. As Alexis Shotwell (2010, 73) claims, A certain kind of feeling bad can be
important for producing meaningful solidarity across difference, particularly for individuals who benefit from racist social/ political structures. Some of those bad feelings might include guilt, anger, sadness, panic, shame, embarrassment, and other emotions not easy to name (2010, 74; see also Bartky 1999, Macmullan 2009, Morgan 2008, and Sedgwick 2003). In my view, however, affects
of white guilt and shame ultimately tend to be counterproductive for antiracist movements. This is for two reasons. First, in the case of white peoples contributions to racial justice movements, I am skeptical that guilt and shame can sustain the ongoing, difficult political work of changing institutional structures and practices that perpetuate white privilege and domination. The personal, here in the form of affect and ontology, is related to the political, and negative affects generally are insufficient for motivating and sustaining meaningful efforts on the part of dominant groups to make political change. Guilt and shame about white racism might lead, and sometimes have led white people to do something to fight white racism. But I am doubtful that guilt and shame can support much more than a brief gesture that ultimately serves more to relieve white people of their racially affective burdens than to further racial justice. White guilt and shame about white racism are not a radical
difference in kind from the negative affects that historically have constituted white people: white hatred and fear of people of color. Guilt and shame represent merely a difference of degree of the negative affects with which white people are racially constituted.4 Whether the negative affects in question are white guilt and shame or white hatred and fear, however, the
issue of negative versus positive affects is not one of personal feelings at the expense of political action. The question of which affects constitute white people is intimately connected, not antithetical to the issue of white peoples ability to help bring about institutional and political change regarding race. In my view, positive affects, such as bestowing self-love, tend to provide the affective soil in which the roots of effective white action for racial justice best grow. The second reason that I think promoting white guilt and shame generally is counterproductive to racial justice movements is that these affects tend to turn white antiracist efforts into a narrow quest for white moral salvation. Rather than the achievement of racial justice, relief from racial guilt and shame seems to be what is at stake for many white people in their dealings with people of color. This is an inappropriate and unfair burden for white people to ask them to bear. As Thurgood Marshall once said, You know, sometimes I
get awfully tired of trying to save the white mans soul (quoted in Hobson 1999, 17). *End Page 25+ White peoples souls may indeed need saving, but to demand that black and other nonwhite people be the vehicle for white salvation merely replicates the racial inequalities and abuses that led to their damnation. As feminist sociologist Sarita Srivastava has documented in her research on white feminists in antiracist organizations, white women in particular tend to become mired in self-examination and stuck in deliberations on morality and salvation. Not surprisingly, this ethical self-transformation is still framed by the poles of good versus evil, newly interpreted as the fraudulent nonracist versus the authentic antiracist (Srivastava 2005, 50). Ill return later to the point about the ethical framing of good versus evil in the contex t of white antiracism. Here I want to point out that self-examination can take many different forms, not all of which result in a mired or stuck self. The turn to oneself (self-examination) that I wish to encourage here is a process through which a white person would reconstitute and transform herself, not a self-examination undertaken to reassure her existing self by satisfying her desire for innocence (2005, 45). Instead
of being constituted primarily by white guilt and shame, white people who want to work toward racial justice need to be fueled by a bestowing love for or affirmation of themselves and other white people.
I deliberately say love themselves and other white people, rather than love other people, white and nonwhite because Im concerned about cross-racial, universal love being used by white people as an evasion of the meaning and effects of their whiteness and thus as an extension of their white privilege. Let
me be clear that I am not arguing that white people and people of color should never love each other. What I am arguing is that white people need to stop overly focusing on people of color when they consider how to combat racial injustice. More than anything, white people need to turn to themselves and clean up their own house. I realize that this suggestion might seem to only
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exacerbate white domination, white racism, and the specific problem of the white quest for racial salvation. Arent white people already too focused on themselves? Dont they need to think more about the plight and lives of people of color? Wont loving or affirming themselves only increase the amount of white hubris, white pride, white selfishness, and white supremacy that exists in the world today? The answer to these questions is no, or at least, not necessarily. This is not because white people have nothing in their racial past or present to feel
ashamed about. They do. I am not claiming that white people should never feel guilty or ashamed about their whiteness or their white history. What I am claiming is that guilt
and shame should not be the primary affects that constitute a white persons relationship to her racial identity. While white people myopically have engaged in what Adrienne Rich (1979, 306) calls white solipsism, in which only white people and their interests are recognized or seen as important, the best corrective for white solipsism is not necessarily for white people to do the opposite and selflessly focus only on people of color. [End Page 26] White self-denial and self-hatred can be the flip side of the same coin of white solipsism, after all. What is needed instead is for white people to develop a different kind of relationship to their whiteness. In my view, an increase of white selfishness is needed to help prevent white involvement in antiracist movements from becoming a disguised form of condescending charity toward people of color. As Nietzsches Zarathustra explains, the selflessness of those who would try to help others first often is a covert form of self-hatred. Speaking to the weak,
Zarathustra charges your love of your neighbors is your bad love of yourselves. You flee to your neighbor away from yourselves and would like to make a virtue of it; but I see through your selflessness (Nietzsche 1969, 86). Nietzsches harsh indictment of Christian forms of charity is echoed by W. E. B. Du Boiss scathing criticism of white philanthropists who think of themselves as uplifting poor, ignoble people of color across the world. As Du Bois (1999, 1819) bitingly charges, these worthy souls in whom consciousness of high descent brings burning desire to spread the gift abroad receive a great deal of mental peace and moral satisfaction when humble black folk, voluble with thanks, receive barrels of old clothes from lordly and generous whites. But when
black recipients of white charity begin to challenge white authority and accept white gifts sullenly rather than gratefully, then the spell is suddenly broken and the true, even if unconscious purpose of white charity is revealed (1999, 19). It has very little to do with genuinely increasing the flourishing of black people, and everything to do with covertly using black people to generate white peoples moral sense of goodness.
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Fanon Cards
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Psychology
The consciousness of the past shapes the consciousness of the future, therefore we must reject the consciousness of the past and shape a new consciousness Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p. 64 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG
There are times when the black man (person) is locked into his (their) body. Now, for a being who has acquired consciousness of himself and of his body, Who has attained to the dialectic of subject and obj ect, the body is no longer a cause of the structure of consciousness, it has become an object of consciousness. The Negro, however sincere, is the slave of the past. None the less I am a man, and in this sense the Peloponnesian War is as much mine as the invention of the compass. Face to face with the White man, the Negro has a past to legitimate, a Vengeance to exact; face to face With the Negro, the contemporary White man (person) feels the need to recall the times of cannibalism. A few years ago, the Lyon
branch of the Union of Students From Overseas France asked me to reply to an article that made jazz music literally an irruption of cannibalism into the modern World. Knowing exactly what I Was doing, I rejected the premises on which the request was based, and I suggested to the defender of European purity that he cure himself of a spasm that had nothing cultural in it. Some men Want to H11 the World with their presence. A German philosopher described this mechanism as the pathology of freedom . In the circumstances, I did not have to take up a position on behalf of Negro music against white music, but rather to help my brother to rid himself of an attitude in which there was nothing healthful. The problem considered here is one of time. Those Negroes and White
men (people)Will be disalienated Who refuse to let themselves be sealed away in the materialized Tower of the Past. For many other Negroes, in other Ways, disalienation will come into being through their refusal to accept the present as dehnitive.
The black human carries the black mans burden, a burden to prove themselves human Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p. 178-179 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG
The black man Wants to be like the White man. For the black man there is only one destiny. And it is White. Long ago the black man admitted the unarguable superiority of the White man, and all his efforts are aimed at achieving a White existence. Have I no other purpose on earth, then, but to avenge the Negro of the seventeenth century? In this World, which is
already trying to disappear, do I have to pose the problem of black truth? Do I have to be limited to the justification of a facial conformation? I as a man of color do not have the right to seek to know in what respect my race is superior or inferior to another race. I
as a man of color do not have the right to hope that in the White man there will be a crystallization of guilt toward the past of my race. I as a man of color do not have the right to seek Ways of stamping down the pride of my former master. I have neither the right nor the duty to claim reparation for the domestication of my ancestors. There is no Negro mission; there is no White burden. I find myself suddenly in a World in which things do evil; a World in which I am summoned into battle; a World in which it is always a question of annihilation or triumph. I find myself-I, a man-in a World Where Words Wrap themselves in silence; in a World Where the other endlessly hardens himself. No, I do not have the right to go and cry out my hatred at the White man. I do not have the duty to murmur my gratitude to the White man. My life is caught in the lasso of existence. My freedom turns me back on myself . No, I do not have the right to be a Negro. I do not have the duty to be this or that .... If the White man challenges my humanity, I Will impose my Whole Weight as a man on his life and show him that I am not that sho good eatin that he persists in imagining.
Solving the problem of racism does not mean to rewrite history, but rather to redraw the image of the black being
Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p.179 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG
There is no White World, there is no White ethic, any more than there is a White intelligence. There are in every
part of the World men who search. I am not a prisoner of history. I should not seek there for the meaning of my destiny. I should constantly remind myself that the real leap consists in introducing invention into existence. In the World through which I travel, I
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am endlessly creating myself. I am a part of Being to the degree that I go beyond it. And, through a private problem, We see the outline of the problem of Action. Placed in this World, in a situation, embarked, as Pascal would have it, am I
going to gather Weapons? Am I going to ask the contemporary White man to answer for the slave-ships of the seventeenth century? Am I going to ask the contemporary white man to answer for the slave-ships of the seventeenth century? Am I going to try by every possible means to cause Guilt to be born in minds? Moral anguish in the face of the massiveness of the Past? I am a Negro, and tons of chains, storms of blows, rivers of expectoration flow down my shoulders.But I do not have the right to allow myself to bog down. I
do not have the right to allow the slightest fragment to remain in my existence. I do not have the right to allow myself to be mired in what the past has determined .I am not the slave of the Slavery that dehumanized my ancestors.
The black being has no home because their civilization has been ruined Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p. 180 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG To many colored intellectuals European culture has a quality of exteriority. What is more, in human relationships, the Negro may feel himself a stranger to the Western World. Not Wanting to live the part of a poor relative, of an adopted son, of a bastard child, shall he feverishly seek to discover a Negro civilization? Let us be clearly
understood. I am convinced that it Would be of the greatest interest to be able to have contact with a Negro literature or architecture of the third century before Christ. I should be very happy to know that a correspondence had flourished between some Negro philosopher and Plato. But I can absolutely not see how this fact would change anything in the lives of the eight-year-old children who labor in the cane fields of Martinique or Guadeloupe.
We must free ourselves from the chains of history Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p. 178-179 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG
No attempt must be made to encase man (humans), for it is his (their) destiny to be set free. The body of history does not determine a single one of my actions. I am my own foundation. And it is by going beyond the historical, instrumental hypothesis that I Will initiate the cycle of my freedom. The disaster of the man of color lies in the fact that he was enslaved. The disaster and the inhumanity of the White man lie in the fact that somewhere he has killed man. And even today they subsist, to organize this dehumanization rationally. But I as a man of color, to
the extent that it becomes possible for me to exist absolutely, do not have the right to lock myself into a World of retroactive reparations.
I, the man of color, Want only this: That the tool never possess the man. That the enslavement of man by man Cease forever. That is, of one by another. That it be possible for me to discover and to love man, Wherever he may be.
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Economics
We must free ourselves from the chains of history Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p. 178-179 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG
The major purpose of this manuscript has been to reconstruct the sociology of entrepreneurship by giving a special consideration to the Afro-American experience. The sociology of entrepreneurship, which is concerned with the relationship between
ethnicity and business activity, has almost completely ignored the Afro-American experience. Thus, the sociohistorical examples which interact with theoretical ideas have stressed the ethnic experience. Although
this is certainly fine, it is quite ironic that most of the major ideas developed in theories-such as middleman, ethnic enclave, and collectivism-were already prevalent in old books and manuscripts written about the Afro-American experience. Thus, not only is the
Afro-American experience overlooked in the sociology of entrepreneurship, but scholarship-mostly by AfroAmericans-has also been overlooked. This, in itself; is an interesting comment on American societv, race. and scholarship. This manuscript has also argued that, although all Afro-Americans have had to face racism, prejudice, and discrimination,
those of today who can trace their roots back to entrepreneurship and the self-help experience possess a set of values which are similar-if not identical-to middleman ethnic groups. Such an approach means that we must reconstruct how we think about
race and economics in America, and about policy which relates to that experience.
Economics are rooted in race Butler 5 (John Sibely Butler, Professor John Sibley Butler holds the Gale Chair in Entrepreneurship and Small Business in the Graduate School of Business (Department of Management). He is the Director of the Herb Kelleher Center for Entrepreneurship and the Director of the Institute for Innovation, Creativity and Capital (IC). His research is in the areas of organizational behavior and new venture development. For the last eight summers Professor Butler has occupied the Distinguished Visiting Professor position at Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo Japan, and this year holds the same status at Peking University in China, Entrepreneurship and Self-Help among Black Americans A Reconsideration of Race and Ethics, Volume II, p.328, Google Books)//BG
We have shown that business activity, in the form of economic enclaves, was part of the Afro-American
experience as early as the 1700s. Mainly because of scholarship done on Afro-American entrepreneurs bejinre the Civil War, we
were able to show the development of economic enclaves during that time period in such cities as Philadelphia and Cincinnati. ln Philadelphia, Afro-Americans were instrumental in the development of service enterprises. This was also true in Cincinnati, which was actually one of the stronger cities for enterprise before the Civil War. In New York City one ofthe best restaurants in the Wall Street area was owned by Afro-Americans. Even in the South, the pattern of small business activity, for the
generation of economic activity, was very prevalent among free Afro-Americans before the Civil War. Their
clients were not limited to Afro-Americans, but included people of European descent, as well. One can say without a doubt and based on available data, that they controlled service enterprises during this time period. As with other middleman groups who have
played this role throughout history, they operated under racial hostility. This pattern of business activity, especially as regards clientele, changed due to the immigration of other ethnic groups in large numbers to the northeastern part of the United States and the influences of increased racial discrimination.
Economic engagement is based off of the institution of slavery, entrenching racist ideals Butler 5 (John Sibely Butler, Professor John Sibley Butler holds the Gale Chair in Entrepreneurship and Small Business in the Graduate School of Business (Department of Management). He is the Director of the Herb Kelleher Center for Entrepreneurship and the Director of the Institute for Innovation, Creativity and Capital (IC). His research is in the areas of organizational behavior and new venture development. For the last eight summers Professor Butler has occupied the Distinguished Visiting Professor position at Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo Japan, and this year holds the same status at Peking University in
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China, Entrepreneurship and Self-Help among Black Americans A Reconsideration of Race and Ethics, Volume II, p.328, Google Books)//BG Also discussed was the rich and interesting data on Afro-America entrepreneurship under the institution of slavery. Even while in bondage, some Afro-Americans showed a propensity to enter enterprise in order to generate income. Sometimes this income was used for the purchase of their loved ones' freedom from slave masters, while at other times it was used to enhance their own plantations. In addition, Afro-Americans were quite active in inventing new products which were-and still are-important in this country. This activity in itself was a significant entrepreneurial one, representing adjustment under severe conditions of racism and discrimination. After the Civil War, Afro-Americans were faced with the problem of adjusting
to hostility in both the North and the South. In the South, those who had fought so strongly against America during the Civil War developed laws to exclude Afro-Americans from full participation in that society, although the latter clearly fought on the side of the Union. The
systematic conscious program of Jim Crow segregation was designed to re-create the analog of slavery.
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Debate Key
The debate space is key to stopping racism- it begins with ending intellectual alienation Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, philosopher, revolutionary, and author, Black Skin; White Masks, p. 61 Written in 1952, new edition published in 2008)//BG In this connection, I should like to say something that I have found in many other Writers: Intellectual alienation is a creation of middle-class society. What I call middle-class society is any society that becomes rigidified in predetermined forms, forbidding all evolution, all gains, all progress, all discovery. I call middleclass a closed society in which life has no taste, in which the air is tainted, in which ideas and men (people) are corrupt. And I think that a man (person) who takes a stand against this death is in a sense a revolutionary. The debate space has failed in breaking down the structures of race by excluding discussion-now is the time for change to occur Brinkley 12 (Dr. Shanara Reed-Brinkley, An Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Pittsburgh, where she also serves as the Director of Debate for the William Pitt Debating Union. She is a national award winner for her published work on critical theory, black feminist theory, gender, black culture and history, and hip hop culture and theory, Resistance and Debate, An Open Letter to Sarah Spring http://resistanceanddebate.wordpress.com/2012/11/12/an-open-letterto-sarah-spring/)//BG
Lack of community discussion is neither random nor power-neutral. We have tried to have discussions. These discussions have been regularly derailed in wrong forum arguments, in the demand for evidence, in the unfair burdens placed on the aggrieved as a pre-requisite for engagement. Read the last
ten years of these discussions on edebate archives: Ede Warner on edebate and move forward to Rashad Evans diversity discussion from 2010 to Deven Cooper to Amber Kelsies discussion on CEDA Forums and the NDT CEDA Traditions page. We have been talking for over a decade, we have been reaching out for years, we have been listening to the liberal, moderate refrain of we agree with your goals but not with your method. We will no longer wait for the community to respond, to relinquish privilege, to engage in
authentic discussion, since largely the community seems incapable of producing a consensus for responding to what we all agree is blatant structural inequity. It seems that meta-debates/discussions about debate are generally met
with denial, hostility andmore oftensilence. This silence is in fact a focused silence. It is not people in the Resistance Facebook group that comprise these silent figuresit is (as has been described) the old boys club. We have been quite vocaland we
believe that it is this very vocalness (and the development of a diversity of tactics in response to status quo stalling tactics) that has provoked response when response was given. Sarah Springs cedadebate post is a case in point. The decision to change our speaker point scale is not in order to produce a judging doomsday apparatus (this kind of apocalyptic rhetoric might more aptly be applied to the current racist/sexist/classist state of affairs in this community), though we must admit that we are flattered that our efforts have affected the community enough to result in such a hyberbolic labeling. It indicates that civil disobedience is still an effective tactic; the debate community should take it as an indication that our calls for change are serious. We will continue to innovate and collaborate on tactics of resistance. This
crisis in debate has no end in sight. The rationale for changing the point scale was not simply to reward people for preferring the unpreferred critic. We recognize that MPJ produces effects, and we hoped that changing our point scale was a small but significant tactic that was available to the disenfranchised in this community. MPJ: A) Limits judging opportunities for blacks, browns, and womyn B) Limits opportunities for debaters who are (and are not) black, brown, and womyn to be judged by such critics. The effect is: A) That the evaluations of these categorically marginalized critics are deemed not valuable or costly. B) That the debate efforts of categorically marginalized debaters are deemed not valuable. We believe that debaters deserve to have black, brown, and womyn critics (in general debaters should be judged by multiply situated critics across varying social locations). We think the community deserves to know what we have to say. Therefore, it seemed appropriate in this context to play the discriminative logics at work against themselves by demonstrating just what value or cost our evaluations could have. We worked with the limited options available to us. It seems this system
works as long as it is comfortable for the majority or the major powerbrokers. The community pays lip service to, or simply ignores, the concerns of those for whom this system is not working. Now it is everyones
concern. To be clear: we did not alter our point scale because we believe we are not preferred for unjust reasons (we know we are not preferred for unjust reasons), but because the system produces the effect of magnifying and enforcing on a social scale the delegitimation of blacks, browns, and womyn. We think this is a question of ethics and a question of pedagogy; it is something that stunts the growth of all members of this community regardless of identity or social positioning.
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There is a crisis in the community because of the self-segregation-only discussions can solve Brinkley 12 (Dr. Shanara Reed-Brinkley, An Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Pittsburgh, where she also serves as the Director of Debate for the William Pitt Debating Union. She is a national award winner for her published work on critical theory, black feminist theory, gender, black culture and history, and hip hop culture and theory, Resistance and Debate, An Open Letter to Sarah Spring http://resistanceanddebate.wordpress.com/2012/11/12/an-open-letterto-sarah-spring/)//BG
Stuart Hall said crisis occur when the social formation can no longer be reproduced on the basis of the pre-
existing system of social relation. This community is in crisis because the reality of debate has changed. The
backlash we have faced in response to this crisis (breaking up with the K, unethical engagements with arguments, resentment, refusing to listen to certain arguments, and even refusing to listen to particular teams, etc.) is reactionary conservativism. Blacks, browns, and
womyn face micro-aggressions in this activity constantly. Sometimes it is outright hostility. We are always
already uncomfortable in this space that many so easily call a community. We are always already aware that this community would prefer an empty celebration of diversity without the critical re-interrogation of the activity that our very presence demands. In these kinds of
hostile environments, self-segregation is a self-protective measure. We produce safe-spaces where we may gather, discuss, regroup, lift spirits and figure out how to resist while maintaining sanity. We see nothing wrong
with this. In fact, any review of the history of social movements and activism would demonstrate the necessity of building spaces for the disenfranchised to speak and plan resistance to a powerful majority. The Resistance Facebook group is such a forum. To even describe the gathering of people in the group as a clique demonstrates the very invisibility and lack of concern that people of color face in this community. Our experiences of discomfort and horror stories of blatant hostility are invisible in this framing. If our experiences were real to the majority, rather than just what some students are using to win debate rounds, then the necessity for the Resistance Facebook group would be clear. The group is a forum for ally building. Often it is a rare place where the K v K or Performance v Performance debate can be considered in its practical and ethical implications. It is precisely the kind of place for open discussion that Sarah Spring calls forthe kind of place where discussion that needs to take place often does. But those discussions also do not stop there. Discussions that begin
in the group are often taken to wider groups within the debate community to broaden the discussion and yet they are often derailed and then we must retreat and regroup, review our strategies, discuss potential options, and seek advice. Note that the example of the active and lively debate about the hotel architecture at the Clay
mentioned in Sarahs post, was hashed out for months on the resistance page before many of us began to speak publicly about the issue. It was through that vibrant debate in the Resistance Facebook group that produced the very conditions for the open discussion you mention. The Resistance Facebook page is a response to the increasing ghettoization of some bodies and some
discursive forms in debatenot the other way around. The fact that the existence of the group was what was critiqued rather than the necessity of the group is deeply troubling to us.
It is the job of the whites to solve for the social segregation Brinkley 12 (Dr. Shanara Reed-Brinkley, An Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Pittsburgh, where she also serves as the Director of Debate for the William Pitt Debating Union. She is a national award winner for her published work on critical theory, black feminist theory, gender, black culture and history, and hip hop culture and theory, Resistance and Debate, An Open Letter to Sarah Spring http://resistanceanddebate.wordpress.com/2012/11/12/an-open-letterto-sarah-spring/)//BG
It is unclear what the bright line is between group discussions or backchannels or facebook groups and a discussion group (articulated as closed backroom discussion which is by the way, homophobic) which produces disenfranchized discussion As far as we can tell, Sarah Spring is upset that she has not been able to see what mischief the slaves are hatching in the slave quarters on the plantation. The Resistance Facebook group has a wide range of members. It includes current debaters, former debaters, coaches, judges, high school students, academics (with no relationship to debate), radical community activists. All members of the group are granted administrative access once they are admitted, so people request admission through the relationships they have cultivated with already existing members. If someone has not been invited to the group, it is because they lack authentic relationships with any of the membersperhaps the perceived secrecy of the group could be better understood as a symptom of the lack of social relations you have with a wide group of differently situated people. The argument here is likened to the question, why are all the black kids sitting
together in the cafeteria?an argument meant to imply that it is the burden of the black students to make friends with the whites, and that the whites cannot be faulted for choosing to maintain distance. There are a
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number of issues that marginalized members of the community simply do not know about. For example, many of us did not discover the existence of Sarahs post until the last round of the evening, although we have since learned that people have been talking about it (not to us) throughout the day. If you are excluding yourself from usvia MPJ, on the quad, in the hallway, at the hotelthen you
should hold yourself accountable, not us. We are not secret. We are not hiding. We are just invisible to you P.S. It is no longer called the Dixie Classic.
Tag Johnson & Henerson 5 (E. Patrick Johnson, E. Patrick Johnson is the Carlos Montezuma Professor of Performance Studies and
African American Studies at Northwestern University. A scholar/artist, Johnson performs nationally and internationally and has published widely in the areas of race, gender, sexuality and performance, Mae G. Henderson, professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She is the author of numerous articles on pedagogy, diasporic writing and performance, cultural studies and cultural criticism, as well as black feminist criticism and theory, including the widely anthologized essay, "Speaking In Tongues: Dialogics, Dialectics, and the Black Woman Writer's Literary Tradition." She is editor of Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology (2005), Borders, Boundaries and Frames (1995), and co-editor (with John Blassingame) of the five-volume Antislavery Newspapers and Periodicals: An Annotated Index of Letters, 1817-1871 (1980). Henderson has also published the Critical Foreword and Notes to the Modern Library edition of Nella Larsen's Passing (2002).Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology, 2005, p.4)//BG Given the status of women (and class not lagging too far behind) within black studies, it is not surprising that sexuality, and especially homosexuality, became not only a repressed site of study within the Held, but also one with which the discourse was paradoxically preoccupied, if only to deny and disavow its place in the discursive sphere of black studies. On the one hand, the category of (homo)sexuality, like those of gender and class, remained necessarily subordinated to that of race in the discourse of
black studies, due principally to an identitarian politics aimed at forging a unified front under racialized blackness. On the other hand, the privileging of a racialist dis-course demanded the deployment of a sexist and homophobic rhetoric in order to mark, by contrast, the priority of race. While black (heterosexual) womens intellectual and community work were marginalized, if not erased, homosexuality was effectively theorized as a White disease that had in-fected the black community? In fact, sexuality as an object of discourse circulated mainly by way of defensive disavowals of sexual deviance, fre-quently framed by outspoken
heterosexual black male intellectuals theoriz-ing the black male phallus in relation to the black (w)hole and other priapic riffs sounding the legendary potency of the heterosexual black man or, alternatively, bewailing his historical emasculation at the hands of over-bearing and domineering black women.4 It would be some time, as Audre Lorde discovered in the bars of New York during her sexual awakening, before black studies would come to realize that *its+ place was the very house of difference rather than the security of any one particular difference.
Tag Johnson & Henerson 5 (E. Patrick Johnson, E. Patrick Johnson is the Carlos Montezuma Professor of Performance Studies and
African American Studies at Northwestern University. A scholar/artist, Johnson performs nationally and internationally and has published widely in the areas of race, gender, sexuality and performance, Mae G. Henderson, professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She is the author of numerous articles on pedagogy, diasporic writing and performance, cultural studies and cultural criticism, as well as black feminist criticism and theory, including the widely anthologized essay, "Speaking In Tongues: Dialogics, Dialectics, and the Black Woman Writer's Literary Tradition." She is editor of Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology (2005), Borders, Boundaries and Frames (1995), and co-editor (with John Blassingame) of the five-volume Antislavery Newspapers and Periodicals: An Annotated Index of Letters, 1817-1871 (1980). Henderson has also published the Critical Foreword and Notes to the Modern Library edition of Nella Larsen's Passing (2002).Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology, 2005, p.4)//BG Despite its theoretical and political shortcomings, queer studies, like black studies, disrupts dominant and hegemonic
discourses by consistently destabilizing fixed notions of identity by deconstructing binaries such as heterosexual/homosexual, gay/ lesbian, and masculine/ feminine as well as the concept of heteronormativity in general. Given its currency in the academic marketplace, then, queer studies has the potential to transform how We theorize sexuality in conjunction with other identity formations? Yet, as some theorists have noted, the deconstruction of binaries and the explicit unmarking of difference (e.g., gender, race, class, region, able -bodiedness, etc.) have serious implications for those for whom these other differences matter.9 Lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgendered people of color who are committed to the demise of oppression in its various forms, cannot afford to theorize their lives based on single-variable politics. As many of the essays in this volume demonstrate, to ignore the multiple subjectivities of the minoritarian subject within and without political movements and theo-retical paradigms is not only theoretically and politically naive, but also potentially dangerous. In the context of an expansive American imperialism in which the separation of church and state (if they ever really were separate) remains so only by the most tenuous membrane and in which a sitting
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president homophobically refers to as sinners certain U.S. citizens seeking the protection of marriage, the so called axis of evil is likely to cut across every identity category that is not marked White, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, heterosexual, American, and male.
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FW Cards
Tag Chase & Dowd 12 (Megan M. Chase, Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education, Rossier School of Education, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles Alicia C. Dowd, associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. Dr. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity, organizational effectiveness, and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education, Educational Policy Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States, p.5, 7 December 2012, http://rossier.usc.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.pdf)//BG Traditional methods of policy analysis, referred to as rational scientyic approaches, treat policy creation as a logical
step-by- step process in which facts are analyzed to arrive at the best policy solution (Bacchi, 1999). Proponents of
this approach assume that policy creation and analysis are value-neutral processes (Allan, Iverson, & Roper-Huilman, 2010; MartinezAleman, 2010). Until the mid- 1980s, the most influential approach for understanding the policy process was the stages heuristic or textbook approach (J. Anderson, 1975; Nakamura, 1987). This approach divided the policy process into a series of stages-typically agenda setting, policy for-mulation and legitimation, implementation, and evaluation (Sabatier, 2007, p. 6). Researchers working from this perspective focused on the technical properties of the policy or the extent to which a policy is delivered to the targ eted population in the mamier intended by policy designers (ODom1ell, 2008; Plunty, 1985). This approach allowed for the examination of distinct decision-making moments (Mulholland & Shakespeare, 2005), but often neglected the policys social or cultural context (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1988). More specifically, traditional policy approaches tended to view the actor from the
political economy perspective, which assumed the actors behavior was guided by weighing costs and benefits and using information in a rational way to maximize material self-interest (Ostrom, 1999). Such an actor used information as a tool to ensure beneficial economic outcomes tor the self Rarely had weight been given to the actors values, beliefs, resources, information, information processing capabilities, or their external environment (Ostrom, 1999). Although a thorough discussion is beyond the scope of this article; in the past 30 years, a number of new theoretical frameworks of the policy process have either been developed or modified to address the criticisms of the textbook
approach to policy research (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993; Kingdon, 1984; Ostrom; 1999; Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith; 1988). These frameworks have since moved away from the more functionalist views; adding more complexity to how actors
create and implement policy. For example multiple streams theory (Kingdon, 1984), views policy as being unpredictable and
complicated to manage, and suggests that policy streams come together during windows of opportunity. The punctuated equilibrium theory (Baumgaltner & Jones, 1993) attempted to explain how policy domains are characterized by long periods of stability and incremental change but still experience short periods of great change. Finally, the advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier &. Jenkins-Smith, 1988) focuses on the interaction of advocacy coalitionseach consisting of actors from a variety of institutions who share a set of policy beliefs-within a policy subsystem. These, along with other contem-porary policy frameworks, still rely on several rationalist undertones, fail to capture the full complexity of policy environments, and do not account for all the
components that influence policy creation and implementation over time. More specifically, these frameworks have been critiqued for failing to account for the oppression and often marginalization of racialized populations written into policies (Marshall, 1997; Spillane, Reiser, & Reimer, 2002; Stein, 2004).The more traditional approaches assume that race and ethnicity are not rele-vant in policy, and thus camouflage the differential impact of educational policy on minoritized and White students (Iverson, 2007; Parker, 2003; Rivas, Prez, Alvarez, &
Solorzano, 2007; Young, 1999).
Tag Chase & Dowd 12 (Megan M. Chase, Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education, Rossier School of Education, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles Alicia C. Dowd, associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. Dr. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity, organizational effectiveness, and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education, Educational Policy Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States, p.6, 7 December 2012, http://rossier.usc.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.pdf)//BG Alternative models, such as critical policy analysis (CPA), have been advanced to acknowledge
policy as a political and value-laden process(Allan et al., 2010, p. 22). The critical approach to educational policy emerged in the 1980s as a critique of social reproduction and discourse and detines policy as the practice of power (Levinson, Sutton, & Winstead, 2012). Critical
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researchers tend to view the process of knowledge generation as subjective, where truth is believed to be socially constructed, usually in a manner that supports certain racial, classes, and gender groups ( Crotty, 2003; Dumas &Anyon, 2006). This policy approach has been used to study multiple issues pertaining to education, such as social reproduction (Bowles & Gintis, 1976), welfare and other reform (Shaw, 2004), university diversity policy
(Iverson, 2007), school finance (Aleman, 2007), boys education policy (Weaver-Hightower, 2008), community college mission statements (Ayers, 2005), tracking (Oakes, 1985), and cultural assumptions within the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (Stein, 2004). Critical policy analysts work to illuminate the ways in which power oper -ates through
policy by drawing attention to hidden assumptions or policy silences and unintended consequences of policy practices (Allan et al., 2010, p. 24). Pusser and Marginson (2012) argue that, to date, scholars have gener-ally failed to
understand postsecondary higher education due to a lack of attention to theories that address the nature and sources of power (p. 2). Rather than focusing policy analysis on how to create more effective policies, applying a critical
perspective requires analysts to assess policy by asking questions such as Who benefits?, Who loses?, and How do low-income and minoritized students fare as a result of the policy? (Bacchi, 1999; Marshall,
1997). Young (i 1999) demonstrates the limitations of the traditional rationalist approach to policy analysis in her bi-theoretical study ofthe failure of a parental involvement policy. The rationalist approach did not reveal, as her critical analysis, how the
inequitable distribution of power and knowl-edge of parents at the school was implicated in the policys failure.
Critical policy analysis exposes the

Chase & Dowd 12 (Megan M. Chase, Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education, Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California, Los Angeles Alicia C. Dowd, associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. Dr. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity, organizational effectiveness, and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education, Educational Policy Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States, 7 December 2012, p.7, http://rossier.usc.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.pdf)//BG
The work of Young (1999) and others demonstrates how using CPA is especially important in a highly stratified society
like the United States because otherwise the impact of status differentials such as race, class, and gender remain hidden. For scholars concerned with exposing and ameliorating the ways in that educational policy and practice subordinate
racial and ethnic minority groups, CPA provides a lens to formulate research questions, interpret data, and propose changes to policies, practices, and institutions (Heck, 2004). A critical analysis is useful because it provides a lens that helps us see the
ways in that everyday policies and practices, such as those having to do with transfer, perpetuate racial and gender inequity (Harper, Patton, & Wooden, 2009). For example, Iverson (2007) conducted a study that exam-ined how university diversity policies shape the reality of students of color on campus. She found that the dominant discourses in diversity plans construct students of color as outsiders, concluding that such policies serve to (re)pro-duce the subordination of students of color. In addition, Shaw (2004) ana-lyzed welfare reform legislation from a critical policy perspective, where she found that welfare policy perpetuates social stratification by creating onerous barriers to education for women on welfare. These examples highlight how utilizing a critical policy framework can aid researchers in understanding how well-intentioned policy can potentially harm marginalized populations.
Only a critical approach to policy making can solve for racial equality Chase & Dowd 12 (Megan M. Chase, Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education, Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California, Los Angeles Alicia C. Dowd, associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. Dr. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity, organizational effectiveness, and accountability and the factors affecting student
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attainment in higher education, Educational Policy Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States, p. 7 December 2012, http://rossier.usc.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.pdf)//BG
A critical approach to policy analysis emphasizes the need to counter the policies, structures, practices, and allocation of resources that result in or reinforce racial inequity (Chesler & Crowfoot, 2000). As Chesler and Crowfoot
(2000) argue our history of racial injustice is maintained through contemporary policies and practices, and is reflected in the dramatic differentials . . _ in opportunity and other outcomes that still exist between people of color and White persons (ip. 436). From this view,
transfer poli-cies and practices can be discriminatory and function as a form of institutionalized racism, where institutionalized racism is defined as racism that occurs in structures and operations at the organizational level (Jones, 2000). This notion emphasizes how large-scale institutional structures and policies operate to pass on and reinforce historic patterns of privilege and disadvantage, such as deciding which groups
gain access to the baccalaureate and which do not (Chesler & Crowfoot, 2000, p. 441). However, it is important to note that institutionalized racism in the form of policy is most often uninten-tional. Referred to as indirect institutionalized discrimination,
this form of racism occurs with no prejudice or intent to harm, despite its negative and differential impacts on minoritized populations (Chesler & Crowfoot, 2000). Chesler and Crowfoot (2000) note that,organizational procedures can have discriminatory impact even if individual actors are unaware of such impacts or are nondiscriminatory in their personal beliefs, and even if their behavior appears to be a fair-minded application of race-neutral or color-blind rules (p. 442).
Policy making omits the fact that it is institutionalized and racist Chase & Dowd 12 (Megan M. Chase, Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education, Rossier School of Education, University of Southern California, Los Angeles Alicia C. Dowd, associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. Dr. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity, organizational effectiveness, and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education, Educational Policy Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States, 7 December 2012, p.8 http://rossier.usc.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.pdf)//BG
Racism in organizational policy can also include acts of omission, such as failing to recruit minority students or hiring
policies that exclude scholars of color. As an example, transfer policies can be enacted without conscious discriminatory intent, yet can produce results with inequitable and negative effects on students of color. Demonstrating how to critically evaluate policies
in terms of their potential for discriminatory impact provides the basis for redesigning policies in a more equitable manner. In this study, CPA includes the examination of state transfer policies with the goal of understanding if such policies
are a form of institutionalized rac-ism. CPA was chosen as the preferred method of analysis because, as other authors have indicated, written texts contribute to the construction of social reality; thus, by analyzing texts (in the case of this study, written policies), we were able to examine what is missing from enacted policy and who is privileged as a result (Allan et al., 2010; Fairclough, 1989). In addition, CPA is used to identify indirect forms of institutional discrimination.
Knowing that policies do not fully drive behaviors, we recognize problem identification is a necessary but insufficient step toward reducing structural barriers to transfer for minoritized students.

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2NC Silence Link

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the mockery it'd make of public

statistics; and their inherent racial and socio-economic unfairness,

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Project Team Link

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Rojecki, associate professor of

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The researchers found that people whom the interviewers

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order, or voice as truth, that is reinscribed when qualitative researchers privilege

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AT: What about the Holocaust?

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AT: Link of Omissions Bad

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acknowledge minorities as their equals.

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assumptions about the Other from an uncritical position of

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Pedagogy Turns Case

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Race K's - Michigan7 2013

Race K's - Michigan7 2013