The Lord of the smoking mirror: Objects associated with John Dee

in the British Museum

Silke Ackermann, Louise Devoy
Department of Prehistory and Europe, The British Museum, Great Russell Street, London WC1B 3DG, United Kingdom
a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Available online 22 December 2011
Keywords:
John Dee
British Museum
Objects
Divination
Magic
Collections and collectors
a b s t r a c t
Six objects associated with the magic practices of John Dee have been held within the collections of the
British Museum for many decades. These objects include three wax seals, an obsidian mirror, a gold disc
and a crystal ball. In this paper we review the provenance and possible association of these artefacts with
Dee by comparing their features to the descriptions and diagrams set out in Dees manuscripts. Although
we come to the conclusion that a direct link between these objects and Dee remains to be proven, we also
uncover a complex world of collectors whose avid interest in Dee contributed to the collection of objects
assembled today, which continue to reinforce Dees reputation as a magician.
2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
1. Introduction
Scene: In the Round Reading Room of the British Museum
Dees mirror. I glanced along the body, but the black mirror was
nowhere to be seen. Theyd stretched him naked on his back, his
body arched over arms bound beneath him. Blood had pooled
and thickened on the shelf top, dripping in slow, steady drops.
Just below his ribcage, a wide slash gaped across his abdomen
like an obscene mouth. . . Shed killed him to consecrate the mir-
ror. (J. L. Carrell, The Shakespeare curse, 2010, p. 335)
Apart frombeing the subject of countless scholarly publications,
the character of John Deeand especially his dealings with magic
continues to fascinate the wider public. In the last few years alone
he has appeared in numerous lms and books, from the crystal-
gazing magus seen in Elizabeth: the Golden Age
1
to the cautious sage
trying to prevent Shakespeare from invoking evil spirits in his plays,
as told in Carrells novel quoted above. The same appeal can be wit-
nessed in the British Museum, where gallery talks and lectures on
John Dee are regularly oversubscribed and where ever so often visi-
tors request a viewing of the secret room of Dees divination tools.
Sadly, such a treasure trove does not exist, but we do indeed have a
small group of objects associated with John Dee: three inscribed wax
discs (reg. no. 1838,1232.90.ac),
2
an obsidian mirror with a match-
ing case (reg. no. P&E 1966, 1001.1), a gold disc inscribed with a dia-
gram of the vision of the four castles (reg. no. P&E 1942, 0506.1) and
a crystal ball or shew stone (reg. no. P&E SLCups.232)all of which
are on display
3
and can be viewed online (British Museum, 2011).
But if one were to examine the biography of these diverse objects,
which have entered the museum by different routes at different
times over the past 250 years, one would nd that their provenance
and association with Dee is by no means as secure as one might
think. This paper aims to trace the life story of these artefacts from
their origins to their eventual display at the British Museum (Fig. 1).
2. The three wax discs
In the collection of the British Museum are three wax discs: a
larger one with a diameter of 23 cm (reg. no. P&E 1838,
0039-3681/$ - see front matter 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.shpsa.2011.11.007
E-mail addresses: sackermann@britishmuseum.org (S. Ackermann), ldevoy@britishmuseum.org (L. Devoy)
1
2007, directed by Shekhar Kapur and produced by Universal Pictures and Working Title Films.
2
In the older literature these objects are also referred to as OA. 10507.
3
British Museum, Room 1 (Enlightenment), oor case 20.
Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549
Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect
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j our nal homepage: www. el sevi er. com/ l ocat e/ shpsa
1232.90.a) and two smaller ones with a diameter of 12.5 cm (reg.
no. P&E 1838, 1232.90.bc). The size of, and inscriptions on, these
seals bear a striking similarity to the instructions given by the an-
gel Uriel during a session held on the afternoon of Saturday 10
March 1582, as recorded by Dee:
Uriel: . . . you must use a fowre square Table, two cubits square:
Where uppon must be set Sigillum D iv i n it a t i s Dei . . . which is
allready perfected in a boke of thyne: Blessed be God, in all
his Mysteries, and Holy in all his works. This seal must not be
loked on, without great reverence and devotion. This seale is
to be made of perfect wax. I mean, wax, which is clean puried:
we have no respect of cullours. This seal must be 9 ynches in
diameter: The rowndnes must be 27 ynches, and somewhat
more. The Thicknes of it, must be of an ynche and half a quarter,
and a gure of a crosse, must be on the back side of it, made
thus [diagram of AGLA inscribed in crosses sketched by Dee].
(British Library, MS Sloane 3188, fol. 10r)
The great seal was to be placed in the centre of a table made
from sweetwood with the four legs balanced on smaller versions
of the seal, as sketched by Dee on the same page (Fig. 2).
4
Further instructions on howthe diagrams should be inscribed on
the seals were given by the angel Michael a little later (British Li-
brary, MS Sloane 3188, fol. 17r20v). First, an outwardcircle divided
into 40 equal parts to represent the true circle of Gods eternity had
to be inscribed. Dee then records that 40 white creatures in long
white silk robes appeared and fell to their knees in front of Michael.
One by one, the creatures opened their breasts to reveal combina-
tions of letters and number suchas G9, 7nand 22 h. After the session
had ended, Uriel reappeared to the scryer, Edward Kelley (also
known as Talbot), and instructed Dee to make some corrections to
the seal as the scryer had omitted to declare all the required knowl-
edge (ibid., fol. 20v). Michael then continued with his instructions
and described a series of nested heptagons, each one containing
abbreviations or the full names of angels that Dee is instructedto re-
cord on the seal (ibid., fol. 20v29v). The resulting seal, which is
sketched on fol. 30r of the same manuscript, rst gives the names
associatedwitha visionof goldbaskets. These names are not written
in full, but are inscribedas capital letters accompaniedby crosses, as
instructed by Michael. This is followed by letters inscribed around
the perimeter of the rst heptagon which give the names of angels
when arranged in a square pattern of seven by seven. Underneath
each side lie angelic names. The next inward entwined shape fea-
tures the names of young women dressed in green silk in the trian-
gular corners, while the names around the sides are those of young
men who appeared bearing pieces of puried metals such as gold,
silver, copper and mercury. Then there are two groups of children:
girls inwhite silk robes inthe penultimate heptagon, followedby lit-
tle boys in purple silk robes forming the names on the innermost
shape. For the central space, Michaels instructions are more com-
plex. The letters for one name, Zabathiel, are written around the
innermost heptagon, with an abbreviation for the last two letters.
Five remaining names are used to encircle a pentagram which
features a central cross surrounded by the seventh name, Levanael.
Uriel concludes the visionwithanexplanation: These Angels are the
angells of the 7 Circles of Heven, governing the Lightes of the .7.
Circles (ibid., fol. 29v) (Figs. 35).
As close comparison shows, the inscriptions on the great wax
disc are virtually identical with the diagram in Dees manuscript.
The only difference is the number of crosses inscribed on the arms
of the two heptagons: on the wax disc the number has been in-
creased. The two small discs are more worn and have sections
which are either illegible or have broken off at some point in their
history. Nevertheless, one can still nd a few minor differences be-
tween the Sigillum Dei diagram and the engravings on the small
seals. For example, there are faint concentric rings within the outer
circle and around the central pentagram, as well as a reduced num-
ber of serifs and crosses, although the letters H and Z still have
Fig. 1. The group of Dee-associated artefacts (reg. nos. from left to right: P&E
1966,1001.1; P&E SLCups 232; P&E 1838,1232.90.c (damaged), P&E 1838,1232.90.b
(complete), P&E 1838,1232.90a (large); P&E 1942,0506.1). Trustees of the British
Museum (image reference AN37447001)
Fig. 2. The AGLA cross and table of seals, as sketched by Dee (British Library, MS
Sloane 3188, fol. 10r). The British Library Board (MS Sloane 3188)
4
This wooden table does not appear to have survived, but a marble copy is on display at the Museum of the History of Science in Oxford (inv. no. 15449). According to Bennett
(1999) the table was probably produced after the publication of Casaubon (1659), which featured an engraving of the diagram seen on the table. The object was originally
presented to the Bodleian Library in 1750 by Richard Rawlinson, who claimed that the table had once belonged to the astrologer William Lilly (16021681).
540 S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549
their distinctive features of a wide spread and dropped nal stroke
respectively. On the reverse of the seals there are no inconsisten-
cies between Dees sketch and the engraved AGLA crosses. In sum-
mary, there are no signicant differences between the engravings
and Dees own handwritten interpretation of the angelic
instructions.
But are we to conclude from this correspondence that the ob-
jects were made by Dee himself, or at least made under his super-
vision during his lifetime, and used for the described purpose
during scrying sessions? The discs themselves do not appear to
be mentioned any further in Dees manuscripts, nor are they listed
amongst his damaged or stolen possessions after his return from
Bohemia (Dee, 1592, chaps.7 and 8). Nor do they appear to have
been discussed by the collectors of Dees books and manuscripts
after his deathuntil 1692 that is, when an eyewitness recalls:
I had a short view of Sir R. Cottons Library. It is scituated [sic]
adjoining to the House of Commons at Westminster, of a great
highth, and part of that old fabric. . . I had not the time to look
into the books; some relicts I took notice of, besides the books;
viz. . . I also sawDr. Dees instruments of Conjuration, in cakes of
bees wax almost petried, with the images, lines, and gures,
on it.
5
Unlike some other collectors, who sought to acquire Dees writ-
ings on what one might now call occult matters, Sir Robert Cotton
(15711631) appears to have had very little interest in these sub-
jects, despite Dees visits to Cotton House in Westminster
(Huffman, 1988, p. 33). However, he clearly regarded Dees re-
nowned library as a rich source of books and manuscripts for his
own burgeoning national library, for which he sought royal ap-
proval (Handley, 2008b). As Colin Tite has shown, Cotton acquired
material from the collection of John Dee both during the 1625
and 1626 sales and during earlier disposals, and the Cotton Library
has some 30 manuscripts from Dee (Tite, 1994, p. 19). The Cotton
familys interest and investment in Dees work continued for sev-
eral decades. In the 1650s, Cottons grandson, Sir John Cotton
(16211702) persuaded the French scholar Meric Casaubon
(15991671), who was a guest in the Cotton household, to
Fig. 3. Dees diagram of the seal (British Library, MS Sloane 3188, fol. 30r). The
British Library Board (MS Sloane 3188)
Fig. 4. The front of the great wax seal (reg. no. P&E 1838,1232.90.a). Trustees of
the British Museum (image reference AN36990001)
Fig. 5. The reverse of the great wax seal featuring the AGLA cross (reg. no. P&E
1838,1232.90.a). Trustees of the British Museum (image reference AN968312001)
5
Letter dated 15 October 1692 from Mr Richard Lapthorne, of Hatton Garden, London, to Mr Richard Cofn at Portledge, North Devon. Historical Manuscript Commission,
Report V (1876), p. 383.
S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549 541
transcribe and publish Dees scrying manuscripts which were rap-
idly disintegrating.
6
Rather reluctantly, Casaubon fullled his hosts
wishes, and the resulting publication, A true and faithful relation of
what passed for many years Between Dr. John Dee and some spirits
(1659), created a permanent record of Dees angelic conversations
(Serjeantson, 2004; Clucas, 2006).
Whether Cottons acquisitions included the wax discs or
whether these were later added to the collections has so far re-
mained unclear. There is no record of these objects in the early cat-
alogues of the Cottonian Library dating from 1696, where only the
letters and manuscripts of Dee are mentioned.
7
We have no further
evidence for these wax discs until 1703, when similar items are men-
tioned in Wanleys catalogue of the Cottonian Charters. At the time,
the Anglo-Saxon scholar Humfrey Wanley (16721726) (Heyworth,
2004) was under the patronage of Robert Harley (16611724), Speak-
er of the Commons (Speck, 2007), and was commissioned to report on
the condition of the Cottonian Library, bequeathed to the nation in
1701 as an Act of Parliament.
8
In this catalogue we nd two intrigu-
ing references. The rst entry mentions 3 Large Seals of Wax, one les-
ser and fragments of 3 others (British Library, MS Harley 7647, fol.
11r, under Vespasianus). The second entry lists various charters,
maps etc, Lying near, or upon, Dr Dees conjuring Table (ibid., fol.
12r, under item44). A further reference can be found in R. Widmores
catalogue of the Cotton Charters, compiled around 1750. A conclud-
ing note to Cartae in loculo XVIIII adds, And beside, the forms of
some Princes Seals in Metal, and two or three Cakes of Wax Markd
with gures (ibid., fol. 52r). A handwritten catalogue of Charters
and Rolls in the Cottonian Collection, compiled in the late eighteenth
century by Samuel Ayscough (17451804), a cataloguer at the British
Museum, gives the rst explicit reference to Dee in relation to the
wax seals: Three Cakes of Wax marked with magical names and
numbers which were used by John Dee in his conversations with
Spirits.
9
In March 1838 the wax discs were transferred from the Depart-
ment of Manuscripts to the Department of Antiquities, the objects
thereby separated from the associated manuscripts.
10
It is tempting to conclude that the explicit demand of the angel
to make the wax discs according to the instructions given (and not
just to record these instructions on paper) might have prompted
Dee to comply. There is, indeed, a very close correspondence be-
tween the inscription on the discs and the diagram of the seals
in Dees manuscript, so whoever made the discs is likely to have
had the manuscript or a faithful copy of the diagram in front of
him. However, in the absence of any evidence for the existence
of the discs before 1692 we cannot be absolutely certain that the
discs do, indeed, originate from Dees lifetime.
3. The obsidian mirror
This object, a highly polished black stone measuring 22 cm in
height and 18.4 cm in diameter (reg. no. P&E 1966, 1001.1), is
one of Dees most iconic artefacts (Fig. 6). It was purchased by
the British Museum from the Reverend Robert William Stannard
in 1966 for the sum of 750.
11
The Trustees were clearly pleased
with their new purchase:
We are delighted with this acquisition and I believe it has
caused the Trustees more pleasure than anything else for quite
a time. They were really enthusiastic about it.
12
Prior to being in Stannards possession, the mirror had passed
through the hands of ve owners, all of whom can be identied
through auction records and surviving notes which have accompa-
nied the object between buyers
13
the most prominent of whom is
the author, antiquarian and politician Horace Walpole (17171797)
(Langford, 2008). From this point onwards (or rather, backwards) the
provenance becomes less certain and the objects history is entirely
dependent upon claims made by Walpole himself. On a small label
pasted to the mirrors leather case is the following handwritten note:
The Black Stone into which Dr Dee used to call his Spirits
V. his book
This Stone was mentioned in the Catalogue of the Collection of
the Earls of Peterborough from whom it came to Lady Elizabeth
Germaine.
H.W.
14
This note is conrmed by records which show that Drayton, the
Northamptonshire estate of the Earls of Peterborough, did indeed
pass in 1705 to Sir John Germain, who then bequeathed the estate
to his second wife, the Lady Elizabeth (16801769) mentioned
above, in 1718 (Handley, 2008a). But does this provenance offer
6
In the lengthy preface to his work, Casaubon outlines the Cotton familys interest in Dees work and their procurement of his manuscripts. Casaubon had already published
extensively on theological and antiquarian topics and was a suitable choice of scholar to edit Dees work. For further biographical details, see Serjeantson (2004).
7
Smith (1696). An English version is also available: Smith & Tite (1984). Dees letters and manuscripts are mentioned at pp. 15, 86, 87 and 159.
8
See British Academy and Royal Historical Society Joint Committee on Anglo Saxon Charters (2005) and British Library (2010).
9
British Library, Add. MS 43502, fol. 211r, listed as item XVI.5a. A handwritten note by curator Frances Madden adds, These Cakes of wax were transferred to the Department
of Antiquities in 183. . ., FM.
10
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Department of Antiquities Register for 18361839: List of original Matrices of Seals and other articles transferred from
the Department of MSS to the Department of Antiquities in March 1838.
Fig. 6. View of the mirror and leather case (reg. no. P&E 1966,1001.1). Trustees of
the British Museum (image reference AN32722001)
11
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1966, 1001.1 (Part 1).
12
Letter from the Keeper R.L.S. Bruce-Mitford to Bishop Stannard, 28 October 1966. British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1966, 1001.1 (Part 1).
13
For a detailed review of the previous owners, see Tait (1967, pp. 200203).
14
There are two additional labels on the tooled leather case. One, written in Walpoles hand, states that: Kelly was Dr Dees Associate and is mentioned with this very Stone in
Hudibras, Part 2. Canto 3 v.631. Kelly did all his feats upon The Devils Looking-glass, a Stone. Another label, written by a different hand, helpfully provides us with the relevant
quote from Samuel Butlers Hudibras (1663): Kelly did all his feats upon/The Devils Looking Glass, a stone;/Where playing with him at Bo-peep, He solvd all problems neer so
deep.
542 S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549
any evidence for an association between this object and the work
of Dee? Our strongest lead comes from the library catalogue of
the second Earl of Peterborough, Henry Mordaunt (16231697)
(Stater, 2004). Published in 1697, this document featured a number
of rare books on topics such as the occult, astrology and alchemy,
thus providing a plausible explanation for the acquisition of Dees
magical mirror (Tait, 1967, p. 210). Walpole himself rst learned
of the mirrors existence when he was asked by Lord Vere to assist
with the auction of Lady Germains possessions shortly after her
death. Leang through an old catalogue for the collection, Walpole
found an entry for The Black Stone into which Dr Dee used to call
his spirits.
15
However, Lady Germain had either given away or sold the mir-
ror before her death, so the mirror was nowhere to be found among
her effects. Luckily for Walpole, the object came into his possession
via another route some years later. The mirror had been purchased
by the Duke of Argyll, who then bequeathed the object to his son
Lord Frederick Campbell. When the Duke died in 1770, Lord Fred-
erick requested Walpoles assistance in the dispersal of his late
fathers effects, and seemingly sold or gave the mirror to his friend
(Tait, 1967, pp. 208211).
For Walpole, the mirror was a signicant addition to the cabinet
of curiosities at his neo-gothic home near the River Thames in
Twickenham, Strawberry Hill. In an inventory of his possessions,
Walpole describes the contents of this cabinet, a glass closet situ-
ated within the Great North Bedchamber, including:
A speculum of kennel-coal, in a leathern case. It is curious for
having been used to deceive the mob by Dr. Dee, the conjurer,
in the reign of queen Elizabeth. It was in the collection of the
Mordaunts earls of Peterborough, in whose catalogue it is called
the black stone into which Dr. Dee used to call his spirits. From the
Mordaunts it passed to lady Elizabeth Germaine, and from her
to John last duke of Argyll, whose son, lord Frederic Campbell,
gave it to Mr. Walpole. (Walpole, 2010, p. 501)
Unlike Henry Mordaunt, Walpole seems to have had little inter-
est in the occult, astrology or magic and so the mirror does not ap-
pear to have been displayed as an artefact of either of these
subjects. Instead, the other objects in the closet seem to have been
collected either for their craftsmanship or their association with
royalty. For example, the inventory includes a signicant number
of high quality decorative items, such as chinaware, snuff boxes,
spoons and perfume bottlesas well as the spurs worn by King
William III at the Battle of the Boyne and a pair of gloves worn
by King James I. These artefacts served to demonstrate Walpoles
wealth and prestige as a collector of ne objects with the social
connections necessary to make such high status acquisitions.
Within this context, Walpoles purchase of the mirror serves a dual
purpose. On one hand it is a relic of John Dee, the Elizabethan
mathematician and astrologer. On the other, it is a relic of Queen
Elizabeth I, who might have gazed upon or even touched the ob-
ject, and hence on a par with the spurs and gloves of kings. This
second aspect may have had particular appeal to Walpole, whose
keen interest in the royal families of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries is demonstrated by the lavish paintings and busts of Tu-
dor and Stuart Kings and Queens within the bedchamber (Snodin,
2009, pp. 5051).
In the description above, Walpole refers to the mirror as having
been carved from kennel-coal, a ne quality type of coal that can
be fashioned into a smooth and polished surface. Yet in 1906, the
Keeper of the Department of British and Medieval Antiquities at
the British Museum, O. M. Dalton, described the mirror as a at
piece of polished obsidian, evidently one of the mirrors used for
toilet purposes by the ancient Mexicans (Dalton, 1907, p. 383).
When the mirror was nally acquired in 1966, X-ray diffraction
analysis conrmed that it was indeed made from obsidian, a black
form of volcanic glass.
16
The connection with Mexico is intriguing,
and it is tempting to speculate whether this provides a potential link
to Dees ownership of the object. Within Aztec culture, obsidian mir-
rors were used by royalty as symbols of their power endowed by the
god Tezcatlipoca, Lord of the smoking mirror (Olivier & Lpez Lujn,
2009, p. 91). If this function was known at the time, then the use of
such mirrors for divinatory practices might have appealed to Dee,
who may have acquired such a mirror during his studies at Louvain
during 15481550. At this time, King Charles V of Spain regularly
held court in the region and it is possible that Dee might have ac-
quired an obsidian mirror from a Spanish courtier returning with
gifts from the New World (Tait, 1967, p. 205; French, 1972, p. 4).
However, it is intriguing to note that an object of this shape or lo-
cated with this historical context is not mentioned anywhere in
Dees writings. As we will see, the references in the manuscripts to
a stone, shew stone or crystal ball employed during scrying ses-
sions, accompanied by a sketch of that stone, apparently refer
exclusively to a spherical object, not a at black, shiny stone with
a handle. Thus at the present time, and without further evidence,
any suggestion of a direct link between the obsidian mirror and John
Dee remains conjectural.
The Mexican origins of the obsidian mirror caused a few com-
plications when the object was rst acquired as it could be situated
within various historical narratives, as seen in this memo between
the Keepers of two Departments:
A question of delicacy arises over the Mexican mirror which
belonged to Dr. Dee. If this should turn out to be genuine I
believe I am right in saying that technically it should belong
to my department [Ethnography] . . . However, I do see that
there is a case for retaining it in your department [British and
Medieval Antiquities] if it was used as a divining object by Dr.
Dee.
17
Since the Department of Ethnography already had two obsidian
mirrors in its collections,
18
it was decided to allocate the new acqui-
sition to the Department of British and Medieval Antiquities (now
the Department of Prehistory and Europe).
4. The gold disc inscribed with the vision of the four castles
A unique relic of the most learned Englishman of his day is
how Sothebys summed up the importance of an object to be sold
as lot 92 at auction on 4 May 1942 (reg. no. P&E 1942, 0506.1). The
description of his [John Dees] gold disc in the catalogue, accom-
panied by a photograph, states that the disc was inscribed with,
a diagram of the Vision of the Four Castles, which appeared to
his medium Edward Kelly, on the morning of June 20, 1584, at
a house in St. Stephens Street, Cracow, where the two men
were staying.
19
It claims that the disc was marked with the London date letter for
1589. This is followed by a full length description of the diagram.
15
Tait endeavoured to track down these catalogues shortly after the mirror was acquired by the British Museum, but none could be found. See Object le 1966, 1001.1 (Part 1),
Department of Prehistory and Europe, British Museum, for the relevant correspondence.
16
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1966, 1001.1 (Part 1).
17
Letter from Adrian Digby to Rupert Bruce-Mitford, 28 September 1966. British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1966, 1001.1 (Part 1).
18
Object nos. Am 1907, 0608.2 and Am 1825, 1210.16.
19
Sothebys Catalogue of the auction held on 4 May 1942, lot 92, p. 13, with the image on the preceding page.
S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549 543
Within days of the British Museum acquiring the object,
20
an
increasingly heated correspondence ensued between the curator
responsible for the acquisition, Thomas Kendrick (18951979), a his-
torian of Anglo-Saxon art and later Director of the British Museum
(195059) (Wilson, 2005) and George H. Gabb (18681948), a
chemist, antiquarian and collector of scientic instruments (Oxford,
Museum of the History of Science, 2011), who disputed the objects
assumed origin in the late sixteenth century, during Dees lifetime.
21
Gabbs main point of concern, namely the improbability of a
date-letter standing on its own (Fig. 7), was conrmed by the new-
ly formed Antique Plate Committee of the Goldsmith Company,
that concluded in a letter sent by the Clerk, G. R. Hughes, on 8 July
1942, that whilst it was possible that a makers mark could stand
on its own, it was extremely improbable for a date mark to do
so.
22
Kendrick did not refute this pointas he wrote in his letter to
Sir John Forsdyke, the Director of the British Museum, he thought
the letter to be a makers mark.
23
He was nevertheless convinced
of the discs age, as he felt that the script used on the disc was con-
sistent with the Elizabethan period and that it even resembled Dees
own hand
24
a point strongly objected to by Gabb, who felt that the
ductus was later and in a style probably copied from Casaubons dia-
gram or a later reproduction thereof.
25
Intriguingly, the actual text of the diagram was never discussed
in the many letters exchanged between Gabb and Kendrick in the
period from 12 May to 21 August 1942. Yet Kendrick had gone to
considerable trouble to ascertain the authenticity of the disc,
including a careful examination of the text of the diagram in Dees
manuscriptno easy task in the middle of the Second World War,
when the manuscripts had been moved from Bloomsbury to Aber-
ystwyth for protection against air raids.
26
Kendrick noticed some
differences between the diagram and the disc, but felt that the
variations in size between the disc and the manuscript (the former
having smaller quarters), the fringing of the arms and the difference
of orientation (the disc being upside down) resulted from the en-
gravers working methods, rather than the use of a different model.
27
To come to a conclusion regarding the authenticity of the disc, it
is necessary to return to Dee himself. Dees own written descrip-
tion of the vision in his Libri Septimi Apertorii Cracoviensis Mystici
Sabbatici records that it was revealed to his scryer, Edward Kelley,
during the morning of Wednesday 20 June 1584 while the two
men were lodged in Krakow:
There appeared to him [E.K.] 4 very fayr castills, standing in the
4 partes of the world: out of which he herd the sownd of a
Trumpeter. Then semed out of every castill a cloth to be thrown
on the grownd, of more than the bredth of a Table cloth.
Out of that in the east, the cloth semed to be red, which was
cast.
Out of that in the sowth, the cloth semed white.
Out of that in the west, the cloth semed grene, with great knops
on it.
Out of that in the north, spred or thrown out from the gate
under fote, the cloth semed to be very blak.
Out of every gate then yssued one trumpeter, whose trumpets
were of strange form, wreathed, and growing bigger and bigger
toward the ende.
After the trumpeter followed 3 Ensigne bearers.
After them 6 ancient men, with white. . . and stavs in theyr
hands.
Then followed a comly man, with very much apparel on his
back, his robe having a long trayn.
After him came 5 men, carrying up of his trayn.
Then followed one great Crosse, and about that 4 lesser Crosses.
These Crosses had on them, each of them, ten, like men, theyr
faces distinctly appearing on the four parts of the Crosse, all
over.
After the Crosses followed 16 white Creatures.
And after them, an innite number semed to yssue, and to spred
themselves orderly in a cumpas, almost before the 4 foresayd
Castills.
Upon which vision declared unto me, I straight way set down a
Note of it: trusting in God that it did signifye good.
20
For 230 with support from the National Art Collections Fund, cf. the 39th Annual Report (1942) of the NACF, London 1943, p. 12 no. 1273. In a note dated 22 July 1942 to the
Director of the British Museum, Sir John Forsdyke, Kendrick states that the object had been brought to the Museum twice before the sale by the then owners, members of the
Gurney family from Norfolk, but that the diagram had not been identied at that point, although the disc had been dated to the late sixteenth century. The newly established link
to Dee, that had also been heralded shortly before the sale in an article by Charles R. Beard in LightA Journal of Spiritualism: Psychical, Occult and Mystical Research, vol. LXII (30
April 1942), p.141 (see also note on p. 140), prompted considerable interest in the object and increased the price. British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object
le 1942, 0506.1.
21
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1942, 0506.1. The rst letter was written by Gabb on 12 May 1942, the last after Kendrick refused to
continue the correspondence further, on 21 August of the same year.
Fig. 7. The M mark on the reverse of the gold disc (reg. no. 1942,0506.1).
Trustees of the British Museum (image reference AN 970495001)
22
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1942, 0506.1. This observation has recently been conrmed by Susan Hare, who showed that by a curious
omission, although the statute [18 Eliz. c.15, enacted on 8th February 1575/6 that gold and silver wares should be touched [i.e. marked] by the Wardens [of the Goldsmith
Company], only the makers mark is actually mentioned, thus accounting for single marks found on plate from the Elizabethan period. Hare (1978, p. 16).
23
See note 20 above.
24
Notes on these comparisons in the Object le 1942, 0506.1.
25
These points are repeated over the course of the three months; see Object le 1942, 0506.1.
26
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Object le 1942, 0605.1. Kendricks request for photographs was delayed considerably when the photographer was
called up; see letter dated 13 August 1942 sent by the librarian, Robin Flower.
27
See Kendricks copious (alas, undated) notes in the Object le 1942, 0506.1, cf. his letter to Forsdyke dated 22 July 1942 (see note 20 above).
544 S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549
(British Library, MS Cotton Appendix XLVI, Part I, fol. 188r)
Later that afternoon the vision is conrmed by the reappearance
of the angel Ave who claims to have been responsible for the morn-
ing visit. He explains the symbolism of the components within the
vision, and at Dees behest repeats the vision as follows:
The signe of the Love of God toward his faithfull
Fowre sumptuous and belligerent Castells, out of the which
sownded Trumpets thrise
The signe of Maiestie, the Cloth of passage, was cast forth
In the east, the Cloth red, after the new smitten blud
In the sowth, the cloth white, Lilly cullor.
In the west a cloth, the skyns of many dragons, greene garlik
bladed
In the north, the Cloth Heare cullored, Byllbery Juyce.
The Trumpets sownd once
The gates open
The 4 Castells are moved
There yssueth 4 Trumpetters: whose Trumpets are a pyramis,
six cones, wreathed
There followeth out of every Castill 3, holding up the banners
displayed, with enseigne, the names of God
There follow seniors six, alike from the 4 gates
After them cometh, from every part, a king, whose princis are
ve, gardant, and holding up his trayne
Next issueth the Cross of 4 Angles, of the Maiestie of Creation in
god, attended upon every one, with 4: a white Clowde, 4
Crosses, bearing the Wittnesses of the covenant of god, with
the prince [superscript: 4 Kings] gon oute before: which were
conrmed every one, with ten angels visible in cowntenance
After every cross, attendeth 16 Angels, dispositors of the will of
those that govern the Castills
They procede:
And in, and abowt the middle of the cowrt, the Ensignes kepe
theyr standings, opposite to the middle of the gate.
The rest pause.
The 24 senators mete.
They seme to consult. (Ibid., fol. 193r)
The description of the vision is accompanied by a diagram con-
sisting of a series of concentric rings bisected by four castles at the
cardinal points.
28
Each quadrant features a list of processional
characters:
Septentrio to Oriens
The cloth blak as of bilbery juyce/A Trumpeter/Three Ensigne
bearers/Six Seniors/A King/Five Princes/5 Crosses/XVI
dispositors
Oriens to Meridies
The cloth of passage for the King his Maiestie /Fresh red cullor/
One Trumpeter/Three Ensignes/Six Seniors/The King/Five Prin-
cis/5 Crosses in ye ayre/XVI Dispositors
Meridies to Occidens
The cloth Lilly whyte/One Trumpeter/Three Ensigne bearers
with the 3 names of God in theyr ensigne/Six Seniors/The
King/His ve Princis/The Crosses. . . /XVI Dispositors
Occidens to Septentrio
The cloth dark grene cullor like garlik blades/One Trumpeter/
Three Ensigne bearers/Six Seniors/The King/His ve princis/
The 5 crosses/XVI Disp. (Ibid.)
There are some minor difference between the description of the
vision and the diagram. The six ancient men have become Six
Seniors and the comely man with a robe and train becomes
The King. Similarly, the ve crosses of different sizes simply be-
come 5 crosses, although there is a variation in size between
the ve crosses engraved on the arms. The diagram otherwise cor-
responds very closely with the descriptions of the vision on the
previous and subsequent pages of the manuscriptbut is this the
diagram that is inscribed on the gold disc?
Although at rst glance the two diagrams may appear identical,
on detailed inspection a number of differences become apparent.
In the left column of Table 1 is a transcription of the diagram in
the manuscript, in the right, the readings from the disc (Figs. 8
and 9).
Clearly, the texts within the quarters have become mixed up in
such a way that one almost wonders whether the layout of the dia-
gram was copied upside down (i.e. with south at the top), whilst
the text within the quarters remained in the same position. Thus,
the description associated with Septentrio to Oriens in the manu-
script has become linked to Meridies to Occidens on the disc, the
description for Oriens to Meridies has made its way across to
Occidens to Septentrio, and so forth. Additionally, there are clear
differences in spelling (e.g. collor on the disc instead of cullor in
the manuscript) and in the capitalization of certain words (e.g. The
Cloth Blacke as of Bilbery juyce instead of The cloth blak as of bil-
bery juyce in the manuscript). Kendrick suggested that the engra-
vers working style resulted in this upside down appearance, but
this hardly explains the differences in spelling. Nor is it conceivable
that a customer would have accepted this result if the paper dia-
gram was so clearly different. Is it not rather more likely that the
engraver worked from a very similar, but somehow corrupted
model (Fig. 10)?
The ductus of the diagram in Meric Casaubons transcription of
Dees manuscripts, published in 1659 under the title A true and
faithful relation of what passed for many years between Dr John
Dee and his spirits,
29
was mentioned by Gabb as a potential model
for the disc. Kendrick carefully examined and noted these similari-
ties, but came to the conclusion that, rather than copying his dia-
gram from Dees manuscript, Casaubon had copied it from the gold
disc, thus explaining the striking similarities between his diagram
and the disc. But why would Casaubon have done so, when he other-
wise transcribed from the manuscript? Dees diagram is still very
clearly legible today, and there is thus no reason to look for an alter-
native model to copy from in the mid-seventeenth century.
What are we left with? There can now be little doubt that the
disc was not produced during Dees lifetime, nor was it made at
a later date from the diagram in his manuscript. The engraving
on the disc was faithfully based on the diagram in Casaubons
(faulty) transcription of the vision of the four castles. The stamped
M may be either a makers mark, or an attempt to give the objects
provenance credibility by adding what could easily have been mis-
taken for a date-letter for 1589.
When was the disc produced? And what was its history before
the sale at Sothebys? In the above mentioned note to the Director
of the British Museum, Kendrick states that prior to the sale the
gold disc was brought to the Museum for opinion by members of
the Gurney family,
30
descendants of the banker and antiquarian
Hudson Gurney who died in 1864 in Keswick, near Norwich (Os-
borne, 2004). At rst glance there appears to be little obvious expla-
nation for the ownership of this object by a banking family from
Norfolk. However, it is possible that there may be a link to an earlier
Norwich resident, Sir Thomas Browne (16051682) (Robbins, 2008).
A well known physician, Browne became close friends with Arthur
Dee (15791651), John Dees eldest son and sometime scryer, who
28
Ibid., fol. 192v, originally a loose leaf that was pinned to the back of the blank fol. 192v.
29
Casaubon (1659), pp. 168171. The diagram is erroneously bound between pp. 7273 but it should be in the region of pp. 168171.
30
See note 20 above.
S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549 545
moved to the city sometime during the late 1640s (Appleby, 2008).
At the time of his Dees death, Arthur was continuing his fathers
interests, yet Dee appears to have entrusted his precious collection
of books and manuscripts to his friend and the executor of his will,
John Pontois (Roberts, 2006). Arthur endeavoured to reclaim a num-
ber of books and manuscripts in the decades after his fathers death,
but many of the manuscripts were either impounded as State Papers
or else destroyed during the Civil Wars (Deacon, 1968, p. 274). It is
through this friendship that Browne acquired books and manuscripts
associated with John Dee which he then passed on to his regular cor-
respondent, Elias Ashmole (Robbins, 2008). However, without fur-
ther evidence, any hypothetical link between the Norwich
connection and a gold disc, which is so evidently based on Casau-
bons transcription of the vision, remains pure conjecture.
Nonetheless, we should note that both the gold disc and the
marble copy of Dees Holy Table
31
appear to be closely linked with
Casaubons publication of Dees work in 1659. Although there is no
evidence of a link between the two objects, the timing is indeed
curious.
5. The crystal ball or shew stone
In the popular imagination, the crystal ball is one of the essen-
tial tools of a magusand there are indeed a number of references
to such an object in Dees manuscripts. In some instances the
description of its use is accompanied by a small marginal sketch
that enables us to visualize the physical appearance of the crystal
ball. During a session on 22 December 1581 for example, Dee
willed the skryer (named Saul) to loke into my great Chrystaline
Globe. Later during the same session, Dee refers to this object as
the stone in the frame and a marginal sketch shows a ball in a
ring-mount topped by a cross, placed on what appears to be a
cushion or support of some kind (British Library, MS Sloane
3188, fol. 8r) (Fig. 11).
On 10 March 1582, during a session with his scryer, Dee again
refers to my stone in the frame, accompanied by a sketch of a ball
on the same cushion or support (ibid., fol. 9r). Finally, during a ses-
sion on 13 January 1584, Edward Kelley claims A voyce sayeth:
Open the shew stone (British Library, MS Cotton Appendix XLVI,
Part I, fol. 54v). The description of this session is accompanied by
a sketch of a ball, again sitting on a cushion or support (ibid., fol.
55v). Whether the ball is mounted or whether there is just a sec-
ond line drawn around its circumference remains unclear.
Although the description of the object twice lists a frame of some
sort, the image in the margins depicts this only once. So what
did the shew stone look like? And has it survived?
There is indeed a crystal ball in the collection of the British
Museum (reg. no. P&E SLCups.232) that has been associated with
John Dee since at least the mid-nineteenth century, when the fol-
lowing note appeared in the Illustrated London News of 9 March
1850, prompted by the recent sale of the effects of J. H. S. Pigott,
of Brockley Hall in Somerset, that included the obsidian mirror:
In the British Museum is another relic of this same astrology, Dr
Deehis Magic Mirrorbeing a piece of rock crystal, of some-
what smoky tint, fashioned into a globular form.
32
Shortly thereafter, we nd another reference to Dees crystal ball
that mentions it being on display in the Medieval Gallery:
Medival Collection. This Collection is generally arranged with
regard to the material and workmanship of the objects. . . Case
103. A crystal ball and wax cakes, used by Dr. Dee in his magical
experiments. (British Museum, 1855, p. 262)
Intriguingly, there is no record of any provenance of this crystal
ball, although at some point in the past it became associated with
one of three crystal objects mentioned in the registers of Hans
Sloanes collection. The rst artefact is described as a triangle cutt
in chrystall glasse said to be used as a shew stone or conjuring
instrument in the Catalogue of Miscellanea, listed under the Miscel-
lanies section as object number 1726.
33
Unfortunately there is no
record of this triangular object in the Museum today. In the same
register, listed under the heading Agate cups, bottles, spoons etc., A
large chrystale ball (object number 232) and A small chrystale
sphere or ball (object number 235) are listed amongst other objects
made from agate or rock crystal; in this case without any reference
to shew stones or conjuring instruments.
34
Thus far, no clue has
come to light to explain why one of the two crystal balls listed in Slo-
anes register came to be recorded as a relic of Dee, or, indeed,
whether the ball on display in the Medieval Gallery was in fact
one of the two listed, or a different object altogether. Nonetheless,
this view seems to have gone unchallenged from the 1850s onwards,
Table 1
Comparison between the text found in the diagram of the Vision of the Four Castles in Dees manuscript and on the gold disc.
Dees diagram Gold disc diagram
Septentrio to Oriens Septentrio to Oriens
The cloth blak as of bilbery juyce/A Trumpeter/Three Ensigne bearers/Six Seniors/A
King/Five Princes/5 Crosses/XVI dispositors
The Cloth Lillywhite/One Trumpeter/Three Ensigne bearers w
th
y
e
/3 names of god
in their Ensigne/Six Seniors/The King/his ve Princes/The Crosses 5/XVI
Dispositors
Oriens to Meridies Oriens to Meridies
The cloth of passage for the King his Maiestie /Fresh red cullor/One Trumpeter/
Three Ensignes/Six Seniors/The King/Five Princis/5 Crosses in ye ayre/XVI
Dispositors
The Cloth dark greene Collor like garlicke blades/One Trumpeter/Three Ensigne
Bearers/Six Seniors/The King/his ve Princes/The 5 crosses/XVI Dispositors
Meridies to Occidens Meridies to Occidens
The cloth lilly whyte/One Trumpeter/Three Ensigne bearers with the 3 names of
God in theyr ensigne/Six Seniors/The King/His ve Princis/The Crosses [. . .]/XVI
Dispositors
The Cloth Blacke as of Bilbery juyce/A Trumpeter/Three Ensigne bearers/Six
Seniors/A King/Five Princes/ve Crosses/XVI Dispositors
Occidens to Septentrio Occidens to Septentrio
The cloth dark greene cullor like garlik blades/One Trumpeter/Three Ensigne
bearers/Six Seniors/The King/His ve Princis/The 5 crosses/XVI Disp.
The Cloth of passage for the King his Maiestie fresh Red collor/One Trumpeter/
Three Ensignes/Six Seniors/The King/Five Princes/5 Crosses in ye are/XVI
Dispositors
31
See note 4, above.
32
Illustrated London News, No. 416, 9 March 1850, xvi. 157.
33
British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, Register of Sir Hans SloaneCatalogue of Miscellanea, fol. 148r.
34
Ibid., fol. 327r.
546 S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549
and at some point the crystal ball came to be referred to as no. 232.
Why object 232 was chosen to represent Dees crystal ball rather
than object 235 remains unclear.
35
Today, this single crystal ball is displayed as one of the objects
associated with John Dee. It should be noted, however, that other
institutions also claim to hold the very crystal ball employed by
John Dees scryers. Furthermore, crystal balls in general are by no
means rare. An object of this type, and with a Dee association,
was stolen from the London Science Museum galleries in Decem-
ber 2004, but recovered shortly thereafter.
36
An interesting
mounted crystal ball with unknown provenance is in the collection
of the Museum of the History of Science, Oxford.
37
6. The Dee objects in the British Museum today
Today, the objects associated with John Dee are on display in
the Enlightenment Gallery (Fig. 12), a space formerly known as
The Kings Library.
38
Created in 2003 to celebrate the 250th anni-
versary of the founding of the Museum, the aim of this gallery was
to introduce visitors to the spirit of discovery, classication and
increasing specialisation in the long 18th century (Sloan, 2003).
The mirror especially has been a popular item for loans to exhi-
bitions in the United Kingdom and abroad, where it has functioned
in various roles within different exhibition narratives. Recently, it
was sent to the exhibition Horace Walpoles Strawberry Hill, held
at the Yale Center for British Art (15 October 20093 January
2010) and the Victoria and Albert Museum in London (5 March
20104 July 2010).
39
Here, the mirror was used in the recreation
of Walpoles wide ranging collection, including the Great North Bed-
chamber and his glass closet of chinaware and royal souvenirs. The
link with the Mexican origins was recently revisited in the British
Museum temporary exhibition Moctezuma: Aztec ruler (24 Septem-
ber 200924 January 2010).
40
7. Conclusion
In this paper we have reviewed the provenance of the British
Museums collection of Dee-associated objects by considering both
written sources and the nature of the objects themselves. The ob-
jects with the strongest potential link to Dee are the three wax
seals, since their dimensions and engraved surfaces correspond
well with Dees account of the instructions issued by the angels
Uriel and Michael in March 1582. The appearance of the seals with-
in the collections of the British Museum can be reasonably traced
through the collector Sir Robert Cotton, although further research
is required to resolve the ner details of this acquisition.
The fourth object that might have an authentic association with
Dee is the obsidian mirror. The previous ownership of the mirror is
well documented from its acquisition by Horace Walpole around
1770 until its purchase by the museum in 1966. Our knowledge
of the mirror prior to 1770, however, is dependent upon circum-
Fig. 8. Dees diagram of the Vision of the Four Castles (British Library, MS Cotton
Appendix XLVI Part I, fol. 192v). The British Library Board (MS Cotton Appendix
XLVI Part I)
Fig. 9. The gold disc with the engraving of the Vision of the Four Castles (reg. no.
1942,0506.1). Trustees of the British Museum (image reference AN968320001)
35
The rst reference to the sphere being labelled as SL.232 appears to occur in 1980, when in the preparation of the object going on loan to the 16th Council of Europe Exhibition
at the Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, Florence, from 15 March to 15 June 1980 the sphere is listed with this registration number.
36
Object number A127915. For a report on the theft see Times (2004).
37
Object number 51476. See Anon. (1997) for more details.
38
Room 1, oor case 20.
39
See Snodin & Roman (2009) for a complete overview of the exhibition and its catalogue.
40
See McEwan & Lpez Lujn (2009) for a complete overview of the exhibition and its catalogue.
S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549 547
stantial links with events in Dees life and later claims made by
Horace Walpole. Thus, we still have to nd a denite association
between the mirror and Dee himself.
Taking the gold disc as our fth object, we have established that
the engraving of the Vision of the Four Castles is based upon Casau-
bons erroneous diagram of 1659, and can therefore state that the
disc certainly did not belong to Dee, nor was it made during his
lifetime. Further research is clearly needed, but it is intriguing to
note that both the gold disc and the Holy Table appear to be clo-
sely linked with Casaubons publication of Dees work in 1659, and
that Casaubon worked in Cottons library which was associated
with both the wax discs and the table.
Finally, we have also considered a crystal ball which appears to
have been associated with Dee since 1850. This is the most elusive
object within our collection of Dee artefacts and has virtually no
documentary evidence to support its description as Dees shew
stone.
In addition to exploring the biographies of the objects associ-
ated with John Dee, this study aims to highlight the role of material
culture in shaping Dees reputation. Since his collection of scientic
instruments has not survived (Dee, 1592, chap. 7), Dees reputation
as a magician rather than as a Renaissance scholar has doubtless
been perpetuated by the existence and display of such magical
objects at the British Museum and other institutions and their pop-
ular association with Dee. The acquisition of the wax seals through
the library of Sir Robert Cotton created a focal point for the collec-
tion of magical items associated with Dee. As the collection and
display of objects grew to incorporate the crystal ball, gold disc
and obsidian mirror, Dees name became synonymous with magic
among public and academic audiences. The story might have been
very different if Dees collection of scientic instruments had
survived instead.
41
41
A study focusing on such instruments with the aim to readdress this balance is currently in preparation.
Fig. 10. Casaubons diagram of the Vision of the Four Castles in Casaubon (1659),
between pp.7273. The British Library Board (Casaubon (1659) 719.m.12)
Fig. 12. The current display of the Dee-associated objects in the Enlightenment
gallery. Trustees of the British Museum (image reference AN957711001)
Fig. 11. Dees sketch of the stone in the frame (British Library, MS Sloane 3188, fol.
8r). The British Library Board (MS Sloane 3188)
548 S. Ackermann, L. Devoy / Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012) 539549
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their
helpful comments and our colleagues in the British Museum for
their support, especially Andrew Basham, Sue La Niece, Saul
Peckham, Judy Rudoe and Dora Thornton. We are also grateful to
the staff at the British Library for their assistance with the Dee
manuscripts and we would particularly like to thank Julian
Harrison for his advice regarding the Cotton Library.
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