Indias Foreign Policy and Look East Diplomacy: An Analysis of Indias strategic

interests in Myanmar vis--vis !"ina and developmental vision for #ort"east India
MP"il $esearc" %ynopsis
%&'mitted to
Professor P&s"pes" Pant
%&'mitted 'y
Mir(a )&lfi*&r $a"man
MP"il !andidate+ Diplomacy and Disarmament Division
!entre for International Politics+ ,rgani(ation and Disarmament
%c"ool of International %t&dies
-a.a"arlal #e"r& /niversity
1
0ackgro&nd:
Myanmars strategic location at the crossroad of Southeast Asia and South Asia provides
it an opportunity to play a significant role in the regional geopolitics. Huge availability of
energy resources in Myanmar adds an economic dimension in its strategic significance.
Myanmars position, as a zone of convergence between ndias !oo" #ast and $hinas
!oo" South %olicy, ma"es it a "ey factor in the regional foreign policy agendas of both
the Asian giants of ndia and $hina. &herefore, engagement with Myanmar becomes
inevitable for both ndia and $hina. However, the nature of the engagement of ndia and
$hina vis'('vis Myanmar depends on their domestic political scenario and their
respective foreign policy ob)ectives in Myanmar.
Indias Engagement in Myanmar
Historically, relations between ndia and Myanmar have seen many ups and downs. After
independence *urmese leadership adopted the policy of close and harmonious relations
with ndia. +ehru and ,. +u had shared understandings over various regional and global
issues. However, Myanmar in 1-./ after the military coup came under military rule and
due to 0eneral +e 1ins policy of 2A *urmese way to Socialism3 and Myanmars
unfriendly stand on the Sino'ndian conflict 1-./, ndia'Myanmar relationship became
strained. However Myanmar never completely sidelined ndia and avoided being
identified too closely with $hina. &herefore, during the regime of +e 1in the nature of
ndia'Myanmar relationship was stagnant but cordial on the whole. +e 1in also visited
ndia in 1-45. However, during ndira 0andhis tenure, ndia was neutral and
disinterested in Myanmar, because a 2commitment to democratic values3 was prioritized
ahead of security concerns in ndian foreign policy agenda towards Myanmar. &his policy
of idealism was also continued by the 6a)iv 0andhi regime. 1hen the S!76$ 8State
!aw and order 6estoration $ouncil9 assumed power in 1-44, ndia strongly criticize
Myanmars new military regime. +ew :elhi also offered refuge to anti S!76$
dissidents and openly sided with pro'democracy activists during the 1--5s decade.
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Having ta"en an insight of the strategic imperatives of the engagement of both ndia and
$hina vis'('vis Myanmar it can be argued that due to its critical geographical location,
Myanmar becomes an important component of the regional foreign policy agendas of
both ndia and $hina. &hus, both the countries are bound to engage with Myanmar
irrespective of its domestic political scenario. 1hile given the trust'deficit between ndia
and $hina interests of both the countries clash in Myanmar, it also offer the opportunity
for both ndia and $hina to cooperate in a sub regional framewor" including their
peripheral regions. &herefore, the proposed study aims to ma"e a comparative
e;amination of the nature of engagement of both ndia and $hina vis'('vis Myanmar
with elaborating the both conflicting and cooperative dimensions the country offers to
ndia and $hina and e;amine if their interests coincide or collide. t is also important to
e;amine if Myanmar has any strategic motive to play one power against the other power.
A speech by %rime Minister Manmohan Singh in :ispur, Assam on /1 +ovember /55<,
at the opening of the new secretariat in :ispur, reflected the much awaited inclusion of
the +ortheastern region in ndias overall !oo" #ast %olicy. &his seemed to be a turning
point in the attitude of the central government towards the +ortheastern states of ndia,
which had long been ignored in the !#% paradigm. &his turn in attitude can be attributed
to a variety of reasons. &he genuine intent of developing the +ortheastern region by the
central government can be one li"ely reason, emanating from the inclusion of the
2+ortheast development concern3 as an important component of the !#% in the late
1--5s. 7n the other hand, the more li"ely reason for this shift could be more strategic
than for mere developmental purposes. &his can be attributed to the 2$hina factor,3 as
ndia sees $hina as a principal source of insecurity and a potential threat to its strategic
interests in its pro;imate region. &herefore, closer economic ties with #ast and Southeast
Asia through +ortheast ndia are considered viable means to limit $hinas influence and
balance its e;panding power in the region.
&he genesis of ndias !#% can be traced bac" to the early 1--5s when this term gained
coinage under %rime Minister %.=. +arasimha 6ao. &he >uestion however remains as to
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how the +ortheastern states fit into the !#%. 1e must, at the outset, ma"e a clear
distinction between the ordinary developmental policies for the +ortheast and the
emergence of the !#% as a way of initiating developmental policies in the +ortheast. &he
ordinary developmental policies for the +ortheast over the years have been conceived as
a component of centre'state relations @ with 15 per cent of all central ministry funds
being earmar"ed for +ortheastern region with carryover provisions in every budget ever
since 1--.. &he initiatives by the central government from /55< onwards can be dubbed
as a continuation of the +ortheast policy with a new development mantra or paradigm. At
the centre of this new paradigm of development is ndias !#%.
&he 1--5s saw a gradual increase in central governments aid towards the +ortheast
amidst the growing secessionist movements in the region. 1hile the Mizoram insurgent
movement was successfully resolved with the formation of the Mizo +ational Aront
government in 1-4B, insurgencies in +agaland, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya and &ripura
continued to rage on. &he central government continued its policy of grants'in'aid to the
+ortheastern states which was in reality a policy of control by appeasement, thereby
pumping huge amounts of money into the states. &his pumping in of money was not
bac"ed by ade>uate policies of infrastructure development or capacity building, but rather
consisted of grants and internal security infrastructure building. As a result, these
mindless grants gave rise to a lot of corruption in the +ortheast. Mizoram, which
emerged as the model state of an 2insurgency to peace3 transition, could not benefit from
this huge resource inflow, particularly due to the lac" of developmental policies and
initiatives.
*ecause of the absence of such policies, a lot of money meant for development was
unused and returned to the $entral 0overnment until a carry over provision was
introduced in 1--., also stating that 15 per cent of all central ministry funds should be
allocated to the +ortheast. &his carryover clause allows unused funds to be transferred to
the ne;t budget and was needed because of the slow usage of funds which made the
process of development of infrastructure and capacity building dreadfully slow and in
some cases, non'e;istent.
<
&he trend of grants'in'aid to the +ortheastern states after /55< saw a change as the
+ortheast was included in the overall !oo" #ast %olicy. n recent years, many discussions
and seminars on the !oo" #ast %olicy have ta"en place with a focus on the +ortheastern
region both in +ew :elhi and in the +ortheast. &his aims to bring ndias Aoreign %olicy
closer to the people of the +ortheast, and enunciate strategies that would be pragmatic
and directed towards the development of the region as a whole, given its geographical
pro;imity to Southeast Asian countries. n fact capital cities such as 0uwahati, mphal
and Shillong have become the hub of such events and discussions based on the !#% in
the region. &he investment fairs conducted by the government and business lobbies have
huge prospects, as they can boost trade and development. %romotion of the +ortheast as a
safe recipient for investment also too" place outside of the region, in events such as the
+orth'#ast ndia &rade and nvestment 7pportunities 1ee" held in *ang"o" in 7ctober
/55B.
n addition, there were a slew of announcements of developmental pro)ects in many states
such as Manipur, Assam, Meghalaya and Arunachal %radesh. &hese pro)ects were aimed
at developing infrastructure and connectivity in the +ortheastern region with to the aim
of ultimately lin"ing it with Southeast Asian countries. &he /55< ndia'Asean car rally @
at the inauguration of which %rime Minister Manmohan Singh made the above'>uoted
speech @ is seen by many commentators as the turning point when the ndian government
made it clear that the +ortheastern states would be an important component in its !#%.
&he car rally had started from 0uwahati in Assam and passed through the states of
+agaland and Manipur. t was received by %rime Minister Manmohan Singh in =ientiane
in !aos during the Asean Summit before the rally culminated in Singapore. &his was seen
as a great success and a boost to the idea of connectivity from ndias +ortheast to
Southeast Asia. An e;pressway lin"ing &hailand with the +ortheast was mooted
immediately but little progress has been seen since then. *order road connectivity was
accorded high priority in states such as Manipur and Arunachal %radesh. &he Assam
0overnment has listed as one of its achievements in the year /55B the opening of the
Stilwell 6oad on the ndian side. &he Special Accelerated 6oad :evelopment %ro)ect for
C
the +ortheast, in which the *order 6oads 7rganization 8*679 has been engaged over the
past few years, is an indicator of the central governments policies in improving
connectivity in the +ortheastern region. &his pro)ect @ which en)oys high priority @
reflects the security angle to ndias concerns in the face of $hinas growing
infrastructure and connectivity north of the !ine of Actual $ontrol separating Arunachal
%radesh and &ibet. Hence, *67 was recently withdrawn from other pro)ects in the
country and dedicated to this specific pro)ects fast and effective implementation.
7ver the years, the +ortheastern region has evolved from a component of $entre'State
relations to an important part of the !oo" #ast %olicy. &his transition from insensitivity
and neglect to conscious incorporation of the +ortheast in the !#% has happened over
many nuances in policy ma"ing.
Literat&re $evie.:
A comparative study of the engagement of ndia and $hina in Myanmar re>uires a
thorough review of the e;isting literature on foreign policies of both countries towards
Myanmar and various factors involved in it. Aor this purpose, the review of literature has
broadly discussed the available literature on evolution of the bilateral relations between
ndia'Myanmar and $hina'Myanmar, changing dynamics of relationships and various
strategic imperatives that led both ndia and $hina to follow a policy of engagement vis'
('vis Myanmar. Moreover, the review of literature aims to e;amine the role of Myanmar
with both the aspects of conflict and cooperation that it tenders to both ndia and $hina.
n order to have a sound understanding about the engagement of ndia and $hina in
Myanmar, it is essential to understand the difference in the nature of the engagement
policies, if any, of both the countries vis'('vis Myanmar. Here it will be better to start
with separate assessment of the genesis of a paradigm shifts in the policies of both ndia
and $hina which paved the way for their respective engagement policies towards
Myanmar in the years when the relations among them had numerous facets and turns.
.
n case of $hina, elucidating the shifts, *aladas 0hoshal 81--<9 in his article 2&rends in
$hina'*urma 6elations3 states that the shifts in the $hinese *urma %olicy from 1-B4
onwards and the *urmese reciprocal cordiality prepared the ground for the gradual
rapprochement between the two countries. He further argues that a final and more
fundamental shift in $hinas *urma %olicy was witnessed in the 1-44 when $hina
withdrew its policy of providing material support to $ommunist %arty of *urma 8$%*9
which was involved in a direct struggle with the government of Myanmar. Although, this
article is very significant to understand the implications of the Sino'*urmese entente for
the regional security and strategic scenario in South and Southeast Asia, it gives a s"etchy
analysis of the push and pull factors behind the various shifts in $hinas policy vis'('vis
*urma and therefore not seen as a very comprehensive study on the issue. His later
writings on the various issues of Myanmar and its engagement with ndia and $hina have
also bee e;amined, but in a nutshell, this contentious aspect remains unanswered.
Dohn 1. 0raver 8/5559 in his boo" Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the
Twentieth Century dedicated a full detailed chapter named 2*urmaE the *ac"door to
$hina3 to analyze the factors which laid the foundation of $hinas policy of strategic
engagement with Myanmar. &he chapter starts with an elaboration of the $hinas
supporting act to the $ommunist %arty of *urma during Maos period and later on it
points out the shift in the $hinas strategic vision towards Myanmar after the arrival of
:eng Fiaoping. &he chapter emphasizes that Mao followed a dual trac" approach in its
relations with Myanmar, first trac" was the development of normal state'to'state relations
with the government of *urma and second trac" was focused on encouraging fraternal
relations between $hinese $ommunist %arty 8$$%9 ruling $hina and $ommunist %arty of
*urma 8$%*9. &he 1a tribe in the Myanmar'$hina border was the communist lin".
&he author identifies that this particular balance between these two trac"s at any point in
time was a ma)or characteristics of $hinese policy towards *urma. &o answer the
>uestion of why Mao followed this dual trac" policy, he argues that the first trac" of
developing state'to state relations with *urma was focused to "eep *urma away from the
sphere of influence of any hostile power, particularly the presence of GM& forces and
B
$A covert operations against $hina from the Shan state of Myanmar. 7n the other hand,
second trac" of providing support to the $%* insurgency, he lin"ed it with Maos
decision to support $%* in the conte;t of intensifying struggle between $hinese and
Soviet communist parties over the direction of the world communist movements. n his
boo" 0raver also ta"es into accounts the factors which led $hina to withdraw its support
from the $%* and opt for a policy of strategic engagement between the two countries at
governmental levelH such as the development of the economic relations between Iunnan
and Myanmar and see" access to the ndian 7cean through Myanmar. However, to ma"e
a better understanding of his analysis and to place it in an overall conte;t, other sources
substantiated with the factual details are needed and must be studied further.
:onald M See"ins 81--B9 in his article Burma-China Relations: Playing with Fire
e;tensively discussed the implications of $hinas strategic economic foray into Myanmar
after 1--5. &o e;plain the conse>uences of increasing $hinese influence in Myanmar he
cites the e;amples of Sinicization of ,pper Myanmar and development of Mandalay as a
high priced J$hina town with an influ; of immigrant $hinese population from the
Iunnan and other provinces of $hina. He further mentioned that how bilateral trade
between $hina and *urma increased manifold in the late years of 1--5s but finally he
characterizes the economic relations between $hina and *urma as e>uivalent to the
relations between a #uropean metropolis and an Asian colony during the early /5
th
century, which was characterized by a general conte;t of colonialism and imperialism.
n a special issue of Adelphi %aper named Myanmar Foreign Policy: Domestic Inluences
and International m!lications Durgen Haac"e 8/55.9 elaborates the converging political
views of $hina and Myanmar after the incidents of suppression of pro'democracy
activists in 1-44 in Myanmar and in 1-4- in &iananmen S>uare of $hina respectively. n
his analysis he emphasizes on the fact that $hina emerged as a most trusted friend of
Myanmar after 1-44 and contributed greatly to the regime and growing stability in the
early years of the S!76$s rule. $hina has even protected Myanmars interests in the
,nited +ations Security $ouncil several times by e;ercising veto against the resolutions
proposed by the ,S and the 1est to impose sanctions on Myanmars military )unta.
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However, Stephanie Gleine'Ablbrandt and Andrew Small 8/5549 in their article China"s
#ew Dictatorshi! Di!lomacy: Is Bei$ing Parting with Pariahs points out a slight shift in
$hinas *urma policy which is coupled with $hinas changing approach to deal with the
pariah states li"e *urma, +orth Gorea and Sudan. Although $hina is not going to relegate
its economic and strategic interests in its policy in dealing with the pariah states but it is
trying to evolve more sophisticated means to assist the process of positive political
development concerning these states so that they could gain a level of legitimacy such as
the si; party tal"s with +orth Gorea. n case of Myanmar too, despite re)ecting the
proposals of sanctions against Myanmar, $hina supported a statement from the ,+S$
deploring the )untas use of violence against peaceful demonstrators. Moreover, $hina
pushed the Myanmarese government to receive the ,+ special envoy and grant him
access to the Aung San Suu "yi. However, the author duo admits that it is not possible for
$hina to go very far to e;ert pressure over the )unta in Myanmar, given the opposition of
the hardliners in $hinese leadership to such policies of intervention abroad.
As far as understanding of the fundamentals of the ndias engagement with Myanmar is
concerned, study of the Arench researcher 6enaud #greteaus 8/55?9 boo", %ooing the
&enerals ' India"s #ew Burma Policy( is a must read. &he boo" contains a
comprehensive and well researched literature on the evolution of the relationship between
ndia and Myanmar from its very beginning to the ndias new policy of $onstructive
#ngagement vis'('vis Myanmar. &he focus of the boo" is more on changing strategic
e>uations in the South and Southeast Asia and how the $hina factor forced ndia to be
constructively engaged with Myanmar. However, the recent bilateral imperatives, such as
energy cooperation and border trade, do not occupy an important place in his analysis.
Sudhir :evare 8/55.9 in his boo" India and South )ast *sia: Towards Security
Convergence provides a chapter on strategic importance of Myanmar for ndia. n this
chapter he considers Myanmar as a challenging frontier for ndian foreign policy from all
the perspectives of security whether traditional or non traditional. &he author identifies
Myanmar as a lin" between ndia and the Association of South'#ast Asian +ations
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8AS#A+9 and suggested that political stability in Myanmar is in the interest of ndia.
However some broad >uestions, 21hich type of government in Myanmar would serve
ndias interests better, democratically elected or militaryK3 remain unanswered in it.
&o develop an understanding about the ndian and $hinese engagement in Myanmar it is
also necessary to analyze the Myanmars response to the respective engagement policies
of ndia and $hina. An article by Helen Dames 8/55<9, Myanmar International Relations
Strategy: The Search or Security gives a broad understanding of the various determining
factors of Myanmar foreign policy agenda and its domestic political and economic
implications. &his article attempts to elaborate on the fact that due to the continuing
sanctions by western powers, Myanmar is left with no option but to pursue its foreign
policy ob)ectives in Asia and balance profitably and strategically between $hina and
ndia. &his has helped create the sense of an imminent Sino'ndian rivalry in Myanmar.
Definition+ $ationale and %cope of t"e %t&dy:
Having reviewed the literature on the evolution of the ndian and $hinese engagement in
Myanmar, in order to elaborate the wide strategic compulsions of the respective
engagement policies of ndia and $hina in Myanmar, the proposed study focuses on the
20eopolitics of ndian and $hinese #ngagement in Myanmar3. &he review of the e;isting
literature reveals that e;tensive literature is available on the engagement policies of both
ndia and $hina vis'('vis Myanmar but separately. &herefore, there is a need to ma"e a
comparative review of the respective engagement policies of ndia and $hina vis'('vis
Myanmar so that the results regarding the role of Myanmar in the regional strategic
dynamics between ndia and $hina and its impact on the political developments in
Myanmar can be obtained. n order to delineate the engagement of ndia and $hina in
Myanmar, the study would ta"e into account the period from where a significant policy
shift towards Myanmar can be seen in the ndian and $hinese foreign policy discourse.
n case of $hinese engagement in Myanmar, the evolution of engagement phase
seemingly, starts ever since $hina adopted a policy of 20ood +eighborliness under the
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leadership of :eng Fiaoping.3 !i"ewise, to define the ndian engagement in Myanmar,
the study would mainly focus on the period since ndia opted for the diplomatic pattern of
2constructive engagement3 in its foreign policy design vis'('vis Myanmar.
Aurthermore, available literature on the ndian and $hinese engagement in Myanmar
seems inade>uate on some accounts and some deeper >uestions remain unanswered in
accordance with the emerging trends and changing realities. &hese >uestions are related
to the comparative assessment of the nature of ndian and $hinese engagement in
Myanmar, continuation of military rule in Myanmar and its implications for ndia and
$hinaH pivotal role of Myanmar as a bridge for evolving the structures of economic
cooperation between the sub regions of ndia and $hina. &hus, it is needed to review all
the aspects of ndian and $hinese engagement in Myanmar with a comparative
perspective. &he proposed study will try to bridge the e;isting gaps, bringing about a
critical understanding of the dynamics of $hina and ndias engagement in Myanmar. &he
study will bring out the dynamics of ndias !oo" #ast %olicy and the >uestion of the
development of +ortheast ndia and the accumulated failures of +ew :elhi to give a
genuine and wor"able vision for development of +ortheast ndia through the !oo" #ast
%olicy paradigm. &his re>uires a grand connected vision of ndias e;ternal dealings with
Myanmar and its internal policies related to +ortheast ndia.
$esearc" Pro'lem12&estion and 3ypot"esis:
$esearc" Pro'lem12&estion:
1hy do ndian foreign policy ob)ectives and the !oo" #ast :iplomacy seem to face
enormous hurdles in Myanmar and compete and collide with $hinese strategic interests,
and not cooperate and compliment each otherH and why has the !oo" #ast %olicy and
overall vision not been able to bridge the development deficit seen in +ortheast ndiaK
11
3ypot"eses:
&he scramble for resources in resource rich Myanmar has got intense, and as the growing
energy needs of ndia compound amidst the current global energy crunch, ndia see
intense competition to their strategic and economic interests in Myanmar.
*oth $hina and ndia see each others presence in Myanmar as a counter to their
respective strategic and economic interests in the country and the larger region, because
each country feels that Myanmar constitutes their natural sphere of influence, and each is
trying to impede on the other by their respective processes of engagement with Myanmar.
ndia has envisioned the !oo" #ast %olicy towards acting as a means to bridge the
development deficit seen in +ortheast ndia, but has failed to address the underlying
problems which have affected the +ortheastern states of ndia for decades on end.
$esearc" Met"ods:
&he study would both be analytical and descriptive in nature, and in order to
meaningfully e;plain the "nowledge gained, the study is re>uired to be dealt with
theoretical application and methodological rigour. &o successfully identify the answers of
the research problemL>uestion related to the topic, the study would be relied upon both
primary and the secondary sources and rely on reviewing e;tensive e;isting literature.
&he study would begin with an understanding of the research theme evolved from the
help of secondary sources such as boo"s, articles and news reports. However, given the
contemporary and dynamic nature of the topic, the information gathered by the secondary
sources needs to be substantiated with the help of the primary sources to ma"e the study
more authentic. Aor this purpose, primary sources mainly the interviews of the
government officials particularly diplomats who have served in Myanmar and
academicians and researchers having "nowledge regarding Myanmar would be used in
1/
the study. Sino'ndian relations will also be assessed through interview of various
diplomats and academicians following the tra)ectory of bilateral relations closely.
&he reports of concerned ministries in countries, press releases, )oint statements
published by the government of respective countries shall also be cited as primary
sources. Moreover, given the empirical nature of some parts of the study li"e current
status of various pro)ects, problems in border'trade, comparative assessment of the
lin"ages between the border areas of ndia'Myanmar and Myanmar'$hina demands a
sound understanding of the e;isting realities. &hus field trips of concerned areas seem
essential to complete the study and these need to be conducted primarily in Myanmar,
assessing the nature of interaction of Myanmar with $hinese and ndian diplomats and
officials, and trying to decipher the thought'process and the orientations of the ruling
class and government officials of Myanmar in its interaction with $hina and ndia
respectively. &he various dimensions including political, economic and strategic of $hina
and ndia in Myanmar would be assessed from all three points of view, and domestic and
cultural roots would be e;amined, especially assessing people'to'people interactions.
4entative !"apters:
!"apter 5: Introd&ction
&he first chapter will outline a bac"ground to set the stage for analyzing the politico'
strategic imperatives of the respective engagement policies of ndia and $hina with
Myanmar, and analyze the military )untas policy of engagement with these nations. &his
will outline the !oo" #ast :iplomacy of ndia and highlight the vision for the
development of +ortheast ndia within the !oo" #ast %olicy.
1?
!"apter 6: Indias Look East Diplomacy: Myanmars Domestic predicaments and
Indias perception
t will be discussed in this chapter in detail that how ndia perceive the domestic politics
of Myanmar. &he second chapter will scrutinize the ndian over the issue of democratic
transition in Myanmars domestic polity.
!"apter 7: $ole of Look East Policy in t"e development of #ort"east India
&his chapter will ta"e into account the overall vision and role of the !oo" #ast %olicy
towards bridging the development deficit seen in +ortheast ndia.
!"apter 8: A !omparison of t"e Economic and %ec&rity Engagement of India .it"
Myanmar
#laborating the status and ob)ectives of ndian economic engagement in Myanmar this
chapter will ma"e an attempt to present a holistic outloo" of ndias economic
engagement and interests in Myanmar including energy sta"es and overall gains. &his
chapter will also analyze ndias security cooperation with Myanmar with regard to
insurgency in +ortheast ndia and huge flows of arms and narcotics smuggling.
!"apter 9: !oncl&sion
&he concluding chapter would try to answer the research >uestion and bring forward the
debates on conflict and cooperation between $hina and ndia in Myanmar, and further
analyze the road ahead for a prospective constructive policy for the vision to be
successful for the genuine development of +ortheast ndia. t will analyze the !oo" #ast
:iplomacy in its overall strategic and developmental dividends over the years.
1<
0i'liograp"y:
Ablbrandt Stephanie Gleine and Andrew Small 8/5549, 2$hinas +ew :ictatorship
:iplomacyE s *ei)ing %arting with %ariahs,3 Foreign *airs, 4B819E ?4'C..
Acharya, Amitav 8/5519, Constructing a Security Community in Southeast *sia: *S)*#
and the Pro+lem o Regional ,rder, !ondon and +ew Ior"E 6outledge.
Ahmad, &almiz 8/55.9, 20as Supply in ndias :iplomacy for #nergy Security,3 )nergy
Security Insights( 18/9E /.'?1.
Aiyar, Mani Shan"ar 8/55C9, 2#nergy $ooperationE ndia and ts +eighbors,3 in %
Ghosla, )nergy and Di!lomacy, +ew :elhiE Gonar" %ublishers %vt. !td.
A)ibewa, sola Aderemi 81--49, 2Myanmar in AS#A+E $hallenges and %rospects,3 The
Indonesian -uarterly( /.819E /4'?..
Amer, 6amses 81---9, 2$onflict Management and $onstructive #ngagement in
AS#A+S #;pansion3 Third %orld -uarterly, /58C9E 15?1'15<4.
Aye, Gyaw 8/55?9, 2#nergy $ooperation among the *MS&#$ $ountries,3 Biiss
.ournal, /<8<9E <C.
*aner)ee, :ipan"ar 81--.9, 2Myanmar and ndian Security $oncerns,3 Strategic
*nalysis, 1-8C9E .-1'B5C.
*ezbaruah, M% 8/55B9, 2ndia'Myanmar *order &radeE &he Sta"es for +ortheast ndia,3
Dialouge( -819E 4?'15<.
*hagat, 6asheeda 8/55/9, 2n a =icious $ircle3, Frontline, 1-81C9E </'<C
*has"ar, ,day $ 8/5559, 2Myanmar in the Strategic $alculus of ndia and $hina,3 in
Ganti *a)pai and Amitabh Mattoo, 8eds.9, The Peacoc/ and the dragon: India China
Relations in the 01
st
Century( +ew :elhiE Har Anand %ublishers.

*haumi", Subir 8/55.9, 2*urma %olicy and its mpact on ndias +ortheastern 6egion,3
in $. Dashua &homas, 8ed.9, #ngagement and :evelopmentE ndias +ortheast and
+eighboring $ountries, +ew :elhiE A"ansha %ublishing House.
*atabyal, Anindya 8/55.9, 2*alancing $hina in Asia3 $hina 6eport </8/9E 1B-'-B
*haumi", Subir 81--B9, 2&he #;ternal !in"ages in nsurgency in ndias +ortheast3, in
*. %a"em, nsurgency in +ortheast ndia, +ew :elhiE 7msons %ublication.
1C
*ou>uerat, 0illes 8/5519, 2ndias $onfrontation with $hinese nterests in Myanmar,3 in
0rare, Arederic and Amitabh Mattoo, 8eds.9, 2ndia and AS#A+E %olitics of !oo" #ast
%olicy,3 +ew :elhiE Manohar %ublishers.
$hetty, A! 8/55C9, 2ndia Myanmar %artnershipE +eed for 1idening and :eepening3 in
G 6a)a 6eddy, 8ed.9, India and *S)*#: Foreign Policy Dimensions or the 01
st
Century,
+ew :elhiE +ew $entury %ublication.
$houdhary, !G 8/55C9, 2ndo'Myanmar 6elationsE 6etrospect and %rospects,3 India
-uarterly, .18<9E 1<?'1.<.

:adwal, Shebonti 6oy 81---9, 2#nergy SecurityE ndias 7ption,3 Strategic *nalysis,
/?8<9E .C?'B5.
:atta, Sreeradha 8/5559, 2Security of ndias +ortheastE #;ternal !in"ages,3 Strategic
*nalysis, /<849E 1<-C'1C1C.
:evare, Sudhir 8/55.9, India and South )ast *sia: Towards Security Convergence(
SingaporeE S#AS.
#greteau, 6eanaud 8/55?9, %ooing the &enerals: India"s #ew Burma Policy, +ew :elhiE
Author %ress.
2#nergy Security in ndiaE Gey issues multiple strategies3, A 6eport %repared by &#6,
)nergy Security Insight, ntroductory ssue, 7ctober, /55C.
0avin, Dames 8/55.9, 2$hina and ndia battle for Myanmars 0as,3 Petroleum )conomist,
B?8C9E 1B'14.

0hosal, *aladas 81--<9, 2&rends in $hina'*urma 6elations,3 China Re!ort, ?58/9E 14B'
/5/.
0ibson, M 6ichard and Dohn * Haseman 8/55?9, 2%rospects for $ontrolling +arcotics
%roduction and &raffic"ing in Myanmar,3 Contem!orary Southeast *sia, /C819E 1'1-.
Haac"e, Durgen 8/55C9, 2#nhanced nteraction3 with Myanmar and %ro)ect of a Security
$ommunity Es AS#A+ 6efining or brea"ing with its :iplomatic and Security $ultureK,
Contem!orary Southeast *sia, /B8/9E 1-B.

Haac"e, Durgen 8/55.9, 2Myanmars Aoreign %olicy towards $hina and ndia,3 *del!hi
Pa!ers, <.8?419E /<'?-.
Haac"e, Durgen 8/55.9, 2&he %olitical' Security imperative and Aoreign %olicy 0oals,3
*del!hi Pa!ers, <.8?419E 1?'/?.

Hueper, A. %aul 8/5519, 20as #;ports up and 6unning,3 Petroleum )conomist( August.
1.
Hangao, $heng 8/55.9 Coo!eration and Pros!ects o 2unnan India Trade( n %rabir :e
and D" 6ay 8ed.9 2ndia and $hina in the #ra of 0lobalization.
Gaul, Man Mohini 8/55.9, 26egional 0roupingE An 7verview of *MS&#$ and M0$,3
South *sian Survey, 1? 8/9E ?1?'/1.
Ghosla, %, 8ed.9 8/55<9, )nergy and Di!lomacy, +ew :elhiE Gonar" %ublishers.
!amy Steven ! 8/55C9, 2$ontemporary Main Stream ApproachesE +eo'6ealism and +eo
!iberalism,3 in Dohn *aylis M Steve, Smith, 8ed.9, The &lo+ali3ation o %orld Politics(
+ew :elhiE 7;ford ,niversity %ress.
!eahey, Doe 81--.9, 26ound 7ne to 6angoon3, Far )astern )conomic Review, August 1,
1C-8?19E 1<'1C
Mahalingam, Sudha 8/55C9, 2Accessing +eighborhood #nergyE &hin"ing out of the
*o;,3 in % Ghosla, )nergy and Di!lomacy, +ew :elhiE Gonar" %ublishers %vt. !td.
Mases, 0open 8/55B9, 2:rug ,se, H=LA:S and Human &raffic"ing in the +orth'#ast,
Dialouge( -819E 1.1'1B<.
Maung, Mya 81--B9, 2*urmas #conomic %erformance under Military 6ule,3 *sian
Survey( ?B8.9 C5?'C/<.
Michael =ati"iotis 81--B9 2Ariends and Aears3 Far )astern )conomic Review( May 4,
1.58149E 1<'1C.
Moller, Gay 81--49, 2$ambodia and *urmaH &he AS#A+ 1ay #nds Here,3 *sian Survey,
?481/9E 154B.
Muni, S. :. and 0iri)esh %ant 8/55C9, India"s )nergy Security: Pros!ects or Coo!eration
with )4tended #eigh+ourhood( +ew :elhiE 6upa M $o.

Muni, S: 8/55/9, China"s Strategic )ngagement with #ew *S)*#: *n )4!loratory
Study o China"s Cold %ar Politics( Strategic and )conomic Relations with Myanmar(
5aos Cam+odia and 6ietnam, SingaporeE nstitute of :efense and Strategic Studies.
%achauri, 6G 8/55.9, 2Aoreign nternational &rade in +atural 0asE &he 0eopolitical
$hallenge of 6egional $omple;ities,3 )nergy Security Insights, 18/9E /'..
6ao, %= 8/55C9, 2Sub'regional Strategies of $o'operation in AS#A+E &he ndian
Approach,3 in G 6a)a 6eddy, 8ed.9, India and *S)*#: Foreign Policy Dimensions or the
01
st
Century, +ew :elhiE +ew $entury %ublications.
Iahya, Aaizal 8/55?9, 2ndia and Southeast Asia 6evisited,3 Contem!orary Southeast
*sia, /C 819EB-'-4.
1B
Singh, Manmohan 8/55<9, 2%Ms address at the inauguration of +ew $apital $omple; of
Assam3, speech delivered on /1 +ovember, /55< at +ew Secretariat $omple;E :ispur,
Assam, N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E httpELLpmindia.nic.inLlspeech.aspK
idP<4
*ac"ground of +!$%6, Ministry of :evelopment of +orth #astern 6egion, N7nlineE
webO Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E httpELLwww.mdoner.gov.inLinde;/.aspKsidP1-/
*usiness Summits, Ministry of :evelopment of +orth #astern 6egion, N7nlineE webO
Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E httpELLwww.mdoner.gov.inLinde;/.aspKsidP/<5
%rime Minister :r. Manmohan Singh flags off the first ndia'AS#A+ $ar 6ally, which
started in 0uwahati, Assam on // +ovember, /55<, in =ientiane, !aos on ?5 +ovember,
/55<, N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E
httpELLpmindia.nic.inLphotoQgallaryLd'ser/4'?5nov/"<.asp
Mu"her)ee, %ranab 8/55B9, 2Geynote Address by Shri %ranab Mu"her)ee, #;ternal
Affairs Minister, 0overnment of ndia on Jndias !oo" #ast %olicyE mplications for
&hailand and South #ast Asia3, speech delivered on 1< September, /55B at the nstitute
for Security and nternational Studies 8SS9, $hulalong"orn ,niversityE *ang"o",
&hailand, N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E
httpELLwww.mea.gov.inLsearchhome.htm
+orth #astern =ision /5/5, Ministry of :evelopment of +orth #astern 6egion and +orth
#astern $ouncil, 1? May, /554, Agartala, &ripura N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August
/55-, ,6!E httpELLmdoner.gov.inLinde;/.aspKsidP/</
Singh, Manmohan 8/55<9, 2%Ms speech at tanagar %ublic 6ally3, speech delivered on
?1 Danuary, /554 tanagar, Arunachal %radesh N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-,
,6!E httpELLwww.pmindia.nic.inLspeeches.htm
#;press +ews Service 8/5549, 2ndia, Myanmar in" Galadan multi'modal transport pact3,
The Indian )4!ress, +ew :elhi, 5? April /554, N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-,
,6!E httpELLwww.indiane;press.comLnewsLindia'myanmar'in"'"aladan'multimodal'
transL/-1B4BL
*aruah, Amit 8/5519, 2&he roads to Myanmar3, The Frontline, +ew :elhi, 5? March
/551, N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E
httpELLwww.thehindu.comLflineLfl145CL145C5<-5.htm
14
Anand, *yas 8/55/9, 2A' 0uwahati'*ang"o" flight is off3, The Times o India, +ew
:elhi, /B September /55/, N7nlineE webO Accessed /1 August /55-, ,6!E
httpELLtimesofindia.indiatimes.comLarticleshowL/??-4.51.cms
1-