Collected Works of Sir R G Bhandarkar Vol II

*
*
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES
GLASS B, NO. 2
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GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES
CLASS B, No. 2
PREPARED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF
THE PUBLICATION DEPARTMENT OF
THE BHANDARKAR ORIENTAL
RESEARCH INSTITUTE
POONA
POOKA
Bhandarkar Oriental Resiearcta Institute, Poona,
19*8
*
Government Oriental ScriesClass B, NO. II
COLLECTED WORKS
OF
SIR R. G. BHANDARKAR
VOL. I I
COMPRISING REPORTS ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS. DURING
1882-91, RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL WRITINGS ETC,
EDITED BY
Narayan Bapuji Utgikar, M. A.
Editor, Virataparvan
dometime, of the Deooan College and the Bhandarkar O. R. Institute
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
1928
Copieican be had direct from the
Bhandarkar O. R. Institute, Poona No. 4, India.
Price Rs, 5 Annas 8 per copy, exclusive of postage
Pages 1-640 printed by V. P. Pendherkar, at the Tutorial Press,
211a, Girgaon Back Road, Bombay, and the rest printed by
V. G. Paranjpe, M. A., LL. B., D. Litt.,
at the Bhandarkar Institute Press, 198(18) Sadashiv, Poona No. 2,
and published by
S. K. Belvalkar, M. A., Ph, D., Secretary,
at the B. O. R. Institute,
Poona No. 4.
*
PREFACE
ABBREVI ATI ONS
1 Extracts from the Report on the Search for Sanskrit
Manusoripts during the year 1882-83 ...
2 Extraots from the Report on the Search for Sanskrit
Manuscripts during the year 1883-84 ...
3 Extracts from the Report op the Search for Sanskrit
Manuscripts during the years 1884-87
4 Extracts from the Report on the Search for Sanskrit
Manuscripts during the years 1887-91
5 Extracts from the Prefaces to the First Book of Sanskrit
6 Extracts from the Prefaces to the Second Book of Sanskrit
7 Extracts from the Preface to the Second Edition
of the Malatl-Madhava of Bhavabhuti ...
8 A Note on Ekaval l . . .
9 Sooial History of India
10 The Indi an Caste System
11 Presidential Address at the Ni nt h Indian Social
Conference held in 1895
12 Sooial Reform and the Programme of the Madras
Hi ndu Social Reform Association
13 Presidential Address at the Bombay Provincial Social
Conference held in 1902
14 Presidential Address at the National Social Con-
ference held at Ahmadabad in 1902
. 15 A Note on the Age of Marriage and its Consummation
according to Hi ndu Religious Law wi t h four Appendixes
,16 History of Child Marriage
17 Basis of Theism, and its Relation to the so-called
Revealed Religions
v i i
vi i i
1
58
292
349
413
415
422
439
443
471
487
503
518
527
538
584
603
P AGE
CONTENTS OF VOL. I I
VI CONTENTS
18 The Position of the Prarthana Samaj in the Religious
World
19 The Incorporation of Pre-Mahomedan Foreigners into
the Hindu Social Organisation
20 Chronology of the Writings, and of the Works from
which Extracts have been included in this Volume..
21 INDEXES
I Index of Geographical Names
II Index of Mythological Words and Names
III Index of Modern Scholars and Names
IV Historical Index
V English and General Index
VI Index of Sanskrit Works
V I I Index of Ancient Authors
V I I I General Sanskrit Index
617
624
639
641
644
650
653
662
672
690
709
*
P R E F A C E
The sudden and long-protracted illness of Mr. N. B. Utgikar, the
Editor of the Collected Works of R. G. Bhandarkar, has prevented
him from reading the proofs of the Indexes of this volume.
The Indexes, themselves were left incomplete by the editor, and
have been completed by Mr. G. N. Shrigondekar, B. A., of the
Publication Department of the Institute. Mr. Utgikar, I am
glad to add, has recovered remarkably well from a very bad
attack of paralysis, and it is to be hoped that he will be able
to write an Introduction to the first volume of the Collected
Works which will, however, be the last to be published.
V. G. PARANJPE,
Superintendent, Publication Dept
of the B. O. R. Institute
Rsipancaml, Sake 1850
( 20th August, 1928)
*
ABBREVI ATI ONS
Ai t . Br. = Aitareya-Brahmana.
Am. = Amarakosa.
Anuv. = Anuvakya.
Asv. Sr. = Asvalayana-Srauta-Sutra.
Bh. = Bhagavadglta.
Bi b. Ind. Ed. = Bibliotheca Indica Edition.
Gtitt. gel. Anz. = GcJttingische gelehrte Anzeigen.
Gr. Su. == Grhyasutra.
Ind. Ant i . = Indi an Antiquary.
J. A. O. S. = Journal of the American Oriental Society.
JBBRAS. = Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society, Bombay.
Mah. Mahabhasya.
Pan. =B Panini.
Eajtaran. = Rajatarahginl.
Raya. = Rayamukuta.
Rv. = Rgveda.
Serng. = Sarhgadharapaddhati
Tai t t i . S. = Taittirlya-Sarhhita.
Up. = Upanisad.
Z. D. M. G. = Zeitsohrift der Deutsohen Morgenlandischen
Gesellschaft.
*
EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT ON THE SEARCH FOR
SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS DURING THE YEAR 1882-83*
AND ON THE STATE OF THE PRESENT
COLLECTIONS OF MANUSCRIPTS.
EXPENDITURE
From the beginning of the official year to about the middle
of September last
2
, I was in sole charge of the operations in
connection with the Search. Thereafter, the work, as well as
the funds, were divided between Professor Peterson and myself.
Out of the grant of Rs. 8,000, I had up to September spent
Rs. 2,500, and the balance, after deducting Rs. 548, which had
to be set apart for Inscriptions, was Rs. 4,952. Out of this, one-
half or Rs. 2,476 was placed at the disposal of Professor
Peterson and the other half was entrusted to me. Of this I
spent Rs. 2,455-0-6, so that, in all, my expenses during the year
amounted to Rs. 4,955-0-6. Manuscripts of the value of
Rs. 439-0-9 paid for out of this amount were, as stated in the
last year's Report, included in the list then submitted, wherefore
the results now to be reported, have cost Government
Rs. 4,515-15-9.
Of this amount, Rs. 3473-13-0 were paid for the 772
Manuscripts purchased this year and the remainder,
Rs. 1,042-2-9, was spent on the salaries and travelling expenses
of the agents and Sastrins employed for collecting Manuscripts
and cataloguing Private Libraries.
1 Originally published in 1884, at the Government Central Press, Bombay. [ N. B. U.]
2 The original Report is dated 6th September 1883. [ N. B. U. ]
1 [R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II.J
2 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1882-83
MANUSCRI PTS PURCHASED I N GUJ ARATH A N D
I N THE MARAT HA COUNTRY
The catalogue of these Manuscripts is di vi ded i nt o t wo
sections, in the first of whi ch are entered Manuscripts collected
i n Gujarath, and i n the second those purchased i n the Maratha
Count ry. The Gujarath section comprises Nos. 1486 and the
other, Nos. 487772.
I wi l l now give a bri ef analysis of the collection not i ci ng al l
the particulars of a l i t erary and historical importance, whi ch
from a hasty examination of the Manuscripts, I have been able
to gather.
VEDAS
Under the head of Vedas i ncl udi ng Upanisads are entered t wo
complete copies of the Vajasaneya Samhita, one in each section
( Nos. 12, 13 and 495 ), and one of the Pada text of the Kanva
Sakha of that Veda ( No . 489) . Nos. 3 and 4 are complete
copies of t wo of the four pri nci pal song-books of the Sama Veda.
We have also in this class, Manuscripts of eight out of the fourteen
Kandas or divisions of the Satapatha Brahmana and double
copies of some of t hem.
No. 14 is a copy of a part of Uata's Bhasya or commentary on
the Vajasaneya Saihhita. The fragment begins in the mi ddl e
of Chapter I I , and extends up t o about the end of
Chapter X X I ; but a good many intermediate leaves are want i ng.
No. 16 is a copy of the latter part of the same wor k,
and begins wi t h Chapter X I X , and comes down t o the
end, one intermediate leaf onl y being lost. This was transcribed
in the Samvat year 1431 corresponding to 1375 A. D., and
is one of the oldest paper Manuscripts we possess. No. 14, and
No. 15 ( wh i c h is another fragment of the first part extending
f r om Chapters X I I t o X V I I I ) also look as ol d i f not older,
though they bear no date.
VBDIC SECTION
3
UATA'S DATE
The date of No. 16 itself shows that Uata or Uvata, the author,
must have flourished at least five hundred years ago ; but there
is a statement in that Manuscript as wel l as in No. 14 whi ch
enables us to determine the precise period when he l i ved. In
the colophon of Manuscripts of this author' s works and at the
end of some of the chapters, a couplet occurs, in the first l i ne of
whi ch the name of his father is given as Vajrata and the place
where he l i ved as Anandapura. The sense of the second l i ne
of the couplet as it usually occurs in Manuscripts of the Mantra-
bhasya is : " Thi s commentary on the Mantras was composed
after a mature deliberation of [ the sense of"] ivords and
sentences," But in the Manuscripts I am speaking about,
instead of the words in Italics, we have in several places " whi l e
Bhoja was r ul i ng over the e a r t h" or " whi l e Bhoja was
governing his ki ngdom. "
Anandapura has beon identified wi t h Vadanagar in Upper
Gujarath, and t hough Hwan Thsang, the Chinese traveller,
tells us that i n his t i me the di st ri ct i n whi ch the t own was
situated formed part of the ki ngdom of Mal wa, st i l l it is
questionable whether the t own belonged to the kings of
that count ry in the t i me. of Bhoja, especially since a powerful
ki ngdom had been established, a good many years boforo
Bhoja came to the throne, at Anahilapattana not far from
Vadanagar. But the poi nt is placed beyond doubt by another
couplet occurring at the end of the t ent h Chapter of No. 14, in
whi ch Uata tells us that " ho composed the Mantrabhasya whi l e
l i vi ng i n Avant I and whi l e Bhoja was r ul i ng over the count ry. "
Thi s shows that t hough Vajrata, the father of our author, l i ved
at Anandapura, Uata himself l i ved in Mal wa at the t i me when
he wrot e his wor k. The Bhoja therefore mentioned by h i m
must undoubt edl y be the celebrated prince of that name who
rul ed over the count ry f r om about 996 t o 1051 A; D.
UPANI SADS
No. 487 is ent i t l ed Astottarasatopanisad or the Hundr ed and
Ei ght Upanisads. The ori gi nal Upanisads formed parts of the
Vedas and these are really works of great a nt i qui t y; but
treatises of this nature gradually mul t i pl i ed, many of t hem
being devoted to the exaltation of particular deities and to the
furtherance of such other sectarian objects. Most of t hem are
referred to the At harva Veda, a circumstance part i al l y due to
the fact that the literature belonging to this Veda was not
clearly defined and specified by the ancient scholars of I ndi a.
The number of Upanisads extant is now estimated at about 250.
But at some period whi ch cannot be very distant, 108 of these
were chosen as the best, and t hei r names given in one of t hem
ont i t l ed Mukt i kopani sad and t hei r study enjoined. The
Upanisads in our No. 487 are the same as those mentioned in
the Mukt i kopani sad, and are wr i t t en and arranged exactly i n
the same order. But out of the 108, t wot he Tai t t i r i ya and
the Mantrikahave dropped out somehow, t hough t hei r names
are gi ven in the table of contents attached to the Manuscript.
No. 10 in the Gujarath section also contains t hi r t y- si x treatises
of this class, and some of t hem are different f r om those
enumerated in the Mukt i kopani sad. Besides these we have
detached copies of several of t hem. It is not often that so many
Upanisads are found in a single collection of Manuscripts.
VEDANGAS AND SACRI FI CI AL MANUAL S
In the class of Vedangas and Sacrificial Prayogas or Manuals,
there is in the Gujarath section a copy of Devayajnika' s Bhasya
or commentary on the Anukramani ka of the Vajasaneya Samhita
( No. 25 ), and in the Maratha section, a copy of t wo chapters
of his commentary on Katyayana' s Sacrificial Sutras ( Nos. 504
and 505). Of this last a copy of four chapters was procured
by me last year. There is also a Manuscript of the first three
ITIHl SA-PURl NA SECTION 5
chapters of another Bhasya on this Satra by an author whose
name is not gi ven.
Last year's Collection contained copies of the commentaries
of Karka, Gadadhara, and Hari hara, on Paraskara's Grhya Sotra
and this year one of Jayarama's commentary on the same
( No. 512 ) has been added.
There are Manuscripts of dependent treatises also such as
the Prat i j na Sotra, the Bhasika Sutra, Yaj naval kya Siksa, &c.
( Nos. 26, 28, and 513521). In the Maratha section, there are
Manuscripts of several sacrificial Manuals belonging pr i nci pal l y
to the Vajasaneya Sakha ( Nos. 522541).
I TI HASAS, P URA^ AS , MAHAT MYAS A N D STOTRAS
The object in maki ng collections of Manuscripts is, I apprehend,
not onl y to procure copies of rare works but also to secure
materials "for cri t i cal editions of such as t hough not rare
are of great importance, or for the determination of the
correct text of any particular passage in t hem, whenever a wei ght y
issue hangs on i t . In maki ng my purchases I have always this
object i n vi ew. In the department of Itihasas and Puranas,
therefore, I have on no occasion rejected a good Manuscript of
the whol e or a port i on of the Mahabharata offered for sale, t hough
the wor k has been pri nt ed once in Calcutta and twice in Bombay.
But in al l cases I paid a good deal less t han the ordi nary price.
One copy of the Mahabharata was purchased in 1879 at the rate
of one rupee for a thousand Slokas, and a copy of each of the ten
books of the epic wi t h commentaries, at the rate of Rs. 1-8-0.
In this year's Collection in the Gujarath section there are
Manuscripts of eleven books, t wo of whi ch, from the dates given
in the colophon, appear to bo 300 years ol d. The others also
look as ol d t hough t hey bear no dates. They were paid for at
the rate of Rs. 1-8-0 ( Nos. 5667). In the Maratha section
there is a copy of the whol e of the Mahabharata wi t h the
exception of the Santiparvan or the twelfth book, and a copy
of the Harivamsa (Nos. 565, 566 and 579). These are about
two hundred years old, and the price paid was Rs. 1-12-0 per
thousand, which was the uniform rate at which a large lot of
Manuscripts was purchased at Nasik.
In this class there are also Manuscripts of the Vasisfcha
Ramayana, the Markandeya, the Visnu and the Vamana Puranas,
and of a good many Mahatmyas of shrines or rivers, such as
the Mahatmya of Jagannatha in Orissa, of which we have two
copies, one engraved on Tala leaves and the other* written on
paper, and the Prabhasa Mahatmya.
DHARMASASTRA OR RELIGIOUS AND" CI VI L LAW
As belonging to the Smrti branch of the literature of the
Hindu Law, religious and civil, I have to announce the acqui-
sition of a valuable commentary on the Manu Smrti by Raghava-
nanda (No. 110). There are also old copies of the Yajnavalkya
Smrti, and of Vijnanesvara's commentary on itthe Mitaksara
one of which was transcribed in Sam vat 1535 or 1479 A.D.,
that is more than 400 years ago (No. 106).
We have a somewhat mutilated Manuscript of a work entitled
Jiianabhaskara (NoS. 96-97), which consists of a dialogue between
Surya, the Sun deity, and Aruna, his charioteer, and another of
that part of it which treats of the duties of widows.
Of digests and manuals, which form an extensive branch of the
modern literature of the subject, we have an old copy of the
Madanaparijata (No. 599)which is considered a work of much
importanceand treatises on the domestic rites of the followers of
the White Yajurveda entitled Samskarabhaskara (Nos. 115 and
611) by Khanglabhatta, the son of Mayureavara, and Samskara-
paddhati (Nos. 114 and 610) by Gangadhara. Madanaparijata is
so called because its author Visvesvara was patronized by a prince
named Madanapala whose history is given in the introduction to
KAVYA-NATAKA SECTION
7
the wor k. Thi s i nt roduct i on Professor Aufrecht gives i n his
notice of the wor k in the Oxford Catalogue.
Nos. 614, 615, and 618 are commentaries on works det ai l i ng
the duties of the followers of Madhva, the originals of whi ch were
wr i t t en by Madhvacarya himself. The last of these Manuscripts
contains the ori gi nal also. Nos. 616 and 617 also belong to that
sect. Besides ot her works whi ch are wel l known we have a large
number of Manuscripts of rituals employed on special occasions.
POEMS, PLAYS, FABLES, ETC.
Among the poems and plays and the commentaries thereon,
collected this year, may be mentioned a large fragment of
Ekanatha' s commentary on the Ki r i l t ar j uni ya (No. 136); oleven
cantos of the Raghuvaihsadarpana by Hemadr i (No. 161); an
anonymous commentary on the first eight cantos of the
KumHrasambhava (No. 139); four different glosses on the
Meghaduta (Nos. 157160); a complete copy of a commentary on
the Naisadhlya by Narahari (No. 146); t wo commentaries on the
Khandaprasasti (Nos. 140 and 620); t wo ol d copies of KMambar i
(Nos. 134 and 135); a Manuscript of the Paiicatantra more than
five hundred years ol d (No. 147), and t wo poems entitled
Rukmi ni savi j aya and Tlrthaprabandha by Vadirftjatirtha wi t h
commentaries (Nos. 622, 623, 632 and 633). There is a copy of
the Madhvavijaya or the t r i umphant career of Madhva (No. 627);
but several of its leaves are missing.
The last three works belong to the Madhva sect, and Vadiraja,
said to be the same as Kavl ndra, was one of A nandatlrtha' s
successors, being the ei ght h i n the list given [later on] . He
died in 1261 Saka or 1339 A. D.
GANGADASA AND NARAHARI
One of the commentaries on the Khandaprasasti is by
Gunavihaya, a Jaina, and the other by Gangadasa, who in a
stanza at the end of each section, gives Pociya as the name of
his father and Mahalaksml as that of his mother. He assumed
the name of Jnanananda after he had renounced the world and
become a samnyasin or recluse. The stanza is given by Professor
Aufreoht in his notice of this work ; but it is worthy of
observation that the line, in which his having become a recluse is
mentioned, occurs for the first time in the stanza at the end of his
commentary on the Rama-Avatara, or the seventh incarnation of
Visnu, so that he seems to have assumed that condition after he
had finished his commentary on the first six avataras or incar-
nations.
The commentary on the Naisadhlya also contains at the
end of each canto a stanza in which the author^ gives his name
as Narahari, and states that he was the son of one Svayambhu
" whose feet were incessantly adored by the king of Trilinga "
by his wife Nalama, and that he was treated wi th kindness
by Vidyaranya, the Yogin, who probably was his guru or
preceptor. The king of Trilinga or Telangana, alluded to
here, must very likely be a prince of the Vijayanagara
dynasty, and if the Vidyaranya mentioned by the writer was
the same as Madhava, who, when he renounced the world,
assumed that name, our author flourished in the latter part of
the fourteenth century during the reign of Harihara.
MI NOR POEMS
GITA-RAGHAVA OF PRABHAKARA
Of the minor poems one is the Glta-Raghava which is one of
the several imitations of Jayadeva's Glta-Govinda, the hero
here being Rama instead of Krsna. The author's name is
Prabhakara. He was the son of Bhadhara, and wrote his work
in Samvat 1674,
KAVYA-NATAKA SECTION 9
BHAVASATAKA OF NAOARAJA
Anot her small poem is the Bhavasataka by NSgaraja. It
consists of a hundred and one verses, some of t hem in the
Pr akr i t , in each of whi ch a certain person is represented to be
doi ng a certain t hi ng in a certain condi t i on, and the reason wh y
he or she does so, or the i nner sense of the verse, is meant to be
found out by the reader. It is, however, given at the end of
the verse. Nagaraja, the author, is spoken of at the. end of the
poem as a ki ng who was the ornament of the Taka race and in
whom the goddesses of Prosperity and Learni ng having ceased
to quarrel, l i ved in harmony wi t h each other. " He was the son
of Jalaya (?) whose fame was sung by a host of bards, and who
was a praiseworthy offshoot of the Taka race." Jalaya's father
was Vidyfidhara who belonged to the Karpaya (?) gotra and
obtained very great prosperity by worshi ppi ng the feet of Kedara.
The Taka race here mentioned is probably the same as that
to whi ch Madanapala, the patron of the author of the Madana-
parijata, noticed above, belonged. It was a f ami l y of petty
Chiefs whose capital was, as stated in the i nt roduct i on to the
latter, a t own of the name of Kastha situated on the Yamuna to
the nor t h of Del hi .
BHAIBAVASAHANAVARATNA : BHAIRAVASAHA
Anot her small poem ent i t l ed Bhairavasaha-navarasa-ratna
(No. 152) contains 41 verses depicting the nine Rasas or poetic
sentiments. The hero is a prince named Bhairavasaha of the
Rastrauclha or Rathor race, who was the son of Pratapa
and whose capital was Mayuradri . In the Kl rt i kaumudT, a
Pratapamalla of the Rastrakuta race is mentioned as a dependent
of the Calukyas of Anahilapaftana. Rastrakuta is the Sanskrit
f or m of Rasfcraudha or Rathor, but whether this Pratapamalla
was the same as the father of our hero cannot be determined
wi t h certainty. Bhairavasaha is in some of the verses called
2 [R, G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. II.]
Bahirammasaha whi ch looks l i ke a t horoughl y Mahomedan
name. But it is not impossible that a Rajput may have
adopted i t .
RAMASATAKA OF SOMESVARA
We have also a copy of a poem called Ramasataka (No. 166),
whi ch contains a hundred verses in praise of Rama, the seventh
incarnation of Vi snu. In a verse at the end, whi ch is the 101st,
we are t ol d that the poem was composed by Somesvaradeva
in hal f a Yama or an hour and a half. Who this Somes vara
was is not stated in the Manuscript, but in another copy
of the poem since procured, he is represented as the Purohi t a
or priest of ' Gurjaresvara' or Ki ng of Gujarath. Thi s
Somesvara, therefore, was the same as the author of the
Kl r t i kaumudl . who was the chaplain or priest of Lavanaprasada
and his son Viradhavala, the founders of the Vaghela branch
of the Ci l l ukya dynasty of Guj arat h; and the l i ne about the
poem being wr i t t en i n hal f a Yama occurs, wor d for wor d, i n
an Inscri pt i on composed by hi m found at Dabhoi i n the t er r i t or y
of the Gaikvad ; ( Kathavate's Kl r t i kaumudi , I nt r . , p. i x ) ,
VYAKAR ANA OR GRAMMAR
In grammar I have to announce the acquisition of another
copy of the Mahabhasya wi t h the commentary of Kaiyata
( No . 185 ). It wants the first Pada onl y, but in other respects
it is a very good Manuscript. There is also a fragment of a
commentary on the Siddhantakaumudl ( No. 189 ), by an author
not much known, named Ramakrsnabhatta.
The works of Bbattojidiksita and Nagojibhatta wi t h t hei r
commentaries, whi ch, along wi t h a port i on of the Mahabhasya, are
exclusively studied by modern Pandits who devote themselves to
grammar, are also wel l represented in this year's Collection as
t hey were in last year's.
Of works belonging to other systems of grammar, we have
Bopadeva's Kavi kal padruma and a vol umi nous commentary
KOSAS AND POETICS 11
on the Sarasvata by Ramabhatta, the son of Narasimha, and
another ent i t l ed Saradlpika, bot h of whi ch however are
incomplete ( Nos. 193 and 194).
KOSAS OR LEXI CONS
Among the Kosas or lexicons collected this year there is a
Manuscript of Halayudha, four hundred years old ( No . 645) ,
and a copy of the Anekarthatilaka by Mahlpa ( No . 202).
In the Gujarath section there is a Manuscript entitled Anekartha-
dhvani manj arl ( No . 199 ), and in the Maratha section, another
ent i t l ed Nanarthamanjarl, ( No . 648). On examination I find
that they are bot h copies of the same wor k. In No. 199, the
name of the author is given as Mahachapanaka, cha being put
for ksa, and the wor k is referred to the Kasmlra Amnaya or
Kasmi r literature.
In the group of Jaina works there is a copy of the
Siddhasabdarnava by Sahajaklrti, a l exi con that is quoted by
Mal l mat ha and mentioned by other wri t ers ( No . 466).
POETICS AND METRI CS
PURJARAJA, AUTHOR OF THE KAVYALAMKARASISUPRABODHA
In the class of Poetics and Metrics we have a mut i l at ed copy
of a wor k, unknown before, ent i t l ed Kavyalamkarasisuprabodha
by Punjaraja ( No . 210) ; an ol d Manuscript of RudrabhaMa's
Srngaratilaka; t wo copies of the Kavyaprakasa wi t h fragments
of commentaries; t wo works of Appayadiksita; and
Bhanudatta's Rasatarangini, of whi ch about a leaf is want i ng
at the end, and .his Rasamanjarl.
Punjaraja was the son of Jlvanendra and is spoken of as the
ornament of the Malava circle and as belonging to the f ami l y of
Srlmala. He is therefore, the same as t he. aut hor of the
comment ary on the Sarasvata grammar.
DHVANIPRADIPA, ANOTHER WORK OF THE SAME
Punjaraja mentions another larger wor k of his, entitled
Dhvanipradipa.
BHANUDATTA
In the si xt h chapter of the Rasatarangini, Bhanudatta excuses
himself from gi vi ng details about certain points, because he says
they are given in the Rasamanjarl. Fr om this it is clear that
the author of both was the same ; but there is some question as
to his native count ry. In Professor Aufrecht' s copy of the
Rasamaiijari, it is spoken of as ' Vi darbhabhul i , ' or the l and of
the Vidarbhas, and the Manuscript before me agrees wi t h his.
But Dr . Bur nel l in his Catalogue of the Tanjor Manuscripts, calls
hi m Mai t hi l a Bhanudatta, i.e., Bhanudatta, the native of Mi t hi l a,
and the copy of the Rasamanjarl purchased by me in 1879 and
another procured since the close of the year, have Videhabhuh
instead of Vi dar bhabhut , i.e., the l and of the Videhas of whi ch
Mi t hi l a was the capital. That Vidarbhabhuh is a mislection
is shown by the fact that the author represents the ri ver of the
gods or the Ganges as flowing t hrough his count ry ; whi l e the
count ry of the Vidarbhas, whi ch corresponds to the modern
Berars, is situated to the south of the N armada.
ANANTA PANDITA
The commentary whi ch accompanies our Rasamanjarl is called
Vyangyart hakaumudI and was composed by Ananta Pancjita, the
son of Tryambaka Panclita. The father of this last was Balo
Pandita, and his again was Nl l akant ha Panclita. The f ami l y l i ved
at Punyastambha, the vernacular Puntambem, situated on the
ri ver Gautami or Godavarl. Puntambeih is a t own in the
Ahmadnagar Di st ri ct . The commentary was wr i t t en at Kasi or
Benares in the year 1692 for Candrabhanu, who was ki ng of
Kasi at the t i me. Candrabhanu was the son of Virasenadeva
and grandson of Madhukarasaha, who was the son of Kasiraja.
SAMKARA VEDANTA 13
The date gi ven by the author must be understood as referri ng
to the Vi kr ama era ; for if we take the era to be the Saka, the
Vi krama year corresponding to 1692 Saka wi l l be 1827, whi l e
the Manuscript itself was transcribed in 1817 Vi kr ama.
PINGALA'S PRAKRIT PROSODY
There are in this class incomplete Manuscripts of a wor k on
Pr akr i t prosody at t ri but ed to Pingala and of a commentary on it
by Manoharakrsna.
VE DANT A
SAMKARACARYA' S SYSTEM
WORKS BASED ON THE UPANISABS
Our acquisitions in the department of the Vedanta have
been very valuable this year. Fi rst , we have Saihkaracarya's
Bhasyas or commentaries on the Brhadaranyaka and
seven other Upanisads (Nos. 247 and 227230), and
Narayana's Dipikas or glosses on fort y-si x treatises of that
class (No. 233). Then there is a copy of Anandaj liana's
gloss (No. 248) on Saihkaracarya's Bhasya on the Brhadaranyaka;
of the Vart i ka or commentary in verse (No. 249) on the same
Bhasya by Suresvaracarya who was a pupi l of Sarhkaracarya; and
of a commentary on the f our t h chapter of this Vart i ka by
Anandajnana (No. 250). Si mi l ar l y there are copies of
Saihkaracarya's exposition of the Mahavakyas, or the great
Upanisad texts declaratory of the i dent i t y between the supreme
and the i ndi vi dual souls (Nos. 256 and 661).
WORKS BASED ON THE BRAHMASUTRA
We have also got Anandajnana' s vol umi nous commentary
(No. 266) on Samkaracarya's Bhasya on the Brahmasutra whi ch
is very valuable, and whi ch I now use for my lectures on the
Bhasya, a port i on of whi ch has to be got up by students who
take up Engl i sh and Sanskrit as an optional subject for the B. A.
Exami nat i on.
I may also ment i on a copy of the second hal f of the
Samksepasarlraka, or substance of Samkaracarya's Bhasya
(No. 268) by Sarvajnatman who was a pupi l of Suresvaracarya
and grandpupi l of Saihkaracarya. There is also a copy of a
commentary by one Ramatlrtha (No. 269) on the f our t h or last
chapter of this wor k.
"A PRINCE OF THE RACE OF MANU "
In a stanza at the end of the Samksepasarlraka, the author tells
us that he wrot e his wor k whi l e " the prosperous ki ng, the
Adi t ya or Sun of the race of Manu, who belonged to a Ksatriya
f ami l y and whose orders were nowhere disobeyed, was r ul i ng
over the earth." Who this Adi t ya of the race of Manu was, it is
difficult to determine. But princes of the early Calukya
dynasty, whi ch rul ed over the Deccan f r om the Narmada to
Mysore, spoke of themselves as belonging to the Manavya gotra, or,
as the wor d mi ght be interpreted, to " the race of Manu ; " and
there were several of t hem the second part of whose name^was
Adi t ya, such as Vi kramadi t ya, Vi nayadi t ya, and Vi j ayadi t ya. But
the sovereignty of the count ry was wrested f r om t hem by another
f ami l y known by the name of the Rastrakutas before the Saka
year 675 or 753 A.D. ; whi l e Saihkaracarya, the preceptor of our
author' s teacher Suresvara, is said to have been born in 710
Saka or 788 A.D.
The Calukyas, however, were not exterminated by the
Rastrakutas and they probably governed a small province
as t hei r dependents. But our i nformat i on wi t h regard to t hem
after the ext i nct i on of t hei r power is very scanty. There were
t wo princes among t hem of the name of Vi kramadi t ya, and
perhaps Sarvajnatman alludes to one of these. I f , however,
the description given by h i m is considered hardl y applicable to
MADHVA VEDl NTA 15
a mi nor chief, and the f ami l y of Manu Spoken of by hi m was
real l y the early Calukya dynasty, SamkaracSrya's date must
be pushed backwards to about the year 680 A.D., so as to place
his grandpupi l in the rei gn of at least the last ki ng whose
name terminated i n the wor d Adi t ya, vi z. , Vi kr amadi t ya I I .
Vi kramadi t ya II ceased t o rei gn i n Saka 669 or A.D. 747. I f , on
the other hand, we place Sarvajiiatman in the rei gn of the first
prince whose name terminated i n the wor d Adi t ya, i . e.,
Vi kramadi t ya I, who was a powerful monarch and who ceased
to reign in Saka 601 or 679 A. D., Samkaracarya must be referred
to about the end of the si xt h century.
WORKS BASED ON PURANIC ORIGINALS
Among the Vedantic works based on Puranic originals
may be noticed the Yajfiavaibhavakhanda (No. 666), wi t h a
commentary by Madhavacarya, the pupi l of Samkarananda, and
the Brahmaglta said to f or m a part of the same Khanda wi t h a
commentary by the same author (No. 260).
Of those based on episodes of the Mahabharata we have
Samkaracarya's Bhasya or authoritative commentary on the
Bhagavadglta, one copy of whi ch is 472 years ol d (No. 252),
and his Bhasya on the Visnusahasramlma.
INDEPENDENT TREATISES
Of the independent treatises on the subject composed by the
great teacher we have copies of eight, most of t hem wi t h
commentaries (Nos. 225, 231, 232, 243, 244, 261, 656, 667), and
of those composed by his followers we have ten (Nos. 222224,
235, 237, 238 &c ) .
, THE SYSTEM OF MADHVA
In the Maratha Section of the Collection, there are fifty-five
Manuscripts (Nos. 668722) of fort y-four different works
expoundi ng the system of the Vedanta promulgated by
Madhva who is also known by the names of Anandat l rt ha,
Purnaprajiia and Madhyamandara.
SUCCESSION LIST OF THE HIGH-PRIESTS OF THE MADHVA SECT
Anandatlrtha was the pont i ff or head of the congregation he
founded, and the members of his sect have kept a regular list
of his successors to the present day together wi t h the dates-of
their death. Copies of the list, however, found in the possession
of different persons, differ f r om each other in a few respects.
It appears that in the older lists the year of the cycle of sixty
years in whi ch each Hi gh-pri est died was alone given, and from
this was determined the Saka year. But this method is uncertain
and liable to error, if in any case the pontificate of any
one of these extended over more than 60 years.
I have compared three lists, one f r om Poona, another f r om
Mi r aj , and the t hi r d lithographed at Belgaum, and found that
the pri nci pal disagreement between the last t wo is due to this
source. The second however appears to be correct, since the
t hi r d assigns to t wo successive pontiffs, i. e., the eleventh and
the t wel f t h, si xt y and fifty-eight years. The results of the
comparison are given i n [t he f ol l owi ng t abl e]. I t wi l l be seen
f r om the list here given that Anandat l rt ha died in Saka 1119
corresponding to 1197 A. D.
*
Succession list of the High-priests of the Madhva Sect.
No.

Name
DATE OF DEATH
Name before i ni t i -
ation
Place of i n-
terment
Notes

Name
Samvatsara Saka Month Day
ation
Place of i n-
terment
1

Anandat l rt ha Pingala ... 1119 Magna ... 9 s. Vasudevacarya ... Badarikasrama
2 Padmanabhatirtha Raktaksi
1126 Kar t i ka ... 14 v.
1
Subanabhatta
Anegnndi
1
Anandabhatta, Bel .
3 Narahari t l rt ha Srl mukha 1135 Pausa 7 v.
1
Ramasastrin
2
Hampi
1
Samasastrin, Bel .
2
Cakratlrtha, Bel .
4 Madhavatirtha ... Vi k r t i " ... 1152 Bhadra-
pada ...
3 v.
1
Visnusastrin
Hampi
1
Govindasastrin, Bel .
2
Mannur , Bel .
5
6
Aksobhyat i rt ha ...
Jayatirtha
1
Plavanga
Vibhava ...
1169
1190
Marga-
_ sirsa ...
Asadha ...
5 v.
5 v.
Govindasastrin ...
Dhondo Raghu-
natha ...
Mal khed
Do.
1
Visvavasu, Bel . ; P.
agrees wi t h M.
Nat i ve of Mangalve-
dha.
7 Vi dyadhi raj at i rt ha Angiras ... 1254 Vaisakha... 3 s. Krsnabhatta Yaragal
8
9
Kavi ndrat l rt ha ...
Vagisatlrtha
Pramat hi n
1
Subhanu
1261
1265
Caitra ...
Do. ...
9 s.
2
2 v.
Vasudevasastrin
3
RaiigacSrya
Anegundi
Do.
1
1257, M.
;
P. and Bel .
agree in the Sam-
vatsara.
1
P. agrees wi t h M. ;
Bel . has Sarvajit
and 1269 Saka.
2
3 v. Bel .
3
Raghunathacarya,
Bel .
3

[
R
,

G
.

B
h
a
n
d
a
r
k
a
r
'
s

W
o
r
k
s
,

V
o
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.

I
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.
]

M
A
D
H
V
A

V
E
D
A
N
T
A

1
7

Succession list of the High-priests of the Mddhva Sectcontinued.
No.
Name
DAT E OF DEATH
ation
Place of i n-
terment
Notes
Name
ation
Place of i n-
terment
10 Ra macandratlrtha Nala . . 1298; Pausa ... 6 s. Madhavasastrin ... Yaragal
1
Vaisakha, Bel .
11 Vi dyani dhi t l r t ha ... Raktaksi 1306
|
Kar t i ka ...
2
11s.
Krsnacarya
3
Anegundi
1
1366 Saka, Bel .
2
4 v., Bel .
3
Yaragal, Bel .
12 Raghunathatlrtha Dundubhl 1364 Margaslrsa 1 V. Krsnasastrin
3
Do.
1
1424, Bel .
2
Visnusastrin, Bel .
3
Mal khed, Bel .
13 Raghuvaryatlrtha Pingala ... 1419 Jyestha 3 v . Ramacandra-
sast ri n. . .
Do.
3
1479, Bel .
14 Raghuttamatlrtha Manmatha 1457 Pausa 11 v. Do. Pi naki 1 1517, Bel.
2
Tirakallur-Daksa-
pi naki nl , Bel .
15 Vedavyasatirtha ... Siddhar-
t hi n ...
1481 Caitra 2 s. Vyasacarya
Pi nagundi -
1
1541, Bel .
2
3 s., Bel .
16 Vi dyadhi sat l rt ha ... Prajapati 1493 Pausa 14 v. Nrsimhacarya ... Ekacakra
1
1553, Bel.
17 Vedani dhi t l rt ha ... Yuvan ... 1497 Kar t i ka ... 12s. Pradyunmacarya Pandharpur. . .
1
1557, Bel .
2
11 s., Bel .
18 Satyavratatlrtha ... Bahudhan-
ya
1560 Phalguna 6 s.
1
Janardanacarya
Sangali
1
Ranganathaearya,
Bel .
R
E
P
O
R
T

O
N

S
E
A
R
C
H

F
O
R

S
A
N
S
K
R
I
T

M
S
S

1
8
8
2
-
8
3

19
20
21
22
Sat yani dhi t l rt ha ...;
Satyanathatirtha .
Sarvajit ..,
Pramadin
Satyabhinavatirtha | Vyaya ..
Satyapurnatirtha. . . Parabhava
Satyavi j ayat l rt ha. . .
Satyapriyatirtha ...
Satyabodhatirtha...
Satyasamdhatlrtha
Siddhnr-
t hi n
Raktaksin
Sobhana
Ananda ...
Satyavaratirtha . . . Pi i i gal a ...
Satyadharmatirtha Vi k r t i ...
1582
1595
1628
1648
1661
1666
1705
1716
1719
1752
Margasirsa 10 s.
Do. ... 11s.
Jyestha ... 14v.
Do. ... 2 v.
Caitra 12v.
Do. ... 13 s.
Phalguna 1 v.
Jyestha 2 s.
Raghunathacarya
Do.
2
Narasiihhacarya
1
. [Kesavacarya
Sravana
Do.
7 s.
. 13 v.
Nivrtisamgamaj
Vi rcol a
Nacaragundi.
a
Kodt i kol l ur . .
Do.
RamacandrS-
earya. . .
Ramacarya
1
Do.
Krsnacarya
Annayyacarya
A rani
2
Bhagyanagar.
Savnur
Mahi si
Santi Bi nur ..
Hol e Honur .
1
Raghupatyacarya,
Bel .
1
14 s., Bel .
2
Kesavacarya, Bel .
1
Krsnacarya, Bel .
2
Kol l ur , Bel .
M. puts between 21
and 22 one of t he
name of Satyadhi-
rajatlrtha, who oc-
cupied the seat for
about t en days.
1
Pingala 1659, Bel .
2
11 v., Bel .
3
Balacarya, Bel .
1
1664, M.
2
Manamadhuri , Bel .
1
Raghavendracarya,
Bel.
1
Santi Bedanur, Bel .
M
l
D
H
V
A

V
E
D
A
N
T
A

Succession list of the High-priests of the Mddhva Sect.concluded.
No.
Name
DATE OF DEATH
ation
Place of i n-
terment
Name
ation
Place of i n-
terment
Notea
29 Satyasamkalpa-
t i r t ha
Plava ... 1763 Asadha
1
5 s. SrlnivasacSrya ... Mahisur
1
15 s., Bel .
30 Satyasamtusta-
t i rt ha
Plava ... 1763 Phalguna 30 v.
1
Balacarya
Do.
1
Ghuli-balacarya,
Bel*.
31 Satyaparayana-
t i r t ha ...
Rudhirod-
gari n.
1785 Asvina ... 6 s. GurScarya
2
Santi Bi n u r . . .
1
7 s., Bel .
2
Gurlahosur, Bel .
32 Satyakamatlrtha ... Prajapati 1793 Pausa 3 0 v . | Srinivasacarya ... At akur , t hen
Raichur
1
6 v., Bel.
33 Satyestatrrtha Angiras . . . I 1794 Bhadra-
pada ...
11s. Narasimhacarya At akur M. omits al l except the
Di kss name by
mistake
34
Satyaparakrama-
t l r t ha
Pramathin 1801 Asvina ...
1
6s.
Srinivasacarya ... Chittapur
1
8 s., Bel .
35 Satyaviratirtha ...
S
... Bodharayacarya. Now l i vi ng
2
0

R
E
P
O
R
T

O
N

S
E
A
R
C
H

F
O
R

S
A
N
S
K
R
I
T

M
S
S
.
,

1
8
8
2
-
8
3

M. represents the list procured at Mi r a j ; Bel . represents the list published at Belgaum ; P. represents the list
procured at Poona; s. represents the l i ght hal f of a mont h ; v. represents the dark hal f of a mont h.
MADHVA VEDlNTA 21
LIFE AND DATE OF MADHVACARYA
Anandatlrtha was born on the 4t h of the dark half of
Asaxjha in Kal i 4220, corresponding to Saka 1040, and in the
Vi l ambi n Samvatsara. He was made a Samnyasin by Aeyuta-
preksacarya and afterwards went to Badarikasrama and came
back i n 1057 Saka, Ananda Samvatsara, br i ngi ng wi t h h i m idols
of Di gvi j aya Rama and Veda Vyasa. He was raised to the seat
of Hi gh-pri est in the presence of kings. Padmanabhatlrtha,
Narahari t l rt ha, Madhavatlrtha and Aksobhyat l rt ha were his
pupils. Narahari t l rt ha was sent to Jagannatha, in Orissa, to
br i ng the ori gi nal i dol of Rama and Sita. Anandat l rt ha went
f r om count ry to count ry put t i ng down the advocates of the
doctrine of Maya and others and established the Vaisnava
creed. He died on the 9t h of the l i ght half of Magha in 1120
Saka current and the Pingala Samvatsara, having raised
Padmanabhatlrtha to the seat of Pont i ff in the presence of
al l his disciples.
COMPARISON OF THE DOCTRINES OF SAMKARA AND MADHVA
The system founded by Anandat l rt ha is so bi t t er l y hostile to
that of Samkaracarya, that its followers consider the latter teacher
to be an incarnation of a Dai t ya or demon whose object was to
deceive manki nd. Accordi ng to Samkara's system, the wor l d is
an unreal i t y and the onl y real i t y is an unconditioned and blissful
soul. Al l conditions or l i mi t at i ons of whi ch our soul is conscious,
al l feeling, even the sense of i ndi vi dual i t y, and the external
wor l d, arise f r om the development of a certain pri nci pl e whi ch
consists of ignorance, and whi ch represents the soul as otherwise
than what it real l y is, and generates mere appearances. When
this pri nci pl e is got r i d of, the soul is free from al l limitations
and the appearances are dissolved; and being free from al l misery,
it resumes its pristine condi t i on.
Thi s doctrine i s condemned i n unqualified terms by
Madhva and his followers, who mai nt ai n that the wor l d is
real, the feeling of i ndi vi dual i t y whi ch separates one soul
f r om another and from the inanimate wor l d, represents
something that is real; God as different from the i ndi vi dual souls
and f r om the wor l d is real, that the relation between the
i ndi vi dual soul and God is l i ke that between a servant and his
master, and that by worshi ppi ng and serving this master, the
i ndi vi dual soul is exalted and becomes l i ke God in most respects.
These are the speculative doctrines of Madhva. Practically
he enjoins the worship of Vi snu who is represented as the
supreme God.
THE THREE PRASTHANAS
The Vedanta has what are called three Prasthanas or sources
(l i t eral l y, starting points), vi z. (1) the Upanisads, (2) the fcrahma-
sutra by Badarayana, and, (3) the Bhagavadgita and such other
episodes f r om the Mahabharata and the Puranas. Hence it is
necessary that each system should have its own way of i nt erpret i ng
these treatises ; and accordingly each has its own Bhasyas or
authoritative commentaries on t hem. The works of Samkaracarya
on these three sets of originals existing in our Collection have
been noticed, and I shall now proceed to examine those of
Anandatlrtha.
WORKS BASED ON THE UPANISADS
Out of the fort y-four works mentioned above seven are
Anandatirtha' s Bhasyas on seven of the pri nci pal Upani?ads, t wo
of them having glosses by t wo of his successors. Our Manuscript
of the Bhasya on the Brhadaranyaka, whi ch is the largest of the
Upanisads, is incomplete.
WORKS BASED ON THE BRAHMASOTRA
We have a copy of Anandatirtha' s Bhasya on the Brahmasntra
(Nos. 704- 706) ; of what is called his Ami vyakhyana of i t , whi ch
is of the nature of an independent treatise expounding the
MADHVA VEDANTA
23
contents of the Sutra (No. 709), and of the Anubhasya or a
summary of the Sutra (No. 708).
JAYATlRTHA
Anandatlrtha' s treatises are generally very short, but there are
large commentaries on t hem, pri nci pal l y by Jayatlrtha, the si xt h in
the succession list who died in 1190 Saka or 1208 A. D. Jayatlrtha' s
name before he was raised to the pontifical seat was Dhondo
Raghuniitha, and he was a native of Mangalavedha near
Pandharpur. In the Collection there are Manuscripts of Jayatlrtha' s
commentary on the Brahmasfitra Bhasya ent i t l ed Tattvaprakasika
(No. 679), and of t wo commentaries on this again, one
ent i t l ed Abhinavacandrika ( No . 669 ) by Satyanathatirtha (the
t went i et h in the succession list who died in Saka 1595), and the
other called Tfitparyanirnaya by Vyasayati the fifteenth, who
died in Saka 1481 ( No . 091). The first t wo, however, come
down to the end of the second chapter, there being four in al l ,
and the t hi r d is but a fragment. Jayatlrtha' s commentary on
t he Anuvyftkhyana is called Nyilyasudha, of whi ch we have got
about one-half (No. 095).
No. 713 is a copy of the Bhilvprakasa, a commentary by
Nrsi mha on the last of Anandatlrtha' s works on the Brahmasfitra,
the Anubhasya.
WORKS BASED ON PURANIC ORIGINALS
The works in our Collection of Anandatlrtha' s school on the
t hi r d source of the Vedanta are three, viz. , a commentary on the
Bhagavadglta" (No. 077), not by AnandatTrtha, but by Vidyadhiraja,
the immediate successor of Jayatlrtha, who died in 1254 Saka or
1332 A. D. ; the Bharata-tatparyanirnaya-pramanasaihgraha (No.
712), and a small fragment of Anandatlrtha' s Bhagavata-
tatparyanirnaya (No. 711).
The Bharata-tfltparyanirnaya-pramilnasanigraha is a collection
of texts from the epics and Puranas supporting some of the
statements of Anandat l rt ha in his Bhftratatatparyanirnaya. The
name of the author is not given.
INDEPENDENT WORKS OF MADHVA
Of the independent works of Madhvacarya, we have ten wi t h
the commentaries of Jayatirtha, and in some cases a gloss on
these latter by Vyasatlrtha. One of the most i mport ant of these'
is the Visnutattvanirnaya, of Jayatlrtha' s commentary on whi ch
we have t wo copies ( Nos. 719721 ).
Two more works of Anandat l rt ha have been noticed [above]
in connection wi t h Dharmasastra, so that we have copies of
twenty-three out of the thirty-seven works at t ri but ed to hi m in
certain memori al verses [ maki ng up the Grantha-Malika-stotra]
whi ch are as follows :
RAMANUJA VEDANTA 25
INDEPENDENT WORKS BY THE FOLLOWERS OF MADHVA
We have also Manuscripts of eight independent works wr i t t en
by the followers of Madhva; and Visnubhakticandrodaya (No.27;"))
in the Gujarath section also belongs to this school.
SYSTEMS OF RAMANUJ A AND NI MBARKA
DOCTRINES
Anot her system of the Vedanta was founded by Ramilnuja
in the South, and by Ni mbi l r ka who was a Southern Brahman,
in the Nor t h. There is not much difference between the
doctrines of these teachers. According to t hem there is an
uni t y of substance as wel l as pl ural i t y. The i ndi vi dual souls
and the inanimate wor l d form one substance wi t h God in
so far as he animates t hem. He is the soul of our souls
and the soul of the wor l d, and these are his body ; and
as the human soul wi t h the human body forms one i ndi vi dual ,
so does the supreme soul wi t h bis body, viz., the worl d-
4 [ R. G, Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
and the dependent souls, form one substance. Thus we
have uni t y. But pl ur al i t y also is true in so far as the di st i nct i on
between the threethe supreme soul, the dependent souls, and
the worl di s never obliterated. Practically, Ramanuja enjoins
the worship of Narayana generally, but Ni mbarka seems to have
attached particular importance to the Krsna incarnation, and in
this respect was a precursor of Vallabhacarya.
WORKS OF THE NI MBARKA SYSTEM
SISTAGITA
We have no wor k expounding Nimbarka' s system in the
Collection, but there is a Manuscript of a tract, entitled the
Sistaglta ( No. 83 ), in whi ch al l great persons f r om Brahma,
Siva, and Vyasa down to Bhattojidlksita and Caitanya are
represented as having hel d a meeting at Kasl and extolled the
doctrines of Ni mbar ka, and recommended t hem to al l
manki nd. Accordi ng to one of the speakers, al l inconsistent
doctrines finally resolve themselves i nt o those of Ni mMr k a as
rain-water, wherever it may drop, finally reaches the ocean and
i s absorbed i n i t .
There is a copy of another wor k belonging to the sect
entitled Hari-guru-stavamala ( No. 84 ), whi ch contains Stotras
referri ng to Vi snu in one or more of his forms and to the
Gurus or leaders of the sects.
SUCCESSION LIST OF THE NIMBARKA HIGH-PRIESTS
In connection wi t h one of the latter sort, a succession list of
the High-priests is given whi ch contains f or t y names up to
Govindadeva, the author of the work*. The first three of these
are myt hol ogi cal persons. The t hi r t i et h from Ni mbfi rka is a
person of the name of Kesava Kasml ri n who wrote a Bhasya
on the Vedantasutra. It i s published i n the Ei ght h Vol ume of
the Benares Journal , the Pandit. In the i nt roduct i on Kesava
NYAYA-VAISBSIKA SYSTEMS 27
renders his obeisance to Ni mbarka and speaks of Srlnivasa,
his immediate successor, as the author of the pri nci pal Bhasya.
He also mentions Sundarabhatta and others occurri ng in our
succession list and his preceptor Mukunda.
SYSTEM OF VAL L ABHACARYA
' Of the latest system of the Vedanta, that founded by
Vallabhacarya, we havo copies of five works (Nos. 270274).
NYAYA AND VAISESIKA SYSTEMS
COMMENTARI ES ON THE SUTRAS
The founder of the Nyaya system was Gautama of whose
Sutra, No. 748 is a copy. The Bhasya or authorised commentary on
this is that by Vatsyayana, a Manuscript of whi ch was purchased
by me in 1879. In the present Collection, there is a fragment
equal to about one-fourth of the whole, of a more modern
commentary entitled Nyayarahasya (No. 743) by Ramabhadra,
who represents himself as the son of Bhattacaryacu<l amain.
Thi s person was in al l probabi l i t y the same as Janakinathabhatta-
caryacii<ilamani, the author of the Nyayasiddhantamanjarr, to be
hereafter mentioned.
The Sutra of Gautama and that of Kanada, the founder of a
ki ndr ed system, the Vaisesika, are however rarely studied in
modern times. The literature of the t wo systems, the study of
a port i on of whi ch at least, is considered indispensable to one
who wishes to become a Nai yayi ka or Nyaya Pamjita, was
developed in Bengal dur i ng the last six or seven hundred years.
LI TERATURE CENTRI NG I TSELF ROUND THE
T AT T VACI NT AMANI
It centres pr i nci pal l y round one book entitled Tattvacintamani
by Gahgesainahopadhyaya. Of the first and fourt h part of this
we have Manuscripts in the present Collection (Nos. 731 and 732),
and of a large portion of the t hi r d in addi t i on to these t wo,
in last year's.
There is a commentary on this wor k ent i t l ed Cintamaniprakasa
by Rucidatta, who speaks of himself in one place as a pupi l
of Jayadeva, probably the same as the author of another
commentary called A loka, and in another, as having learnt the
whole Sastra or system from a number of teachers. There is a
copy of the first part of this wor k (No. 279), and another of the
second part (No. 278), amongst our acquisitions of this year.
This commentary, however, is very rarely read, and the one
generally studied i n modern times i s that ent i t l ed Di dhi t i by
Raghunathabhattasiromani, of the second part or Anumanakhanda
of whi ch we have a copy (No. 740). We have also Manuscripts
of the Anumtlnakhanda or inference port i on of Mathuranatha' s
commentary on Gangesa's wor k (Nos. 757759), and of the
Pratyakgakhanda or first part and the Sabda or f our t h of the
same in last year's Collection.
The Di dhi t i again has been commented on by this same
Mathuranatha who represents hi msel f as the son of Kama, by
Jagadlsa, by Bhavananda, and by Gadadhara ; and the Alo'ka
mentioned above, by the first, and the Sabda or fourt h port i on
of i t , by the last. Al l these are largely represented in this and
last year's Collections.
NATURE OF THIS LITERATURE
These commentaries instead of elucidating the system have
in a sense mystified i t . The great object and aim of the wri t ers
is accuracy of thought and speech. But to attain this, they
have invented a very di ffi cul t and artificial t ermi nol ogy, and
by its means, seek to define every t hi ng they are concerned wi t h,
in t hei r branch of learning, in a manner to obviate al l possible
objections, howsoever flimsy and ridiculous. Thei r definitions
NYXYA- VAI S E S I KA SYSTEMS 29
have thus become unwi el dy, and usually consist of an extremely
l ong compound and are uni nt el l i gi bl e to al l except the i ni t i at ed.
St i l l the end they seek to attain is good, and their method
is to a certain extent wor t hy of adoption, especially in its
application to grammar or to the accurate determination of the
sense of words and sentences (Sabdakhanda). Whatever is
useful in their mode of treatment can however be acquired by
st udyi ng the l i t t l e manuals on the Nyaya and Vaisesika systems
wi t h some of t hei r smaller commentaries, and these I shall now
proceed to notice.
MANUALS OF THE NYAYA AND VAI SESI KA
SYSTEMS WI T H COMMENTARI ES
(1) NYAYAS1DDHANTAMANJARI AND COMMENTARIES
One of the large manuals is the Nyayasiddhantamafijari
by Janaklnatha-bhattacarya-cudamani, of whi ch Nos. 745 and
746 are copies. There is another in my Collection of 1879.
A valuable comment ry on this is the Tarkaprakasa by Srikantha
or Sitikantha, a fragment of whi ch we have in this Collection
( No. 737), but a complete copy in that of 1879. The Nai yayi ka
of modern times, whose study of the works of Mathuranatha,
Jagadlsa, and Gadadhara is restricted to the parts on Anumana
or Inference, and Sabda or Int erpret at i on, derives his knowledge
of the Pratyaksakhanda or the first part, from the Tarkaprakasa.
Anot her commentary on the wor k is by Srikrsna-nyayavagisa-
bhat.tacarya, of the Sabdakhanda of whi ch No. 747 is a
copy ; and No. 742 is a small fragment of a t hi r d entitled
Nyayaratnavall.
(II) BHASAPARICCHEDA AND COMMENTARIES
The Bhasapariccheda by Visvanatliapancanana is another
manual whi ch is always studied along wi t h the Siddhanta-
muktavalr, a comment ary on it by the author himself. There
are t wo copies of the first ( Nos. 288 and 727 ), and one of the
second (No. 292), in our Collection. Anot her wor k of this nature
is the Padarthamala of Jayaramapancanana, of whi ch we have
a fragment (No. 753).
THE SMALLER MANUALS
(I) TARKASAMGRAHA AND COMMENTARIES
Of the smaller manuals the Tarkasariigraha is the one generally
studied. It has a great many commentaries of whi ch we have
t wo : the Tarkasamgrahadlpika (No. 738), at t ri but ed to the author
of the manual himself, and the Tarkacandrika by Vaidyanatha
Gatfgija ( No. 736 ).
The Tarkamrt a of Jagadisa, the Saptapadarthl of Sivaditya
and the Tarkabhasa of Kesavamisra are similar works, but the
last follows the system of Gautama.
(II) TARKAMRTA AND COMMENTARY
On the first there is a commentary called Tarkamrtacasaka
by Gangarama Jadi who was the son of Narayana, pupi l of
Ni l akant ha, and son of the daughter of Dinakara, the author of
the Muktavallprakasa, a commentary on the wor k of Visvanatha
noticed above. No. 277 is a commentary on this Casaka,
apparently by the author himself, wi t hout the ori gi nal .
Gangarama states that his wor k was looked over by his grand-
father. Another commentary on the Tarkamrt a ent i t l ed the
Tarkamrtatarangini is in my Collection for 1879.
(Il l ) SAPTAPADARTHl AND COMMENTARIES
The Padarthacandrika by Sesananta, of whi ch wo have t wo
good copies (Nos. 286 and 287), is a commentary on the second,
the Saptapadarthl, and there is a commentary on this again by
Nrsi mha of whi ch we have a small fragment (No. 750). Anot her
commentary in the Collection on Sivaditya' s manual is by a Jaina
named JinavardhanasQri (No. 291), and a t hi r d entitled
NYlYA-VAISESIKA SYSTEMS 31
Mitabhasint by Madhava SarasvatT is among the Manuscripts
collected by me in 1879.
JI NAVARDHANASCRI ' S DATE
Jinavardhanasuri is represented in the colophon to have been
the successor of Jinarajasflri, High-priest of the Kharataragaccha.
Jinaraja died in 1461 Samvat or 1405 A.D., and Jinavardhana
occupied the seat vacated by hi m t i l l 1475 Samvat, when he was
deposed on account of his having transgressed one of the vows.
1
Jinavardhana appears to have been a zealous student of the Nyaya.
Among the Palm-loaf Manuscripts in our Collections, No. 28 of
1880-81 (whi ch is a copy of Udayana's Tatparyaparisuddhi)
is stated at the end to have belonged to Jinavardhanasuri
the successor of Jinarajasilri, and the year there given is 1471
Sam vat*. Sivfiditya the author of the Saptapadarthl commented
on by Jinavardhana, must thus have flourished before the
fifteenth century.
(IV) TARKABHASA AND COMMENTARIES
The t hi r d manual or Tarkabhasa has been commented on by
Govardhanamisra, Madhavabhatta, and Cinnabhatta. Govardhana-
misra was the son of Balabhadra and his wi fe Vijayasrl,
and had t wo elder brothers named Padmanabha and Visvamltha.
He was the pupi l of Kesavamisra, the author of the wor k on
whi ch he has commented. Of Govardhanamisra's wor k wo have
t wo copies (Nos. 282 and 283), and one of that of Madhavabhatta
(No. 284), and of that of Cinnabhatta (No. 285).
CINNABHATTA'S DATE
The last is called Tarkabhasaprakasika Cinnabhatta was the
son of Sahajasarvajha and the younger brother of Sarvajna and
was patronized by Harihara, ki ng of Vijayanagara. He thus
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI , p. 249.
2 Prof. Kielbom's Report on Manuscripts for 1880-81, p. 19.
l i ved in the latter part of the fourteenth cent ury, and the
Tarkabhasa therefore commented on by hi m must have been
considerably older.
JYOTISA
I TS THREE BRANCHES ( SKANDHAS)
The Hi ndu Jyotisa is di vi ded i nt o three branches ent i t l ed
Siddhanta, Samhita, and Horasastra. The first is also called
Ganita, and comprehends Mathematics and Ast ronomy proper ;
the second embraces a variety of miscellaneous subjects,science,
astrology, alchemy, portents, omens, &c. ; and the t hi r d
comprises Horoscopy or Jataka, and Taj i ka or Judi ci al Astrology
and Di vi nat i on.
SIDDHANTAS OR GANITA
Of works belonging to the first branch, we have a copy of the
Suryasiddhanta (No. 360), and of the Brahmasiddhanta in six
chapters, described as f or mi ng the Sakalyasamhita (No. 345).
BHASKARACARYA' S WORKS
There is also a Manuscript of the first part of Bhaskaracarya's
Siddhantasiromani (No. 357), and of the Goladhyaya or the f our t h
chapter, wi t h the author' s annotations entitled Vasanabhasya (No.
358). This last Manuscript was transcribed in Samvat 1576
or A.D. 1520.
KARA NAKUTOH ALA
We have three copies of this author' s Karanakutuhala, a wor k
whi ch expounds methods of various astronomical calculations,
and among t hem that of det ermi ni ng the positions of the Sun,
Moon, and Planets at any given t i me from their positions
on a certain day in a certain year (Nos. 293295).
DATE OF THE WORK, SAKA 1105
Thi s year or epoch in the present wor k is, as is wel l known,
1105 Saka or 1183 A.D., and BhaskarScarya was born in 103
JYOTISA : GANI TA SKANDHA 33
Saka as he himself tells us in the Siddhantasiromani whi ch he
wrote in the t hi r t y- si xt h year of his age.
The methods given in the Karanas differ from those gi ven in the
Siddhitntas in this, that whi l e the latter use as an epoch the
begi nni ng of a Kalpa or a fabulous period of an extremely long
durat i on, and consequently involve tedious mul t i pl i cat i ons and
divisions, the former take their start from a certain year of the
Saka era as an epoch and are less cumbrous. The astronomical
data are the same as those given in the Siddhantas.
BRATTMATULYA
Our author' s Karana follows the data given in the Brahma-
siddhflnta and is hence called Brahmatulya or " like the
Brahma." There are throe other copies of the Karana wi t h the
commentaries of Sodhala, Padmanabha, and Samkarakavi, the
pupi l of Ilarsaratna (Nos. 296298). Our Manuscript of the
first was transcribed in 1519 Samvat or 1463 A. n. , i.e., 280 years
after the wor k had been composed by Bhflskai'ilcrirya.
SAMKATMKAVTS DATE, SAKA 1541
The last commentator exemplifies the author' s rules by maki ng
actual calculations for the Saka year 1541 or 1619 A.D., whi ch
therefore is the date of his work. Saiiikarakavi mentions Sripati,
Brahmarka, and Kesava to be noticed below (No. '.MA).
BIMIIMATULYATIPPA N A
Thi s is an anonymous wor k containing calculations according to
Bhriskara's rules for the Saka year 1523. No. 303 is entitled
Khetakasiddhi or methods of astronomical calculations, and its
epoch year is 1500 Saka or 1578 A.D. The author' s name is
Dinakara who also wrote a small tract called Oandrarki, of whi ch
No. 308 is a copy.
DAMOD AIM' S BHATATULYA, SAKA 1339
No. 346 is a Manuscript of a Karana by Damodara, the pupi l
of Padmanilbha, based on the astronomical data given by
5 [R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. I I ]
Aryabhata, and hence it is called Bhatatulya. Damodara's epoch
is 1339 Saka corresponding to 1417 A.D., and the Manuscript is
dated 1559 Sam vat or 1503 A.D.
SRlNATHA'S GRAHACINTAMANI, SAKA 1512
No. 304 is the Grahacintfimani by Srlnatha son of Rama and
younger brother of Raghunfitha ; and the year used as an epoch
is 1512 Saka. Thi s Rama was probably the same as the author
of the Muhurt aci nt amani .
BRAHMADEVA'S KARANA, SAKA 1014
There is also a copy of another Karana ent i t l ed Karanaprakasa
(No. 299) by Brahmadeva, son of Candrabhatta. But its first
leaf is lost and that of another Manuscript substituted in its place;
hence its epoch cannot be easily made out. Amongst a number
of Manuscripts, however, since collected in the Maratha count ry,
I found the first t wo or three leaves of a copy of this Karana,
and these have been added to No. 299. Fr om the first t wo
verses, I gather that Brahmadeva follows the astronomical data
gi ven by Aryabhata, and the Saka year used by hi m as an epoch
is 1014. Thi s, therefore, is the oldest of the Karanas in the
present Collection.
GANESA'S GRAHALAGITAVA WITH VJSVANATHA'S COMMENTARY
There is in the Collection a copy of the Grahaliighava (No. 30G)
wi t h the illustrative commentary of Vi svaMt ha. Thi s is the
wor k that is ordi nari l y used by the Hi ndu astronomers and
astrologers of the day. The author' s name is Ganesa, who was
the son of Kesava, himself the author of a Jatakapaddhati to be
mentioned below and other works.
GANESA'S NATIVE PLACE
They belonged to the Kausika Gotra and l i ved at Nandi gni ma
whi ch name is Nandgaon in the Vernacular. This is placed by
Colebrooke near Devagiri, the modern Daulatabad, that is, he
identifies this Nandgaon wi t h a t own of that name in the Nasik
JYOTISA: SAMHITA AND HORA SKANDHAS 35
Di st ri ct on the G. I . P. Rai l way l i ne. But i n the Manuscript
before me I fi nd a statement of Ganesa himself, that his
Nandigrama was situated in Aparanta whi ch is the Sanskrit
name for Nort hern Konkan, and the commentator mentions in
the i nt roduct i on, that it was situated near the sea-coast. Ganesa's
Nandigrama, therefore, is the Nandgaon whi ch is about four
miles to the nort h of Janjira and f or t y miles to the south of
Bombay, and is now in the t erri t ory of the Habasi Chief.
The epoch year in Ganesa's Grahalaghava is 1442 Saka
corresponding to 1520 A.D., and the year for whi ch the i l l ust rat i ve
calculations are made by Visvanatha is 1534 Saka, or 1612 A.D.
P ATAS ARANl , SAKA 1444
There is another wor k of Ganesa ent i t l ed Patasaranl wi t h
Visvanatha's commentary (No. 335). The Saka year occurring
in the former is 1444, and Visvanatha's explanatory calculations
are for the year 1553 Saka.
S AMHI TA BRANCH
TODARAMALLA'S JYOTIHSUKHA-SAMHITA
Of the second branch of the Jyotisa I have to announce the
acquisition of the Samhitaskandha (No. 317) of Todaramalla's
Jyotihsukha. Thi s is one of the volumes of what mi ght be
called an encyclopa3dia of I ndi an science and lore, entitled
Todarananda, caused to be compiled by Todaramalla who is
represented to have been a Raja and who was the financial
minister of the Emperor Akbar.
HORASASTRA OR T HI RD BRANCH OF THE JYOTLSA
Of the t hi r d branch we have got a large l ot , and first I shall
speak of the Jatakas or works teaching the casting of nativities.
36 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSB., 1882-83
JATAKAS OF VARAHAMIHIRA AND OTHERS
The first that deserves ment i on is Varahamihira' s Brhajjataka
wi t h t wo commentaries, one by Mahidasa and the other by
Mahldhara (Nos. 341343). There is a copy of Utpala' s
commentary on it in the last year's Collection. Then we have in
the present Collection a Manuscript of Utpala' s commentary on
Satpancasika by Prthuyasas, the son of Varahamihira (No. 355).
No. 311 is a copy of t heJat akapaddhat i by Sripati who nourished
before Kesava of Nandigramathe father of Ganesaand No. 312,
of a commentary on it by Madhava.
JATAKAPADDHATI BY KESAVA, FATHER OF GANESA
No. 314 is a copy of the Jatakapaddhati composed by Kesava
of Nandigraina wi t h a commentary wr i t t en by himself. In this
he refers to or quotes the f ol l owi ng works and authors wi t h
others whose dates are wel l knowa :
Kalyanavar man
Kesavamisra
Jivasarman
Damodara
Mhalukapaddhati
Yavana
Ramakrsnapaddhati
Vallayupaddhati
Sripati
Sridharapaddhati
Sridharacarya
Saravali
Horamakaranda
The Sripati mentioned by Kesava is the same as the
author of No. 311, since a quotation from Sripati in Kesava's
wor k is found in that Manuscript. There is a copy of
the Horamakavanda in last year's Collection. The author' s
name is Gunakara, who was the- son of another Sripati.
Anot her commentary on Kesava's Paddhati by Visvamltha,
the son of Divakara, we have in last year's Collection. The
illustrative calculations in it are made for the year 1508
Saka or 158G A. D. Visvanatha therefore wrot e this commentary
t went y-si x years before that on Ganesa's Grahalaghava.
JYOTISA : HORA SKANDHA 37
There are Manuscripts of several other Jatakas, among whi ch
may be mentioned the Yavanajataka (No. 349), whi ch is probably
the one referred to by Kesava of Nandigrama. The date of the
Manuscript is 1621 Samvat or 1565 A.D. We have, however,
not got a complete copy of this Jataka, and the section on the
subject of Kesava's quotation is want i ng.
JYOTIRATNAMALA
No. 316 is Sripati' s Jyotiratnamala wi t h a commentary by
Mahadeva, the son of Luni ga. Whether this Sripati is identical
wi t h the author of the Jatakapaddhati it is difficult to determine.
The author of the Jyotiratnamala was the son of Nagadeva and
grandson of Kesava, who of course was a different person from
the father of Ganesa. Thi s Kesava belonged to the Kasyapa
Gotra, whi l e Kesava of Nandigrama was a Kausika.
In a Manuscript of the Jyotiratnamala wi t h the commentary
of Mahadeva existing in a private Li br ar y at Nasik, occur a few
verses at the end, in one of whi ch the date of the composition of
the commentary is given as 1185 Saka or 1263 A.D. Srlpati,
therefore, must have l i ved previous to the latter hal f of the
t hi rt eent h century.
No. 348 is a copy of a commentary on Kesava's Muhurtatattva
by his son Ganesa.
MUIlORTACINTAMANI BY RAMA
We have also a copy of the Muhurtacintamani by Kama who
gives his genealogy t hus: I n Dharmapura on the banks of the
Narmada there l i ved a learned man of the name of Ointamani
who knew a great many Sastras i ncl udi ng Jyotisa. He had a
son named Ananta who was an astrologer and wrote a Jataka-
paddhati and a commentary on the Kamadhenu.Nos. 300 and
301 are copies of a Kamadhenu, very probably the, same as this.
Ananta had t wo sons Nilakantha and Kama, the latter of
whom was the author of the wor k before us. He wrote it at
Benares in 1522 Saka or 1600 A. D.
38 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRI T MSS., 1882- 83
TAJIKA
SAMARASIMHA' S TAJIKASARA
We. have several Manuscripts of works on what is called Tajika
or General Astrology, of whi ch I shall notice a few. Nos. 320
322 are copies of different parts of the Tajikasara by Samara-
simha. The author traces his descent to Candasimha, of the
Pragvata f ami l y, who was a minister of the Calukya kings
of Gujarath. He was probably the same person as Candapa, who,
as stated by Somesvara in the Ki rt i kaumudT ( I I I , 14), also
belonged to the Pnlgvata f ami l y, and was a Mant r i n or counsellor
and an ancestor of Vastupala. Fr om Candasimha sprang
Sobhanadeva who had a son of the name of Samanta. Samanta's
son was Kumarasiiiiha who was the father of our author. No.
322, whi ch is a copy of the t hi r d section of the wor k, was
transcribed in 1491 Samvat corresponding to 1435 A. u.
TEJAHSIMHA' S DAI VAJNALAMKRTI
No. 327 is Dai vaj nal amkrt i by Tejahsimha. The pedigree of
the author is given in the colophon, but the reading is very
corrupt and what appears l i kel y is this. Tejahsimha l i ke
Samarasimha belonged to the Pragvata f ami l y, but he is much
older than the latter. Sarangadeva of the Calukya dynasty
of Gujarath, who reigned from 1277 to 1297 A.D., had a Mant r i n
or counsellor whose name appears to have been Vi krama. Of
hi m was born another Mant r i n of the name of Vijayasimha, and
his brother was Tejahsimha, the author of the wor k before us.
SORYA'S TAJI KALAMKARA
We have also a copy of the Tajikalaiiikara by Surya (No. 326)
who l i ved at Parthapura on the nort hern bank of the Godavari.
Hi s father's name was JnTinaraja who was himself an astronomer
of great repute, being the author of a wor k called the Siddhanta-
sundara.
1
Surya gives a list of his own works at the end of the
1 See Colebrooke'e Essays.
JY0TISA: TAJIKA BRANCH 39
Tajikalaihkitra. The passage is cor r upt ; but on comparing it
wi t h another copy of i t gi ven by Professor Weber i n the Ber l i n
Catalogue, I find he wrot e the f ol l owi ng works:Glosses on
(1) the Ll l avat i and (2) the Bijaganita, (3) computations
according to Sripati' s Paddhati, (4) a new Bijaganita, (5) Tajika,
the present wor k, (6) another Taj i ka, (7) a Kavyastaka, and
(8) Bodhasudhakara, a Vedantic wor k. The dates 1460 and 14G3
Saka are given by Colebrooko as occurri ng in t wo of his works.
TAJIKAKAUSTUBHA BY BALAKRSNA
No. 318 is a Manuscript of the Tajikakaustubha by Balakrsna
who l i ved at Jambusara. Hi s father was Yfidava whose great-
grandfather Ramajit ( Ramj i ) was, according to Balakrsna, a
very learned man and l i ved at a place situated on the nort hern
bank of the Tapi . Ramajit had a son of the name of Narayana
and his son was Ramakrsna who was the father of Yfidava.
Balakrsna's other works are :Stotras of Narayana, Samkara,
Siva ( Dur ga ) , Ganapati and TrivenT; Yoginyastadasakrama,
of whi ch we have a copy, and Baiiikrantinirnaya.
MANITTJTA TAJIK A
Anot her Manuscript that deserves notice is called Manittha-
tajika ( No . 324), and the wor k is ascribed to Manitthacarya.
Mani t t ha is mentioned by Varahamihira in his Jataka and
identified by Professor Weber wi t h Manetho, author of the
Apotelesmata. Varfdiamihira' s commentator Utpala quotes
passages f r om the wor k at t ri but ed to Manittha, whi ch however
I have not been able to find in the present Manuscript. A man
of the name of Mani t t ha could not have composed this treatise,
since in one place the author says he is " going to give what is
stated by Manittha and ot hers" wi t h reference to a certain
subject. The wor k is a modern compilation, since, the name
" Tajika " itself for astrology was adopted by Hi ndu wri t ers in
about the t hi rt eent h century, whi l e Varahamihira who mentions
40 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MBS., 1882-83
Mani t t ha flourished in the early part of the si xt h. The author' s
object was to state the views of foreign wri t ers whom he speaks
of as " Yavanas " or " ancient Yavanas," and he uses Manittha' s
name onl y because he was acquainted wi t h the t radi t i on whi ch
represented hi m to be a distinguished foreign wr i t er on astrology.
PARASlPKAKASA BY VEDANGARAYA, WRITTEN DURING THE REIGN
OF SHAH JEHAN
I may also here ment i on a Manuscript of a wor k entitled
Parasiprakasa ( No. 336) by an author named Vedangaraya.
In this wor k are given methods for converting Hi ndu into
Mahomedan dates and vice versa, and the Arabic and Persian
names of the days of the week, the months, the planets, the
constellations, the signs of the Zodiac, &c. Several Arabic
technical terms of astronomy, and others that are or di nar i l y used
in astrological treatises are explained, and the influences of the
planets in difT'erent positions are mentioned. The book is
intended for the use of astrologers and was wr i t t en for the
purpose " of pleasing the Emperor Shah Jehan and gaining his
favour." Shah Jehan was on the throne of Del hi f r om 1G27 to
1657 A. D., and the date of the composition of this treatise
is 15G5 Saka and 1053 A. H. , corresponding to 1643 A. D.
Thi s Vedangaraya was the same person as the father of
Nandikesvara, the author of a wor k entitled Ganakamandana
whi ch is a sort of i nt roduct i on to the study of astronomy.
In that wor k, a copy of whi ch exists i n my Collection for
1881-82, Nandikesvara states that his father's name was
Mal aj i t (Mal j i ), that he was sonversant wi t h the Vedas and
Vedaiigas, and got from the Emperor of Del hi (Dhillhisvara) the
t i t l e of Vedangaraya. Mal aj i t or Vedangaraya was the son of
Tigalabhatta who was the son of Ratnabhatta. Ratnabhatta l i ved
at Sristhala in Gujarath.
THE HI NDU MEDI CI NE 41
WORKS ON DI VI NAT I ON
BHOJA'S VI DVAJJANAVALLABHA
Copies of a few works on Di vi nat i on are also to be found in
this year's Collection. One of t hem is entitled Vidvajjanavallabha
(No. 337) and is ascribed to ki ng Bhoja who is represented to
have been a powerful sovereign.
NARAPATIJAYACAKYA BY NARAPATI
The last Manuscript in this class that I shall notice is the
Narapatijayacaryfi (No. 331), a treatise on omens by Naiapati.
The author wrote this book at Anahilapattana in the reign of
Ajayapala, who occupied the Calukya throne from 1174 to
1177 A.D.
1
He finished the wor k on Tuesday, the first of the
l i ght hal f of Caitra in the year 1232 of Vi kr ama corresponding
to 1176 A.D. Narapati' s father was Amradcva who l i ved at
Dhara, the capital of Mal wa, whi ch count ry was, according to
our author, the " abode of l earni ng. " There is another copy of
the Narapatijayacaryil in the last year's Collection.
MEDI CI NE
CARAKA, SUSRUTA, VAGBHATA
In the class of works on Hi ndu Medicine we have fragments
of the Caraka and Susruta Samhitas and a copy of Vagbhata's
i mport ant wor k, the Astangayogahrdaya, whi ch howover is
incomplete. The last Manuscript was caused to be transcribed
in the Sam vat year 1486 or 1430 A.D., at Bhrguksetra or
Bharoch by Arddhasera (Ardesar) who was a learned Adhyar u
or priest of the Pilrasika race for his son to study. This shows
that about four hundred and fifty years ago Parsi priests valued
and cultivated the study of Sanskrit lore.
There are several other smaller treatises, and among them may
bo mentioned t wo copies of Bopadeva's Satasloki and another
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 213.
6 [R. G. Bbandarkar'a Works, Vol. II. ]
of his commentary on the wor k, whi ch however wants a few
leaves (Nos. 378380). Bopadeva, as is wel l known, was the son
of Kesava and pupi l of Dhanesa. He was patronized by
Hemadri , the minister of Mahildeva, tho Yadava ki ng of Devagi ri .
Thi s fact is however mentioned not in his medical treatises
but in the Har i l l l a, a summary of the Bhagavata. At the end of
the Sataslokl, it is stated that both Bopadeva's father and teacher
l i ved at a place called Sflrtha situated on the banks of the Varadfi.
Bopadeva therefore was a native of Berar.
T ANT RI KA LI TERATURE
Of the Ti l nt r i ka literature we have Manuscripts of t wo Tantras,
the Sivarahasya and the Gautamiyamahatantra (Nos. 400, 401,
and 385). The rest are digests or extracts f r om some of the
larger Tantras, one of the former being the Tantrasara by
KrsMnandabhattacfirya (No. 388).
ART
There are copies of four works on technical subjects. Two
of these are on architecture, one ent i t l ed Rajavallabhamandana
(No. 404), and the other Vastumandana (No. 405).
ARCHI TECTURE
MANDANA'S WORKS
In the colophon of the first it is stated that Mandana, a
Siitradhilra or architect, who was in the service of Kumbhakarna,
ki ng of Medapala, composed the wor k, and by his devotion to
Ganapati and to his teacher, and the propi t i at i on of the
Goddess of Learni ng, he expounded the " art of bui l di ng as
taught by the Muni s. " Medapata is Mevad, and a ki ng of
the name of kumbho rul ed over the count ry according to Tod
f r om 1419 to 1469 A. D. He had a taste for the arts, and
constructed many temples as wel l as strongholds. It is not
\ i nl i kel y, therefore, he had in his service, persons who had read
THE SAMGITA SECTION 43
the literature of architecture, and could compose such treatises
as the one under notice.
Vastumandana also is ascribed to Mandana, and it is stated
that he wrote this wor k at the request of his son Devasimha. He
is here spoken of as the son of Ksetra.
KUNDAMIRTANDA WITH COMMENTARY
The t hi r d wor k ent i t l ed Kundamartanda treats of the con-
struction of altars according to the Sulva Sutras composed by the
Rsis of ol d. The author is Govinda who was the son of Gad.ldhara
and l i ved at Junnar. The Manuscript contains a commentary by
Ananta, the son of Siddhesvara. The ori gi nal was composed in
1613 Saka or 1601 A. D. , and the commentary in 1614 Saka or
1692 A. D.
SAMGl TA
COMMENTARY ON THE SAMOlTARATNAKARA
The last of the four is a commentary on the Samgitaratnfikara
( No . 406). The Manuscript is in a bad condi t i on, the edges
of al l the leaves being t or n off and the wr i t i ng on a good many,
having faded away. The Commentary is attributed to a ki ng
of the name of Shiga, who is spoken of as the supreme sovereign
of the Andhr a circle. Who this Shiga was it is difficult to say ;
but it is not unl i kel y that he was the Yadava prince Singhana
who reigned at Devagiri. For, the count ry rul ed over by the
Deccan Calukyas is sometimes called Telangana by Nort hern
writers such as Merutunga and Rajavallabha, who in their life
of Bhoja speak of Tailapa as ki ng of Telangana. Telangana is
the same as the Andhr a circle and the Yadavas succeeded the
Calukyas as rulers of the count ry.
In Professor Aufrecht' s Catalogue there is a notice of a
Manuscript of the Samgitaratnakara by Sarngadeva, in the
i nt roduct i on to whi ch Sihghanadeva, who appears to have been
the author' s patron, is ment i oned. A commentary on his wor k,
therefore, wr i t t en either by himself or some other court
dependent may have been dedicated to the ki ng.
MI SCELLANEOUS
L E K H A P A N C l S I K A
Under the heading " Miscellaneous " there are three Manu-
scripts, one of whi ch possesses a good deal of historical
importance. It is ent i t l ed Lekhapaiicasika, or fifty letters or
deeds ( No. 410). The author' s name is not gi ven at the end
and the first leaf is missing. The wor k contains forms of
letters, deeds, patents, bonds, &c , and is di vi ded i nt o t wo parts.
The names being variable are in most cases represented by the
wor d amuka, i.e., " a certain one " or viama nainatafr i.e.,
" by a certain name." The date, however, used in the forms
whi ch constitute the second part, is Monday the 15th of the l i ght
hal f of Vaisakha, Samvat 1288, except in one case where it is the
3r d of that half. Thi s date is meant of course to serve as an
example ; but the author' s havi ng used that in particular may
Safely be regarded as showing that he wrot e his wor k in Samvat
1288, i.e., i n 1232 A. D.
THE AUTHOR'S DATE, SAMVAT 1288
The Manuscript itself was transcribed in 1536 Samvat or 1480
A.D. In a few cases, the names of real persons also are
used as examples, wherefore the deeds in whi ch t hey occur
must be considered to be such as it was possible should
have been executed.
SAMPLE OF A TAMRA8ASANA OR COPPER PLATE GRANT BY
LAVANAPRASADA
One such deed is a Tainrasasana or a royal deed of grant to be
inscribed on copper. In this, the grantor that is introduced is
Lavanyaprasada, son of Analadeva of the Calukya f ami l y,
THE MISCELLANEOUS SECTION 45
and what is represented to have been granted by hi m
is a village, not named, for the worshi p of Somanatha.
Lavanyaprasada was a Ranaka, i.e., a Rana and a Mandaladhipati
or a dependent chief. The grant is represented to have been
executed in the rei gn of Bhimadeva whi l e Bhabhuya was his
minister. Bhlmadeva' s name is preceded by those of al l the
Calukya princes who reigned at Anahilapaâna, and they are
as follows :
1. Mularaja
2. Camundadeva
3. Vallabhadeva
4. Durlabhadeva
5. Bhl ma or Brhadbhlma
6. Karnadeva
7. Jayasimha
8. Kumarapala
9. Ajayapala
10. Mnladeva
11. Bhimadeva
Thi s agrees wi t h the genealogy given by other wri t ers.
Bhimadeva was the rei gni ng sovereign in Samvat 1288 according
to t hem also, and we see that Lavanyaprasada, whose grandson
Visaladeva finally took possession of the throne at AnahilapaUana,
had at that t i me acquired sufficient influence to bo considered
wor t hy of being introduced as the grantor of a village. He
appears to have been the de facto sovereign of Gujarath at the
t i me.
SAMPLE OF A TREATY OF ALLIANCE BETWEEN SINGMANADEVA AND
LAVA NAPRAS ADA
Anot her such deed in the wor k before us, is a treaty of alliance
between Simhanadeva, who is styled Maharajadhiraja or ki ng of
kings, i. e., paramount sovereign, and Lavanyaprasada who is
called a Mahamandalesvara. t h e place where the treaty is
concluded is the " victorious camp ", and the provisions are that
" each of these t wo princes should confine himself to his own
count ry as before ; neither of t hem should invade the territories
of the other ; if a powerful enemy attacked either of t hem, they
should bot h undertake a j oi nt expedition against hi m ; if onl y
the general of an enemy di d so, troops should be sent to
encounter hi m ; and if a prince f r om the count ry of either fled
i nt o that of the other t aki ng away a certain valuable t hi ng, he
should not be al l owed quarter and the t hi ng removed by hi m
should be restored."
Singhana who is also called Simhana was the most powerful
of the Yadava princes of Devagi ri and reigned f r om 1131
to 1169 Saka or 1209 to 1247 A.D. He invaded Gujarath
t wi ce at least, once in the t i me of Lavanyaprasada, and on
another occasion when his grandson Visaladeva was on
the throne. Of the first invasion Somesvara gives a graphic
account i n his Ki r t i kaumudi . Al l Gujarath was terrified when
the intelligence of Singhana's march against the count ry was
received, and Lavanyaprasada, and his son Viradhavala proceeded
at once to meet hi m. But being attacked from behi nd by four
princes of Marvad and abandoned by the chiefs of Godraha and
Lata, the father and son retreated. The ar my of Singhana,
however, di d not advance. But Somesvara does not give us any
reason furt her than what is i nvol ved in the observation,
whi ch is si mpl y rhetorical and not historical, that " deer do
not fol l ow the path of a l i on even when he has abandoned
i t . " The reason, however, is supplied by the document
before us.
Though the object of our author was to give the f or m
of a treaty of alliance, he could not have thought of using
the names of Singhana and Lavanyaprasada unless such
a treaty had been actually concluded between t hem,
and it should be remembered that Singhana's invasion of
Gujarath must have taken place but a short t i me before the
composition of the treatise. Instead of gi vi ng a bl ank f or m,
therefore, the author must be supposed to have here placed
before us what mi ght be considered a specimen of a treaty.
THE JAIN LITERATURE 47
Singhana, therefore, di d not advance when Lavanaprasada and
his son retreated, because the t wo latter had submitted to hi m
and concluded a treaty of alliance.
YAVANAP ARI P AT YA RAJ ARI TI
No. 409 is a wor k composed by one Daiapatiriiya for a prince
named Madhavashiiha, who is styled Sfirvabhauma or " para-
mount sovereign." It contains forms of hitters and orders from
a ki ng to his subordinates wr i t t en in Sanskrit according to the
manner prevalent among Mahomedans, and also Sanskrit
equivalents of Mahomedan political terms. Fr om the colophon,
Mfidhavasimha the Sarvabhauma appears to have been Savai
Madhavarao or Madhavarao II of the Peshwa Dynasty of Poona.
THE JAINA LITERATURE
SUTRAS AND THEI R COMMENTARI ES
Of the literature of the Jainas we have sixty-one Manuscripts in
Sanskrit and the ol d' Pr akr i t and eight in the vernacular. There
are sixteen of the Sutras and their commentaries, among whi ch
may be mentioned a new commentary on the Kalpasutra entitled
Kalpamanjarl by- Sahajaklrti ( No. 421). This was composed in
1685 Sam vat whi l e Jinaraja was the head of the Kharataragaccha.
I NDEPENDENT TREATI SES ON RELI GI ON AND
PHI LOSOPHY
We have also copies of independent treatises on rel i gi on and
philosophy, among whi ch may be mentioned the Anekasastras;!-
rasamuccaya ( No. 413 ), whi ch looks l i ke a collection of several
small works by different authors ; the Vivekavilasa ( No. 455 )
by Jinadattasuri, in whi ch the author gives the principles of
several branches of learning, and whi ch also contains moral as
wel l as religious precepts ; the Saddarsanasamuccaya ( No. 460),
gi vi ng a brief account of the Brahmanic as wel l as Jaina and
Bauddha systems of philosophy ; and the Samayasfiraprabhrta
( No. 462 ), a wor k belonging to the Digambara sect, by Kunda-
kundacarya, who was a celebrated teacher of that sect.
SOMAPRABHACARYA'S SOKTAMUKTAVALI
The Sukt amukt aval l of Somaprabhacarya ( No . 469 ), may also
be mentioned i n t hi s. connection.
Somaprabhacarya represents hi msel f to be the pupi l of
Vijayasimha who occupied the seat of Hi gh-pri est after Ajitadeva.
Al l these names occur i n the succession l i st of the pontiffs of
the Tapagaccha, and Somaprabhacarya seems to have l i ved in
the latter part of the t wel f t h century.
1
GRAMMAR AND LEXI CONS
HARSAKIRTI'S DHATUPATIIA WITH A COMMENTARY
We have copies of the Desmamamala of Hemacandra
( No. 438 ), of the Siddhasabdarnava of Sahajaklrti ( No. 466 ),
ment i oned above, of Hemacandra' s Pr akr i t Grammar ( No. 458 ),
of the Sabdabhusana, a met ri cal treatise on grammar by Dana-
vi j aya ( No . 457 ), of a Dhatupatha or list of roots according to
the Sarasvata system together wi t h a commentary by Harsaki rt i
( Nos. 439 and 440) , al l of whi ch belong to the branches of
Lexi cography and Grammar. In the Vr t t i or comment ary on his
Dhatupatha, Harsaki rt i gives the senses as we l l as the verbal and
other forms of the several roots, quot i ng the Sarasvata SQtras, and
sometimes mentions i di omat i c modes of expression. The wor k
thus resembles, to some extent, Madhava's Dhat uvr t t i . Har saki r t i
was the Hi gh-pri est of the Nagapuriya branch of the Tapagaccha
and was the pupi l of Candraki rt i . He mentions the f ol l owi ng
emi nent persons belonging to his sect who were honoured) by
ki ngs and emperors :
(1) Jayasekhara, who was adored by Hamml ra.
(2) Vajrasena, to whom at the suggestion of Slhacja, the
emperor Al l avadi gave a valuable garment and Pharmana
(firman) i n the t own of Runa.
1 Ind, Ant., Vol. XI , p. 264.
THE JAIN LITERATURE : NATAKAH 49
(3) Ratnasekhara, to whom Perojasahi gave valuable
garments.
(4) Hamsakl rt i , a Pathaka or reader, whose greatness was
manifested before Silhi Sikandara.
(5) Anandarilya, who obtained the t i t l e of Raya from
Humf mm.
(6) Candrakl rt i , hi ghl y honoured by Sahi Salerna.
(7) Padmasundaragani, who defeated a great Pandita in
argument at the court of Akbar and was rewarded by
the emperor wi t h a garment, a village, an easy chair
( sukhftsana ), and other things.
(8) Paccha, a Pfithaka, honoured by Maladeva, ki ng of the
Hi ndus at Yodhapura ( Jodhpur ).
Of these Hammi r a was the celebrated Chohan prince who rul ed
over Mevad from 1301 to 1365 A.D., and successfully resisted
the encroachments of the Mahommedans. Al l avadi must be
Al l auddi n Kh i l j i who occupied the throne of Del hi f r om 1295 t o
1316 A.D. Perojasahi must be Pheroz Shah Taghlak who
reigned from 1351 to 1388 A. D. , and Sahi Sikandara, Sikandar
Shah Lodi (11881518 A.D.). Humayun' s first rei gn extended
f r om 1530 to 1540 A. D. ; Salem Shah (15151553 A. D. ) was one
of the Del hi Emperors who rul ed dur i ng the period of his
humi l i at i on; and Akbar , the celebrated Mogul prince, reigned
f r om 1556 to 1605 A. D. Maladeva was a prince of the Rathor
f ami l y who reigned at Jodhpur f r om 1532 to 1583 A.D.
Candraki rt i who was honoured by Salem Shah was our author' s
teacher.
PLAYS
KARPURAMARJARI
No. 418 is a copy of the first act of the Karpuramanj ari , a
dramatic play in the Pr akr i t in four acts, and No. 419 of the
second act. In the colophon of bot h Manuscripts, the play is
7 [R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. II]
ascribed to a Vacanacarya, pupi l of JinasSgara, who is styled the
" sun in the sky of KharatSna." JinasSgara was the first Hi gh-
priest of a new branch of the Kharatara sect whi ch was
established in Samvat 1686 or 1630 A.D.
1
The Karpuramafi j arl ,
however, of whi ch we have t wo acts here, is the same as that
wr i t t en by Rajasekhara, the preceptor of Mahendrapala, who
flourished about the t ent h cent ury, and even his name is
ment i oned i n the i nt roduct i on.
HI STORI CAL, BI OGRAPHI CAL A N D LEGENDARY
WORKS
Among works of a historical, biographical, and legendary
nature we have Meruturiga' s Bhojaprabandha ( No . 4500,
Rajavallabha's Bhojacaritra ( No . 449) , Sumatigani' s Lives of
certain Jaina High-priests or i gi nal l y f or mi ng part of his Vr t t i or
exposition of Jinadatta' s Ganadharasardhasataka (No. 426), a
Gurvaval i or succession list of teachers (No. 427), a Parsvanatha-
caritra (No. 444), Panelavacaritra (No. 443), Ramacaritra
(No. 452), &c.
MERUTUNGA'S BHOJAPRABANDHA : BHOJA'S DATE
In the Bhojaprabandha, Merut unga states that in Samvat 1078
when Bhoja rul ed over the Mfilava circle, Bhi ma, the paramount
sovereign of the Calukya race, governed Gujarath. Thi s cannot
be the date of Bhoja' s accession. Accordi ng bot h to Merut unga
and Rajavallabha, Muf i j a, the uncle and predecessor of Bhoja,
crossed the Godavarl against-the counsel of his aged mi ni st er
Rudradi t ya and invaded the domi ni ons of Tailapa, the founder
of the Later Calukya dynasty of the Deccan. He was defeated-
and taken prisoner. At first he was wel l treated by his captor,
but when secret i nt ri gues for his release were discovered, Tailapa
subjected hi m to i ndi gni t i es and put hi m to death. Thi s last
fact is ment i oned in Tailapa's Inscri pt i ons also. Now Tailapa,
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI , p. 260,
THE J AI N L I T E RAT URE : BI OGRAPHI CAL WORKS 5 1
we know, died in 920 Saka or after 919 years of the era had
elapsed. Thi s corresponds to 998 A.D., wherefore Munj a must
have been slain by Tailapa before that year. A Jaina author
named Ami t agat i tells us at the end of his Subhasitaratnasamdoha,
as was first pointed out by Colebrooke, that he wrot e or compi l ed
the wor k in Samvat 1050 or 994 A.D., whi l e Munj a was rei gni ng
at Dhara. Mufi j a therefore must have been put to death by
Tailapa .between 994 and 998 A. D. , or about the year 996. Bhoja
was crowned ki ng after hi m, and since he is said to have reigned
for fifty-five years, he must have died about 1051 A.D.
SUMATIGANl' S LIVES OF THE YUGAPIIADHANAS OR JAJNA PONTIFFS
Sumatigani was a pupi l of Jinapatisfiri, the f or t y- si xt h head of
the Kharataragaccha, who died in 1277 Samvat or 1221 A. D.
Hi s wor k
1
contains an account of the lives of Vardhamana,
Jinesvara, Jinacandra, Abhayadeva, Jinavallabha, and Jinadatta,
who were the High-priests of the sect successively.
(A) LI FE OF VARDHAMANA
In the account of Vardhamana that sage is represented to have-
gone to the court of Durl abha, the Calukya ki ng of Anahi l a-
pattana, who reigned f r om 1010 to 1022 A. D. , and held a debate
wi t h the Caityavasins or those Jaina teachers who advocated the
propri et y of a residence in temples. Hi s opponent was Suracarya,
wi t h whom however he di d not hol d a controversy i n person, but
directed his pupi l Jinesvara to do so. Vardhamana was victorious
and was hi ghl y honoured by the ki ng, whereupon the
Caityavasins left the t own. Jinesvara had the t i t l e Kharatara
(" very keen ") gi ven to hi m on the occasion of the debate, and
1
'
when he succeeded his master Vardhamana, it became the name
of the Gaccha or sect whi ch he led.
1 This Manuscript was read and a short abstract of it prepared for me by
Mr. Shridhar R. Bhandarkar, M.A. The above is based on that abstract.
(B) LIFE OF JINESVARA
Jinesvara is represented to have gone on some occasion to
Asapal l i and pi ndi yanaka on visitation. At the former place
he composed i r i Sam vat 1092 or 1036 A.D. a kathfi ( " s t or y" )
ent i t l ed Li l avat l . When he was at pi nt fi yanaka, he asked of the
Caityavasins of the place for the loan of some book, whi ch on
account of t hei r disagreeable relations wi t h hi m, t hey refused.
He t hen wrot e the Kathanakakosa i n the four r ai ny mont hs,
composing dur i ng the last t wo watches of the ni ght as much as
was necessary to read to his audience the next mor ni ng.
(C) LIFE OF JINACANDRA
Jinacandra succeeded Jinesvara. He composed the'
Samvegarangasala containing 18,000 slokas in Chat raval l l purl in
Samvat 1125. In Javalipura he explained the Gatha begi nni ng
wi t h " CivandanamiXvasyaya," and the doctrines taught by hi m
were noted down by a pupi l and embodied in a tract ent i t l ed
Dinacarya containing 300 slokas.
(D) LIFE OF ABIIAYADEVA
Jinacandra's successor was Abhayadevasuri, the author of Vr t t i s
or comments on ni ne of the Angas of the Jamas. A l ong story
is related as to how he was led to compose these commentaries.
He had been afflicted wi t h an incurable disease that rendered
hi m unfi t for any wor k of the ki nd ; but a certain dei t y appeared
to hi m in a dream and directed hi m to go to Stambhanakapura
(Cambay?) where there was an image of Parsvanatha.
He went there, bowed down before the image, and composed
whi l e standing the Namaskaradvatrimsika or " t hi r t y- t wo bows, "
begi nni ng wi t h "Jayatihuyana. " The last t wo of these stanzas
he was obliged to omi t at the request of the deities, so that the
Stotra or h y mn now contains t hi r t y onl y.
(E) LIFE OF JINAVALLABHA
The next head of the Gaccha was Jinavallabha. He had the
eight grammars of Pani ni and others by heart and was conversant
THE JAIN LITERATURE: BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS 53
wi t h the Mahakavyas or great poems, Meghadtita and others, as
wel l as al l the other kavyas or poems, wi t h the works on poetics
of Rudrafca, Udbhata, Dandi n, Vamana, Bhamaha, and others, the
ei ght y-four dramatic plays, the whol e of the Jyotihsastra, al l
metrical works such as those of Jayadeva and others, the
Anekantajayapataka of Abhayadeva and other works that
expounded the doctrines of Ji nendra (i.e. Jainism), and wi t h
works of other systems of philosophy such as the Nyaya treatises
Tarkakandal i and Ki ranaval l , and Samkaranandana and Kamala-
sila. He was regarded as a man of learning at Ci t rakut a
(Chi t t or), and many people, even such as belonged to other
systems of rel i gi on, resorted to hi m and got t hei r doubts cleared.
Jinavallabha caused temples of Mahavira and Parsvanatha to be
constructed at Citrakuta, and of Nemi nat ha at Nagapura and
Naravarapuri.
On one occasion t wo Panditas f r om a foreign count ry
went to the court of Naravarman, the grandson of Bhoja
at Dhara, and proposed some poetic ri ddl e, whi ch the Panditas
of Naravarman were not able to solve. At the suggestion of a
courtier the ri ddl e was sent by the ki ng to Jinavallabha, who
solved it at once, and the solution was sent to Naravarman wi t h
al l despatch. On this account, when after some t i me, Jinavallabha
went to Dhara, Naravarman received hi m wi t h great honour and
offered hi m a large sum of money. Thi s he declined to accept,
but asked the ki ng to make some endowment to the temples
constructed at Citrakuta. Naravarman died in 1190 Sam vat or
1134 A. b. , according to an I nscr i pt i on deciphered by Colebrooke.
The installation of Jinavallabha in the place of Abhayadeva
took place after he had done al l that is related above. He di d not
l ong survive this event, havi ng died six months after, in the last
quarter of the ni ght on the t wel f t h of the dark half of Kart i ka
i n Samvat 1167, i.e. 1111 A. D.
He wrot e the f ol l owi ng wor ks: (1) Saksmarthasiddhanta,
(2) Vicarasara, (3) Sadasiti, (4) Sardhasataka, a karma grantha,
(5) Pi ndavi suddhi , (6) Pau?adhavidhi, (7) Pratikramanasamacari,
(8) Samghapattaka, (9) Dharmasiksa, (10) Dvadasakulaka,
(11) Prasnottarasataka, (12) Srrigarasataka, and many other
kavyas, (13) Sarasvatasatasamkhyastuti, and (14) Stotras. Several
of these exist i n the former Government Collections, whi l e i n
the present Collection there is a stotra wr i t t en by hi m.
(F) LIFE OF JINADATTA
Jinadatta, the author of the wor k on whi ch Sumatigani
comments, succeeded. He was the son of Bahadadevi and
Vachika, and was born in Sam vat 1132 or 1076 A.D. He read his
Panjika at the Dharmasala of Bhavadacarya and was t aught al l the
Siddhantas by Harisimhacarya. He was installed i n Jinavallabha' s
place at Ci t rakut a by Devabhadracarya. On one occasion he went
t o Aj ayameru ( Aj mi r ) , where he was we l l received by Ar no,
the ki ng of the count ry. At the request of the Sravakas of the
place the ki ng granted a site for Jaina temples, and on a second
vi si t Jinadatta l ai d the foundat i on stone. He made many converts
to Jai ni sm as we l l as to his particular sect. He wrot e the Gana-
dharasaptati for exorcising a man possessed by a ghost, and also a
Caccharl on the precepts engraved by Jinavallabha on the walls
of certain temples. He once went to Naravara and thence to
Tr i bhuvanagi r i where he preached the t r ut h to ki ng Kumfirapala.-
Besides the wor ks named above Sumatigani quotes from or
refers to the f ol l owi ng :Pravacanasara, a Smr t i , Bharatasastra,
Damadhyaya, a Prayoga, Avasyakacurni, Dasavaikalika,
Citrakutiyaprasasti by Jinavallabha, and Upadesamala. He
also quotes some verses whi ch are now found in the
Pancatantra.
RAMACARITRA
The Ramacaritra in prose was composed by Devavijayagani,
pupi l of Rajavijayasuri, who hi msel f was a pupi l of Vijayadanasuri,
the Yugapradhana or head of the Tapagaccha. It was wr i t t en at
Srimalapura i n Marust hal i or Marvad i n the year 1652 Samvat,
REVIEW OP MANUSCRIPT COLLECTIONS 55
or 1596 A.D., in the rei gn of Akbar. The author tells us that
i n the composition of his wor k ho fol l owed Hemacandra' s
Ramftyana and that he wrot e it in prose, t hough there was a
Ramacaritra in verse in the Pr akr i t as wel l as Sanskrit, to
di vert hi msel f and also to put an end to his Kar man.
E X A MI N A T I O N OF P RI VATE LI BRARI ES
As to the other branch of the wor k, the Libraries of the
f ol l owi ng persons at Nasik have been catalogued this year :
Sitaramasastrl Patvardhan
Narayanasastrl Sfithe
Vi snu Gangadhar Machegan
Acyutasastri Datar
Ramasastri Chamdorkar
Yadusastr! Takle
Devrav Hosi ng
Govindbaba Vai dya
Eighteen Libraries were reported to have been catalogued last
year ; so that t went y-si x in al l have been examined at Nasik.
The pr i nt i ng of these catalogues has now been begun. There is
very l i t t l e wor k left to be done at Nasik and my Sfistri intended to
go to Tr i mbak to catalogue the private Collections existing there.
But in the mont h of June last he was carried off by cholera,
whi ch prevailed wi del y at Nasik about that t i me. He was a
man of learning and great intelligence and di d very good
service. He possessed much influence wi t h the people at Nasik
and hence was able to examine for us so many Collections
at the place. Otherwise the jealousy as regards one's l i t erary
treasures is st i l l so strong that it woul d not have been possible
to do that amount of wor k there.
ACCOUNT OF THE MANUSCRI PTS I N THE
GOVERNMENT COLLECTI ONS
I wi l l close this Report by a short account of the present state
of the Collections in my charge, and the number of Manuscripts
collected for Government since 1868-09, and the number lent
to scholars, and that forwarded to Germany to be catalogued
according to Professor Ki el horn' s scheme.
The total number of Manuscripts in the collections is 4,482, of
whi ch 78i have been l ent t o scholars i n Europe, 68 i n I ndi a,
and 13 in America, whi l e 1134 have been sent to be catalogued
22 to Professor Ki el hor n, 33 to Professor Pischel, and 58 to
Professor Jacobi. In al l 273 Manuscripts are out, and the rest,
4,209, are in the Li br ar y.
AGES AND MATERI ALS OF MANUSCRI PTS
PALM-LEAF MANUSCRIFrs
Of the 4,482 Manuscripts about a t hi r d bear dates. There arc
108 wr i t t en on Palm-Leaves of whi ch 37 are dated. Three were
transcribed in Sam vat 1138, 1145, and 1146, corresponding to
1082, 1089, and 1090 of the Christian era ; eight, f r om Samvat
1164 to 1218, i.e., f r om 1108 to 1162 A. D. ; t went y, f r om Samvat
1260 to Ka l i 4398, i.e., f r om 1204 to 1297 A. D. ; and six, f r om
Samvat 1359 to 1450, i.e., f r om 1303 to 1394 A. D.
PAPER MANUSCRIPTS
The earliest Paper Manuscript in the Collection was transcribed
in 1376 Samvat, corresponding to 1320 A. D. , and there are eight
bearing dates f r om 1426 to 1454 Samvat, i.e., f r om 1370 to 1398
A. D. There are 48 Manuscripts transcribed in the first hal f of the
fi ft eent h cent ury of the Christian era and 91 i n the latter half. In
some of the published lists an earlier date than 1376 Samvat occurs
against one or t wo Manuscripts ; and one is represented to have
been transcribed in Samvat 1401. I have examined the
Manuscripts themselves and found al l these entries to be
erroneous. I have however not been able to examine one
Manuscri pt , the date of whi ch is in the l i st gi ven as 1415 Samvat,
as it has been l ent . The rest of the dated Manuscripts were
transcribed after the close of the fifteenth century.
Manuscripts wr i t t en 911 Palm-leaves are found in Gujarath and
Marvad, pr i nci pal l y at Cambay, Patau, and Jesalmir. Fr om the
above statement it is clear that in Gujarath and Marvad, Palm-leaves
AGE AND MATERIALS OF MSS. 57
were used as a wr i t i ng material before the i nt r oduct i on of paper.
The earliest Palm-leaf Manuscri pt we possess was, i t wi l l be seen,
wr i t t en i n 1082 A. D. , and our earliest Paper Manuscript i n 1320
A.D. So far as our present researches go, therefore, paper di d
not come i nt o use t i l l the begi nni ng of the fourt eent h cent ury ;
and since our latest Palm-leaf Manuscript is dated 1450.Saihvat
or 1394 A.D., it appears that Palm-leaves continued to be used as
wel l as paper t i l l about the end of that century. Fr om the
begi nni ng of the fifteenth we find paper onl y employed.
8 [ R. G, Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
*
EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT
1
ON THE SEARCH
FOR SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS DURING
THE YEAR 1883-84
ACCOUNT OF A VISIT TO PATAN
In the month of December 1883,1 paid during the Christmas
recess a visit to Patan
2
in company with my friend Professor
Abaji Vishnu Kathavate of the Gujarat College. We could make
only a week's stay there, and consequently were not able to
examine minutely the several Jaina Libraries at the place. Still
we collected a good deal of information wi t h regard to them, and
actually visited some, and compared the Manuscripts contained
in them with the lists placed in our hands.
JAI NA LIBRARIES AT THE PLACE
Each Gaccha or sect of the Jainas residing in a city possesses
a halting place called Upasraya for their itinerant priests, and
each of these Upasrayas is provided with a more or less extensive
Library. This Library is the property of the Gaccha and is - in
the charge of the prominent lay-members of the sect. When,
however, a priest makes an Upasraya his permanent residence,
the Library is always in his charge, and practically he is its
owner. The Upasrayas and the Libraries attached to them are
named after the street or ward in which they are situated.
Patah contains the following Libraries or Bhandaras :
1. Bhandara of Pophlianopaclo belonging to the Tapagaccha.
2. Another (smaller one) in the same ward do. do.
1 Originally published in 1887 at the Government Central Press Bombay.
[ N. B. U. ]
2 In his report for 1874-75 Dr. Buhler calls the place Pathan ; but it should
be called Patan, the Sanskrit form being Pattana, and the name being so
pronounced by the people.
JAIN BHANDARAS AT PATAN 59
4. Do.
5. Do.
6. Do.
7. Do.
8. Do.
9. Do.
10. Do.
11. Do.
3. Bhandara of Bhabhanopado bel ongi ng to the Vimalagaccha.
Samghavinopado.
Rajavijaya Dayavijaya.
Li mr i nopado.
Vadl Parsvanatha Mandi ra.
Rupasagarji.
Ratanvijaya, Khetarsi Mahal .
Makamodi Vania.
Hemacandra in the charge of Svarupacandra
Yat i .
Of these No. 7 was not accessible to us, because we were t ol d
that one of the keys was wi t h the Sri puj ya or hi gh priest of the
sect to whi ch the Li br ar y belonged and he was not in Patan at the
t i me. The owner of No. 8 l eft the place the day after we arri ved
there, and the Bhandara had been l ocked up by hi m. Ratanvijaya,
the practical owner of No. 9, had removed a great many of the
Manuscripts to Ahmedabad where he general l y resided. Makamodi
Vania (No. 10) who possessed, it appears, Manuscripts wr i t t en on
Tala leaves, had, we were t ol d, sent t hem away somewhere. It is
not unl i kel y that the Tala-Leaf Manuscripts, added to our
Collection i n 1880-81, or i gi nal l y belonged t o hi m. Svarupacandra
Yat i , who has charge of the Bhandara said to have or i gi nal l y
belonged to Hemacandra, the great Jaina Scholar of the t wel f t h
cent ury, was as i mmovabl e as he was in 1874-75, when
Dr . Buhl er wished h i m t o show his Manuscripts t o hi m. We
paid t wo visits to h i m, but he put us off wi t h a vari et y of excuses
and showed us onl y a few fragments of certain works that he had
before hi m at the t i me. Rajavijaya Dayavijaya (No. 5) showed us
three or four of his boxes. No. 6 is a small Collection and after we
had obtained access to the first four, we di d not t hi nk it very
desirable to examine i t , especially since we had l i t t l e t i me to spare.
( I ) THE LI BRARY I N T HE POPHLI ANOPADO
The Manuscripts i n the Bhandara i n the Pophlianopado (No. 1)
are stowed in 80 boxes (Dabclas) most l y made of t hi ck paper-boards,
each box containing a list of its contents. The man in charge
showed us also a general list in which the title of each Manuscript
and the number of folios were given. I got a copy of it made,
but owing to some misunderstanding on the part of the man in
charge, my copyists were not able to get the numbers of folios
of the Manuscripts in about 28 of the Dabdas. We examined
some of the boxes at random and compared their contents wi t h
the entries in the general list and found the latter to be correct.
1
I t wi l l be seen that the number of Manuscripts i n the Bhandiara
is 2,801. This appears to be the Bhancjara of the Tapagaccha that
Dr. Buhler speaks of in his Report for 1874-75. The number of
boxes or Dabcias mentioned by him agrees wi t h that found by
me ; but the number of Manuscripts is given by hi m as upwards
of 1,200. There are several copies of one and the same work in
the Collection.
We were very greatly anxious to examine closely this splendid
Collection, and spent two days in the work, but were able to
effect little. After going over the long list we selected the
following for examination, as likely to be interesting and
important :
Box No. 1.
Jaina Kumarasambhava.
Box No. 2.
Naranarayananandakavya. Pancamibhavisyadatta by
Kandalivrtti by Balacandra. Dhanapala.
Karpuraprakarabhidhanakosa. Vijayadevamahatmyakavya.
Dhurtakhyane paricamakhya- Sadbhasastavana.
nakam
Box No. 3.
Balinarendracarita Kumarapalacarita.
1 This list is printed in the original Report as its Appendix IA (pp. 161-206).
[N. B. U.]
WORKS IN THE P AT AN BHANDARAS 61
Sataslokltika.
Pr t hvl suddhi .
Mugdhamedhakari-alaihkara
vr t t i .
Suktavali.
Pandavi-gita.
Box No. 5.
Kalpalata.
Box No. 6.
Nyayavataratippanika.
NyayasQtra.
Box No. 7.
Ramacandrakavya.
Mukt aval i .
Pramanamanjari.
Brhatpancakhyana.
Pancakhyana.
Nandopakhyana.
Nyayamakaranda.
BOX No. 10.
Jainatarkabhasa by Jasa-
vi j aya.
Hasasmrtipurana.
Brhadrat n akaravrt t i .
Raghavanatika (a)tika.
Hemapr akr t adhundhi .
BOX No. 11.
Kirtisodasapada.
Pr akr t apr akr i yavr t t i .
Nyayavr t t i .
Hari vi kramacari t a.
Veda.
Kumarapalacarita.
Punjarajatika
Nyayarthamanjusa.
Prakrtaprabodha.
Box No. 12.
Vibhatavibhavana, Nigadha-
t i ka.
Kal i dasakrt akavya.
Box No. 13.
Danapradipa.
Box No. 14.
Nyayavr t t i .
Kumarapalacarita.
BOX No. 15.
Kalidasakrtagrantha.
Box No. 16.
( Tarkavrtti.
BOX NO. 17.
Hitopadesavrtti.
Box No. 20.
Vastupala-Tejapalacarita,
Dratantaratnakara.
Brahmadattakatha.
Devarajaprabandha.
Klrtikaumudi.
Vijayaprasasti
Kavyaprakasatlka.
Mahavidyavidambana.
Raghutika.
Saddarsanavrtti.
Vrttaratnakarakavya.
Box No. 29.
Rajimatiprabodha.
Box No. 32.
Harivikramacarita.
Sasadharanyaya.
Prabandhacintamaiji.
Box No. 33.
Kavyakamadhonu.
Box No. 35.
Mahabhasya.
BOX No. 36.
Canakya.
Kumarapalapratibodha.
Ratnavalitika.
Dutangadanataka.
Candrasenanataki( ?)praban-
dha.
Vastupala-Tejapalaprabandha.
Dharmasarmakavya.
Box No. 37.
Sanatkuinaraglta.
WORKS IN THE PATAN BHADARAS 63
Vastupalacarita.
Jnanavidyakavya.
Box No. 38.
Kumarapalacarita.
Box No. 40.
A rambhasiddhi vartakav y a
Bhugolasastra.
Theravalr
Ravanasamvada.
Nigodavicara.
Girmlracaityapravadi
Kumaraviharasataka.
Ratnamalayarii Anekarthakosa.
Kumudacandranataka.
Prasadavidhiprakarana.
Box No. 42.
Srutayurveda.
Box No. 43.
Mahesvaravada.
BhasyacQrni.
Hari vikramacaritra.
BOX No. 44.
Mohapatirajoharaiiavicara. Samayasaraparamagarnanataka.
Laghusatapadi.
Asokacarita.
Raghavanatika (a).
Karpuranianjarltlka.
Andhrakumaravivaha
' Gurvavall.
Box No. 45.
Kumarapalacarita.
Box No. 47.
Prabandhacintamani.
Box No. 48.
Kumarapalacarita.
Box No. 49.
Desikosanamartha.
Hemavibhrama.
Box No. 51.
Sukrtasamklrtana.
Box No. 65.
Vijayaprasasti,
But the examination of so many Manuscripts would have taken
many more days than we were able to devote to it, and we
had to give up the task after having inspected a few. These are
as follows :
1. Pramanamanjari (boxes Nos. 7 and 44), folios 9, lines 15,
letters 60 in a line, a treatise on the Vaisegika system, by
Tarkika SarvadevasQri. There is a commentary on this by
Balabhadramisra.
2. Vyutpattidlpika or Prakrtaprakriyavrtti (box No. 11),
folios 138, lines 15, letters 55. This is a commentary by Udaya-
saubhagyagani, pupil of Saubhagyasagarasuri of the Tapa-
gaccha on Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar which forms the
eighth chapter of his Sabdanusasana. Verses from original works
are given to illustrate Hemacandra's rules, and the verses quoted
by Hemacandraespecially in the section on the Apabhraiiisa
dialectare explained. I have since been able to procure a copy
of this work for our Collection. I t wi l l be noticed i n next year's
Report.
3. Rajimatiprabodha (box No. 29), folios 5, lines 17, letters
58. This is a drama in five acts by Yasascandra. The hero is
Memi.
4. Vijayaprasasti (box No. 29), folios 279, lines 13, letters 40.
This is a poem on Vijayasena, the successor of Hlravijaya, the
58th high priest of the Tapagaccha according to Dr. Klatt, but
60th according to a Gurvavall to be presently noticed. It was
composed along wi t h a commentary in Saihvat 1688 by
Gunavijayagani,
5. Klrtikaumudi (box No. 30), folios 11, lines 19, letters 61,
author, Gurjaresvarapurohita Somesvara. This Manuscript was
written in Saihvat, 1507 and would, Prof essor Kathavate tells me,
have been of great use to him for his edition of the work if he
had got it earlier. The Manuscripts he possessed did not give
NOTICES OF SOME WORKS AT PATAN 65
satisfactory readings in a good many places and he was in search
of a fresh one, but was not t hen able to procure i t .
6. Mahabhasya (box No. 35). Thi s is an i ncompl et e copy
of Patafijali' s wor k wi t h the comment ary of Kaiyata. It was
transcribed in Saihvat 1543.
7. Gurvfivali (box No. 44), folios 10, lines 18, letters 58.
The Manuscri pt contains 20 Gathas wi t h a f u l l comment ary.
I t begins wi t h Sudharmasvamin and ends wi t h Hl ravi j ayasuri ,
the 60th successor. Hi r avi j aya is ment i oned as havi ng died in
Samvat 1622 on the 12th of Vaisakha Sudi , at Vat apal l i .
Accordi ng to Dr . Kl at t , he was the 58th successor and died at
Umnanagara, on the 11t h of Bhfidra. Sudi , 1652.
8. Laghusatapadi (box No. 44), folios 24, lines 17, letters 53.
Thi s is a wor k by Merut unga, and contains at the end a hi st or y
of the Yatagaccha. The date of Jayasimha of the Cal ukya
dynasty of Patan is gi ven as 1169 Sam vat.
9. Sesasamgraha (box No. 44), folios 4, lines 17, letters 48.
Thi s is a supplement by Hemacandra to his Abhidhanacinta-
mani .
( I I ) LI BRARY I N THE B H A B H A N O P l p O
We next spent a day in exami ni ng the Bhandara in the Bhabha-
nopado. The paper Manuscripts are stowed in 27 boxes or
Dabdas, and there is one Manuscri pt wr i t t en on Tala leaves.
The f ol l owi ng came under our inspection :
1. An i ncompl et e copy of the Abhi l asi t art haci nt amani by
Somesvara, a ki ng of the Deccan Calukya dynasty.
2. A comment ary by Madhavasarasvatl on Sivaditya' s
Saptapadarthi. Fr om a stanza at the end it appears that
Madhavasarasvatl was a native of the count ry of Gorastra in the
Sout h, in whi ch is situated Gokarna Mahabalesa. The count ry
referred to is thus a por t i on of Nor t h Kanara. There is a copy
9 [ R. G, Bhandurkar's Works, Vol. II ].
of this comment ary i n my Collection for 1879-80, but t hi s verse
does not occur at the end.
3. Anot her comment ary on the Saptapdiirthl by Bhftva-
vidyesvara, folios 13, lines 13, letters 47.
KAVYAKALPALATA AND AMAEACANDRA
4. Ki l vyakal pal at t i vrt t i , folios 57, lines 17-20, l et t er s- 64;
t ot al quant i t y 3,357 Anust ubhs. The or i gi nal wor k called the
Ki l vyakal pal at i ki l was composed i n part by Ar i s i mha and com-
pl et ed by Amaracandra who also wrot e the Vr t t i or comment ary.
Amaracandra was a pupi l of .linadatta of the Vfiyadagaccha, who
must be the same person as the aut hor of the Vivekavilfisa to be
noticed hereafter. He l i ved, as wi l l be shown, about the mi ddl e
of the 13th cent ury. Madhava mentions bot h h i m and his wor k
i n his account of the Bauddha and Jaina systems i n the
Sarvadarsanasamgraha. Ar i si mha was the author of a poem
called Sukrtasamkirtana and Amaracandra wrot e besides the
present wor k the Chando-ratnavali, the Kalakalapa, and the
Biilabharata. They were f el l ow students and l i ved, according to
the account gi ven by Hajasekhara i n the Prabandhacaturviihsati,
in the t i me of Visaladeva before he got possession of the throne
at Patau, i.e., about the mi ddl e of the 13t h cent ury. Copies of
the Kavyakal pal at avrt t i are by no means rare, and there is one
i n my last year's Col l ect i on, whi l e i n this year's we have a
Manuscript of the ori gi nal . The copy in t hi s Bhandilra has the
date 1455 of Vi kr ama corresponding to 1399 A. D. , whi ch must
be the date when the Manuscri pt was wr i t t en.
5. Kumarapalacarita, folios 136, lines 16, letters 49. The
author' s name is Jayasimha. In the first part the genealogy of
Mularaja, the founder of the Cal ukya l i ne of Patan, is gi ven.
The wor k was composed i n 1422 of Vi kr ama.
6. Sammatitarkatika, folios 502, lines 15 ; t ot al quant i t y
25,000 Anust ubhs. The author of the or i gi nal is Siddhasena
Di vakara, and of the commentary Abhayadeva.
NOTICES OF SOME WORKS AT PATAN 67
7. Nyayabhusana, folios 252. The author' s name does not
appear. Umapat i is adored in the opening stanza.
8. Nyayakandal i t i ka by Sridhara, folios 124, lines 15,
letters 60. The openi ng stanzas and the Prasasti at the end
have been gi ven by Dr . Bi i hl er under No. 384, KasmTr
Report. The readings, however, i n t hi s Manuscript are i n
several cases better t han those gi ven by Dr . Buhl er.
9. Aptamimamsalamkfira. Thi s appears to be the Digambara
wor k of that name.
10. Complete copies of Vallabha' s and Caritravardhana' s
commentaries on the Raghuvaihsa.
11. A comment ary on the Raghuvamsa by Dharmameru,
folios 136, comes down to the end of Canto X V I I , the first leaf
missing. Anot her copy of the same, t o the end of Canto I I I .
( I l l ) RAJ AVI J AYA DAYAVI J AYA' S LI BRARY
Among the Manuscripts shown us by Rajavijaya Dayavijaya,
there was a copy of .JayasimhasQri's Kumarapalacarita, the same
wor k as that noticed above, and an abridgement of Haribhadra' s
Samarildityacaritra by Pradyumnacarya.
( I V) COLLECTI ON I N THE SAMGHAVl NOPADO
We devoted a day to the exami nat i on of the Bhandara in the
Samghavinopado. A l l the Manuscripts arc wr i t t en on Tula leaves
and some of. t hem(suchas those of the ol d works in i l l ust r at i on of
the Nyfiyasutra of Gautama and of Vatsyayana's Bhasya) are very
valuable. They are however not we l l arranged and i t was wi t h
di ffi cul t y that any desired Manuscri pt could be found. Dr . Bi i hl er
had prepared a catalogue of the Col l ect i on, and on comparing
some of the entries wi t h the corresponding Manuscripts we
found t hem to be correct ; so that we di d not deem it necessary
to pursue the examination further, especially as the time at our
command was short.
(V) SECOND LIBRARY IN THE POPHLIANOPA0
From the list of the second Bhandara in the Pophlianopacjo put
into our hands, it appears that it is made up of several collections
belonging to different individuals, and the list gives us an insight
into the manner in which these Jaina Bhandars have grown up.
On entering the room there is to the left a large box which
contains 17 smaller ones or Dabdas, in twelve of which the
Manuscripts belonging to Santidasa Devakarana are kept. The
list of these was made out in Samvat 1853. Of the rest, Dabclas
13 and 14 contain Manuscripts belonging to or presented by
another individual, the statement about whom occurring in the
list is not intelligible, and the list was compiled in Samvat 1836.
The Manuscripts in Dabdas 15and 16 belonged to Gangavijayagani,
pupil of Labhavijayagani, and their list was made out in
Samvat 1751 (?). Those in the last or seventeenth Dabda seem to
have been owned by nother person. Besides these there are
19 Manuscripts written on Tala leaves in the same large box, and
four more written apparently on paper. Then there is a smaller
box which contains the collection belonging to Satyavijayanyasa
stowed in fourteen Dabdas. The list was prepared in 1853
Samvat. In another box, we have nine Dabdas containing the
Manuscripts belonging to ? Vijeji, the list of which was made
out in 1853 Samvat. The contents of the tenth Dabda seem to
have originally belonged to another person who kept them here
in Samvat 1860; while Dabdas 11 and 12 contain the Manuscripts
presented to the Bhandara by Dipachand Hemachand, in Samvat
1861. There is another Dabda in which are stowed the
Manuscripts left in the Bhandara by SrTpujya Jinendrasnri. There
is another large box in which there are two Dabdas containing
the Manuscripts deposited in the house of Santidasa Devakarana
by Mohana Vijaya in Samvat 1853 with a list.
BRAHMANIC LIBRARIES IN PATAN 69
COLLECTI ONS OF BRAHMANI C WORKS
Three Collections of Brahmanic works were also brought to
my notice in Patan. The owner of one of them is Jasvantrai
Gopalrai, who belongs to the Ramanuja sect. As might be
expected his Collection contains copies of many valuable works
of the Ramanuja school. I notice the following in the list he
was good enough to furnish me wi t h :
1. Vedantasutrabhasya or Sribhasya wi t h the Srutaprakasika.
2. Do. do. without do.
Granthasamkhya 9,600.
3. Vedantadipa, an abridgement of the above, Gr. s. 3,000.
4. Vedantasara, a brief commentary on the Vedantasutra,
Gr. s. 1,700.
5. Prapannamita, or Life of Ramanuja, Gr. s. 5,440.
6. Divyasiiriprabhava, or Lives of the principal Acaryas of
the Sect, Gr. s. 1,200.
7. Bhasyas on the principal Upanisads, according to Rama-
nuja's system.
8. The following Samhitas from the Narada Pancaratra :
(a). Laksmr Samhita, Gr. s. 3,350.
(b). Jnanamrtasara Saiiihita, Gr. s. 1,450.
(c). Paramagamacudamani Saiiihita, Gr. s. 12,500.
(d). Pauskara Samhita, Gr., s. 6,350.
(e). Padma Samhita, Gr. s. 9,000.
(f). Vrddhabrahma Samhita, Gr. s. 4,533.
9. Guruparampara from Raiigacarya to Laksminarayana.
10. Guruparampara of the Ramanuja sect.
11. A good Collection of Smrtis, &c
The owner of the second Collection is Manisamkara Krpasaihkara
from whom I received but an incomplete list. He is a follower
of Samkaracarya's school and as such possesses the most i m-
portant wor ks of that system. In his l i st is ment i oned a
comment ary by Gaudapada on the Brhadaranyaka. If the ent r y
is correct it is a r ar i t y.
The owner of the t hi r d Col l ect i on i s Tr i kaml al Anandl . i l f r om
whom, however, no list coul d be procured.

KAVIRAHASYA, AND THE HERO OF THE POEMKRSNA
OF THE RASTRAKOTA FAMILY
At Patan we came across a copy of the Kavirahasya or Kavi guhya
by Hal ayudha. It i s we l l known that the hero of t hi s gram-
matical poem is a ki ng of the name of Krsna who is represented
as the paramount sovereign of DaksinSpatha or Sout hern I ndi a.
Professor Westergaard i dent i fi ed t hi s Krsna wi t h the Krsnaraya
of the Vijayanagara dynasty who reigned i n the fi rst hal f of the
si xt eent h cent ury ; and t hi s i dent i fi cat i on seems to have been
accepted by Professor Aufrecht . But the copy of the Kavirahasya
I f ound at Patan contains a verse in whi c h the hero Krsna is
spoken of as " havi ng sprung f r om the Rastrakuta r ace"
(Rastrakutakulodbhavam). In another he is called " the orna-
ment of the Lunar race " (Somavamsavibhusana), and we know
f r om the Kharepatan plates that the Rastrakutas who r ul ed over
the Deccan were considered to have belonged to the f ami l y of
Yadu whi ch was an offshoot of the Lunar race. The Kytfna of
t he Kavirahasya, therefore, must have been one of the three
Krsnas of the Rastrakuta l i ne who were sovereign lords of the
Deccan. The first of t hem' reigned about 775 A. D. , the second
was on the t hrone i n 911 A. D. , and t he t h i r d i n 956 A. D. Hala-
yudha therefore must have l i ved at a t i me when the memor y of
one of these three Krsnas was s t i l l fresh, that is, between the
begi nni ng of the ni nt h to about the end of the t ent h cent ury.
An d the comparatively hi gh ant i qui t y of Hal ayudha i s
indicated by the circumstance that the t ext of the Kavirahasya
pr evai l i ng i n one part of the count r y differs wi del y f r om that i n
use in another. I have since obtained a Manuscri pt of the wor k
THE KAVIRAHASYA AND ITS AUTHOR 71
i n the Maratha Count r y and fi nd on comparison that its text
shows as considerable divergences f r om that of the Patan copy,
if not more, as the Nagari rescension of Kalidasa' s Sakuntala
f r om the Gaudi. Such divergences are not found i n Manuscripts
of a wor k wr i t t en onl y three hundr ed years ago, and I am
i ncl i ned, on account of this circumstance, to i dent i f y Halayudha' s
Krsna wi t h the first Rastrakuta pri nce of that name and to refer
our author to the begi nni ng of the ni nt h cent ury. I must,
however, not omi t to ment i on that the Maratha copy of the
Kavirahasya omi t s t he expression " Rnstrakntakulodbhavam "
and reads the whol e verse very di f f er ent l y. Si mi l ar l y, instead
of " Somavamsavibhusanah ", we have in that copy " Para-
lokajigisayah ( ya) . " But these must be regarded as later
corrupt i ons. For if the names of Rastrakuta f ami l y and the
Soma race di d not exist in the text as Hal ayudha wrote i t ,
nobody coul d have afterwards added t hem. Cor r upt i on must
proceed f r om what is particular to what is general or f r om one
general i t y to another, but not from what is general to what is
part i cul ar. There can be not hi ng to lead a later reader or
wr i t er to introduce such a part i cul ar name as Pastrakuta.
Probabl y our Hal ayudha was the same as the author of the
Abhidhanaratnamala. For, in the first place, the t wo works
are on ki nder ed subjects, and in the next, Halayudha, the
author of the Kavirahaysa, is in the last verse of the Maratha
copy called " Sadabhidhananidhana, " or ** the store of good
names. " And he must be supposed to be spoken of thus
in t wo senses ; first, in the sense of his name being a good
name, and secondly, in so far as he compi l ed a thesaurus ; and
probabl y, by the wor d Sadabhidhrtnas " good names" the
Abhidhfinaratnas or " gems in the shape of names " of whi ch
we have a necklace in the Abhidhanaratnamala, are referred to.
In the t hi r d place, a connection has been established between
bot h the works and Kavi s or poets. The " necklace of gems
in the shape of names " was, we are t ol d in the second verse,
prepared for adorni ng the neck of a Kavi (Kavi kant ha-
vibhusanartham), and the second wor k is " the secret [ t hat leads
to the success] of a Ka vi . "
A MUTILATED MANUSCRIPT OF A HISTORICAL WORK
An ol d and mut i l at ed Manuscri pt of a curious wor k wr i t t en i n
broken Sanskrit and at the end in Guj arat i , also came to my notice.
As the owner woul d not part wi t h it I got a transcript made.
I had no oppor t uni t y of compari ng the transcript wi t h the
or i gi nal , and probabl y the mistakes of the or i gi nal have been
added to by my copyist. The fragment does not contain the
begi nni ng and the wor k has no chapters. At first we have the
story of Jamadagni and Sahasrarjuna, and then the foundat i on
of a t own of the name of Puspamala is ment i oned. The bui l di ng
of another t own of the name of Ratnamakl, wi t h a r i ver serving
as its moat in the f r ont and a fortress behi nd, is l i kewi se
ment i oned, and we are t hen carried to Pattana. There somebody
is represented to have expatiated on the st rengt h of Devagi ri and
its seven fortresses before Siddharaja, who t hereupon l ed an
expedi t i on against the place. Fr om Devagi ri Siddharaja
proceeded to Paithana whi ch submi t t ed to hi m, and there he is
represented to have i nduced certain families called Virajas er
Viravamsajas, who appear to have been silk-weavers, to go wi t h
h i m t o his capital Anahilapattana and settle there. The glories
of the ci t y and its previous hi st ory were recounted to the
Virajas, and t hi s is what is stated :
DATES OF THE CAPOTKATA PRINCES
1. Parana was founded by Vanaraja who rei gned for si xt y
years, up to 862 of the Vi kr ama Era, or 806 A. D. He was
succeeded by
2. Yogaraja who was on the t hrone up to 897 Vi kr ama or
841 A. D. Af t er h i m rei gned
CONTENTS OF A HISTORICAL WORK 73
3. Ksemaraja for 25 years, up to 922 Vi kr ama, or 866 A. D.
Then came to the t hrone
4. Vauda" and Bhuyacla who reigned for 29 years ; i.e., up to
951 Vi kr ama or 895 A. D. But the year of Vi kr ama is not
gi ven. He conquered Dvfiravatl and the whol e count ry to the
west, down to the sea coast. He was succeeded by
5. Virasiriiha who was on the t hrone for 25 years, i.e., up to
976 Vi kr ama, or 920 A. D. , t hough the year is not gi ven, and we
have instead 951 Vi krama, whi ch must be the year of his
accession. Then fol l owed
6. Ratnaditya who reigned for 15 years, i.e., up to 991
Vi kr ama, or 935 A. D. But this year is not gi ven, and we have
instead of it 97G Vi kr ani a whi ch, as in the last case, must be the
year of the ki ng' s accession. Aft er hi m reigned
7. Sclmantashhha for seven years up to 998 Vi kr ama, or
942 A. D.
Thi s was the last pri nce of the Capotkata l i ne, and the
sovereignty of Gujarath f el l i nt o the hands of Mfilaraja, the son
of Samanta's sister, who founded the Calukya dynasty.
DATES OF THE CALUKYAS
1. Mul araj a reigned for 55 years, up to 1053 Vi kr ama, and
was succeeded by
2. Chamunda, who was on the t hrone for 13 years, t i l l the
year 1066 of Vi kr ama. Then f ol l owed
3. Val l anl j a, who reigned for six months. Vallarfija is the
same as Vallabharaja. Hi s successor is represented to have
reigned for eleven years and six mont hs, up to the Vi krama
year 1078 (1022 A. D. ) ; but his name is not gi ven. He was
Durl abha, as we know, after whom came
4. Bhi ma. The date of his ceasing to rei gn is not gi ven.
Bhi ma was succeeded by
10 [ R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. II]
5. Karna. No date occurs even here. Karna was f ol l owed by
6. Siddharaja. A date is gi ven here, but t wo or three letters
have dropped away. St i l l it appears to fee 1150 Vi kr ama corres-
pondi ng to 1094 A. D. Siddharaja conquered many countries
and acquired immense weal t h. Thi r t y- f i ve crores of Tankas of
gol d were brought and placed before hi m, and Siddharaja asked
hi s ministers what t o do wi t h t hi s weal t h. They advised h i m t o
construct a t ank in the ci t y. The ki ng t hen sent for an engineer
and ordered h i m to bui l d a t ank wi t h a fortress and a thousand
temples of Siva on the mar gi n and one t empl e i n the centre.
The wor k was completed i n fi ve years.
Af t er t hi s whol e account had been gi ven to the Vi raj as t hey
agreed to go to Parana, and di d accordingly. A great deal of
weal t h was gi ven to t hem and a site for bui l di ng houses was
granted i n the*north-eastern part of the ci t y. Af t er t hey settled
i n Pattana, si l k-manufact ure began t o fl ouri sh i n the t own.
But the Virajas, bei ng foreigners coul d not get wi ves there and
t hey carried t hei r compl ai nt before Siddharaja. It was ascer-
tained that they belonged to t he Ksat ri ya caste. Whi l e
Parasurama was car r yi ng on his wor k of the destruction of the
Ksat ri yas, some members of that caste gave up t hei r trade of
war in fear and became weavers ; and f r om t hem these Virajas
deri ved t hei r descent. Intermarriages appear t hen to have been
arranged between the new settlers and some of the Ksat ri ya
tribes i n Guj arat h, and thus i n t i me the Virajas came t o have
84 di st i nct fami l i es. The names of these are t hen gi ven in the
Manuscr i pt and thus the mai n story ends.
7. Siddharaja is t hen spoken of as havi ng been succeeded
by Kumarapala whose mot her Ratnasenfi was, it is stated, the
sister of Siddharaja. He rei gned for 31 years and i nt roduced
the Jaina r el i gi on, whi ch is " the path of universal love. " Hi s
r ei gn lasted, i t is said, t i l l 1199 Vi kr ama ; but that must be the
year of his accession. Then we have a mere lisfr of the ki ngs
CONTENTS OF A HI STORI CAL WORK 75
that fol l owed wi t h the dates of t hei r accession. But the first
l i ne in whi c h Mul a the younger is spoken of as havi ng come to
the t hrone in Samvat 1230, must have crept in t hr ough some
mistake, for in the t hi r d l i ne that same prince is represented as
havi ng got possession of the throne in Samvat 1233, and in the
second, Ajayapala is stated as havi ng begun to rei gn in Samvat
1230. The first l i ne bei ng t hen st ruck out, the l i st is as
fol l ows :
8. In Samvat 1230 (1174 A. D. ) , Ajayapala succeeded and
rei gned for 3 years.
9. In Samvat 1233 (1177 A. D. ) , Mul a the younger succeeded
and reigned for 2 years.
10. In Samvat 1235 (1179 A. D. ) , Bhl ma the younger suc-
ceeded and reigned for 63 years.
11. In Samvat 1298 (1242 A. D. ) , Tihunapfila (Tribhuvan;>-
ptlla) succeeded and reigned for 4 years.
" Thus there were 11 princes of the Cal ukya l i ne, and they
rei gned for years." The t ot al number of years is given as
3,400 but there is evi dent l y a sl i p here ; 304 must have been
meant.
THE VAOHELAS
1. In Samvat 1302 (1246 A. D. ) , Vrsaladeva succeeded and
reigned for 18 years.
2. In Samvat 1320
1
(1264 A. D. ) , Arjunadeva succeeded and
rei gned for 13 years.
3. In Samvat 1333 (1277 A. D. ) , Sarangadeva* succeeded and
1 This date is not given in the Manuscript. The figure 10 occurs in the
place of the date, and this is certainly a mistake either of my copyist or of that
of the original from which my transcript was prepared. But the date is got by
adding 18 to 1302.
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI , p. 190.
4. In Saihvat 1353 (1297 A.D ), Karna the younger suc-
ceeded and reigned for 7 years.
Thus for 58 years the Vaghela family was in possession of the
sovereignty. Then Suratrana (Sultan) Alla-ud-din's army came
from Delhi, and the Hindus lost their kingdom. The Turkas came.
The names and dates of the kings of Gujarath here given agree
wi t h those mentioned by the chroniclers Merutunga and others.
There are a few inaccuracies as we have seen, but these are
rather to be attributed to the bad condition of the Manuscript
than to the author's imperfect information. The name of
Tihunapala or Tribhuvanapala, which is omitted by the
chroniclers, but which occurs in a grant dated 1299 Vikrama
translated by Dr. Biihler, is, we see, given by our author. Buji
the duration of his reign was unknown before, and Dr. Biihler
simply inferred it was very short. Here we see it distinctly
stated that he reigned for four years. Our author states the
number of the Calukya princes to have been 11, from which
it appears that in common with some other writers he includes
the six months' reign of Vallabha in that of his brother
Durlabha.
The accession of Visaladeva to the throne of Patan is placed
in the Vikrama year 1302, while in the Vicarasreni it is
represented to have taken place in 1300. The Vicarasreni and
our author agree as regards the duration of the reigns of Visala-
deva, Arjunadeva, and Karna the younger, and as regards the
date of the extinction of the Vaghela line which took place
in 1360 of Vikrama. But a reign of 22 years has been assigned
to the third prince Sarangadeva in that work and of 20 years by
our author. Hence it is that the author of the Vicarasreni has
pushed Visala's accession two years backwards, and thus
according to* him the dynasty was in power for 60 years, while
our author expressly states that it lasted for 58 years. The
statement of our author is correct and the Vicarasreni is wrong;
CONTENTS OF A HISTORICAL WORK 77
for the dates gi ven by h i m agree wi t h those gi ven by Dharma-
sagara i n the Pravacanapariksa as wi l l be hereafter seen.
WORTH OF THE VI CARASRENI
The Vicarasreni appears to me to be a curious composition.
It places the foundat i on of Patan in 821 Samvat instead
of 802, the accession of Mul araj a in 1017 Samvat instead
of 998, omits the r ei gn of Camunda, assigns fourteeen years to
Vallabharaja instead of six months, represents Visaladeva to be
a brother of Viradhavala instead of a son, and contains several
other mistakes. It is therefore not ent i t l ed to our confidence
at al l , t hough Dr . Buhl er fol l ows i t i n gi vi ng the dates of the
Vaghela princes.
The list in our Manuscri pt t hen goes on thus :
MUSSULMAN SOVEREIGNS OF GUJARATH
Samvat 1393 (1337 A. D. ) Udekharm, reigned for 25 years.
Do. 1418 (1362 A.D.) Suratrana Mudapar, reigned for 18
years.
Do. 1436 (1380 A. D. ) Suratrana Ahi mud, reigned for
32 years, 7 months, and 7 days. Founded
Ahi mudabad.
Do. 1468 (1412 A. D. ) Suratrana Kut abadi n, reigned for
10 years, 5 months, and 6 days.
Do. 1479 (1423 A.D.) Suratrana Daudasah, reigned for
36 years.
Do. 1515 (1459 A.D.) Magha Sudi 12t h, Patasah Mahi mud.
Do. 1568 (1512 A.D.) Margasirsa Sudi 4, Suratrana
Madafa (r).
Do. 1582 (1526 A.D.) Suratrana Sakandar, reigned for
8 days.
Do. 1582 (1526 A.D.) Jyestha Vadi 5, Thursday, Patasah
Mahi mud, rei gned for 1 mont h and 10 days.
Do. 1582 (1526 A. D. ) Savana Sudi 2, Patasah Bahadar,
reigned for 10 years. .
He conquered a large portion of the country. Then came
Patasah Humau who was a Mugal. He stayed for 8 months
in Gujarath. Then came Bahadar. He died in the sea.
Samvat 1593 (1537 A. D. ) Patasah Mahimud, reigned for 17
years. He was killed by the murderer Bahara. (By mistake
this date is put down as 1583).
Samvat 1610 (1554 A. D. ) Patasah Mahimud, reigned for 10
years. This date is put down as 1600.
THE MOGHULS OF DELHI
Samvat 1617 (1561 A. D. ) , Vaisakha Sudi 6, Patasah Mudafar.
The kingdom lost, the country destroyed. Then came Akbar,
the sorr of Humau in 1628 (1572 A.D.), and having established-
his power in Gujarath went back to Delhi.
If the date 1583 in the case of the last Sultan but two, and
1600 in the case of the last but one, had really been meant by
the author, he would have given 1610 for the last instead of
1617. The first therefore must be 1593, the second 1610, and
the duration of the reign in the second case, 7 instead of 10.
In this way only does the last date come out right.
Then Akbar came back on the 2nd of Margasirsa Sudi.
(There is a lacuna in the place of the date).
Samvat 1682 (1626 A. D. ) , Magha Sudi 5, Patasah Jahangir,
(Lacuna) Sudi 7, Sah Jham (Jehan), reigned for 31 years.
Samvat 1714 (1658) (lacuna), Patasah Aurangjib.
The first of these Mahomedan princes is not mentioned in
Forbes' Rasamala or Prinsep's Table, and Mahammadshah, the
third according to these, is not mentioned by our author. The
dates also of Muzafar and his three successors given above do
not agree wi t h those given in the two works. From Mahamud
DATES IN A PATTAVALI
79
Begarra, however, who began to rei gn in 1459, the dates and
the names agree. But i n Prinsep' s Table, Mahammad Far uki
of Mal wa is brought in t wo years after Bahadur' s accession.
He is omi t t ed by our author. Bahadur' s corpse havi ng been
found in the sea is confirmed by our author' s statement that he
died in the sea. The prince who came to the throne in 1554 A.D.,
is Ahmadshah in Princep' s Table, whi l e he is called Mahammad
in our Manuscri pt . The date Sam vat 1682 or 1626 A. D. is the
date of Shah Jehan's accession put in the l i ne above by a mistake
of the scribe, whi l e he has left a lacuna against the name of
that emperor. The date of Aurangzeb and the durat i on of the
reigns of his t wo predecessors are gi ven correctly by our author.
1
A PATTAVALI WI TH A LIST OF DATES OF IMPORTANT EVENTS
I also came across a sl i p of paper on whi ch the Pattfivali or
Succession list of the High-priests of one of the Gacchas or
sects of the Svetambara Jainas is gi ven, along wi t h dates in a
few cases. The sl i p is probabl y three hundred year3 ol d and
the Pattavali appears to be that of the Vata Gaccha. Below the
Pattavali is a list of i mpor t ant events together wi t h t hei r dates.
I quote some of the i mpor t ant dates :
Vi kr ama Samvat 1084 Kharataragaccha.
Samvat 1159 Purnimapaksa.
Sariivat 1159, the establishment of Ancalagaccha, a branch of
the Candragaccha.
Samvat 1285, doct ri ne of the Tapagaccha, establishment of
the Gaccha t hr ough Vastupfila.
Samvat 1532, the doct ri ne about the disuse of images.
1 Extracts from this "Historical Work in Broken Sanskrit" are given at
pp. 314-319 of the Original Report under Appendix I I I . L. [ N, B. U.]
Vikrama 585, Haribhadrasari, son of Yakini.
Vikrama 800, birth of Bappabhaftasuri; 895, went to heaven,
converted Amaraja.
Vikrama 802, Parana founded by Vanaraja. An image of
Pancasara Parsvanatha was placed in the Rayavihara.
Vikrama 1096, 84 Acaryas were consecrated under a Banyan
(vata) tree.
Vikrama 1088, construction of Vimalavasati (Vimala's temple)
and the placing of a brass image of Adinatha.
Vikrama 1166, Hemacarya raised to the dignity of Sari.
Vikrama 1199, reign of Kumftrapala.
Vikrama 1198, Rudramala erected by Jayasimha.
Vikrama 1288, Vastupala placed an image of Kasoî in the
temple of Luniga on Mount Abu.
Vikrama 1298, death of Vastupala, and 14 years afterwards,
death of Tejabpala.
Vikrama 1302, temple of Satrumjaya by Candadeva of the
Srimala caste.
Vikrama 1315, three years' famine, Visaladeva being king.
Vikrama 1441, rise of Merutungasuri.
YASOVARMAN, BHAVABHUTI, MA, AND VAKAPTI
We learn from Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa that the Amaraja
converted by Bappabhatti was the son and successor of
Yasovarman, king of Kanoj. A king of the name of Dharma
who was a hereditary enemy of A ma, ruled over the Gaugla
country at that time, and Laksanavati was his capital. He had
Vakpatiraja, a poet, in his service, who composed a Prakrit
poem entitled Gaudavadha or Godavaho, after his patron had
been killed by a neighbouring prince of the name of
DATE OF BHAVABHUTT 81
Yasodharma. It woul d thus ap pear that Vakpatiraja belonged to
the next generation after Yasovarinan, and I have gi ven reasons
i n the i nt r oduct i on t o my edi t i on of Malatimadhava t o believe
that he belonged to the next generation after Bhavabhut i also.
The RnjataranginT speaks of bot h the poets as havi ng been
patronized by Yasovarman, wherefore it must be concluded
that Vakpatiraja first came i nt o prominence in the latter part
of his rei gn, whi l e Bhavabhut i belonged to the first part.
Rajasekhara gives 807 Vi kr ama as the date of Bappabhatti' s
i ni t i at i on as a Jaina monk and 811 Vi kr ama as the date of his
being raised to the di gni t y of a Sur i . These dates are hardl y
consistent wi t h the date of his bi r t h gi ven above and generally
accepted by the Jainas. But this latter seems to have been
arri ved at by an inference f r om the statement that when
Bappabhatti was Grst seen by his Gur u Siddhasena, he was onl y
six years ol d and was soon i ni t i at ed ; and it is not gi ven by
Rajasekliara at al l . It must therefore be pushed backwards.
Si mi l ar l y the date of his death must be considered as very
doubt f ul .
Bappabhatti met A ma for the first t i me soon after his
i ni t i at i on, whi l e the latter was l i vi ng as a vol unt ary exile in
Guj arat h. being displeased wi t h the treatment he had received
f r om his father ; and was made a Suri at the request of Ama
after he had succeeded to the throne on his father's death.
Yasovarman thus di ed between 807 and 811 of the era of
Vi kr ama, i.e. about the year 753 A . D . Lal i t adi t ya of Kashmi r
who subdued Yasovarman reigned f r om 693 to 729 A.D., accord-
i ng to the chronol ogy of Rajatararigini as interpreted by General
Cunni ngham by the use of the key furni shed by Kalhana
hi msel f, vi z. , that Saka 1070 corresponded wi t h the Kashmi r
year 24. The date of Yasovarman' s death now determined
agrees wel l enough wi t h t hi s ; at least it does not furnish any
reason for supposing an error in Kalhana' s dates and appl yi ng
11 [ R. G. Bhandarkav's Works, Vol. 11 ].
a correction to t hem as General Cunni ngham afterwards di d,
t hough even the corrected date of Lal i t i l di t ya, 723-760 A.D.,
woul d be equal l y consistent wi t h i t . An d Bhavabhut i must be
referred to the last quarter of the seventh cent ury and the
first of the ei ght h.
Before proceeding I must here give expression to my deep
sense of obl i gat i on to Mr . Ramchandra Dhonddev Vel ankar, the
Subordinate Judge of Patan, wi t hout whose assistance we
shoul d have been able to do not hi ng. The good man has since
di ed and cannot now receive my thanks ; but I feel it to be a
dut y to place on record the valuable service rendered by hi m
to the cause of Ori ent al Research.
AHMEDABAD
We left Patan and ret urned to Ahmedabad. I coul d make
onl y t wo days' stay there ; but wi t h the assistance of Professor
Kathavate and an ol d pupi l Mr . Sarabhai Maganbhai Hatesing,
I was able to make good use of the short t i me at my disposal.
LI BRARI ES AT AHME DAB AD
The pr i nci pal Jaina Bhandaras at Ahmedabad are the f ol l ow-
i ng :
1 Bhandara of Dehalaiio Upasraya.
2 Bhandara of Daya Vi mal a.
3 Lohvar nI pol anum Bhandara.
4 Mul chandj i ' s Bhandara.
5 Jaysi ng Hathesing' s.
6 Premabhai Hemnbhai' s.
A PORTION OP THE LIBRARY IN THE DEHALANO UPASRAYA
The first Bhandara has now been di vi ded i nt o three parts, one
of t hem bei ng deposited i n the Upasraya, another i n
Hamsanathji' s t empl e bel ongi ng to Umabhai Hatesing, and
J AI N BHANDARAS AT AHMEDABAD ( 83
the t hi r d being in the charge of a private i ndi vi dual . The
second we were able to see. The list was placed in our hands
and I took a copy of i t .
1
The Bhandara contains 53 Dabdas,
and on exami nat i on we found that the entries in the list and
the contents of the Dabdas agreed. Sometimes however there
were t wo Dabdas wi t h the same number and this appeared to
us to be due to some confusion that must have taken place on
the occasion of the di st r i but i on of the ori gi nal Bhfmdara. As at
Patau, we went over the list and selected certain Manuscripts
for exami nat i on. Though the examination was short, it
yi el ded not uni mpor t ant results. The f ol l owi ng Manuscripts
were seen by us :
1. Rupamarijarmrimamala (box 31), fols. 7, 11. 12, vv. 120 ;
a thesaurus by Rupacanda, the son of Gopala, composed in the
r ei gn of Akbar in 1641 Samvat or 1588 A.D.
2. Anarghyaraghavatippanaka (box 31), fols, 36, 11. 21. letters
53 ; comment ary on Murari ' s Anarghyaraghava, by Naracandra-
suri , pupi l of Mal l adhari n, seven acts. MS. transcribed in 1434
Saiiivat. The date of this Manuscript shows that the comment-
ary itself was composed before the end of the fourteenth
cent ury. The or i gi nal , therefore, must be considerably older.
It wi l l hereafter be shown that Mur ar i nourished before the
t hi r t eent h century.
3. Srutasabdartha-mahaniyasamuccayah, (box 47), fols. 32,
11. 17, Gra. s. 1508 ; composed by Somesvara, pupi l of
Yogesvaraearya,
1. Mugdhabodha (box 47), fols. 18, 11. 19, letters 54. A
thesaurus composed in 1150 Samvat. Date of MS. Samvat 1517.
5. Nalodaya (box 47). Thi s is usually at t ri but ed to
Kalidasa ; but in this Manuscript the name of the author is given
1 Not printed here. It forms Appendix IB to the Origiual Keport,
pp. 206-255. [ N. B. U. J
as Ravideva, son of Narayana. There are one or t wo Manu-
scripts in our Col l ect i on in whi ch also the same name occurs.
6. Bhavadyotanika (boxes 47, 49, and 52). A commentary
on the Naisadhacaritra by Sesa Rama, pupi l of Sesa Narayana ;
cantos 1-13, 15, 17, 18, 20-22.
7. Vidvadbhusaua by Balakysna, wi t h a comment ary ent i t l ed
Manj ubhasi ni by Madhusndana (box 47), fols. 38, 11. 19 ; the
or i gi nal 68 vv ; total Gr. s. 2,332, Sam. 1740. There is a copy
of i t i n this year's Col l ect i on.
8. Kar i kat i ka by Upadhyaya Sucarita (box 49), fols. 109,
11. 12, letters 43. Thi s is a comment ary on the Sl okavart i ka of
Kumari l abhat t a and the Prat i ka ' Vi suddhet i ' is the first wor d of
the first Kar i ka. But of t hi s more hereafter.
9. Nyayasara (box 49) fols. 14, 11. 12, letters 34, three
Paricchedas, by Bhasarvajna. It fol l ows the system of Gautama.
Manuscri pt wr i t t en at Devagi ri by Anandayasogani i n Saiiivat
1505.
10. Kumarapalaprabandha (box 49), fols. 58, by Jinamaiuja-
nasuri. Composed in Samvat 1492.
11. Prabandhakona by Jayasekhara, whi ch must be a wor k
of the same nature as Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa or
Merutunga' s Prabandhacintamani.
12. Sisuhitaisini, a comment ary on t he Kumarasambhava by
Vyasavatsa (box 52), fols. 63, 11. 13 ; comes down to the end of
the ei ght h canto.
13. A Manuscri pt of the Pr akr i t ant hol ogy wi t h a Chaya or
Sanskrit translation and a few notes also came to my notice.
There are t wo copies of the wor k in our Collections also. It is
called Pr akr i t Padyalaya whi ch t i t l e is in several places
transcribed as Vi dyal aya. Vajja (Padya) is expl ai ned by the
author as Paddhati and a collection of Gahao or Gathah on the
A PRAKRI T ANTHOLOGY, ETC. 85
same subject is called Vajjalaya, wr i t t en often as Vajjalagga.
The author' s name is Jayavallabha who was a Svetambara Jaina,
and that of the author of the Chaya is Batnadeva. The number
of Gathas or verses is 704 and the Granthasaihkhya of the whol e
wor k is 3,000. The Collection embraces 43 subjects and these
are gi ven in four Gathas. The names of the works f r om whi ch
the 704 Gathas are collected are unfort unat el y not given ; but
1 observed some verses f r om the Gaudavadha, and some quoted
in the Kavyaprakasa. The Chaya was composed by Ratnadeva
in the year 1393, whi ch must be of the Vi kr ama era t hough
it is not stated, at the instance of Dharmacandra, pupi l of
Hari bbadrasi l ri , the successor as Hi gh-pri est of the Prthugaecha,
of Manabhadrasuri.
14. We found in this Bhilndiira a large port i on of a
comment ary on the Kavyaprakasa by Bhanucandra ; and a
complete copy of Jayanta's Kavyaprakfisadipikn. In 1S75-76
Dr . Buhl er came across a Manuscript of this last, and got a
transcript made for our Collection ; but it is onl y a fragment.
I have therefore got the complete Manuscript found at
Ahmedabad copied for Government. It is besides valuable in
consequence of its gi vi ng the date of .layanta and some
particulars about hi m. .layanta calls hi msel f a Purohita and
was the son of Bharadvaja who was Purohita or f ami l y priest
to the mi ni st er of Sarangadeva, sovereign of Gujarath. He
finished his wor k on Sunday, the 3r d of the dark f or t ni ght of
.Jyestha in the Hamvat year 1350, in the t r i umphant rei gn of
Sarangadeva, the Maharajadhiraja, whi l e his victorious army was
encamped near Asapal l i . .layanta bestows very extravagant
praise on his father, and tells us that the ki ng of Gujarath t hrew
hi msel f prostrate at his feet. Sarangadeva, as we have seen,
was the t hi r d of the Vaghela sovereigns who reigned at Patau
and was on the throne between Vi krama 1333 and 1353,
i . e. , 1277-1297 A.J). The Manuscript was transcribed in 1475
(Saihvat).
A MANUSCRIPT OF THE VIKRAMANKACARITA:
THE SECOND YET DISCOVERED
15. We discovered in box 43 a Manuscri pt of Vi kr ami i nka-
devacarita or l i f e of Tri bhuvanamal l a Vi kr amadi t ya of Kalyana
(1076-1127 A.D.), by Bi l hana. A copy of t hi s hi ghl y valuable
historical poem wr i t t en on Palm-leaves was discovered by
Dr . Buhl er at Jessalmir i n Mar war i n 1874-75, and his edi t i on
of the wor k is based on that Manuscri pt . Our Manuscri pt is a
fragment begi nni ng wi t h the second l i ne of stanza 62 of the
first canto, and comi ng down to the end of the seventh canto.
But I feel almost sure that if I had had t i me enough, and if the
men in charge of the Bhandara had been more patient as regards
t hi s our l ayi ng hands on t hei r treasures, and more confi di ng,
I should have been able to trace the whol e wor k. Thi s
Manuscri pt is in t he list put down as Vi kramacari t ra ; and
there is another wi t h the same t i t l e in box 48, and a t hi r d called
Vi kramadi t yacari t ra in box 34. One por t i on of the comment ary
on the Naisadhacaritra by Sena Rama, noticed above, was f ound
i n one box and t wo other portions i n t wo other boxes. It i s
therefore ext remel y l i ke l y that one or bot h of the other
Manuscripts, the titles of whi ch begin wi t h the name of Vi kr ama,
contain the r emai ni ng part of the Vi kramankacari t ra. There is
s t i l l another Manuscri pt ent i t l ed Vi kramacari t ra in box 31 ; but
on exami nat i on I found it to be a legendary account in prose of
Vi kr ama the celebrated ki ng of Uj j ayi ni .
I have compared the Manuscri pt wi t h Dr . Bi i hl er' s edi t i on
and give its readings i n Appendi x I I I (R.)
1
Dr . Buhl er' s
Manuscri pt was wr i t t en on Palm-leaves and must be older t han
mi ne ; and on the whol e it is much better. But there are many
cases in whi ch my readings are better, whi l e Dr . Buhler' s do
not yi el d any sense or good sense ; and consequently t hey must
be the correct or or i gi nal readings.
1 Not here printed. [N. B. U.]
DISCOVERY OF A NEW KXVYA 87
A POEM ENTITLED SURATHOTSAVA BY SOMESVAItADEVA
16. I have also to announce the discovery of a Mahak.lvya
or poem, hi t hert o unknown, by Somesvaradeva whose
Ki r t i ka umudi has now been before Sanskrit scholars for some
years and whose Ramasataka was ment i oned by me in my last
Report .
1
The poem is called Surathotsava and contains fifteen
cantos. The plot is the same as that of the Saptasiti or
Devi mahat mya contained i n the Markandeya Purana. At the
begi nni ng, the poet addresses various deities devoting the first
five stanzas to Bhavani or Durga. He then renders his obeisance
to hi m who " in the t empl e of his poem placed the image of
the fame of Rama V and to " the son of Satyavati," as wel l as
to t hei r works, the Ramayana and the Mababharata. Then are
ment i oned wi t h admi rat i on the f ol l owi ng poets :
1. Gnnadhya, the author of the Brhatkatha. whose
Pr akr i t composition surpassed the Sanskrit com-
position of other poets.
2. Snbandhu.
3. Kalidasa.
4. Magha.
5. Mur ar i and others. Thi s Mur ar i must be the author
of the Anarghyaraghava, a Manuscript of a commentary on
whi ch transcribed in Sam vat 1434, has been already noticed.
2
CANTO I
The poet t hen devotes a good many stanzas to such general
subjects as poetry, good men, wi cked men, &c , and afterwards
introduces his hero Suratha to his readers. The first canto
ends wi t h the ment i on of his Visvavijaya or conquest of
the wor l d.
1 Ante, p. 10. [ N. B. U.]
2 Ante, p. 83. [ N. 13. U.]
CANTOS II AND I I I
At the begi nni ng of the second, some of Suratha's counsellors
are represented to have pl ayed i nt o the hands of his enemies
who wi t h t hei r assistance vanquished hi m and depri ved h i m of
his ki ngdom. Suratha t hen betook hi msel f to a forest where he
met a Mu n i or gage to whom he recounted his misfortunes. He
ad\ised hi m to have recourse to austere practices (tapas) in order
to propitiate Bhavani, and narrated the glorious deeds of that
goddess. Kumbha and Ni sumbha had obtained f r om Brahmadeva
the boon of freedom f r om death at the hands of any but a
woman, and t hr ough the vi r t ue of that boon, t hey made t hem-
selves al l -powerful and oppressed al l creatures. The gods
t hereupon went to Brahmadeva, and l ai d t hei r complaints.
Brahmadeva explained to t hem the nature of the boon the
Demon (Daitya) had received, and advised the gods to go to
Uma or Bhavani and entreat her to k i l l Sumbha. Thus ends
the t hi r d canto.
CANTOS I VXI
The gods t hen went to the Hi mal aya, a description of whi ch
i n accordance wi t h the orthodox rules of poet ry constitutes the
f our t h canto. A description of the seasons, al l of whi ch came
t o wai t upon the gods i n the course of t hei r march, follows i n
the fifth, and a description of a moon-rise in the si xt h. The
seventh canto opens wi t h a description of a sunrise and then
Bhavani is represented as going out to gather flowers. Thence
she goes to the Ganga to bathe, and as she is r et ur ni ng, the gods
see her f r om a distance and sing her praises. They t hen lay
t hei r complaints before her and i mpl or e her t o k i l l the Dai t ya
Sumbha. She allays t hei r fears and promises to destroy the
demon.
In the eighth canto, Bhavani transforms herself i nt o
a beaut i ful maiden and resides on a peak of the Himalaya,
CONTENTS OF THE SURATHOTSAVA 89
The report spreads that a beaut i ful mai den has appeared on the
Hi mal aya, and reaches the ears of Sumbha. He sends a person
to propose to her a marriage wi t h himself. Bhavani tells the
messenger that she has vowed that that man onl y shall be her
husband who wi l l fi ght wi t h her whi l e she i s r i di ng a l i on.
The messenger goes back to Sumbha and i nforms hi m of this.
Sumbha wonder3 at the woman' s oddi t y and sends a demon
of the name of Dhumral ocana to induce her to give up what
she called her vow, and, if she remained st i l l obstinate, to use
force and br i ng her away. Dhumralocana goes to Bhavani and
whi l e about to execute his master's commands, he is reduced
to ashes by the power of the goddess,
Then in the ni nt h canto Sumbha is represented as marchi ng
against Uma in person wi t h a largo army ; the fight between
t hem is described in the t ent h, and the death of Sumbha in
the eleventh.
CANTOS X l l X I V
Havi ng "heard of this glorious deed of Bhavani from the
mout h of the Muni , Suratha makes up hi s mi nd t o propitiate
her by the severest austerities. These are described in the
t wel f t h canto ; and in the t hi r t eent h Parvati sends a beautiful
woman to test his firmness, but he is proof against her blandish-
ments, and goes on wi t h his religious exercises. Then in the
fourt eent h, Bhavi l ni is pleased, and manifests herself to Suratha ;
she pronounces a benediction, and promises hi m supreme
sovereignty for a thousand years and the di gni t y of the
ei ght h Manu, after the present or seventh is over, in a future
l i f e.
In the meanwhi l e such of the counsellors of Suratha as
were f ai t hf ul to hi m, destroyed those who had acted as traitors
and sent men in al l directions to trace hi m out. One of t hem
reached at last the forest where Suratha had been practising
12 [R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. I I ]
austerities and gave i nt el l i gence of his bei ng there to the
counsellors. They t hen went to the place wi t h a largo number
of followers and conducted Suratha to his capital where he
enjoyed supreme sovereignty in accordance wi t h the promise
of Uma.
CANTO XV
THE HISTORY OF SOMESVARA'S FAMILY
In the fifteenth canto Somes vara gives the hi st ory of his
f ami l y and his own, and at the end devotes a few verses to the
praise of Vastupula. " There is a place called Nagara where
reside Brahmans and whi ch is rendered hol y by the sacred
fires kept by t hem and the sacrificial rites t hey perform. The
gods themselves, seeing the holiness of the place and the
prosperi t y conferred upon it by Siva, l i ve there as it were
assuming the forms of Brahmans. " At that place dwel t a
f ami l y of the name of Guleva (?) bel ongi ng to the Gotra of
Vasistha. In that hol y f ami l y was born Sola, -who was created
by Mularfija, (the founder of the Calukya dynasty of Patau),
his f ami l y priest. He performed the Vajapeya sacrifice and
attained great influence over the ki ng. Hi s son Lal l a was the
spi ri t ual adviser of Camunda ; and his son Mufi j a, of Durl abha.
Muhja' s' son was Soma by whose blessings Bhi ma became
victorious everywhere. A ma, the son of Soma, was the f ami l y
priest of Karna. He performed the seven ki nds of .lyotist.oma
and obtained the t i t l e of Samrat, and spent the weal t h received
f r om the Cal ukya prince i n bui l di ng temples of Siva,
di ggi ng tanks of water, and maki ng gifts to Brahmans. When
the Cal ukya pri nce harassed the t er r i t or y of the k i n g of
Dhari i , the priest of the latter conjured up, by means of
charms, an evi l spi r i t ( Kr t yi l ) for the destruction of his master's
enemy. But by countercharms, Ama succeeded i n t ur ni ng
SOMESVARA' S ACCOUNT OF HI S F AMI LY 91
back the evi l spi ri t against the conjuror hi msel f who was
instantaneously ki l l e d by i t .
Ama' s son wa s Kuma r a , and it was in vi r t ue of his good
wishes that Siddharaja made the ki ng of Si ndhu a captive
t hough he was a man of great prowess, cast i nt o pri son the
rul er of Malava along wi t h his f ami l y, and made the pr oud
ki ng of the count ry of " a lac and a quarter
1
" bow his head
to himself. Kumara performed sacrifices, and bui l t tanks.
Hi s son was Sarvadeva who knew the essence of the laws
l ai d down by Manu. He was a worshipper of Vi snu, performed
sacrifices l i ke his predecessors, and was too proud to beg money
of others. Af t er his death, his son Ami ga took his place.
Ami ga had four sons, Sarvadeva, Kumara, Mufi j a, and Ahada(?)
The rel at i on of the elder Sarvadeva and his son Ami ga to the
Oalukya princes is not stated. Probably Kumarapala, the
successor of Siddharaja, being a Jaina, had very l i t t l e to do wi t h
t hem.
But after Kumarapfda' s death, Sarvadeva the younger, t hrew
his bones according to Brahmanic rites into the Ganges and
gratified the Brahmans of Prayaga and Gaya by his gifts.
Sarvadeva constructed tanks in many places, worshipped
Siva every day, and was hospitable to al l Brahmans.
Kumara was ottered heaps of jewels by the ki ng, the
son of Kumarapala, on the occasion of a solar eclipse, but
he di d not accept t hem. He propitiated Siva in the form
of Kat.ukesvara and cured the severe wounds received by
Ajayapala in a battle. When in consequence of a famine,
the people were reduced to mere skeletons he interceded
wi t h Mrilaraja and obtained for t hem a remission of the assess-
ment on land. He was made chief mi ni st er by Praia pamalla,
who belonged to the Rastrakuta f ami l y and, being entrusted
1 The country about the Sambhar lake in Rajaputuna was so called.
wi t h the charge of the ar my by the Cal ukya pri nce, achieved
vi ct or y for his arms by defeating his enemies. He fought a
battle wi t h the ki ng of Dhara, who after recei vi ng a wound
skin-deep, l eft the battle-field t hough puffed up wi t h pri de, and
Kumdr a, dest royi ng a t own named Gogasthana (?) bel ongi ng to
hi m, sank a we l l in the place where his palace stood. He
pl undered the Malava count r y and took away al l its weal t h
t hough he di d not find gol d or silver, and gave gol d and si l ver
to Brahmans when he performed a Sraddha at Gaya. He defeated
an ar my of the Mlecchas near the Queen's lake, gratified the
manes by per f or mi ng Sraddhas on t he bank of the Ganges, and
brought down rai n i n rainless di st ri ct s. As a Brahman, he
performed his si xf ol d dut y, and as a soldier, he had recourse to
the six modes of deal i ng wi t h forei gn princes; his fame reached
the three worl ds and he always repeated the three sacred words
( Bhur , Bhuvar, Svar ) ; he manifested his knowl edge of the
Sastras
1
in sacrificial matters as we l l as of the Hastras (weapons)
of war, and he had the hol y Br ahmani c thread on his bosom
and hel d the thread of power i n hi s hands.
The name of his wi f e was Laksmi and they had three sons,
the eldest of whom was Mahadeva, the second Somesvara,
and the youngest Vi j aya. The great poets Hari hara, Subhata,
and others knowi ng the great qualities of Homesvara spoke
of his poetry in terms of his highest praise. By means of a
drama composed in an hour and a half, and a poem depi ct i ng
the highest sentiment, he pleased the hearts of the attendants
of ki ng Bh.ima's court.
A PANEGYRIC ON VASTUPALA
Then fol l ows a panegyric on Vastupala, i n whom, according
to the poet "l ear ni ng" whi ch, after the death of Hemacandra had
1 This and other sacrificial terms are explained in the Section on sacrificial
literature., [ later in this Report ].
SOMESVARA AND VASTUPALA 93
been wi t hout a resting place, found an abode, and also the vow
of universal benevolence, whi ch after Prahladana left the wor l d
had not been assumed by anybody. Vastupala's genealogy is
t hus gi ven :
Candapa of the Pragvata race
Candaprasada
V
Soma
Asvaraja
Malladeva Vastupala Tejahpala
In an I nscr i pt i on i n a temple on Mount Abu composed by
Somesvara, Luni ga is mentioned as the eldest brother, but as he
is said to have died young, his name is omi t t ed here. Prahladana
was a chief of the Paramara race who rul ed over the count ry
about Abu, and was a feudat ory of the Calukyas of Anahila-
pat.tai.ia. Somesvara wrot o t hi s poem whi l e Vastupala was alive.
Thi s Manuscri pt of the Surathotsava was transcribed in
Samvat 1495.
NOTI CES OP MANUSCRI PTS
I wi l l now proceed to notice the Collection of Manuscripts
made for Government t hi s year. The funds were equally
di vi ded between Professor Peterson and myself. Rs. 3250 f el l
to my share, and about the end of the year, I drew Rs. 476
more out of the unexpended balance of the al l ot ment for
Inscri pt i ons. Out of the t ot al of Rs. 3,726, Rs. 2,265 were paid
for the Manuscripts collected in Gujarath, Rajaputana, and
De l h i ; and Rs. 930-5-6 for those collected in the Maratha
Count ry. The salaries and t r avel l i ng expenses of the agents,
and sundries absorbed Rs. 530-10-6.
The Gujarath and Rajaputana Section of the Collection com-
prises 325 Manuscripts (Nos. 1-325), and the Maratha Section
412 (Nos. 326-737). In the Gujarath section there are a good
many Kashmi r Manuscripts purchased at Del hi , most of whi ch
are wr i t t en in the Sarada character, and 28 of works bel ongi ng
to the Di gambara sect of the Jainas. The Manuscripts have
as usual been arranged in classes according to the subjects.
VEDAS I NCLUDI NG UPANI SADS
In t hi s class there is an i ncompl et e copy of the first part of
the Samasamhita and of the Pada t ext of t he second part, as
we l l as a Manuscri pt of one of the song-books in the Gujarath
section ; and copies of the Samans sung in connection wi t h
various sacrificial rites i n the Maratha section.
A MANUSCRIPT OF THE KRAMA TEXT OF THE
VAJASANEYA MANTRA BHAG A
Thi s last contains a Manuscri pt of the Kr ama t ext of the
Madhyamdi na rescqnsion of the Samhita of the whi t e Yaj urveda,
as we l l as of the Pada t ext (Nos. 354 and 353).
Kr ama, Jata, and Ghana are certain arrangements of the Padas
or words of a Mant ra the nature of whi ch has been expl ai ned by
me i n an article publ i shed i n the I ndi an Ant i quar y, Vol . I l l ,
[pages 132 I T. ] . These schemes or arrangements as wel l as the
Samhita and Pada texts are l earnt by a Brahman who devotes
hi msel f to a religious l i f e f r om the mout h of a Gur u or teacher.
But since Manuscripts are of use to the pupi l and t hey serve to
refresh the memor y at an advanced age, t hey also are resorted to.
Ever y first class Vai di ka or reciter of the Veda must know by
heart the first or Mant ra por t i on of a Veda, usual l y called
Samhita, in these five forms ; and act ual l y one meets wi t h many
reciters especially of the Tai t t i r i ya and Madhyamdi na rescen-
VEDA AND UPANISADS 95
sions of the Yaj urveda who know i t i n this way. But whi l e
we have. many Manuscripts of the Saihhita, and Pada texts we
have but a few of the other forms. No. 354 contains the Krama
of t hi rt y-seven out of the f or t y chapters of the Vfijasaneya
Saihhita and Jata of a port i on of the t went y-ei ght h chapter.
ATHARVOPANI SADS
No. 1 (Gujarath Section) contains a copy of the Asramopanisad
and of the Garbhopanisad wr i t t en in the Sarada or Kashmir
character. At the' end the names of the fi ft y-t wo Upanisads
usually attributed to the Atharva Veda are thus given :
1 Munda.
2 Prasna.
3 Brahmavidya.
4 Ksui' ika.
5 Gulika.
6 SiraS.
7 Sikha.
8 Garbha.
9 Mahop.
10 Brahma.
11 Pranagnihotra.
12 Mandfika.
13 Vaitathya.
14 Advaita.
15 Alatasanti.
16 Ni l arudra.
17 Nadabi ndu.
18 Brahmabi ndu.
19 Amr t abi ndu.
20 Dhyanabindn.
'21 Tej obi ndn.
22 Yogasikha.
23 Yogatattva.
21 Saiimyasa.
25 Arunoya.
26 Kamhasni t i .
27 Pinda.
28 At ma.
29 Nrsinihapurva-
tapani.
30 Tapamyi Maho.
31 Tapaniya Maho.
32 Tapaniya.
33 Ni si ni hat apanI-
Maho.
34 Uttaratapani.
35 Kat haval l i .
36 Kat haval l i ,
ttaravalli.
37 Krni(e)se(i)ta.
38 Narayana.
39 Brhad Narayana,
40 Brhad Narayana.
41 Sar vopanisatsara.
42 Ibu'nsa.
43 Paramahamsa.
44 Anandaval l i .
45 BhrguvallT.
46 Garuda.
47 Kal agni ni dra.
48 Raiiiapiirvatfi-
pauTya.
19 Ramottarata-
panTya.
50 Kaivalya.
51 Jabrila.
52 Asrama.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIST
The list is i nt roduced wi t h the observation that the first fifteen
Upanisads f r om the Munda to the Alata belong to the SaunakTyas,
and the remai ni ng t hi rt y-seven f r om the Nl l ar udr a t o the
Asrama, to the Paippaladas and others.
4
Thi s l i st differs f r om that gi ven by Professor Weber i n his
Catalogue (p. 95) in the latter part, but agrees perfectly wi t h that
given by Colebrooke. He onl y calls bot h the 6th and the 7t h
Atharvasiras, whi l e the latter shoul d be called Atharvasikha,
as it is here. That t hi s group is not arbi t rary but represents
some fact of l i t erary hi st ory is shown by the circumstance
t hat we have many Manuscripts i n whi ch these Atharvaveda
Upanisads are wr i t t en exactly i n the order i n whi ch t hey are
gi ven in t hi s l i st . Thus No. 328 (Maratha Hection) whi ch is but a
fragment contains the first t hi r t y- t hr ee, and No. 10 of last ,
year's Collection, forty-seven. No. HO of 1879-80, whi ch
is also a fragment, begins wi t h the t hi r t y- f i f t h in the list and
comes down to the fort y-sevent h ; after whi ch we have the
Jabala and Kai val ya, the t wo Rama-tapinis being omi t t ed. Af t er
Kai val ya we have the Atmabodha and the Svetfisvatara.
Some of the names, however, in the above are not correctly
wr i t t en. Upanisad No. 12 is called Manduka, but Mandukya is
the name of al l the four f r om 12 to 15 ; it should therefore
be called Agama, the first of the four parts of the Manclukya.
In Manuscri pt No. 10 of last year, al l these four are i ncl uded
in Upanisad 12. Nos. 29 to 33 in the above ought to be named
Prathama Maho, Dvi t l ya Maho. &c., al l the five const i t ut i ng
the Nrsi mhapurvat api ni . These five and also the t hi r t y-
f our t h are i ncl uded in Upanisad 26 of No. 10 of 1882-83.
Nos. 35 and 36 are the t wo chapters of the Kathopanisad called
At harvaval l l i n last year's No. 10, and i ncl uded i n Upanisad 27;
Nos. 39 and 40 together constitute the Mahanarayana
Upanisad or the 30th of the latter Manuscript, and Nos. 44 and
45 are i ncl uded in the 34th. Of these, the t wo At harvaval l i s or
Katfiavallis are the same as the Kathopanisad of the Black
Yaj ur veda; the t wo parts of the Brhad Narayana or Maha-
WRITERS ON SACRIFICIAL RITUAL
97
narayana the same as the Narayanopanisad of; that Veda, and
the Anandaval l i and Bhr guval l i , the same as the Tai t t i r l ya. There
are of course various readings.
VEDANGAS AND WORKS ON THE .
SACRI FI CI AL RI TUALS
SUTRABHASYAS
In the Gujarath Section we have a copy of a fragment of the
Bhasya on Asvalfiyana's ttrautasiitra by Siddhantin (No. 8.) A
copy of three chapters of the wor k was purchased by me for our
Collections in 1870.
No. 19 is a Manuscript of Dhurtasvnmin' s Bhasya on
the Samanyasfitra or general sacrificial topics, formi ng
a part of the t went y- f our t h Prasna of Apastamba's Sut r a; and
No. 14 is a copy of Bhavasvamin's Bhasya on Baudhayana's
Sutra on the CaturmSsya rites. Al l these three are very ol d
authors as wi l l be shown below.
No. 10 is an incomplete copy in the Kashmira character of
Katyayana' s SraddhasfUva wi t h a commentary. In the Maratha
Section we have a Manuscript of .chapters X and XXV of
Devayajnika' s Bhasya on Katy;lyana' s Srautasutra (Nos. 367
and 368).
glUDDHAKASIKA
No. 382 is Sraddhakasika, whi ch is a very f ul l commentary
on Katyayana' s Snlddhasutra, by Krsna. Krsna was the
son of Vi snu whose father was At i snkha and grandfather
Ni t yi l nanda. Kysna states in the begi nni ng that this Sutra was
expounded by Karka in words the sense of whi ch was deep.
The exposition therefore was di ffi cul t to understand and hence
another commentary was wr i t t en by Halayudha. This also di d
13 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
not render the sense of the Sutra pl ai n, and therefore he wrot e
his Commentary to di spel l " the darkness in the shape of a mass
of doubts. " The comment ary abounds wi t h quotations f r om
the Puranas and Smrtis. The author also quotes a wor k called
Dharmapradlpa whi ch must be the wor k of that name wr i t t en
by an author of the name of Dravida. (See below).
MAUIDHAKA
No. 363 is a comment ary on Katyayana' s Sulvastitra by
Mahidhara. At the end we are t ol d that MahTdhara composed it
at Benares " on Sunday the 13th of the l i ght hal f of , in
the year 1646, " at the command of his Gur u or master
Ratnesvaramisra, the son of Kesava, after dul y st udyi ng the
Bhasya, the Vr t t i composed by Rama, and the Sutras themselves.
The comment ary i t sel f is based on the Bhasya and the Vr t t i .
The date 1646 refers to the Sam vat or Vi kr ama era. For at the
end of a Manuscri pt of the Mant ramahodadhi together wi t h a
comment ary composed by Mahidhara ( whi ch forms No. 26 of
our Collection of 1868-61)) thero is a statement to the effect that
the wor k was composed in 1645 of the Vi kr ama era. Thi s
Mahidhara must be the same person as the author of the Vedadlpa
or comment ary on the Samhita of the whi t e Yajurvcda.
No. 383 is a commentary on Kesava's Siksa by a man of
t he name of Al amur i maf i ci , and No. 371, on Katyayana' s
Snanasutra, by one who calls hi msel f Trimallatanaya or son of
Tr i mal l a.
THE HAUTRAKARIKAS OF NRSIMHAYAJVAN
Among works on the Sacrificial Ri t ual , there are some deserving
of notice. No. 25 is a copy of the Hautrakarikas by
Nrsimhhayajvan, whi ch appear to f or m part of a larger wor k
ent i t l ed Prayogaratna. The first four folios are missing. The
wor k explains the duties of the Hot r priest i n the smaller
WRITERS ON SACRIFICIAL RITUAL
99
sacrificial rites begi nni ng wi t h the Darsa-Ptlrnamasa and ending
wi t h the Catnrmasya.
At the end of each section the author gives a short history
of himself. But i n our Manuscript the opening words onl y
are given and the complete verses must have existed in the
leaves whi ch are lost. Gangadhara Sastrl Datar of Poena,
however possesses a copy of the wor k and the verses are
there gi ven i n an entire f or m. The author therein tells
us:-"There is a village of the name of Varurvaj u in the
Hosala count ry where flourished Nrsimhha whose son Narayana-
bhatta of the At r i race went to Kasi, and he and Ammayi gave
bi r t h to a son, the learned Gopinatha. Gopinatha's younger
brother Nrsinihha composed the i' rayogaratna." The Hosala
count ry must be Mysore. For, in an Inscri pt i on dated 1277
Saka or 1355 A. D. , published in the Journal of the Bombay
Asiatic Society, Bukkaraya, probably the same as that who
founded the Vijayanagara dynasty, but who was onl y a
Mahfimandalesvara or mi nor prince at the t i me, is represented
to be r ul i ng at his capital Hosapattana in the Hoysana country.
An d the Hoysala Yadavas rul ed over the count ry of Mysore
and the surroundi ng districts, and the count ry probably derived
its name f r om theirs, or vice versa, they derived theirs from
that of the count ry.
PRAYASCITTA KARIKAS OF GOPALA
No. 27 is a Manuscript of the Pnlyaseittakarikas based on the
Sutra of Baudhriyana by Gopala, and No. 397 of the Maratha
Section contains his Karikas on the Soma sacrifice. Gangadhara
Sastrl Datar tells me that Gopfila is quoted by Silyana in his
commentary on the Darsa-Purnamasa port i on of the Baudha.yan.a-
sntra. Gopala, therefore, must have l i ved before the fourteenth
century. The Pnlyascittapradipa, of whi ch No. 428 is a copy,
and whi ch is regarded as a wor k of great aut hori t y though the
author' s name is unknown, mentions Gopala in the i nt r oduct or y
verses as the expounder of the Prftyascittas l ai d down by
Baudhayana. The author of the Prayascittapradlpa professes
to f ol l ow Bhavasvamin in the decision of the knot t y points
concerning his subject.
TRIKANPAM ANDANA'S KARIKAS
An i mport ant wor k bel ongi ng t o t hi s sub-division i s the
A pastambadhvanitArthakarikas by TrikAndamandana Bhaskara
Misra, the son of Kumarasvami n. The wor k consists of four
parts. The first is called Adhi karakanda in whi ch the requisite
qualifications of one who has to keep the sacrificial fire and
perform the several rites are discussed. The second is called
Prat i ni dhi kanda, wherei n are considered what times for the
performance of the sacrificial rites and what materials should
be chosen, when the pr i nci pal ones that are l ai d down in the
scriptures, cannot be availed of. In the t hi r d part whi ch is
called Punaradhanakanda, the circumstances and manner in
whi ch the ol d sacrificial fire becomes either pol l ut ed or destroyed,
and i n whi c h i t should be resumed, are discussed. In the f our t h
part, whi ch is called Adhanakanda, the i naugurat i on or first
assumption of the sacrificial fire, the i ni t i al I st i after the
i naugurat i on, the treatment of the fire when the keeper goes on
a t ravel , the I st i consisting of t he first offering of the grain of
the season to the gods (Agrayana), and such matters are
considered.
There is a Manuscript of the first three Kandas in the
Collection of 1871-72 ( No. 22), and others are noticed by
Bur nel l i n his Catalogue of Tan j or Manuscripts. But
Manuscripts of the f our t h or last Kanda are ext remel y rare.
No. 21 is a copy of t hi s f our t h or last Kanda. Gangadhara Sastri
possesses a Manuscri pt of the whol e wor k i ncl udi ng the last
Kanda also.
WRI TERS OX SACRI FI CI AL LI TERATURE 101
TRIKANDAMANT)ANA QUOTED BY HEMADRI
Quotations from the second or Prat i ni dhi kanda of Tri kanda-
mandana occur in the Kal ani rnaya of Hemadri about the end of
the wor k. Thus, verse 150 of the former according to (Jarigadhara
Sastri's copy, is quoted on fol i o 3606 of the Manuscri pt of the
Kal ani rnaya, No. 237 in my Collection A. of 18S1-82 ; verses
151) and 100 on f. 361b and verses 161 and 102 on f. 362b. In
his i nt r oduct i on to these ([notations Hemadr i calls the author
Trikandamandana. Hemadr i , we know, was a mi ni st er of
Mahadeva, the ki ng of Maharastra, of the Yadava dynasty, who
reigned at Devagiri from 1269 to 1271 A.D., and for a short t i me,
of his nephew and successor Ramacandra. Trikandamandana
Bhaskaramisra, therefore, must have lived one or t wo hundred
years at least before hi m, and may have l i ved >t i l l earlier. Hi s
wor k abounds wi t h references to previous works and wri t ers on
sacrificial subjects, whose views on different matters are
succinctly stated.
No. 21 whi ch is a small Manuscript of , ' l i leaves containing
mat t er equal to about 850 Anusi ubhs contains the f ol l owi ng
names :
AUTHORS AND WORKS QUOTED BY TRIKANDAMANIANA
( ADHANAKANDA)
IVEDIC SAKHAS OR WORKS
Kathah or Katha-(compoundcd)
1
1b 2, 17b 3, 19b 2. 32b 2. 33b 4.
asruti 15a 3.
Kausi t aki srut i 13b 1, 2, 3.
Bahvrcah 18b 2, 19b 5.
Mai t rayanl yaknh 14b 4.
Vaj i nah 4b 1, 5b 7. 34b 1.
as Vajasaneyinal.i 13b 6.
Saihkhynyana 13b 5, 17a 7.
I The number in Italics shows the number of the line from the bottom of the
page.
IIAUTHORS OF SUTRAS
Aranyanivasi-Matsya 106 2.
Apastamba lb 2, 11a 3, Via 2 ; Appat hah 25b 3.
Asvalayana 2a 2, 8a 3, 146 4, 176 4, 20a 3, 20a 4, 27a 4 ; Asv
pathe 11a 4.
Upavarsa 56 1 ; Upavpathatah 11a 6.
Katyayana 6a 8, 8a ,5, 86 1, 9a 7, 106 2, 106 4, 216 4, 27a 3,
29a 2, 31a 2, 336 2.
Pani nl ya 17a 2.
Baudhayana 8a 3, 106 2, 126 3, 116 2, 15a 5, 176 2, 19a 1, 3,
196 3, 216 1, 25a J, 30a 5, 326 2, 336 3, 31a 1 ; Grhya Ma 5.
Bhavadvaja 16 2, 14a 4, 176 4, 19a 7, 196 3, 236 2, 25a 5, 26a 3,
29a 5, 33a 1, 336 2.
Laugaksi 6a 2, 106 2, 176 4, 21a 2, 336 2.
Satyasadha 16 2, 12a 4.
as Hi r anyakesi n 31a 3.
IllAUTHORS OF COMMENTARIES ON SUTRAS
AND OF PRAYOGAS
Kyideva 14a 4, 196 4, 22a 2, 236 1, 4, 33a 1.
Kar ka 6a 8, 14a 1.
Kesava 166 6, 18a 2, 286 1,2,4, 296 2, 30a 1, 30a 6, 306 4, 326 1.
as Kesavasvamin 336 2.
as Kesavasuri 8a 1.
Dvavida 86 2, 96 3, 19a 1.
Dhur t a 14a 4, 17a 5, 176 2, 18a 2, 236 2, 306 3, 32a S.
as Dhurt asvami n 34a 2.
Narayaija 2a 2, 12a 2, 246 6'.
Bhavanaga 2a 2, 13a 4, 20a 1.
Bhavasvamin 7a 6, 15a 7, 236 3.
Bharadvajlyabhasyakj' t 26a 4.
Varaha 196 1.
Vi dhi r at nakvt 14a 3, 22a 2.
T RT KANDAMANDANA
NOTI CES OF SOME OF THE AUTHORS
REFERRED TO ABOVE
(1) UPAVARSA
The name Upavarsa as that of the author of a Sutra is new ;
but there is no question that Trikfindamandana means to speak
of hi m as such. For we are t ol d " Upavarsa and others have
laid down that when one has performed the ceremony of the
i naugurat i on of the sacred l i r e, he should feed a hundr ed
(Brahmans) ; hut this is not prescribed in other Sfitras. "
Si mi l ar l y, in discussing the relations between the Gotras, the
lists of whi ch are different in the different Sutras, Tri knnda-
mandana says " the Usijas, Vamadevas, and DTrghatamasas are
Gaubnnas, i.e., branches of the Gautama rare according to the
reading of Upavarsa and others, and consequently t hey should
not i nt er mar r y but may have connection wi t h the Bharadvajas. "
But Upavarsa as the author of a Vr t t i or comment ary on the
Mi mamsa and Yedarita Sutras is spoken of in terms of reverence
by Samkaracarya in his Bhasya on the Vedanta Sutras,
( I I I . 3. 53). And the name occurs in the story of Katyayana
narrated in Somadeva's Kathnsaritsagara and Ksemendra' s
Brhatkatha, along wi t h others whi ch are historical. Upavarsa
was the father of Upakosa, the wi f e of Katyayana, and the
brother of Varna, the teacher of the latter. Li ke Katyayana,
Vyadi , and Uani ni , who figure i n the story, Upavarsa too must
have been a historical person and the author of the Sutra
ment i oned by Trikandamandana, or of the Vr t t i s, or of bot h,
must be the person intended to bo spoken of.
(2 and 3) LAUGAKSI AND BHARADVAJA
The Sutras of Laugaksi and Bhfiradvaja are often referred to
in other wor ks and are wel l known ; and one of our author' s
references is in express words to the " Sutra composed by
TRIKANDAMANDANA'S PREDECESSORS 105
Laugaksi . " Copies of Bharadvfija are also to be met wi t h
t hough rarely.
(4) MATSYA
The name Matsya, supposing Aranyani vasi n to be an epithet
si gni f yi ng Mu n i or a sage l i vi ng in a forest, is unknown. It
occurs in a compound of whi ch those of Baudhayana, Laugaksi,
and Katyayana are the other members ; and therefore was
probabl y borne by the author of a Sutra. As to Paniniya the
words of our author are : " So much is stated in the Atharvana
Sutra by Pani nl ya, " wherefore, if there is no error hero, that
too must be the name of the author of a Sutra.
(5) KAKKA
Of the names in the t hi r d group, Karka is of course the com-
mentator on Katyayana' s Sutra and our author indicates that,
when in one of the t wo places in whi ch he refers to hi m he
says, " Katyayana calls that (sacrificial vessel) Vajra whi ch is
l i ke a sword wi t hout ment i oni ng any particulars, and Karka
explains it so. " In the other place also there is a si mi l ar
statement. Kar ka is also ment i oned in the Sraddhanirnaya of
Hemi l dr i and his views on certain points are discussed and
refuted.
(6) KESAVASVAM1N
Kesava or Kesavasvfunin must, I t hi nk, be the author of the
Prayogasara, an incomplete copy of whi ch was purchased by
me for Government i n 1879 and whi ch i s noticed i n my Report
for that year. A copy of it is ment i oned in Dr. Burnel l ' s
Catalogue of the Tanjore Manuscripts.
(7)DHCRTASVAMIN
Dht t rt a or Dhur t asvami n is the author of a Bhasya on the
Sutra of Apastamba, but copies of the whol e wor k are not
available. Besides the Manuscri pt of the comment ary on a
port i on of the 25th Prasna noticed above, I have recent l y
procured a copy of that on the first seventeen Prasnas.
(8) NARATANA
Narayana is the author of the Vr t t i on the Srautasfitra of
AivakTyana. For, i n the fi rst of the three places i n whi ch his
name occurs, Trikandamandana says : " Asvalriyana lays down
that the i naugurat i on or assumption of the sacred tiro may be
made in any season of the year. Narayana has slated that this
precept applies onl y to such persons as are in di ffi cul t ci rcum-
stances and cannot wai t t i l l the advent of the season prescribed
in the previous Sutras. " Thi s is exactly what we find stated in
Narayana' s comment on As v. Sr., I I . 1. 14. (p. 80 Bi bl . I nd. Ed.).
In the second instance i n whi ch Narayana' s name occurs,
Trikandamandana, in expl ai ni ng the duties of the keeper of the
sacred l i re when t r avel l i ng, gives Narayana' s del i ni t i on of
t r avel l i ng whi ch i s " going f r om the village (Grama), i n whi ch
one's fires are, to another village (Graniantara) ", and observes
that the wor d " village " occurri ng in this defi ni t i on is not to be
taken in its l i t eral sense. Whet her he goes to another village,
or a t own, or a hamlet, or anywhere else, after havi ng crossed
the boundary [ of the place where his fires ar e] , it is t r avel l i ng.
Now t hi s defi ni t i on of t r avel l i ng wi t h the wor d Grama or village
used t wi ce occurs i n Narayana' s Vr t t i under Asvalayana I I . 5. 1.
(p. 109 Bi bl . I nd. Ed. )
(9) BIIAVANAGA
In connection wi t h Narayana' s explanation of the Sutra i n the
first of these t wo instances, our author says that Bhavanaga takes
the Sutra in its l i t er al Sense, i.e., does not l i mi t its scope as
Narayana has done, thus i ndi cat i ng that Bhavanaga was either
the aut hor of a Bhasya on the Sutra of Asvalayana or of a
Prayoga or sacrificial manual based on i t .
TRI KANDAMANDANA' S PREDECESSORS 107
(10) BHAVASVAMLN
Bhavasvamin is the author of a comment ary on the Sutra of
Baudhayana, a fragment of whi ch in the present Collection is
noticed above. The author of a Bhasya on the Sutra of
Bhriradvaja and the Bhasya itself are, i t wi l l be seen, ment i oned
by Trikandamandana, but he does not give the author' s proper
name.
(11) D RAVIDA
What author is meant by Dravi da I cannot say wi t h certainty ;
but he may be the author of the Smrt i pradl pa ment i oned by
Sridhara in the Smrtyarthasara : and perhaps the Smrtidipa
mentioned by Tri kandamandana may be the Smrtipradlpa.
(12) S A BAR A
Sahara must be the author of the Bhasya on the Mimamsa
Sutra of Jai mi ni .
NOTI CES OF SOME OF THE WORKS
REFERRED TO ABOVE
( 0 SAMKARAKANDA
A Sutra from the Samkaisakanda is quoted by Samkaraeitrya
in his Bhasya or dissertation on the Vedanta Sutra I I I . 3. 43 ;
and Govindananda, one of the commentators, explains it as
'' Dai vat yakanda. " Anandajnana also says it is the " Devata-
kf i nda" and it is called Samkarsakanda, because in it whatever
has remained to be spoken of rel at i ng to the Karmakanda is
stated succinctly. Wi t h reference to it Saiiikaracarya calls that
Kfinda f i r st or previous Kanda whi ch contains t wo Sutras whi ch
he quotes under I I I . 3. <l i , and 50, and whi ch are found i n
Jai mi ni ' s Mimfuhsa. Samkarsakanda is, therefore, the second
part or appendix of the Mimamsa Sut r a; and there is a copy of
i t , Gangadhara Sastri tells me, in Poona, and another at Al i bag.
' 108 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1883-84
Our author speaks of a commentator on i t . Si ddhant i n must be
the same as the author of the Bhasya on Asvalayana' s Sutra
ment i oned before.
(2) VIDHIRATNA
Vi dhi r at na is quoted as I learn f r om Gangadhara Sastrl in the
Prayogaparijata. Of Varaha and Vr ddha or Vrddhacarya
not hi ng is known. Perhaps the latter is an epithet, but whose
epithet it was, cannot be said. The Vrddhagrant ha referred to
by Tri kandamandana in one case was probabl y the wor k of
Vrddhacarya.
DATES OF SOME OF THE AUTHORS MENTIONED ABOVE
A l l these authors thus appear to have flourished, and these
wor ks to have been wr i t t en, previous to at least the t wel f t h
cent ury. One of themKesavasvaminspeaks i n the i nt r oduct i on
to his Baudhfiyanaprayogasara, of Narayana and other previous
authors of Prayogas, and professes to f ol l ow the views of
Bhavasvamin. Whet her the Narayana meant is the aut hor of
the Vr t t i on the Sutra of Asvalayana, or another person, is
doubt f ul ; but there can be no question that the Bhavasvamin he
speaks of must be the author of the Bhayya on the Baudhayana
Sutra, since Kesava's Prayoga is based on that Sutra. Narayana,
the author of the Vr t t i , ment i ons Devasvamin as the wr i t er of a
comprehensive Bhasya on Asvalayanasutra, whi ch he seems to
have f ol l owed. By the way, it seems strange that Tri kanda-
mandana shoul d not ment i on h i m i n the wor k before me ; but
the explanation probabl y is that Narayana' s wor k being a sort
of abridgement of Devasvamin' s, he considered the vi ew of the
latter to be represented when he quoted f r om Narayana' s wor k.
Now, i f Kesavasvamin, because he i s quoted by Tr i kanda-
mandana, must have flourished before the t wel f t h cent ury,
Bhavasvamin must have flourished before the t ent h cent ury,
Since he is spoken of as an established aut hor i t y by hi m, and
THE TI TLE SVAMI N OF RI TUAL WRI TERS 109
to acquire that position, he must at least have been t wo hundr ed
years ol d at the t i me. The same may be said wi t h reference to
Devasvamin.
THE TITLE SVAMIN I NDI CATI VE OF THE AUTHOR'S DATE
It is a remarkable circumstance that the names of most of the
famous wri t ers on the sacrificial rites should have the t i t l e
Svami n attached to t hem. No wr i t er later t han the t hi rt eent h
cent ury seems to have i t . We have Bhattas, Acaryas, Yajvans,
Diksitas, and Yaj ni kas dur i ng the last six centuries, but no
Svami n. The t i t l e appears to have been in use at a certain
period and been gi ven to Mlmamsakas or men conversant wi t h
the sacrificial lore. At the head of these stands Sabarasvainin,
the author of the Bhasya on Jai mi ni ' s Mlmaihsa Sutra. Then
we have Agni svami n the commentator on Latyayana' s
Srautasutra, Bhavasvamin, Devasvamin, Dhurt asvami n, Kapardi -
svami n, Kesavasvamin and others. Kui nar i l a is bot h a Svamin
and a Bhatta. Kar ka is most l y Upadhyaya and rarely Svamin.
THE TI TLE OCCURS IN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE
SEVENTH CENTURY
Certain Inscri pt i ons of the early Calukyas of the Deccan, to
one of whi ch Professor Weber has already called attention,
and one Val abhi I nscr i pt i on, carry the period dur i ng whi ch
the t i t l e Svami n was used, up to the seventh century.
I n an undated copperplate Inscri pt i on of Vi kramadi t ya I ,
who ceased to rei gn in 680 A. D. , the names of some of the
donees are Nandi svami n, Lohasvamin, and Bhallasvamin
1
; in
another dated 700 A.D., the grantee is Dasasvamin son of
Jannasvamin, aud grandson of Hevasvami-Diksita ; and we have
Devasvamin, Karkasvami n, Yajriasvamin, Rudrasvamin and
others i n a t hi r d dated 705 A. D. ' ; whi l e the Valabhi Inscri pt i on
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. vi, 77.
2 lnd. Ant, Vol. vii. pp. 128, 136.
whi c h is dated 32G of the Valabhi-Gupta era or 645 A. D. , has
Mankasvclinin.
1
Two of these names, i t wi l l be seen, are the
same as those borne by t wo of our authors. But the period
extends st i l l hi gher i nt o ant i qui t y.
SABARASVAMtN' S APPROXIMATE DATE
Sabarasvamin is expressly ment i oned by Samkaracarya, whose
usual l y accepted date is the end of the ei ght h cent ury, as the author
of the MTmamsftbhasya ( I I I . 3. 53), and the wor k of Kumar i l a who
has been placed about a hundred years before, but who cert ai nl y
l i ved after Knlidasa (a verse f r om whose Sakuntala'Satam hi
saihdeha &c.he quotes in the Tant ravart i ka) is based on the
Bhasya. Sahara therefore must have flourished before the
seventh cent ury at least, but how l ong before we have not the
means of det er mi ni ng. He may have l i ved t wo or three
centuries earlier ; and some of the authors of the Bhasyas,
Agni svai ni n, Devasvamin, and Bhavasvamin probabl y fl oari shed
about the same period.
CLASSES OF SACRI FI CI AL RI TES
Al l the varied sacrificial rites of the Brahmans may be di st i n-
guished i nt o four ki nds :
1st, Sayamprataragnihotraor the mor ni ng and evening
offerings of mi l k and ghee to Surya and Agni respectively,
whi c h are t hr own i nt o the sacred fires kept in the house ;
2nd, I st i or a complete sacrificial performance consisting
of offerings of ghee, Purodasa or cake of Hour, and Cam
or boiled rice to certain deities, some of whi ch are the
Pradhana or chief deities of the sacrifice, and the
others mi nor or subordinate ;
3r d, Pasu or ani mal sacrifice ;
1 Iad. An t , Vol. I , p. 16.
EXPOSI TI ON OF SACRI FI CI AL RI TES 111
and 4t h, Soma or the sacrificial performance in whi ch Soma
j ni ce is extracted and offered to the gods.
The ani mal sacrifice properl y belongs to the second species ;
but i t i s convenient t o di st i ngui sh i t f r om the or di nar y Istis.
There are independent Istis and ani mal sacrifices, but these
often form Angas or parts of larger sacrifices, such as the
Caturmasya and Soma. The Istis performed on the new and
f ul l moon days are considered the t ype of others and hence
they are first explained in al l Kalpasutras. and t hei r Mantras
first given in the Yajurveda.
But the very first ri t e to be" performed is, of course, the
i naugurat i on of the sacrificial fires. No. .386 is an incomplete
copy of what appears to be a f ul l comment ary on Katyayana' s
Sutras on this ceremony. Nos. 446 and 447 are Manuscripts of
the r i t ual of the daily mor ni ng and evening offerings according
to the Vajasaneyins.
THE DIFFERENT ISTIS PESCRIBED
THE INTRODUCTORY ISTI
I mmedi at el y before the first ful l -moon l st i alter i naugurat i on,
another called the Anvar nobhanl ya or i nt roduct ory l st i has to be
performed. No. 20 is a copy of the Prayoga or r i t ual of this
according to Baudhayana, and No. 338 of that according to the
Vajasaneyins. Then fol l ow the Darsa-l' urnamasa or New and
Ful l Moon Ist is.
THE NEW AND F ULL MOON ISTIS
In No. 26 the duties of the Brahman priest on the occasion of
these sacrifices are ment i oned in accordance wi t h the i nj unct i ons
of Asvalayana ; and in Nos. 408-.10, those of the Hotr. Nos. 103
and 101 are copies of manuals for the use of the Adhvar yu, the
Agnl dhr a, and the Yajamana or the saerificor in these Istis,
compi l ed in accordance wi t h the Sutra of Baudhayana.
Generally when the Yajamflna or sacrificer is a Rgvedi n or student
of the Rgveda, his Adhvar yu and Agnl dhr a as we l l as he hi msel f
f ol l ow Baudhayana i n the performance of t hei r duties, the Hot r
and the Brahman per f or mi ng theirs i n accordance wi t h the rules
l ai d down by Asvalayana. Nos. 403 and 404 are therefore
manuals compi l ed for the purposes of a Rgvedi n Yajamiina.
ATHARVAVEDA MANUSCRIPTS OF THESE RITES
No. 405 is a copy of a manual of the New and Fu l l Moon rites
for the use of a saerificer who is an At harvavedi n or student of
the Atharvaveda ; and in No. 107 the duties of the Brahman
priest of such a sacrificer are explained in accordance wi t h the
Kausikasiitra of that Veda.
THE AGRAYANA 1STI
Then the keeper of the sacred fire ( Agni hot r i n) has to perform
three Istis called Agrayana in three seasons, vi z. , the rains
(Varsal.i), aut umn (Sarad), and Vasanta (spring), or one as a
substitute for t hem al l in the aut umn. He has on those occasions
to offer to the gods the new grai n of the season, Syamaka, Vr i h i
(rice) and Yava (barley). No. 391 is a manual gi vi ng the details
of this ri t e according to the rules l ai d down by Baudhftyana.
THE NIRUDHAPASU
The Agni hot r i n has also to per f or m a Pasu or ani mal sacrifice
once in six mont hs or once every year. Thi s Pasu is called
Nirurlhapasu. There are other ki nds of Pasus some of whi ch are,
l i ke the Ni rudhapasu, independent Istis to be performed under
certain circumstances, and others f or m parts of larger sacrifices
such as the Soma. But the Ni rudhapasu is obl i gat ory on the
keeper of the sacred fire.
No. 424 is a copy of a wor k describing the manner preval ent
among the Vajasaneyins of per f or mi ng this sacrifice ; and
EXPOSITION OP SACRIFICIAL RITES 113
No. 416 gives the duties of the Maitravartina priest in that
sacrifice i n accordance wi t h Asvalayana's rules.
The Pasu or ani mal sacrifice consists of three parts, (1) the
Vapayaga or the offering of the peri t oneum, (2) the Purodasayaga
or the offering of the cake, and (3) the Angayfiga or offering of
certain other parts of the ani mal .
CATUBMASYANI. FOUR RITES
INTERVAL BETWEEN THE PERFORMANCE OF THESE RITES
Anot her set of sacrificial rites that must be gone t hr ough is
that called Caturmilsyani. These are four different performances
st yl ed Parvans. The first is called Vaisvadeva, the second
Varunapraghasa, the t hi r d Sakamedha, and the f our t h Sunasirlya
or Sunilsirya. The second is to be gone t hr ough on the fi ft h Fu l l
Moon day after the first, that is. at the end of the f our t h mont h ;
the t hi r d at the end of an equal i nt erval after the second ; and
the f our t h after the t hi r d. Thus these rites were or i gi nal l y called
Ciiturmfisyani because they were performed after an i nt erval of
four months in each case ; and they were spread over a whole
year.
A Pasu or ani mal sacrifice to I ndr agnl forms part of the
whol e ceremony and it is to be performed at the end of the
second mont h after Varunapraghasa. These are the intervals
between the different rites maki ng up the Caturmilsyani l ai d
down by Asvalfiyana, Apastamba, Hi ranyakesi n, and Kat yayana;
but Baudhayana allows of al l the parts being performed wi t hi n
t wel ve days, or even wi t h i n so many as the rites act ual l y occupy,
i.e., live days. In the first case, the Vaisvadevaparvan should be
gone t hr ough on the first day, the Varunapraghasa on the f our t h,
the Hakamedha whi ch occupies t wo days on the ni nt h and t ent h,
and the Sunasirlya on the t wel f t h.
Bharadvaja also, in a passage quoted by Rudradatta, l i mi t s
the period to t wel ve, t hough he differs f r om Baudhayana as
15 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. I I . ]
to the particular day when each of the parts should be performed.
In the second case, the first Parvan or part should be performed
on the first day, the second on the second, the t hi r d on the
t hi r d and the f our t h, and the last on the fifth. Thi s five days'
performance is l ai d down in the Sutra of the Kathas also.
There can be l i t t l e doubt that the spreading of the Caturmas-
yani over the whol e year by per f or mi ng each of the four parts
every four mont hs was the ancient practice. The name itself
shows t hi s, and the t wel ve days' performance, whi ch must have
come in later, also indicates the same t hi ng. For the t wel ve days
are taken to represent the t wel ve months, and this is actually
stated in the passage f r om Bharadvaja referred to above. The
five days' performance must be st i l l later.
COMPARATIVELY LATER DATE OF BAUDHAYANA
The Baudhayanasutra, therefore, i n whi ch the period for the
performance of the Caturmasyani is thus shortened, must be later,
as is also shown by its ment i oni ng many other such later
developments and ceremonies not l ai d down in the other Sutras.
The same may be said of Bharadvaja's Sutra also.
MANUSCRIFIS OF WORKS ON THE CATURMASYANI
No. 398 is a manual of Caturmasyani as l ai d down by
Katyayana. No. 399 describes the same rites in accordance wi t h
the rules of Hi ranyakesi n, and No. 400 gives the duties of the
Hot r priest i n these sacrifices. In No. 22 of the Gujarath
Col l ect i on, al l the rites f r om the i naugurat i on of the sacred l i re
to the Caturmasya are described according to the Sutra of
Baudhayana.
ALL THE CATURMASYANI PERFORMED ON THE SAME DAY
In No. 394 a mode of per f or mi ng the Caturmasyani in a single
day is gi ven. It consists in groupi ng the deities of the four
EXPOSITION OF SACRTFICIAL RITES 115
Parvans together and offering oblations to t hem one after another.
The Pi t r ycst i and the Tryambaka whi ch f or m parts of the
Sakamedha are alone separately performed. The one whol e year
therefore l ai d down by the older wri t ers for the Caturmasyani
is thus reduced to a single day. The manual is i nt ended for a
Vajasaneyin sacrilicer, but a Sutra f r om a wor k not belonging to
that school, is quoted as an aut hor i t y for this particular mode of
shortening the ceremony.
N I T Y A N A I MI T T I K A AND K A MY A RI TES
The Sacrificial rites are di vi ded i nt o Ni t ya, Nai mi t t i ka, and
Karnya. Ni t ya are those whi ch should be regul arl y performed
and the omission of whi ch constitutes a sin ; Nai mi t t i ka are
those whi ch are to be performed on the occurrence of a certain
event but are as obligatory as the others ; and a Kamya ri t e is
gone t hrough onl y when the keeper of the sacred l i re, entertains
a certain desire, the f ul f i l ment of whi ch, that particular ri t e
possesses the vi r t ue of br i ngi ng about.
The rites I have hi t hert o noticed are Ni t ya ; the I st i to be
performed when a son is born is a Nai mi t t i ka ri t e, and No. 23
contains the r i t ual of this according to Baudhayana.
KAMYA RITES
THE PAVITRESTI
A ri t e called Pavitresti is performed for destroying sins. The
Pradhana or peculiar deities whi c h are i nvoked and to whi ch
offerings are made are : 1 . Agni l . i Pavamanah, 2. Sarasvati
Pr i ya, 3. Agni h Pavakafo, 1. Savita Satyaprasavah, 5. Agnil.i
Suci l i i 6. Vayuh Ni yut va n, 7. Agni l Vrat apat i l j , 8. Vi snuh
Si pi vi st ak, 9. Agni h Vaisvanarah, 10. Dadhi krava.
No. 423 is a copy of the Prayoga or r i t ual of t hi s ri t e according to
Baudhayana. No. 422 is the same r i t ual i nt ended for the followers
of the Vajasaneya Veda ; but the author states that t hi s r i t e is not
l ai d down i n the Sutra bel ongi ng t o his Veda, and therefore
fol l ows Baudhayana and others i n the preparation of his manual .
The Pavitresfci is a Kamya Istf, but since every body wishes to
be free f r om sins and commi t s t hem again and again, t hi s r i t e
is generally, t hough not always, performed every year.
THE MRGARESTI
A more effective r i t e for the cleansing away of sins is the
Mrgaresti. The duties of the Hot r-pri est i n t hi s are gi ven
according to Baudhayana in Nos. 28 and 434, and of the
Adhvar yu i n No. 433.
No. 396 whi c h is a copy of a manual for the use of
the fol l owers of Satyagariha Hi ranyakesi n contains at the
end the r i t ual of t hi s Isti The author t herei n states that
t he Mrgaresti is not t aught by Satyagadha but by Baudhayana ;
s t i l l since according to the Mimamsakas al l Sutras must be
considered as l ayi ng down but one harmoni ous system of rites,
the ri t es l ai d down by the aut hor of one Sutra mi ght be adopted
by the fol l owers of another. He therefore proceeds to explain
the r i t ual for the fol l owers of Hi ranyakesi n.
The deities of the Mrgaresti are : 1 . Agni h Ai hhomuk,
2. I ndr ah Ai hhomuk, 3. Mi t ravarunau Agomucau, 4. Vayusa-
vi t arau Agomucau, 5. Asvi nau Agomucau, 6. Marut ah
Enomucal.i, 7. Visvo Deval i Enomucab, 8. Anumat i , 9. Agni h
Vaisvanaral.1, 10. Dyavapr t hi vyau Amhomucau.
THE PUTRAKAMYESTI
No. 425 is a copy of the r i t ual of an I st i to be performed by
one who desires to have a son born to hi m. It is i nt ended for
t he Vajasaneyins, and the Pradhana or the pr i nci pal deities
are : 1 . Agnifci Put ravan, and 2. I ndr al i Put r l . Asvalayana
lays down t hi s I s t i , but the dei t y according t o h i m i s onl y
one vi z. , Agni t i Put r l .
DIFFERENT KAMYA ISTIS 117
MANY KAMYA ISTIS LAID DOWN BY HIRANYAKESIN
AND BAUDHAYANA
Such Kamya Istis are i nnumerabl e. Asvalayana mentions
onl y a few, but other authors pr i nci pal l y Hi ranyakesi n and
Baudhayana, prescribe a great many. No. 395 gives 134 such
Istis according to Hi ranyakesi n. Al l these Istis are, as above
remarked, performed i n the manner i n whi ch the New or
Fu l l Moon I st i is performed, the Pradhana or pri nci pal deities,
and the Anuvakya and Yaj ya ( whi ch are verses to be repeated
i n praise of t hem and i n t hr owi ng oblations i nt o the fire i n t hei r
names) as wel l as the materials used for the oblations, being
onl y peculiar in each case. In No. 395, therefore, these
peculiarities onl y are gi ven.
PAVITRESTI
ITS ANUVAKYAS AND YAJYAS
The Pratlkas or opening words of the Anuvakyas and Yajyas
used in the case of the several deities in the Pavitresti and the
Put rakamyest i are as fol l ows :
For No. 1. Anuv. Agna ayumsi , Rv. X. 66. 19, f r om a
t r i pl et to Agni ; Tai t t . S. I. 3. 11. 8. Yaj ya
Agne pavasva svapa, Rv. X. 66. 21, f r om a t ri pl et
to Agni ; Tai t t . S. I. 3. 11. 8.
No. 2. Anuv. Ut a nah priyal.i, Rv. VI . 61. 10, f r om a
h y mn t o Sarasvati; Tai t t . Br. I I . 4. 6. 1. Yaj ya
I ma j uhvana yusmad, Rv. V I I . 95. 5, f r om a
h y mn t o Sarasvati ; Tai t t Br. I I . 4. 6. 1.
No. 3. Anuv. Agne pavaka rocisa, Rv. V. 26. 1, from
a h y mn to Ag ni ; Tai t t . S. I. 3. 14. 8. Yajya
Sa nab pavaka di di vo, Rv. I. 12. 10, f r om a
h y mn t o A g n i ; Tai t t . S. I . 3. 14. 8.
For No. 4. Anuv.A visvadevam satpatim, Rv. V. 82. 7
from a hymn to Savitr ; Taitt. S. I I I . 4. 11. 2.
YajyaA satyena rajasa, not in Rv. ; Taitt.
S. I I I . 4. 11. 2.
No, 5. Anuv.Agnifr sueivratatamal.i, Rv. VI I I . 44. 21,
from a hymn to Agni ; Taitt. S. I. 3. 14. 8.
YajyaUd Agne sucayas, Rv. VI I I . 44. 17, from
a hymn to Agni ; Taitt. S. I. 3.14. 8.
No. 6. Anuv.Vayur agrega, not in Rv. ; Taitt. Br. I I .
4. 7. 6. YajyaVayo sukro, Rv. I V. 47. 1,
from a hymn to Vilyu and Indravilyu ; Taitt.
Br. I I . 4. 7. 6.
No. 7. Anuv.Tvam Agne Vratapa, Rv. VI I I . 11. 1,
from a hymn to Agni ; Taitt. 8. I. 1. 14. Yajya
Yad vo vayam, Rv. X. 2. 4, from a hymn to Agni ;
Taitt. S. I. 1. 14.
No. 8. Anuv.Pra tat te adya, Rv. VI I . 100. 5, from a
hymn to Visnu ; Taitt. S. I I . 2. 12. 5. Yajya
Ki m it te Visno, Rv. VI I . 100. 6, from a hymn
to Vignu ; Taitt. S. I I . 2. 12. 5.
No. 9. Anuv.Vaisvanaro na utya, not in Rv.; Taitt.
5. I.:5. 11. 1, and I V. 4. 12. 5. YajyaPrsto
divi prsto, Rv. I. 92. 2, from a hymn to Agni
Vaisvanara; Taitt. S. I. 5. 11. 1, and I V. 4. 12. 5.
No. 10. Anuv.Dadhikravno akarisam, Rv. I V. 39. 6,
from a hymn to Dadhikravan ; Taitt. S. I. 5.11. 4.
YajyaA Dadhikrah, Rv. I V. 38. 10, from a
hymn to Dyavaprthivyau and Dadhikravan ;
Taitt. S. I. 5. 11. 4.
DETAILS OF Kl MYA ISTIS 119
PUTEAKAMYESTI
For No. 1. Anuv. Yas tva hrda, Rv. V. 4. 10, Al l these
f r om a h y mn to Agni . YajyfiYasmai I occur in
tvam sukrte, Rv. V. 4. 11. Tai t t . S.
No. 2. Anuv. Tve suputra, Rv. V I I I . 92.14, 1.4. 46.
f r om a h y mn t o I ndr a. Yaj yaUkt ha l a n d the
ukt he, Rv. V I I . 20. 2, from a hymn t o Ist i i n
Indra. J I I . 2.4.4.
I t wi l l be seen f r om t hi s that a verse whi ch i n the Rgveda
Saihhita forms a part of a h y mn is given in a detached f or m in
the Yaj urvcda Samhita or Brahmana. Two verses, one of whi ch
is an Anuvakya and the other the Yajya corresponding to i t , are
gi ven together in the Yajurveda texts, but occur in separate
hymns in the Rgveda Samhita, and are connected by context
wi t h the other verses in those hymns. Three of the above
verses do not occur in this last Samhita at al l , whi l e they
are gi ven in the Yajurveda books. Si mi l ar l y the Anuvakyas
and Yajyas of the Mrgaresti, whi ch of course are Rks, do
not occur in the Rgveda Samhitfi but are given in the Samhita
of the Yajurveda (Tai t t . S. I V. 7. 15).
YAJURVEDA. MERELY A SACRIFICIAL BOOK
Fr om this it fol l owswhat indeed is wel l knownt hat the
Collection of the hymns comprised in the Rgveda was made
wi t h a l i t erary object, whi l e the Yajurveda is in its nature a
compi l at i on for sacrificial purposes, not onl y of the prose
formulas called Yaj umsi but of the Rks repeated in the
performance of the rites, whet her t hey occur in the Rgveda or
not . An d t hi s difference i n the ori gi nal idea i s pointed t o by
the practice of modern Vaidikas or reciters of the Vedas, of
whom, those who are Rgvedins, must necessarily be able to recite
t he l i t erary Vedaiigas, vi z. , the Ni ghant u, the Ni r ukt a, the
Chandas, and Pi l ni ni ' s Ast adhayi , whi l e the reciters of the other
Vedas have not hi ng to do wi t h t hem.
An d the statement, that in a sacrifice the duties of the Hot r
priest are performed by means of the Rk and those of the
Adhvar yu by means of the Yajus, is t rue onl y in the sense
that what the former has to repeat are verses, and the latter
prose formulas ; but it is not t rue in the sense that the Hot r
priest should be a Rgvedi n or student of the Rgveda, or that the
duties of the oilice should be performed in accordance wi t h the
Sutras attached to that Veda. An d as a matter of fact, a
Yaj ur vedi n sacrificer uses at the present day the Haut ra or
Hot r r i t ual as prepared f r om his own Veda and Sutra, and
employs a Yaj ur vedi n Brahman as his Hot r in al l rites up to the
Caturmasyas, and in the Kamya sacrifices ment i oned above.
KGVEDA ONLY RESTORED TO FOR THE
HIGHER SOMA SACRIFICES
In a Soma sacrifice, however, the Haut ra of whi ch is not
contained in his Veda, he has to empl oy a Kgvedi n or get the
r i t ual of the Hot r priest performed in accordance wi t h a Sutra
bel ongi ng to the Rgveda.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE SACRIFICIAL RITUAL
It also appears clear that those rites, in whi ch the YaJySs and
Anuvakyas are taken f r om different hymns of the Rgveda, must
have been developed l ong after the peri od i n whi c h the hymns
were composed. A great many of the smaller sacrifices are of
t hi s nature, and the pr i nci pl e f ol l owed i n f r ami ng t hei r r i t ual ,
was to adapt for use such Rks as were appropriate, that is,
yi el ded a sense having some bearing, howsoever remote, on the
nature and object of the sacrifice performed. Thi s pri nci pl e is
l ai d down clearly i n the Ai t areya Brahmana,
1
a fact whi c h shows
EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF RITUAL 121
that the conscious manufacture of rituals had been in f ul l force
even when that wor k was wr i t t en. That process of manufacture
has ever continued and the same pri nci pl e has been fol l owed in
preparing the rituals not onl y of the Srauta sacrifices, but of al l
the rites performed on the Grhya or domestic (ire and Lauki ka
or ordi nary f i r e
Put in later t i meswhen the total number of rites increased,
and occasions for new ceremonies, hardl y wi t hi n the range of
the ideas prevailing in Vedi r times, presented themselves, and
st i l l it was sought to sanctify them and raise their importance,
by connecting them wi t h Yedic textsit was deemed enough
if the appropriateness of the Rk to the particular rite was
merely verbal. 'Thus in i nvoki ng the planet Sukra or Venus
in the cereinony called Grahamakha, the Rk used is Sukrain
to anyad yajatain te anyat' (Rv VI . 58. 1) whi ch is really
addressed to Pusan and has not hi ng to do wi t h the planet, and
the sole reason is that it contains the wor d Sukra whi ch is the
name of the Planet. Si mi l ar l y in i nvoki ng Ket u or the Moon' s
Node, the Rk used is Ketum krnvannaketave (Rv. I. 6. 3),
si mpl y because it begins wi t h the word Ket u.
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE RELIGION OF THE HYMNS
AND LATER SA RI FI Cl AL RELIGION
The epithets such as Amhomuc, Agomuc, and Enomuc, i. e. ,
" deliverer f r om pol l ut i on, transgression, and s i n , " and Putravat
and Put r i n, i. e. , " having sons ", given to the ol d Yedie deities
to adapt the in for the particular rites, woul d also show that these
rites were developed in later times. That saeriticial rites in some
shape were in use at the t i me when the Yedic hymns were
composed cannot be questioned : but the worshi p of the several
gods was more spi ri t ual , real heart-felt prayers and praises were
I Narayanabhatta's Pravogaratna : Grahamakha.
16 [ R. G. Bhandarkar'* Works, Vol. I I . ]
offered to them and their blessings invoked ; and the offerings
of Soma and other things were prompted by pious motives.
But some time before the Brahmanas (including the Brahmanic
portions of the books of the Black Yajurveda) were composed,
the old Vedic religion had degenerated into the coldest
formalism ; the idea that the mechanical repetition of certain
formula and verses, and manual operations had a religious efficacy,
took firm hold of the Brahmanic mind, and mysticism usurped
the place of spiritual worship.
Al l the rites were reduced to a system, nothing connected
with them was so unimportant that it was not necessary
to regulate it by specific rules, the number of rites vastly
increased, and the sacrificial ritual became so complicated
and so extensive, that no one who does not devote a
number of years to its exclusive study, can now master it. It
was impossible that this stupendous system should not have been
attacked ; and it has had very powerful and uncompromising
enemies from the remotest time, in the shape of the Sramanas of
old and their successors the reformers of later ages, and also in
the ranks of the Brahmans themselves ; and it has had a varied
fortune, but has not been completely destroyed yet.
THE NAKSATRA SATTRA
No. 412 contains the ritual of the Naksatra Sattra. It is called
a Sattra because it is a series of 37 Istis. The first fourteen have
the fourteen Devanaksatras or lunar mansions associated wi t h
the gods, beginning with Krttika and ending with Visakha for
their Pradhana or principal deities. Then follows an l^{i in honour
of the Purnamasi or the Ful l Moon day. The next fourteen are
held for the propitiation of the fourteen Yainanaksatras beginning
wi t h Anuradha and ending wi t h Bharani and including Abhijit.
The Pradhana deities of the last eight are : 1 . Amavasya or New
Moon day, 2. Candramas or moon, 3. Ahoratra or day and night.
KRTTIKA AS THE FIRST NAKSATRA 123
4. Usas or dawn, 5. Naksatra or l unar mansion generally, 6.
Surya or sun, 7. Ad i t i , and 8. Vi snu. Wi t h each of these deities
Agni and Anumat i are associated, Agni preceding the Naksatra
dei t y and Anur nat i f ol l owi ng. The Anuvakyas and Yaj yasof the
37 pri nci pal deities are gi ven in the first three Anuvakas of the
fi rst Prapathaka of the t hi r d Kanda of the Tai t t i nya Brahmana.
Agni and Anumat i have the same Anuvakya and Yaj ya t hrough-
out the 37 Istis and these also are gi ven in the same place in
the Brahmana.
The Naksatra Istis are prescribed by Baudhayana as a
Prayascitta or penance for any omission or fault in the
performance of the usual sacrificial rites or for a l i fe of sin ;
but t hey are also to be performed by one who desires a long
l i f e, and by t hei r means the sacrificer avoids death before the
nat ural t er m of his l i fe and attains the likeness of the heavenly
bodies.
KRTTIKA, THE FIRST LUNAR MANSION.
I t wi l l be seen that the first l unar mansion here ment i oned is
Kr t t i ka , and i n several other places also i n the Tai t t i r l ya Samhita
and Brahmana, the list of the Naksatras begins wi t h that
constellation.
HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FACT NOT
TO BE NEGLECTED
I do not agree wi t h those who attach no significance
to this fact, and believe that at the t i me when the system of
these l unar mansions came i nt o use, the vernal equi nox occurred
i n the begi nni ng of Kr t t i ka . Thi s must have been the case i n
1428 B. C. ; and the posi t i on of the solstices gi ven in the Vedanga
Jyotisa leads to 1186 B. C. These dates have been declared to
be worthless for hi st ori cal purposes, on the grounds that the
Hi ndus are in t hei r nature rude or careless observers, and cannot
be supposed to have the means of accurate observation at that
early period. But t hey are si mpl y a pr i or i grounds whi ch no
man wi t h a scientific spi r i t wi l l assume to enable hi msel f to
expl ai n away facts whi c h his predispositions wi l l not al l ow hi m
to admi t . An d the grounds are altogether insufficient, and the
first is certainly unt rue and unj ust and wi l l appear to be so to
one who does not forget how careful the phi l ol ogi cal observations
of the Hi ndus have been and how solicitous they have been
about t hei r Vedas and t hei r sacrificial worshi p, for whi ch
essentially the astronomical observations were necessary.
THE PERIOD INDICATED BY THE FACT IS THAT OF THE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE SACRIFICIAL RELKUON
The t wo observations therefore mi ght , I t hi nk, be considered
correct wi t h i n about a degree. A degree is equivalent to 72
years, so that somewhere about l.1350 and 1110 B. C, these
observations must have been made. The Tai t t i r i ya Sai i i hi t i l
and Brahmana whi ch ment i on the Naksatraa wi t h Kr t t i ka at
t hei r head must be later t han l.1350 B. C, but to this period must
be referred that devel opment of the sacrificial r i t ual to whi ch a
definite shape was afterwards gi ven by the composition of that
Samhita and of t hat and other Brfihmanas. The composition of
these I woul d place between 1200 and 900 B. C. ; and thcs'e
dates wi l l t al l y wi t h those whi ch from an observation of the
grammatical l i t erat ure we have to assign to Pani ni , Katyayana,
and Patanjali. But I must reserve a f ul l discussion of the
question of these dates for another oppor t uni t y.
THE SVARGA SATTRA
Nos. 450 and 451 contain the r i t ual of the series of Istis called
Svarga Sattra. They are t wel ve i n number, di vi ded i nt o t wo
groups of seven and five ; but the t wel ve are also regarded as
f or mi ng one group. These 1st is are laid down in the t wel f t h
Prapatfiaka of the t hi r d Kanda of the Tai t t i r i ya Brahmana, and
the Yajyas and Anuvakyas are also there gi ven.
DEI TI ES OF THE SVARCA SATTRA 125
Heaven has t wel ve gates; the first seven called Diva\)syenayonu-
vi t t ayah being guarded by (1) Asa or Hope, (2) Kamal.i or Desire,
(3) Brahman or the Essence of sacrificial worshi p, (4) Yajiialji or
Sacrifice, (.5) A pah or Waters, (6) Agni r Raliman or the fire who
receives al l oblations, and (7) Anuvi t t i or Discovery : and the
other five called Apadyanuvi t t ayah, by (1) Tapah or Mort i fi cat i on,
(2) Sraddhil or Fai t h, (3) Siityam or Tr ut h, (4) Manal.v or Mi nd
and (5) Caranam or Act i on or Foot. The first seven are the
Pradhana or pr i nci pal deities of the seven Istis of the first group,
whi ch are after the name of the gates called Divahsyenayah ;
and the next five, of the Istis of the second group whi ch are
called si mi l ar l y Apadyah. When these deities are propitiated
by the performance of Istis, the gates of Heaven are flung open
and the saerilicer is admi t t ed. The pri nci pal deity in the case of
each Ist i has, as in the case of the Naksatra Sattra, t wo associates,
one Agni before, and the other Anumat i after. The epithet
Kamah is howeveraffi xed to Agni h in the case of the first group.
Thi s series of Istis presents a curious development in the ideas
i nvol ved in the sacrificial rel i gi on. The t hi ngs and feelings
concerned in a man' s pursui t of Heaven, such as Fai t h, Hope.
Desire, Tr ut h, Mi nd, Act i on. Sacrifice, Sacritical Essence, and
Agni t he receiver of al l oblations, are themselves believed to be
deities or presided over by deities, and these are worshipped in
order that those t hi ngs and feelings may be in a condi t i on to
render the pursuit f r ui t f ul .
WORKS ON THE SOMA SACRIFICES
. It now remains to notice the Manuscripts of works on the
Soma sacrifices. The Soma sacrifices are the most i mport ant of
al l , on account of the t i me occupied, the number of priests
empl oyed, and the solemn and i mposi ng manner i n whi ch the
whol e service is conducted.
THE SEVEN AND FOUR SAMSTHAS OF THE JYOTISTOMA
One general name by whi ch t hey are designated is Jyotoconia.
The Jyotistoma has what are called seven Samsthas or modes,
vi z. , Agnistoma, At yagni st oma, Ukt hya, Solasin, Vajapeya,
Atiratra,*and Apt oryama. Sometimes the Samsthas are considered
to be four onl y, vi z. , Agni st oma, Ukt hya, Solasin, and At i rat ra.
Of these the first or Agni st oma is considered the Pr akr t i or
ori gi nal t ype and the rest as Vi kr t i s or varieties. The Soma
ceremonies constitute the essential part of the Agni st oma, bat
t hey are preceded by a good many preparatory rites.
On the first day is performed what is called the Dl ksanl ya I st i
and the Yajamana is anointed, or Di ksa gi ven to hi m. Thi s Dl ksa
ceremony is sometimes repeated three or four times (Asv. I V. 2.
17; Ap. X. 15. 1) , t hat is, i s performed on three or four
successive days; but usual l y it is performed on one day onl y.
On the day after the Dlksa or Diksas are over, the Pnl yani ya or
i nt r oduct or y I st i is gone t hr ough. Then on the same day the
ceremony of the purchase of Soma ( Rajakraya ) is performed,
and after that what is called the At i t hya I s t i , ' whi ch is regarded
as a r i t e of hospi t al i t y in honour of the guest, vi z. , the Soma
purchased. Then f ol l ow the Pravargyas and Upasads. One
Pravargya and one Upasad are performed before noon and
another pair i n the afternoon. At the Pravargya ceremony a
cow i s mi l ked and certain ceremonies performed wi t h the mi l k ,
and on these occasions a great many Rks are repeated. The
Upasad is a sort of I s t i .
The Pravargyas and the Upasads are repeated the next, i.e.,
t he t h i r d day, i f the Di ksa has been done on one day onl y, and
also on the f our t h, but on t hi s day bot h rites of each
Species are performed before noon. Then f ol l ow on the
6ame day the ceremonies of car r yi ng the Agni , Soma, and the
carts on which the offerings are placed, f r om the part of the
sacrificial enclosure called the Pragvariisa to that whi ch is called
the Uttaravedi where al l the later ceremonies are performed.
Then late in the afternoon of this day, is performed an ani mal
sacrifice in honour of Agni somau whi ch is called Agnisomiyapasu.
A JYOTISTOMA SACRIFICE DESCRIBED 127
RITES PERFORMED ON THE PRINCIPAL OR THE SUTYA DAY
(I) PRATASSAVANA
Kar l y in the mor ni ng of the next or the fifth day begins a
ceremony called (1) the Pnltaranuvaka whi ch consists of what
are called three Krat us ; Agneyakrat u, Ausasyakratu, and
Asvi nakrat u. The essential feature of these Kratus is the
repetition of a large number of hymns from the Rgveda
addressed to Agni , Usas, and Asvins. (2) Then follows an
ot t eri ng of three Grahas or cups of Soma to three deities. The
Grahas are made of wood and resemble l i quor glasses in shape.
0$) Af t er this the Sama-singers sing the first or Bahispavamilna-
stotra. (4) Then we have an ani mal sacrifice called Savaniyapasu,
whi ch is performed up to the ceremony of t hr owi ng the Yapa or
peri t oneum i nt o the fire. (5) The ceremony done next is what
is called Upasthana in whi ch the Dbisnyas, i.e., things such as
the sacrificial post, and places such as that on whi ch fire is
produced by f r i ct i on, are praised. (6) Thi s is fol l owed by the
Ai ndr a PurodSsas whi ch consist of DMnas or fri ed grains of
barley, Karambha or flour of Saktu mi xed wi t h curds, Payasyil
or the caseine of mi l k separated from the serum by mi xi ng hot
mi l k and curds together, and cakes of flour. (7) Then we have
the offering of Soma in Grahas to pairs of deities, vi z. , Vayu and
I ndr avayu, Mi t ravarunau, and Asvi nau. (8) Thi s is fol l owed by
the repet i t i on of what are called Prasthitayajyas, or certain
verses by six out of the seven Hot r priests, and the offering of
Soma to the deities and dr i nki ng i t . (9) Aft erwards, the remains
of the Soma, offered to the pairs of deities before, are dr unk by
the priests. (10) Then comes in the Acchavaka who goes t hrough
certain ceremonies i ncl udi ng the repet i t i on of his Prasthitayajyas.
(11) Thi s is fol l owed by the Rtuyajas, whi ch consist of the
offerings of Soma in a vessel called Rtupatra, whi ch has t wo
compartments. (12) Then the Hot r repeats the first or A jyasastra,
after whi ch another Stotra is chanted by the Sama-singers, and
t hen fol l ows the second Sastra of the Hot r whi ch is called Pra u ga.
The Sastras are certain arrangements of couplets, t r i pl et s, and
whol e hymns from the llgveda Samhita i nt er woven wi t h certain
formulas called Ni vi ds, detached verses called Puroruks, and
others known as Dhayyas. The arrangements arc varied and no
one of the Sastras resembles another perfectly. Each Sastra is
fol l owed by the pouri ng of the Soma j ui ce into the (ire and
the dr i nki ng of a portion of it by the priests. Thus ends the
first or Pratahsavana.
(II) THE MADffVAMDINA-SAVANA
The Madhyamdi na or Mi d-day Savana begins by (13) a priest
called (Ira vast ut entering and performi ng certain rites i ncl udi ng
the repetition of a hymn. (11) Thi s is fol l owed by a ceremony
called Dadhi gharma; and then (15) the Purodasa or cake in
connection wi t h the ani mal sacrifice performed i n the mor ni ng,
whi ch, as explained before, forms a necessary adjunct of the
ani mal sacrifice, is t hr own into the fire. (16) Aft er that,
we have the Ai ndr a Purodasa and (17) Prasthitayfijyii as in the
mor ni ng, and then (18) is given Daksina or remunerat i on to the
priests. Thi s is fol l owed by ( l i t ) the Marutvatiyagraha or
offering of a cup of Soma to Marut vat , and then we have (20) the
Stotras and Sastras of the Madhyamdinasavana.
( I l l ) THE TRTIYA-SAVANA
At the begi nni ng of the t hi r d or Trtiya-Savana, (21) a cup of
Soma is offered to Adi t i ( Adityagrahayaga), and after the Sama-
singers have chanted the Arbhavapavamana, (22) the Angayaga
or the casting i nt o the fire of the other parts of the ani mal
whose Vapa was offered-in the mor ni ng, follows. Then we have
(23) the Ai ndr a Purodasas and (21) the Prasthitayajyas as in the
last t wo Savanas, and afterwards (2')) the offering of Soma to
Savitr (Savitragraha), and (2G) the Stotras and Sastras. Af t ei
this is over we have the concl udi ng ceremonies called (27)
Yajnapuccha or the t ai l of the sacrifice, (28) Avabhrt ha in th
DIFFERENT KINDS OF JYOTISTOMA 129
course of whi ch offerings are made by the priests whi l e standing
in water, (29) Udayanlya" or the concl udi ng I st i corresponding to
the Prayanl ya wi t h whi c h the sacrifice began, (30) Aunbandhya-
pasu or an ani mal sacrifice t o Maitravaruna, i n whi c h t he
beast to be slaughtered is according to Katyayana a sterile cow
or an ox ( X. 9. 12, and 14), but now onl y a goat, or in the
absence of an ani mal , a Payasya or the offering of the caseine of
mi l k , and (31) Udavasamya whi ch is performed to the nor t h of
the sacrificial enclosure and i n whi ch fi re i s newl y struck by
r ubbi ng the Arani s or logs of wood. Accordi ng to the rules
l ai d down in the Sutra al l these ceremonies should be performed
on t he same day, i.e., the fifth, but now i t is usual I for the last
four to be performed on the next or the si xt h day. Thi s is a
short description of a very complicated sacrifice.
MANUSCRIPTS CONTAINING THE RITUAL OF THE SOMA SACRIFICE
No. 449 is a manual of the Agni st oma for the Adhvar yu and
his assistants, and the duties of these priests are t herei n l ai d
down i n accordance wi t h the Sutra of Hi ranyakesi n.
No. 430 contains the duties of the Maitravaruna, the first assistant
of the Hot r , i n the ani mal sacrifice i n honour of Agni somau on
the f our t h day of the Agni st oma, and i n the Sutya ceremonies
of the next day. The Maitravaruna has to give Praisas to the
Hot r after he receives si mi l ar ones f r om the Adhvar yu, t hat is,
to communicate the Adhvar yu' s order to the Hot r . He has
also to repeat the Anuvakyas and some other Mantras, a h y mn
when Soma is poured i nt o the smaller cups (Camasa) at each of
the three libations, and also Sastras.
No. 437 is an i ncompl et e copy of the Mai t nl varuna' s manual
of the Agnisomlyapasu.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE SEVERAL SAMSTHAS
(1) AGNISTOMA
In t he Pratab-Savana or mor ni ng l i bat i on of the Agnistoma,
t he Hot r has, as above stated, to repeat t wo Sastras, the first of
17 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. I I . ]
whi c h is called Ajyasastra, and the second Pra u ga. No. 392
contains these t wo. The Maitravaruna, Brahmanacchamsin and
t he Acchavaka have each to recite one. At the Madhyamdi na-
Savana or the noon-l i bat i on the Hot r has t wo Sastras called the
Marut vat l ya and Ni skeval ya, and the other three priests one
each as in the mor ni ng ; whi l e at the evening l i bat i on or Tr t l ya-
Savana, the Hot y alone repeats t wo Sastras called Vaisvadeva
and Agni mar ut a. Thus in the Agnistoma, the Hot r has on the
pr i nci pal day to repeat six ISastras and the three mi nor priests,
six between t hem, the t ot al number being t wel ve.
The Sastras of the Hot r are gi ven i n No. 401 wi t h the excep-
t i on of the last or Agni marut a, and of the Maitravaruna in No. 439
as wel l as in No. 436. Those repeated by the Acchavaka together
wi t h the other t hi ngs assigned t o hi m, are gi ven i n No. 387, and
No. 432 contains the Sastras of the Brahmanacchamsin as wel l as
other directions for his guidance. The duties of the Nestr and
Pot r in an Agni st oma are gi ven in Nos. 417 and 42C.
(2) ATYAGNISTOMA
The Atyagnistoma differs f r om the Agni st oma so far as
the Sastras are concerned, onl y in assigning one more Sastra
called the gojasin t o the Hot r at the evening l i bat i on, i n addi t i on
to the Vaisvadeva and the Agni mar ut a. Of this Nos. 443 and 444
are copies.
(3) UKTHYA
In the Ukt hya one Sastra is assigned to each of the t hree
mi nor priests, Mai t ravaruna, Brahmanacchamsin, and Acchavaka,
at the t hi r d savana or evening l i bat i on. In other respects it is
exactly l i ke the Agnistoma. There are thus fifteen Sastras in al l .
(4) SOLASIN
The Solasin is l i ke the Ukt hya except that the Hot r has
one Sastra more whi ch is called the Solasisastra at the end. Thus
in al l there are sixteen Sastras.
DIFFERENT KINDS OF JYOTISTOMA 131
(5) VAJAPEYA
The Vajapoya differs f r om the Solasin in havi ng some
of its Mantras different and assigning one more Sastra called
At i r i kt okt ha t o the Hot r at the evening l i bat i on.
(G) ATIRATRA
In the At i r at r a the Solasisastra is sometimes repeated at
the evening l i bat i on, and t hen it is l i ke the Solasin variety ;
sometimes not, when i t comes t o be l i ke the Ukt hya. In the
ni ght however each of the four Sastra-reciting priests, Hot r and
others, repeat one Sastra in t ur n, t hen there is another round,
and a t hi r d. Each of these rounds is called a Paryaya, and thus
there are three Paryayas and t wel ve Sastras, and these are given
in No. 140. The Hot r has t hen another Sastra called the
Asvinasastra. There are thus in al l 29 or 28 Sastras.
(7) APTORYAMA
The Apt or yal na is l i ke the At i r at r a; but there is a good
deal of difference in the Mantras used, and the so-called
Nyunkhas or sixteen Os are inserted in the Sastras. In the
t hi r d Savana the Val akhi l yas ( Rv. V I . 49-59 ) are inserted in
the Sastra assigned to the Mai t ravaruna, and the Vrsakapisiikta
(Rv. X. 80) and others, i n that recited by the Brahmanacchamsin.
The Evayamarutsukta (Rv. V. 87), and others are i nt erwoven
wi t h the Sastra of the Acchavaka ; and of the Sastra so enlarged
No. 393 is a copy. The other hymns beside Rv. V. 87 whi ch are
inserted are Rgveda I I . 13; V I I . 100 ; I . 150, and V I . 09. And
last of al l , in the t hi r d Savana there is the Solasin assigned to
the Hot r and not opt i onal here as in the At i r at r a. Then at
ni ght we have the three Paryayas or rounds of t he At i r at r a as
we l l as the Asvinasastra of the Hot r ; and thereafter one
addi t i onal Sastra called At i r i kt okt ha has to be recited by each of
t he four priests. In this manner we have i n t hi s vari et y of the
Jyot i st oma 33 Sastras in al l . No. 390 contains some of these.
No. 441 gives the duties of, and the Samans or songs to be
sung by, the Udgatr at the Vajapeya sacrifice ; and No. 442, the
same as wel l as those referri ng to the Apt or yama. The aut hor
of this manual is one Govardhana who, however, says not hi ng
about hi msel f.
SARVATOMUKHA SACRIFICE
No. 445 is a manual for the Udgat r at a sacrifice called
Sarvatomukha. The Sarvatomukha is so called because in four
enclosures i n four directionsEast, West, No r t h and Sout h
four Jyotistoma sacrifices of different Saihsthas or varieties are
performed at one and the same t i me.
DIFFERENT COMBINATIONS OF THE SOMA SACRIFICES
Soma sacrifices are di vi ded i nt o Ai kahi ka, Ahl na or Ahargana
and Samvatsarika. The Sutya bei ng the pr i nci pal part of the
sacrifice, the Ai kahi kas ( l i t er al l y, such as last for one day) are
those that have one Sutya. Ahi nas are those whi c h have more
Sutyas t han one. Samvatsarikas are those in whi c h the Sutya is
performed every day for one or more years. The Pr akr t i or
or i gi nal t ype of an Ai kahi ka i s the Agni st oma, of an Ahl na the
Dvadasaha, in whi c h the Sutyas are t wel ve, and of a Samvatsarika
the Gavamayana in whi c h the Soma sacrifice is performed every
day for one year. The Dvadasaha and Gavamayana are not
si mpl y combinations of a cert ai n number of one or more of
the four Samsthas before described. There are many peculiarities.
An Ahl na or Samvatsarika, i n whi c h al l the priests undergo
the Di ksa or anoi nt i ng ceremony and are Yajamanas or
sacrificers, is a Sattra.
I T I HAS AS , PURANAS, MA H A T MY A S A N D STOTRAS
KASMlRAMAHATMYA
In the Gujarat Section whi ch, as I have already stated,
comprises Kasmi r Manuscripts purchased at Del hi , there is a
copy of what i s i n the fi rst and the last leaf and i n the mar gi n,
I TI HASA AND STOTRA SECTION 133
called Kasmiramahatmya. In the colophon we have " Sam-
pQrnamidaih Nllamatam. " On comparing it wi t h the extracts
given by Dr. Buhler in his Report for 1875-76 on the Kasmir
Manuscripts from the Nllamatapurana, I find that this is identical
wi t h that and does not contain the additions made by Sahebram
which Dr. Buhler encloses within brackets. The Manuscript
has no lacunae such as those Dr. Buhler speaks of in his Sarada
copies, and is altogether a good copy. The date is put down at
the end as Sarhvat 4872 which I believe refers to the Saptarsi
era current in Kasmir, and subtracting from it 3154, which
according to Dr. Buhler is the interval between the initial date
of that era and the Saka, we get 1718 Saka as the date of the
Manuscript. If however the era is that of the Kaliyuga, the date
corresponds to 1693 Saka. Dr. Biihler calls the work Nllamata-
purana, but the correct title appears to be Kasmiramahatmya,
according to Nilamata.
STUTI KUSUMANJALI BY JAGADDHARA
No. 40 is a copy of Stotras I, II and a part of I I I from the
Stutikusuinafijali in the Sarada character ; and No. 41 is a copy
of the entire work wi t h a commentary, some leaves of which
are however missing. They are put here as coming under
the head of Stotras*; but perhaps it would have been more
appropriate to place them under Kavyas or Philosophy. The
author of the Stutikusumafijali was Jagaddhara, the son of
Ratnadhara, who himself was the son of Gauradhara. Gauradhara
is spoken of as having composed a sort of commentary on
the Yajurveda. The father of Jagaddhara the commentator on
Malatimadhava, was Ratnadhara, but his grandfather's name
was Gadadhara, and not Gauradhara, wherefore the author
of the Stutikusumafijali appears to have been a different person.
OTHER STOTRAS ETC.
No. 42 is a copy in Sarada character of a series of twenty
Stotras by Utpalftcarya.
In the Maratha Section there are two copies (Nos. 470 and 471)
of a work entitled Sivamahatmya forming a portion of the
Brahmottarakhanda which itself is called a part of the Skanda-
purana.
No. 475 is an incomplete copy of a Purana entitled
Mudgalapurana purporting to be narrated by Mudgala to Daksa.
The glories of Ganesa or Ganapati are narrated in the work.
VlRIJIKSACARlTRA
No. 467 is a copy of a curious work called Varijaksacaritra. It
is represented to be the Uttara or third Kanda of a work entitled
Prajfianakumudacandrika which is referred to the Brahmanâ-
purana. The names Skandapurana and Brahmandapurana are
not the names of any definite works ; but any Mahatmya or
Caritra of a holy place or a god that happens at any time to be
written, is referred to either of these to confer sanctity on i t .
The Varijaksacaritra cannot be a very old work. Varijaksa
was the name of an Avatara of Visnu different from Rama or
Krsna. But he is sometimes called Vasudeva, and is indentified
wi t h Siva also. He belonged to a family of Gaudasarasvata
Brahmans the name of which was Srikantha, and was the-son
of a mother named Yamuna. His wife's name was Jvalinl, and
he had two sons Avya and Sauvira.
Among the many stories told of Varijaksa is his having
held a sacrificial session for twelve years, i.e., a Dvada-
savarsika Sattra. In connection wi t h that a pretty good
description is given of the sacrificial ritual ; and in the
list of guests or visitors who attended the Sattra, we have
all modern names. A Yati namad Bhavanandasarasvatl who
was a Gauclasarasvata Brahman came to see it from Kasi, wi t h
his pupil Saccidananda. So also the pupil of this last Siva-
nandasarasvati, Ramanandasarasvati, Sadanandasarasvati and
Purnanandasarasvati, each of whom was the pupil of the
PURANA SECTIONA SECTARIAN WORK 135
preceding, attended the Sattra. Then came Sivanandasarasvatl
f r om Tryambaka and several others. A l l these Yat i s belonged
to the Gaudasarasvata caste. Yatis of the Dravi da caste also,
Samkaracaraya and others came. There were Acaryas of the
Gauda caste among the guests, such as Mahesvaracarya,
Sambacarya, Ramcandracarya, Kesavacarya, &c , and also or di nar y
Brahmans and men of l earni ng, such as Rama, Anant a, Srinivasa,
Bhi ksu, &c. Dravidacaryas also heaving the names of Bhl ma-
carya, Krpacarya, Trimangalacarya, &c , were present.
VILIFICATION OF KARHADA BRAHMANS
Seven Karahataka or Karhada Brahmans of the names of
Nanuka, Phanasa, Bakara, &c , also came ; but t hey were dri ven
out of the sacrificial enclosure. For the Karhadas were not
t rue Brahmans ; t hey were men of l ow or i gi n, administered
poison, hated t rue Brahmans, and murdered t hem and especially
t hei r own sons-in-law. Popular estimation s t i l l credits the
Karhadas wi t h the admi ni st rat i on of poison and murder. Then
is gi ven an indecent account of the l ow or i gi n of that caste.
At the end of the wor k we are t ol d that " those are excellent
Vaisnavas who always remember wi t h devotion Varijaksa who
dwel l s i n the Tapas wor l d and i s Siva hi msel f i n another f or m.
Those Vaisnavas also are stainless who worshi p Vi snu dwel l i ng
i n Yai kunt ha wi t hout hat i ng Siva.
VILIFICATION OF THE MADHVAS
But those others who al l ow heated Mudras (seals) to be
pressed on t hei r body, and advocate dual i t y, are heretics and
resemble carcasses, and are neither Vaisnavas nor Saivas. Those
who al l ow heated Mudras to be pressed on t hei r bodies
shoul d not even be t ouched, and if one happens to do so,
he shoul d l ook at the sun to be free f r om the sin. The
preceptor of those wi cked men who call the glorious Samkara-
carya a Dai t ya, was a si nf ul and asinine vi l l ai n. " Such are
the amenities to which the sect of the followers of Madhva
is treated; and the book is a specimen of those which
under the name of the old lisis have been written in modern
times to pour vile abuse upon rival sects and castes. The
narrative in the work purports to be communicated by Agastya
to Kauleya, and as in the case of the Puranas, the Suta and the
Rsis are introduced ; but the real author of the work must
have been a man of the Gaudasarasvata caste living among
Karhda Brahmans between whom and his caste there was not,
as there is not at present, a good understanding, who hated the
Madhavas, and was himself one of that large body of people in
the Maratha country who worship both Siva and Visnu, revere
Samkaracarya, and adhere generally to his doctrines. Varijaksa
must have been some local deity.
In this class there are Manuscripts of Mahatmyas, Kavacas,
Santis, &c, which were not purchased on their own account but
were included in the large lots containing copies of valuable
works, which because they contained such Mahatmyas &c, were
paid for at a much lower rate ; so that even if these had been
rejected the valuable Manuscripts would at a higher rate have
cost as much as the whole lots.
DHARMASASTRA
GUJARATH SECTION
SMRTIS AND COMMENTARIES
In the Gujarath Section we have, of the Smrti branch of the
literature of this subject, Gautamlya Dharmasastra ( No. 47),
Caturvimsatimatam (No. 48), Manusamhita-Kasmlr text-(No. 53),
the Acara and Vyavahara of Yajnavalkya wi t h Aparaditya's
commentary ( No. 54), a copy of the Sraddhaprakarana of the
same (No. 55), and Vrddhavasistha, Chaps. I X. (No. 60).
THE ACARA BRANCH
Of Digests and Manuals belonging to the Acara branch
of the Hindu law, the first to be noticed is Sridharacarya's
DHARMASASTRAACARA BRANCH 137
Smrtyarthasara (No. 64). Thi s wor k i s quoted i n Hemadri ' s
Sraddhaprakarana. At f ol . 538a of a Manuscri pt of this last
wor k purchased since, the vi ew of the author of t he Smrt yart ha-
s1ra is stated along wi t h an unfavourable cri t i ci sm on it by the
author of the Smrt i candri ka, so that Srldharacarya must have
flourished before the author of the Smrt i candri ka, and bot h before
Hemadr i , i.e. before the t hi r t eent h cent ury. This reference I
owe to Gangadhara Sastri Datar. The Smrtyarthasara is also
ment i oned in the Madanapftrijata, wr i t t en, as wi l l be hereafter
shown, in the latter part of the fourteenth century. The verse
i n whi ch SrldhaWtcarya mentions Sambhu, Dravi da, Kedara
(Pfidadi is my reading), Lollata, and others as previous wri t ers
on the subject, and Kamadhenu. PradTpa, Abdhi , Kalpavrksa,
and Kalpalata as previous works, is gi ven by Professor Aufrecht
i n the Oxf or d Catalogue.
SMUTISARA
No. 63 is a seemingly incomplete copy of a wor k ent i t l ed
Smrtisfira wr i t t en in the Sarada character. Vacaspati mentions
a wor k of that name in his Dvai t ani rnaya.
MADANAPAMJATA
No. 52 is a copy about three hundred years ol d of the
Madanaparijilta by Visvesvarabhatta. Last year's Collection also
contains a copy of the wor k, but it is undated. Since I wrot e
last about Madanapala,
1
the prince of the Taka race who
patronised the aut hor of the wor k and reigned at Kastha or
Kadhfi on the banks of the Yamuna, nor t h of Del hi , my assistant
Mr . Shridhar R. Bhandarkar has been able to discover his date.
DATE OF MADANAPALA
In the Collection of 1873-74 made by Dr . Ri i hl er, there are
t wo copies of a wor k called Madanavinodanighantn (Xos. 109
1 [ Ante, pp. 6f. ]
18 [ R, G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol I I I ]
and 110). The author-or patron of the author-of this was the
same Madanapala as the patron of Visvesvara, as is evident from
the genealogy given at the end of the work which is as
follows:
Ratnapala
Bharahapala'
Hariscandra
Sadharana
Sahajapala Madanapala
This agrees wi t h the pedigree given in the introduction to
the Madanaparijata. It may however be remarked that
Professor Aufrecht, in his notice of this and another work of the
author, seems to take Karavimukti as the name of the father of
Madanapala. But that word does not occur in the Madanavinoda,
and we have only the name Sadharana in the first verse referring
to that prince, as we have it in the corresponding verse in the
Madanaparijata.
At the end of the Prasasti in the Madanavinoda occurs
a verse in which we are told that the work was
composed by Madana on Monday, the 6th of the light half
of Magna, in the year of Vikramarka, Brahmayugayugenduganite.
Now the Manuscirpt No. 110 in which the verse occurs, it being
omitted in No 109, is very incorrect; and in this particular case
the metre requires that the ga of the first yuga should be
prosodially long, but it is not. Yuga however may be a mistake
for yuge or yugad ; but whatever it may be, the word represents
the place of tens in the date ; while it is the numeral in the
place of hundreds that is very important; and as to that there
can be no doubt. Since the day of the week and of the fortnight
are both given, I referred this point to Mr. Janardan Balaji
Modak, Head Master, High School, Dhulia, who for a con-
DHARMASTRAMADANAPl LA' S DATE 139
siderable t i me has been st udyi ng Hi n d u Jyotisa, asking h i m t o
calculate and ascertain whet her the 6t h of t he l i ght hal f of
Magna falls on Monday i n t he year 1441 of Vi kr ama. Hi s r epl y
i s that i t falls on Monday i n the year 1431. Thus yuga i n the
verse is a mistake for a wor d meaning "t hree", and the date is
1431 Vi kr ama or 1375 A. D.
In a Manuscri pt of the Madananighantu recently purchased,
t he expression is Brahmajagadyugenduganite, where we have
jagad for yuga and the requirements of the metre are satisfied.
Jagad is the same as l oka, and since the lokas or worl ds are
three, the jagats also are three. Besides, we often meet wi t h
the expression jagattraya, as in Drstis-trnikrtajagattrayasattvasara,
Ut t ara Ramacarita, Act V I , Jagattraylgltayasa^prasastil.1, etc.,
Hemadri ' s Prasasti of Ki ng Mahadeva, etc. Thus the date is
1431 Vi kr ama, and Mr . Modak' s calculation has proved true.
ACARADARSA BY SRIDATTA
No. 44 is a copy of the Acaradarsa by Srldatta, and No. 45 is
a comment ary on it by Gauri pat i , son of Damodara. The
comment ary was finished by the author in Kas' l on Sunday, the
13t h of Asvi na, in the year 1696 of Vi kr ama, corresponding to
1640 A. D. No. 44 was transcribed in Samvat 1690 or 1634 A. D.,
i.e., six years before the comment ary was wr i t t en by Gauri pat i .
The Acaradarsa is quoted by Kamalakara in tho Ni r nayasi ndhu
whi ch we know was wr i t t en in Sam vat 1668 or 1612 A.D., and
also by Vacaspati. Besides the Puranas and the authors of
many Smrt i s, Sridatta ment i ons the f ol l owi ng digests or t hei r
authors:
Hari hara f ol . 316, 36a, 48a, 52a.
Kalpatarukara 376, 55a.
Kamadhenu 27a, 47a.
Of these, Hari hara is quoted in Hemadri ' s Sraddhaprakarana
many times, and Kamadhenu i n the Smrtyarthasara.
SRADDHAVIVEKA BY RUDRADHARA
No 61 is Sraddhaviveka by Rudradhara. It is quoted in the
Ni rnayasi ndhu and the Dvai t ani rnaya of Vacaspati; also by
Raghunandana.
Of the r emai ni ng wor ks bel ongi ng to this branch, No. 46 is on
a special subject. No. 51 whi ch is in t he Sarada character,
and No. 62 are general ; and the rest are tracts on the r i t ual of
particular rites, of whi c h Nos. 6668 relate to the Ramanuja sect.
THE VYAVAHARA BRANCH
VIVADACANDRA BY SANMINA MISARU
No. 57 is a copy of the Vivadacandra by Sanmisra
Mi sar i i . I n the i nt r oduct i on whi ch i s gi ven by Professor
Aufrecht in the Oxford Catalogue, the aut hor states that he
composed the treatise under the orders of Lakkhi madovi ,
the queen of Candrasiihha. Candrasiihha was the son of
Darpanarayana and Hi r adevi , Darpanarayana of Harasimha, and
he of Bhavesa. Thi s Harasimha must have been the same as
t he prince of Mi t hi l a of that name, under t he superintendence
of whose mi ni st er Candesvara, a wor k called Ratnakara was,
according t o Dr . Ha l l ( Edn. of Saiiikhyapravacana, p. 36),
composed i n Saka 1236 or A. D. 1314. Mi saru wrot e his Vivada-
candra about 50 years later and quotes the Ratnakara.
RAGHUNANDANA'S DAYATATTVA
No. 50 is a large fragment of the Dayatattva by Raghunandana
whose date has been fixed by Professor Aufrecht between 1430
and 1612 A.D.
VIVADARNAVABHANJANA
No. 58 is a copy of the Vivadftrnavabhanjana whi ch wants about
four leaves at the end. The author' s name does not occur ; but
the wor k is the same as No. 364 of Dr . Buhl er' s Col l ect i on of
DHARMASASTRAVYAVAIllRA BRANCH 141
1875-76. Dr . Buhl er gives Gauri kant a as the name of the
aut hor ; but it appears to be the wor k of many men, f r om the
passage at the end of his copy, t hough it is corrupt . In the
i nt r oduct or y verses t he authors speak of havi ng consulted the
wor ks of the f ol l owi ng wr i t er s:
1. Candesa 8. Dharmarat nakrt
2. Dharesvara 9. Srikara
3. Vi svarupa 10. Sulapani
4. Mitaksara ( kr t . ) 11. Govi nda
5. Hal ayudha 12. Laksmidhara
6. Sri krsna 13. Tattvakara
7. Vacaspati 14. Acaryaciidamaninaca (?) bhatta.
The Tattvakara here ment i oned must be Kaghunandana noticed
above, since he calls his wor ks on different subjects the Tattvas
of those subjects.
WORKS OR AUTHORS QUOTED IN THE WORK
The f ol l owi ng are most of the Nibandhas or t hei r authors
quoted i n the body of the wor k:
Ratnakara326, 33a, 376, 38a, 50a, 54a, &c.
DTpakalika32b, 336, 35a, 376, 896, &c.
Parijata (?)33a, 556, 56a, 666, 746
Candesvara336, 35a, 39a, 49a, 54a, &c.
Vacaspati35a, ( wi t h Misra) 596, 75a, 80a
Misra35a
Dharesvara386
Sulapani39a, 40a
Kalpataru-406
Srikrsna Tarkalaihkara41a, 426, 44a, 446, 51a
Smartabhattacarya41a, 426, 726
Jimutavahana41a, 426, 49a
Misrati416, 526, 62a, 73a & b, &c.
Govindaraja
Kalpataru-53a, 606
Laksmidhara53a, 846, 90a
Kullukabhatta54a, 556, 57a, 58b, 59a, 976
Vivadacintamani55a, 556, 60a, 696, 74a & 6, &c,
Prakasakara56a
Medhatithi576, 59a, 606
Misrabhattacarya686
Halayudha686
Mitaksara72a, 96a, 1006
Vivadaratnakara796, 80a, 1006,101a & 6
Visvarupa87a
Harihara89a
The authors of this work must thus have lived after Can<Jesvara
f
or the author of the Ratnakara, Madanapala, and Raghunandana;
and if one of them Gaurlkanta was the same as Gauripati, the
commentator on Sridatta's Acaradarsa, he flourished in the
middle of the seventeenth century.
MARATHA SECTION
Nearly all of the Manuscripts in the Maratha Section belong
to the Acara branch of Dharma. Some of these are works on
(1) Acara generally, and others (2) on particular species of it
or points connected wi t h it ; while the rest are (3) Prayogas or
Paddhatis or books containing the ritual of various rites.
ACARA: GENERAL
No. 588 is a copy of the first chapter of the MitaksarS,
which bears no date but looks old. No. 561 is a Manuscript of
the Nirnayasindhu transcribed in 1581 Saka which corresponds
to 1716 Samvat, while Kamalakara wrote the book in 1668
Samvat; so that our copy was made 48 years after the work
was composed. No. 558 is an incomplete copy of the
Dharmasindhu.
DHARMASASTRAALLXDANXTHA 143
NIRNAYAMRTA OF ALLADANATHA
No. 562 is a Manuscri pt of the Ni r nayamr t a wr i t t en by
Alladanatha, son of Laksmana, under the orders of Suryasena, a
prince of the Chohan race, who reigned i n the ci t y of Ekacakra
on the banks of the r i ver Yamuna.
GENEALOGY OP SURYASENA
In the i nt r oduct i on the aut hor gives the genealogy of his
pat ron. Fr om t he famous race of Cahuvanas sprang Sarupa,
who destroyed al l his enemies. Hi s son was Karnadeva, and his
Uddharana. Uddharana ia represented to have performed some
exploits at Del hi and to have wounded the elephants of the
' * Lor d of t he Sakas. " He established hi msel f at the -city of
Ekacakra by whi ch flowed the " daughter of the Sun ". Ho
was succeeded by his son Candrasena, and Candrasena by his
son Suryasena. Suryasena had a younger brother of the name
of Pratapasena, and a son of the name of Devasena. I have not
been able to fi nd any trace of t hi s l i ne of princes elsewhere.
General Cunni ngham identifies Ekacakra wi t h Ar i l ; but that
t own i s i n Behar whi l e Ekcakra was situated on the Yamuna.
WORKS CONSULTED BY THE AUTHOR
Al l adanat ha speaks of his havi ng consulted the f ol l owi ng
wor ks in the composition of his treatise :
Manusmr t i Matsya
Vi snusmr t i Kaur ma
Parasarasmyti Varaha
Apastambasmrti Vaisnava
Mitaksara Vamana
Apararka Markandeya
Ar nava Bhavisyottara
Parijata Hemadri ' s Parisista
Smrtyarthasara Anant abhat t i ya
Smr t i candr i ka Grhyaparisista
Kaladarsa Samvatsarapradlpa
Cintamani Bhojarajiya
Tridandin Devadasiya
Kvtyakalpataru Rupanarayaniya
Dhavalapuranasamuccaya Vidyavedapaddhati
Durgotsava Mahadeviya
Ramakautuka Visvarupa's Nibandha
TheNirnayamrtais quoted in the Nirnayasindhu, also by
Raghunandana,and by Bhattoji Diksito in his Tithinirnaya.
Bhattoji flourished, as wi l l be presently shown, in the middle
of the seventeenth century, and Raghunandana's works are
quoted in the Nirnayasindhu. If the Parijata occurring in the
above list is the Madanaparijata about which however there is
no reasonable doubt, Alladanatha and Suryasena must have
nourished after 1375 A.D., and before the close of the sixteenth
century. A copy of the Nirnayamrta is noticed by Professor
Weber in his Berlin Catalogue.
ACARA: PARTICULAR
Among the treatises written to determine the proper
times for the performance of the ordinary ceremonies and the
observance of fasts; festivals, 4c. the first to be noticed is
Madhava's Karikas ( No. 52G ), which he tells us he wrote after
he had finished his commentary on Parasara and as a sort of
supplement to it. No. 521 is another copy of the same wi t h a
commentary by Vaidyanatha.
COMMENTARY ON THE KSLANIRNAYADIPIKA
No 524 is an incomplete copy of the commentary on
Ramacandracarya's Kalanirnayadlpika by his son Nrsimha.
This Ramacandracarya is the same as the author of the
Prakriyakaumudi on Panini's grammar which was superseded
by Bhattoji Diksita's Siddhantakaumudi. His history and date
DHARMASATRATHE BHATTA FAMILY 145
wi l l be gi ven hereafter. The Kalanirnayadlpika" i s quoted by
Bhat t oj i in the Ti t hi ni r naya ; and I have verified the quot at i on,
It i s also quoted i n the Ni r nayasi ndhu.
KALANIRNAYAPRAKASA BY RAMACANDRARHATTA
No. 525 is a Manuscri pt of the Kalanirnayaprakasa by
Ramacandrabhatta whose f ami l y name was Tatsat and who was
the son of Vi t t hal a and grandson of Balakrsna. The book is
hel d in great estimation. Gangadhara Sastri has ascertained that
Ramacandra was on his mother' s side connected wi t h the f ami l y
of Narfiyanabhatta, as represented in the f ol l owi ng genealogical
tree, to whi ch I have added t wo branches in order to determine
Ramacandra's relation wi t h the other authors of the Bhatta
f ami l y.
Ramesvara
N aril van abhat t a Mad ha vabhat t a
Ramakrsna Saihkara
Raghunathabhatta
A daughter
Nl l akant ha,
Di nakara Kamalakara, author of the Ramacandra,
author of the Mayukhas author of the Kala
Visvesvara alias Ni r nayasi ndhu nirnayaprakasa
Gagabhat.ta,author Sam kara,
of the Bhatta- author of the
ci nt amani , Di na- Vratarka, etc.
karoddyota, &c.
I t wi l l thus be seen that Ramacandra belonged to the
generation next after the authors of the Ni r nayasi ndhu and the
Mayukhas, and to the same generation as Gagabhatta and
Samkara the author of the Vratarka. Ramacandra quotes
among other authors his Matamaha or mother' s father, i.e.,
Raghu nathabhatta.
19 [ R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. I I ]
KALASIDDHINTA BY CANDRACUDA
No. 528 is a fragment of the Kalasiddhanta by Candracuda,
son of Umanabhatta and Janaki, and surnamed Pauranika.
Candracuda quotes among others Madhava, Govindarnava,
Madanaratna, Dlpika and Tithitattva. The last is probably the
. Tithitattva of Raghunandana.
No. 523 also is a fragment of a work entitled Kalanirnaya-
candrika by Divilkara, son of Mahadevabhatta whose family
name was Kale. Divakara quotes the Nirnayasindhu, wherefore
he is a recent author.
TlTHINIRNAYA BY BHATTOJI DIKSITA
No. 548 is Tithinirnaya by Bhattoji Diksita, the son of
Laksmidhara and the author of the Siddhantakaumudi and
other grammatical works. In this work BhaMoji mentions
among others the following authors and works :
Anantabhatta Madanaparijata
Apararka Madanaratna
Kaladarsa Madhava
Jyotirnibandha Ramarcanacandrika
Tristhalisetu Visvarupanibandha
Narayana Sarvajnanarayana
Narayanavrtti on Asvalayana Sinrticandrika
Nirnayadipika Smrtidarpana
Nirnayamrta Smrtiratnavali
Prthvicandrodaya Smrtisarhgraha
Pratapamartanda Sinrtyarthasara
Prayogaparijata Haradatta
Bhargavarcanacandrika Hemadri
BHATTOJI'S DATE
Of these, the Nirnayadipika is the Kalanirnayadlpika of
Ramacandracarya, and I have, as already stated, verified the
quotations. Ramacandracarya flourished as wi l l be shown
DHARMASASTRA : BHATTOJI DlKSITA 147
hereafter about the mi ddl e of the fifteenth ceut ury. The
Tristhalisetu is the wor k of Narayanabhatta whose dates are
Samvat 1612, 1624, and Saka 1457 ; (see Mandl i k' s Vyavahara-
mayakha, Upodghata). The earliest of these is 1535 A. D. , and
the latest 1568 A.D. Bhat t oj i therefore l i ved after the t hi r d
quarter of the si xt eent h cent ury. But a s t i l l closer approxi -
mat i on may be made to Bhattoji' s date. Nagojibhaâ was the
pupi l of Har i Dl ksi t a, the grandson of Bhat t oj i , and Vi t t hal rao
Ganesha Patavardhan, who di ed in 1871, belonged, as appears
f r om the table gi ven by Dr . Ki el hor n i n the preface t o his
translation of the Paribhasendusekhara, to the f our t h generation
of teachers and pupi l s after Nagojibhatta, and consequently to the
seventh after BhaUoj i ; t hat is, i ncl udi ng Bhat t oj i there were
eight generations up to 1871. Al l owi ng 30 years to each
generation Bhattoji' s l i t er ar y act i vi t y must have begun at the
earliest about the year 1631 A. D. , i.e., he mi ght safely be under-
stood to have flourished about the mi ddl e of t he seventeenth
cent ury. Thi s conclusion tallies wi t h the date 1713 A. D. , assigned
t o Nagojibhatta by Dr . Ha l l i n t he preface t o his edi t i on of the
Sariikhyasara, (p. 37 note). Kamalakara does not quote Bhat t oj i
i n the Ni r nayasi ndhu wr i t t en i n 1612 A. D. , or i n the Sndra-
dharmatattva, t hough these bo'oks cont ai n a large number of
names, whi ch circumstance mi ght be regarded as corroborative
of t hi s vi ew. Accordi ng to Professor Weber ( Ber l i n Catalogue),
t hi s same Ti t hi ni r naya contains a ment i on of the Ni r nayasi ndhu;
but I have not f ound i t . I fcalieve Bhat t oj i and Kamalakara
were nearl y contemporaries, the latter being the elder of the t wo.
No. 532 is a smal l tract, wr i t t en for the purpose of det er mi ni ng
the proper t i me for the r i t e l ai d down by Paraskara, called
Kesanta.
DANAVAKYAVALI BY VIDYAPATI
No. 553 is a ver y ol d Manuscri pt transcribed in Samvat 1539
or 1483 A.D., of a wor k ent i t l ed Danavakyavall. It was
composed by Vidyapati at the requisition of Dhlramati, who
was the queen of Narasimhadeva, King of Mithila. Narasimha-
deva is styled *' the ornament of the family of Kamesvararaja-
pandita." The name Narasimhadeva occurs in the lists of kings
of Tirhut published by Kirkpatrick and Hodgson, (Prinsep's
Tables). General Cunningham states that these princes were
Brahmans by caste, (Arch. Survey Reports, Vol. XVI ) ; and
the name Kaniesvararajapandita perhaps points to that fact.
The last, Harasimhadeva, who was the third in descent
from Narasimhadeva, was subdued by the Emperor of Delhi
and compelled to abandon his capital in 1323 A. D. Narasimha-
deva therefore must have been on the throne about 1230 A.D.
If he is the prince mentioned in our Manuscript, of which there
appears every likelihood, the Danavakyavall was written about
the middle of the thirteenth century. The Harasimhadeva, son
of Bhavesa mentioned by Misaru and by Dr. Hall must have
belonged to another line of Mithila princes reigning over some
other part of the country.
NANDAPANDITA'S SAMSKARANIRNAYA
No. 612 is Samskaranirnaya by Nandapandita, the son of
Rainapandita, the Dharmadhikarin. The first leaf is missing.'
The work was composed at the request of prince Harivamsa-
varman, son of king Mango, and the " crest-jewel of the
Mahendra race."
GAGABHATTA'S ACARADARSA
No. 502 is Acaradinakaroddyota, completed ( par i t a) by
Visvesvara alias Gagabhatta, whose pedigree has already been
given. It consists of an Ahnika or " the daily religious duties
of a pious Brahman" only. Probably Gaga's father wrote a
work on Acara generally, and his son added this Ahnika to i t .
OTHER AHNIKAS
No. 512 is an Ahnika by Raghunathabhatta, son of Madhava-
bhatta. This Raghunathabhatta must have been the father of
D H A R MA S A S T R A A H N I K A S 149
t he mot her of Ramacandra, t he author of the Kal ani rnaya-
prakasa ment i oned before. No. 511 is in the col ophon called an
Ahni ka i n accordance wi t h the Sutra of Gotama (Gotamasutre).
No. 503 is the Ahni ka-sect i on of the Acarapradlpa composed by
Kamalakara who was a native of the village of Kur par a
( Kopar gaum) on the Godavari and afterwards went to and
settled in Kasl where he wrot e the treatise. No. 518 is a wor k
of a si mi l ar nature.
A MADHVA AHNIKA
No. 510 i s an Ahni ka for the followers of Madhva wr i t t en i n
accordance wi t h his Sadacarasmrti by Chal l ari Nrsimhacarya, son
of Narayana. Thi s forms one of the four Tarangas or " waves "
of his Smrtyarthasagara or " ocean of the doctrines of the
Si nrt i s, " and one morethe Kalatarangais noticed by Professor
Auf r echt i n the Oxford catalogue.
V1TTHALAS KUNDAMANDAPASIDDHI
No. 529 is a Manuscri pt of the Kundainandapasiddhi by
Vi t h a l a Dl ksi t a. The wor k i s noticed by Professor Weber i n the
Ber l i n Catalogue. The Kundas or altars and the Mandapas or
enclosuresthe f or m, measure, and modes of construction of
whi ch are gi ven i n t hi s tractare i nt ended for the performance
of certain Smarta rel i gi ous rites ; therefore t hi s and other wor ks
of that nature are put in this class. Vi t t hal a was t he son of Buba,
of the At r i got r a and a student of the Madhyai hdi na branch of
the Yajurveda. The Manuscri pt contains also a comment ary
wr i t t en by the aut hor hi msel f. The wor k was fi ni shed i n Kasl
on Sunday, the 12t h of the l i ght hal f of Phalguna, i n the Saka
year 1511, i.e., 1619 A. D. The Manuscri pt was transcribed in
1690 Saka by Vi t t hal a Srot ri ya. No. 530 is another incomplete
copy of the same wor k, and No. 531 is a fragment of another
wor k on the same subject.
No. 599 is a copy of the Vrataraja, a modern wor k by a Citta-
pavana Br ahman named Visvanatha, the son of Gopala, who
l i ved at Kasi on the Durgaghata. The wor k was compi l ed i n
Samvat 1793 and Saka 1658 corresponding to 1736 A. D. A
very large number of Vratas or fasts and observances are detailed
i n the book.
JIVADEVA, ANANTADEVA, APADEVA AND THEIR WORKS
No. 507 contains the Asaucanirnaya by Jivadeva and an
incomplete copy of the Samskarakaustubha by Anantadeva.
Jivadeva was the son of Apadeva who l i ved at a place situated
on the banks of the Godavarl. In the col ophon the wor k i s
called Asaucadl dhi t i or "A ray i n the f or m of Asauca of
the Kaust ubha". The Kaustubha meant must be the
Smrt i kaust ubha, of whi ch the Samskarakaustubha and
Rajakaustubha are parts. The author of these is Anantadeva,
son of Apadeva ; Jivadeva therefore must be a brot her of t hi s
Anantadeva. The name of Apadeva' s father was also
Anantadeva ; so t hat the author of the Samskarakaustubha was
named after his grandfather, as men are often so named among
t he Marathas. Apadeva is the author of the Mimamsanyaya-
prakasa, usual l y called Apadevi , whi c h is hi ghl y val ued as an
excellent i nt r oduct i on to the st udy of the Mimamsa. I possess
also a comment ary on the Vedantasara by this same Apadeva.
Jivadeva quotes the Ni r nayasi ndhu several times as wel l as
the f ol l owi ng among others :
Mitaksara Ant yest i by Bhatta, i.e.,
Apararka NarayanabhaUa
Madhava Suddhi t at t va
Smrtyarthasara Hemadr i
Sulapani and other Gaudas Madanaparijata
Haradatta Madanaratna
These three authors therefore l i ved i n ver y moder n times. The
Samskarakaustubha also contains the name of Haradatta.
DHARMASASTRA- PR A YOG AS
151
There are also in the col l ect i on l i t t l e tracts on other
branches of the Acara di vi si on of the Dharmasastra whi c h do
not call for any special observation.
THE PRAYOGAS
ASVALAYANAGRHYAKARIK A
There is a large number of wor ks descriptive of the r i t ual
to be observed on various occasions. An d the first to be noticed
among these is the Asvalayanagrhyapaddhatikarikas at t ri but ed
to KumiivilabhaUa. The Manuscri pt is dated Sam vat 1816 and
Saka 1681. No. 192 is a copy of the r i t ual of the Agni mukha or
Aj yat ant ra, whi ch is an i nt r oduct or y ceremony to al l rites
performed on the Gr hya fire. The r i t ual is i nt ended for the
fol l owers of the Atharvaveda.
GANGADHARA'S PADDHATIS
Nos. 570 and 623 are fragments of Gangadhara's Prayoga-
paddhati, and Nos. 613 and 611 of his Sarhskarapaddhati. In
these last Gangildhara speaks of hi msel f as the son of the son
of Ramft gni hot ri n. He appears to be one of the oldest wri t ers
on the r i t ual fol l owed by Madhyamdi nas ; for in last year's
Collection there is a copy of the Samskfirapaddhati whi ch was
transcribed in Samvat 1650 or 1594 A. D., and No. 613 also
appears very ol d t hough it bears no date.
PADMANABHA AND HIS DARPANAS
Anot her wr i t er on this subject for the Madhyamdinas is
Padmanabha, son of Gopala, and grandson of Narayana. No. 576
is a small fragment of his Prayogadarpana, and No. 575 of his
Pratisthftdarpana whi c h contains the r i t ual to be observed in the
consecration of images.
TANA PATHAKA
A t hi r d wr i t er is Tana Pathaka of whose Samskilramuktavall,
No. 615 is a Manuscri pt . It comes down to the end of Vivaha
or marriage,
APASTAMBA PRAYOGAPADDHATI
No. 577 is a copy of the Prayogapaddhati for the fol l owers of
Apastamba by an author of the name of Penjalla Jhi ngayya,
son of Penjalla Mancanacarya. Thi s is a South I ndi an name,
and probably the author was a Tailanga Brahman. Fol l owers
of Apastamba are most l y to be f ound in the Tailarigana count ry ;
whi l e in Maharastra there are a few families l i vi ng on the
borders of the t wo countries.
The other works in this group are on special rites and
ceremonies and do not call for any particular notice.
THE PRAYASC1TTA AND VYAVAHARA BRANCHES
As referri ng to the Vyavahara branch of the Dharma, we have
in the Maratha di vi si on ont y the second chapter of the Mitaksara
( No. 589), transcribed in Saka 1572. There are also three small
tracts belonging to the Prayascitta branch (Nos. 551,555, and 621).
POEMS, PLAYS AND FABLES
VALLABHADEVA'S COMMENTARIES
In the Gujarath Section we have complete copies in the Sarada
character of Vallabhadeva' s Commentaries on the Raghuvamsa
( No. 83) and the Meghadut i ( No. 82), and of that on the first
eight cantos of the Kumarasambhava (No. 72). The name of
Vallabhadeva' s father was Anandadeva.
No. 71 is a complete copy of Jonaraja's Comment ary on the
Ki r at ar j unl ya composed as stated in the i nt r oduct i on in
Saka 1370 (Kharsi vi svami t e Sake) corresponding to 1448 A. D.,
in the rei gn of Jainollabhadena. Thi s pri nce is the same as
Zai nul Abuddi n whose name occurs i n the table of Kasml r
Ki ngs gi ven at the end of Prinsep' s Essays, and who ascended
the t hrone i n 1422 A. D. , and reigned up t o 1472 A. D.
VISNUBHAKTIKALPALATA WITH A COMMENTARY
No. 86 is a copy of the ei ght h Stabaka or canto of
Purusottama's Visnubhaktikalpalata wi t h a comment ary by
THE KAVYA SECTION 153
Mahesvara, son of Vi rupaksa. There is a Manuscri pt of
Stabakas I , I I , I V, and V of the poem wi t h the same comment-
ary i n my Col l ect i on of 1879-80 (No. 81), and of the whol e
or eight Stabakas wi t h the comment ary of MahTdasa in that of
1881-82 ( No. 320). The present Manuscri pt was transcribed
in Samvat 1667 and Saka 1533 ; so that the comment ary is at
least 275 years ol d.
DATE OP THE COMMENTARY
But the date of its composition is given at the end of the
Manuscript as Thursday, the 3r d (Mukhyaj ayat i t hau) of the
l i ght half of Mfirgasirsa, in the year of Vi kr ama
Asvambudhi -raga-bhi i mi . The first t wo words represent 17
and the last 1, and in the place of hundreds we have
raga. But the wor d Raga is not used to denote a numeral ,
nor is the sense of the wor d such as to make it fit for such a use.
In al l pr obabi l i t y therefore Raga is a mistake for Rama whi ch
wor d is used to express the numeral (3), for there were three
Rilmas, Bhargava Rama, Dasarathi Rilma, and Bala-Rama. The
date therefore is 1317 Vi kr ama, corresponding to 1291 A. D.
Accordi ng to Mr . Modak' s calculations, however, it is 1447
Vi kr ama. But the wor d Raga cannot be so understood or
corrected as to mean "f our . "
(The wor d raga is sometimes used to express ' si x' , as Pandit
Durgaprasada tells me. Raga means ' a musical mode' and
there are six pr i nci pal modes ; the use of the wor d therefore to
express ' si x' is perfectly possible. The date of the Comment ary
is thus 1647 Samvat, and according to the Pandit' s as wel l as
Mr . Dl ksi t ' s calculation the 3r d of the l i ght hal f of Margaslrsa
falls on a Thursday in that year. )
1
In the comment ary of the ei ght h Stabaka contained i n the
1 The matter included in the brackets was added by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar
in the " Notes, Corrections and Additions " appended to the Original Report.
[N. B. U.]
Manuscript before me the following lexicons are quoted from:
Amara Halayudha
Visva Mahlpa
There is a copy of Mahlpa in my last year's Collection. The
Bhagavata also is mentioned. The commentary of Mahidasa
mentioned above was composed in the year 1654. The era is
not given.
THE MAHANATAKA ;WITH A COMMENTARY
N o. 96 is a Manuscript of the Mahanantaka wi t h a commentary
by Balabhadra, son of Kasinatha and grandson of Krsnadatta.
The commentary was composed on the Ramanavaml day or the
9th of the light half of Caitra in the year 1638, the cyclic year
being Vyaya. The era to which the date refers is not given,
but it must be the Samvat. Balabhadra mentions a previous
commentary, the Candrika.
PRABODHACANDRODAYA AND COMMENTARIES ON IT
No. 77 is a copy of the Prabodhacandrodaya transcribed in
Samvat 1601 corresponding to 1545 A. D. ; and No. 78 is a
commentary on the play by Ramadasa, son of Bhatta Vinayaka.
Among Manuscripts written in the Tailanga character recived in
1882 from the Government of H. H. the Nizam through the
Government of Bombay, there was a commentary on the play
entitled Candrika and the report that I' made on it under date
the 8th of February 1883 is as follows:
* The first of these (i.e., the Candrika) was composed by the
minister of a king of the name of Nadillayappa. In the intro-
duction, the author tells us he was a nephew (sister's son) of
Salvatimma, the minister of Krsnaraya, king of Vijayanagara, and
had an elder brother who was Salvatimma's son-in-law as well
as nephew. He gives a short history of Krsnaraya who is called
"king of Karnataka." Krsnaraya was, we are told, the son of
i^ftrasiihha and was a powerful monarch who governed the
THE KAVYA SECTIONANTHOLOGIES 155
whol e southern peninsula. He marri ed the daughter of
Prataparudra Gajapati ( ki ng of Orissa). Among the Mackenzie
Manuscripts is one of the name of Krsnarayacaritra or " a n
account of Krsnaraya, " and what is stated there wi t h regard to
the ki ng as we l l as what has been gathered from Inscri pt i ons,
agrees wi t h the account gi ven by our commentator. Krsnaraya
reigned f r om A. D. 1508 to 1530.'
BALAKRSNA AND MADHUSUDANA
No. 85 is a comment ary on a number of verses composed by
one Balakrsna who l i ved at Gokul a on the ri ver Yamuna i n the
Ant ar vedi or the Doab. The author was Madhusudana, pupi l of
Balakrsna, and son of Madhava who hi msel f was the son of
Narasimha. The comment ary was composed in 1700. The era
is not gi ven but must be the Saihvat, since the Manuscript itself
was copied in 1774 Samvat.
ANTHOLOGIES
Nos. 79, 91, 92 and 93 are Manuscripts of Anthologies. The
first is but a fragment cont ai ni ng the Ni t i prakarana, the first of
the t went y-one sections i nt o whi ch the compi l at i on is di vi ded.
The author is Haridasa who was the youngest of four brothers,
the sons of Purusottama who l i ved at Kharaghata. The anthology
was compi l ed in the year 1611. The era is not gi ven, but it
must be the Samvat.
A KASMIR ANTHOLOGY
No. 91 is also a fragment wi t hout begi nni ng or end, about
one-half of whi ch is wr i t t en in the Sarada character and the
other hal f in the Nagarl . The names of poets are in most
cases given at the end of the verse or verses at t ri but ed to t hem ;
but in some places t hey are not. The Sloka Ayam bandhufo
paro v' e t i , ' &c , i s at t ri but ed t o Bhatta ; but i t occurs i n the
Pancatantra and may have been older; and' Durjanafr parihartavyo
vi dyayal amkrt o, ' &c , t o Va l mi ki ; but we fi nd i t i n Bhartrhari' s
Nltisataka. Such mistakes are by no means uncommon in
anthologies ; and therefore, the mere fact of the occurrence of
the name of a certain poet after a certain verse in a Manuscript
of an anthology, ought not without corroborative evidence to be
made the basis of far-reaching historical conclusions.
For instance, the stanza, one Pada of whichVaratanu samprava-
danti &c, is quoted by Patanjali, is fully given by Ksemendra
and attributed to Kumaradasa, and this fact has been used as a
reason for bringing down the date of Patanjali. But the same
Pada is attributed by Rayamukuta to Bharavi (p. 479), to whom
also the whole stanza as given by Ksemendra is ascribed in the
Chandomafijan. This throws such a doubt on the authorship
of the stanza as to make it of little use in determining Patafi-
jali's date. And supposing that it belongs to any one of the
two, that does not, by any means, make Patanjali later than
either. Another explanation is quite possible, viz., that the
Pada was taken from Patanjali, and three other were composed
and added by either of the later writers, in the way of what is
known as Samasyapurana.
The following poets are mentioned in No. 91.
Bhatta Bana 2a Sri-Varahamihira 76
Vitarvrtta 2a Vijaya-Madhava 76
Jagaddhara 2b Ganapati 8a
Harsadatta 36 Suravarman 9a
Canyaka (Capaka ?) 3b Pandita-Srivanka 11a
Jiva 4a Pandita-Jagaddhara 11a
Bhattaculita 4b Jaya-Madhava 14 a
Amrtadanta 5a Vallabhadeva 15a
Anandavardhana 36,6a,8a, Varahamihira 15a
24a, 346, 376, 42a Valmikisuri 17a
Amrtavardhana 6a Ksemendra 176, 236, 25a6,
Manoratha 6a, 76 33a
Vibhati-Madhava 66 Kusumadeva 216
Candrasvamin 7a Prakasavarsa 226, 28a, 346
THE KAVYA SECTION : ANTHOLOGIES 157
Vallabha 24a
Va l mi ki 246
Mur ar i 26a
Pr t hvi dhar a 26a
Dainodh(d)aragupta 28a
Bhar t r har i 286, 30a, 31a, 33a,
346, 35
Jayavardhana 286
Haragupta 29a
Bharavi 29a
Sivasvamin 29a
Bhatta Vasudeva 296,41a
Vyasadasa 306
Vararuci 316
Bhatto(d)bhatta 336
Dharmagupt a 34a
Vi kr amadi t ya 34a
Haribhata 356
Sriharsa 36a
Sankuka 366
Panditayajaka 37a
Bhallata 37a, 376, 38a
Prakasadatta 37a
Dharadhara 38a
Kslidasa 38a
Kalasaka 38a
Bhavanlnandana 386
Dyut i dhar a 396
Sri-Suka 40a
Sri -Mukt apl da 40a
Sri-Jonaraja 41a
Ratisena 42a
Jalhana 426
SUBHASITARATNAKOSA BY KRSNA
No. 93 is a copy of Subhasitaratnakosa by Krsna. A few
leaves are want i ng at the end. The names of the authors of the
excerpts are not gi ven, but the selections are very good.
VERSES ABOUT PARTICULAR POETS
In the section on Kavyas and Kavis we fi nd, verses i n praise of
Bana who is l i ke "a l i on that breaks the globes on the temples of
the elephants in the shape of other poets," of Mayura, Magna,
Bharavi and Mur ar i . Va l mi ki is in a verse spoken of as poet
No. 1, Vyasa as No. 2, and Dandi n as No. 3. In another, Harihara
is admonished not to be boastful as " Madana is the goad of
elephants in the shape of poets " ; and Madana is in his t ur n bi d
" to remember the former deeds of Hara (Siva) and hol d his
tongue. " Here there is a pl ay on the wor d Madana whi ch means
the god of love and was the name of a poet, whose f ul l name was
Madanakl rt i . Madanakl rt i i s ment i oned by Rajasekhara i n his
Prabandhacaturvimsati; and bot h ho and Hari hara wore the
contemporaries of Somesvaradeva, the author of the Kl r t i ka umudl
and Surathotsava.
No. 92 is an ant hol ogy the subject of whi ch is Srngara
or love, and whi ch contains l ong extracts f r om the Mahanafcika,
the Meghaduta, the Kumarasaihbhava, and other poems. The
Manuscri pt was transcribed in 1612 Samvat.
VYAKARAI J J A OR GRAMMAR
KATANTRALAGHUVRTTI
No. 97 is Kat ant ral aghuvrt t i . A few leaves are missing. The
Vr t t i i s different f r om Durga' s Vr t t i published by Dr . Eggeling.
The Purvi l rdha or Namaprakarana agrees wi t h No. 279 of 1875-76;
and the Akhyat avr t t i of the Uttarardha agrees wi t h the cor-
responding por t i on of No. 280 ; but the Kr d v r t t i somewhat
differs.
K ATANTRAPARIBH ASAS
No. 98 contains the Sutras of the Kat ant ra together wi t h the
Paribhasas. Most of these last are the same as those l ai d down
by Pani ni or applicable to the grammar of Pani ni .
OTHER WORKS
No. 103 is a copy of the Prabodhacandrika by Vaijala, son of
Vi kr amadi t ya, bel ongi ng to the Cahuvana or Chohan race, and
ki ng of Candravatl, the modern Jhalrapattan. The tract contains
verses gi vi ng the rules of grammar along wi t h instances havi ng
reference to the story of Rama.
No. 104 is Mahabhasyagurlharthadtpini cont ai ni ng notes on
di ffi cul t passages in the Mahabhasya by Sadasiva, pupi l of
Kamalakara Dl ksi t a. The first chapter and a small por t i on of
the second are want i ng. The Manuscri pt was transcribed or
perhaps t he book was wr i t t en in Saka 1589 or A. D. 1667. In
either case it is evident that the author flourished before Nagoj i -
bhatta.
THE VYAKARANA SECTIONTHE KASIKA 159
KASIKA
No. 99 is a copy of the last five chapters of the Kasika.
The Manuscript contains no date but looks very ol d. In
the colophons at the end of Chapters IV and V, the name
of the author i s not gi ven ; but at the end of Padas I, I I ,
and I I I of Chapter V I , the t i t l e i s given as Vamana-Kasika.
At the end of the f our t h Pad a of the same chapter no
name occurs; but at t he. end of the ei ght h chapter, we have:
Paramo nadhyaya-Vanianakrtayruii Kasikayam Vr t t au, and of
the seventh : Vamana tayam Kasikayam Vr t t au. It woul d
appear f r om this that Vamana was the author of the last three
chapters. But on the evidence of Kasmi r Manuscripts collected
by Dr . Btihler in 1875-70, Jayaditya is now believed to be the
author of the first four chapters and Vamana of the last four.
But there is the evidence of Rayamukuta and Bhat t oj i Di ksi t a in
favour of assigning the fifth chapter to Jayi i di t ya, and the seventh
and ei ght h to Vamana.
Under the wor d Sarkara in the Amarakosa, Rayamukuta
derives the four forms of the wor d from Panini V. 2. 105,
wi t h a reference to Jayaditya, and mentions Saikato ghatah
or Sarkavam madhu as counter-examples given by hi m ; and these
we find in the Kasika under that Sutra. Under the wor d Pandura,
Rayamukut a defends Jayaditya against an attack by the author
of the Bhasavrtti for having i ncl uded the wor d Pandu in the
Var t i ka begi nni ng wi t h Naga on V. 2.107. In comment i ng on his
own explanation of ekavacanat in Pani ni , V. 4. 43 as a " wor d
si gni fyi ng a measure " and di rect i ng the application of the suffix
Sas to such a wor d, Bhat t oj i observes in the Manorama that he
has fol l owed Jayadi t ya in so expl ai ni ng it ; but according to
Vamana, that t er mi nat i on may be appended to ordi nary common
nouns also, since under the Sotra V I I . 1. 20 he gives Kundaso
dadati, Vanasah pravisati as instances, to show that the Sas occurri ng
in that Sutra is not that used in these instances, but is the Sas of
the accusative pl ur al . Now the explanation at t ri but ed to Jayaditya
occurs in the Kasika under Pan. V. 4. 43, and t he instances
at t ri but ed t o Vamana under Pan. V I I . 1. 20. Under the wor d
Apsaras, whi ch according t o Amara i s used i n the pl ur al onl y,
Rayamukuta says that Vamana gives Aphsarafo as an instance of
the Vart i ka Cayo dvi t i yal j , and hence the noun is used in the
singular also. Now t hi s Var t i ka occurs under V I I I . 4. 48, and
we do find aphsarah in the Kasika at that place. Si mi l ar l y under
the words kravyad and kravyada, Jayaditya' s vi ew is referred to,
and this we fi nd i n the Kasika under I I I . 2. 68.
Madhava quotes Vamana' s and Jayaditya' s observations in the
Dhat uvr t t i (Pandit, Vol . V, New Series, p. 346), and these are
found i n the Kasika under V I I I . 2. 30, and I I I . 2. 59 respectively.
Thus t hen on the evidence of Madhava, Rayamukuta, and
Bhat t oj i , the t hi r d and fi ft h chapters of the Kasika were wr i t t en
by Jayaditya, and the seventh and ei ght h by Vamana ; whi l e the
Manuscript before me assigns the si xt h chapter also to the
latter.
CHAPTERS I-V BY JAYADITYA AND VI-VIII BY VAMANA
On a revi ew of the whol e available evidence it appears clear
t hat the aut hor of the first five chapters was Jayaditya and of the
last three Vamana. There is an allusion to Jayaditya and Vamana
i n Professor Aufrecht ' s edi t i on of Ujjvaladatta' s Unadisutra, under
I. 52 ; but I do not fi nd i t i n t wo ver y ol d Manuscripts of the
wor k, one dated Sam vat 1563, and the other Sariivat or Vi kr ama
1680. Vamana was according to Rayamukut a the author of another
wor k ent i t l ed Linganusasana, and many of the references to
Vamana contained i n t hat comment ary on Amara must be t o t hat
wor k of Vamana.* I t si ng, the Chinese traveller, mentions
Jayadi t ya onl y as the author of the Kasika (Professor Max-
Mi i l l er ' s note on the Renaissance of Sanskrit Li t erat ure, i n "I ndi a,
what can it teach us ? ") and not Vamana. Jayaditya probabl y
* Since the above was put in type, a Manuscript of this work has been
discoyered by my friend and colleague Prof, Peterson,
VYAKARANA SECTIONPRAKRIYAKAUMUDl 161
l eft his wor k incomplete, and i t was finished l ong afterwards by
Vamana who also wrot e other phi l ol ogi cal works.
PRAKRIYAKAUMUDl
No. 102 is a Manuscri pt of the Prakriyakaumudlprasada or a
comment ary on the Pr akr i yakaumudi , by Vitthalacarya, t he
grandson of Ramacandracarya, the author of the wor k commented
on. Ramacandracarya is also the author of the Kalanirnaya-
dl pi ka, and the comment ary on t he wor k usually found is by his
son Nrsimhacarya, the father of Vitthalacarya. The commentaries
on bot h the works contain Prasastis gi vi ng an account of the
f ami l y to whi c h the author of the ori gi nal works and those of
the commentaries belonged.
HISTORY OF THE FAMILY OF THE AUTHOR
The f ami l y belonged t o the Andhr a count ry, or i n other words
it was a f ami l y of Tailanga Brahmans, devoted to the st udy of
the Rgveda and bel ongi ng to the Kaundinyagotra. The first
person named is Anantacarya f r om whom a certain hol y person
(Yat mdravarya) of the name of Ramasvamin derived a know-
ledge of al l the Agamas and to whom the t i t l e of Acarya was
gi ven by hi m. Hi s son was Nrsimhacarya who was proficient
i n t he Nigamas and Agamas, Nyaya, Vaisesika, Jai mi nl ya and
Ganita, wrot e a Bhasyasara of the Srutis (Upanisads), and
defeated opponents in argument at the court of a prince. He
had sons of whom Gopalacarya was the oldest and Krsnacarya
the youngest. Krsnacarya was the most learned of t hem al l ,
being wel l versed i n the eighteen branches of l earni ng, of
whi c h Ni gama is the first. He explained the Sut r avr t t i at the
court of Rama in t he presence of that prince. Krsna' s sons
were NysimhScarya and Ramacandracarya who was the younger
of the t wo. Ramacandra's i nst ruct or was Gopalacarya and he
wrot e three wor ks, the Pr akr i yakaumudi , Vaisnavasiddhanta-
saddlpika, and a treatise on Kal a. Possibly, instead of one he
wrot e three treatises on Kala. Nrsi rhha was Ramacandra's son
21 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol II ]
and wr ot e the comment ary on his father' s Kal ani rnayadl pi ka.
Hi s teacher was Krsnacarya who was the son of the eldest
brot her of Ramacandra, i.e., Nrsi ri i ha i n al l pr obabi l i t y, and
who wrot e commentaries on some of the Kavyas. Vi t t hal a, the
author of the Prasada, was the son of Nrsi ri i ha, the com-
ment at or on t he Kal ani rnayadl pi ka. Hi s mother' s name was
Mani kamba and his teacher was Raghavendrasarasvatl who
defeated many opponents in argument and established the
Dvaitasiddhanta (?). At t he end of the Prasasti Vi t t hal a renders
his obeisance to Raraesvaracarya, the son of Krsnaguru, i.e.,
i n al l pr obabi l i t y Krsna the teacher of his father, t o Anant a the
son of Vi t t hal acaryaguru who defeated Vadiraja i n argument,
to Naganatha son of Krsna who defeated Vaj i (di?) natha and
who possessed infiuenco over the " Lor d of Ki n g s , " and to
Jagannathasrama who was versed i n the' Vedanta of the Yat i .
The genealogy is therefore as fol l ows :
Anant a
Nrsirhha
Gopala Kj-sna
|
Nr si mha Ramacandra
Krsna Nr si mha
Vi t t hal a
Ramesvara Naganatha (?)
In the hi st ory of t he f ami l y t hus gi ven the name of one ki ng
onl y, Rama, is gi ven. Thi s name was borne by several princes
of the Vijayanagara dynasty and of other dynasties whi c h sprang
f r om i t , so t hat i t i s impossible t o fi nd out who the pri nce
meant was. But the dates of Ramacandracarya and his son and
grandson can be approxi mat el y det ermi ned wi t h the ai d of
other evidence.
V Y A K A R A N A S E C T I O N P R A K R I Y A K A U MU D I 163
DATE OF RAMACANDRACARYA
The present Manuscri pt of the Prasada is dated 1717 Sam vat
corresponding to 1661 A. D. A copy of the Kal ani rnayadl pi kavi -
varana, No. 92 of my last year's Collection, was transcribed in
1651 Samvat or 1595 A. D., and No. 91 of the same Collection
bears a double date, vi z. , 1621 Samvat and 1486 Saka,
corresponding to 1565 A. D. There is a Manuscri pt of the
Pr akr i yakaumudI i n the Col l ect i on belonging t o the ol d Sanskrit
College of Poona (No. 324) whi c h also bears a double date, vi z. ,
1583 Samvat and 1448 Saka or 1527 A. D. But the lines in
whi c h the date is gi ven r un t hus :" On Tuesday the 13th of
the l i ght hal f of the mont h of Bhadrapada, the current year
being Samvat 1583 and Saka 1448 [ t hi s ] was transcribed at
Nandi gi r i by Kamacandracilryasuta-suta-suta." Between the
su and the ta of the second suta we have some letter, but there
is a mar k i ndi cat i ve of erasure on it and the usual upper
hori zont al stroke is want i ng whi c h shows that the letter is not
to be read. Thus t hen t hat Manuscri pt was transcribed in
1527 A. P. , by the son of the son of the son of RamacandracSrya,
i.e., by his great grandson. The Ramacandrficilrya spoken of
must be the author of the Prakri yakaumudr, for if he had been
another person different f r om the author, some di st i ngui shi ng
particulars woul d have been gi ven about hi m. Besides, the
Nandi gi r i where the Manuscript was copied is the same as
Nanded situated on the Godfivari in the t er r i t or y of the Ni zam ;
and the count ry surroundi ng it corresponds to the Andhradesa
i n whi ch, as we are t ol d i n the Prasastis, the f ami l y l i ved. I f ,
therefore, a great grandson of Ramacandritcarya l i ved in 1527
A. p. , Ramacandrficarya hi msel f must have l i ved about 1450 A. D.
In the begi nni ng of the wor k before me, Vi t t hal a adores
Sambhu, Pani ni , Vararuci , Sesa (i.e. Patanjali), Bhart r and
other expounders of the Bhasya, the authors of the Vr t t i and
the Nyasa, Bhoja, Durga, and Ksirasv<lmin.
PARIBHASABHASKARA
The onl y wor k bel ongi ng t o this class i n the Maratha Section
that calls for notice is t he Paribhasabhaskara by an author of the
name of Bhaskara. At the end of the wor k t he author t hus
gives his pedigree. In t he t own of Tryambakesvara l i ved
Purusottamabhafta who belonged to a f ami l y of the name of
Agni hot r i n. He had a son of the name of HaribhaUa who
appears to have been a Vai di ka. Hi s son was Apaj i bhat t a who
l i ved at Ka i l and was a physician ; and Apaj i ' s son was
Bhaskara. Two collections of Paribhasas, one by Siradeva and
t he other by Udayamkara have been noticed by Dr . Ki el hor n
in the preface to his translation of the Paribhasendusekhara, and
t hi s is a t hi r d.
Bhaskara l i ved after Bhat t oj i Dl ksi t a since he quotes
t he first l i ne of the opening verse of the Si ddhfi nt akaumudl
( Muni t r ayam namaskrtya etc.). He also quotes Bhatt-i and
t he comment ary Jayamangala, the Kavyaprakasa, Madhava-
cSrya, the Sahityadarpana, Siradeva, &c. Some of the
Paribhasas gi ven i n the book do not occur i n Nagojibhatta' s
Paribhasendusekhara. Bhaskara divides his wor k i nt o eight
chapters each havi ng four Padas, the divisions corresponding,
wi t h those of the Ast adhyayl ; and at the end gives other
Paribhasas whi c h are most l y based, as he says, on Nyayas or
or di nar y pri nci pl es. The author appears to have l i ved
before Nagojibhatta. Anot her copy of the wor k is noticed
i n Dr . Burnel l ' s Catalogue of the Tanj or Manuscripts and
also another Paribhasabhaskara by an author of the name of
Sesadri.
KOSAS OR LEXI CONS
RAYAMUKUTA'S COMMENTARY ON THE AMARAKOSA
We have a copy of the Amarakosa in the Sarada characters
(No. 110), and an ol d copy of the Padacandrika or Rayamukuta' s
THE KOSA SECTIONRAYAMUKUTA 165
commentary on it dated Samvat 1711. A few leaves of this
are missing. At folio 496 of the first part occurs the well-
known date of the work, Saka 1353, corresponding to 1431 A.D.
Rayamukuta quotes a very large number of authors and works.
The following names
1
occur in Kanda I :
Leaf 2 wanting
Ajayakosa, 14 6 3, 51 a 4, 86 6 3, 96 a 5.
Atisila, 54 a 3.
Anunyasa 12 b 6.
Abhinanda, 64 a 2.
Amaradatta (Pumskanda) 91 a 3.
Amaramala, 5 6 4, 33 a 4, 40 a 5, 48 a 2, 57 a 4, 62 6 5,
78 6 , 89 a 5, 89 b tf, 90 a 5.
Agama 22 a 4, 25 a 1, 28 6 4, 35 6 7, 41 6 6.
Ascaryaparvan, 23 6 2.
Ascaryamaiijarr, 46 a 3, 86 6 4.
Ugada, 8 a 5.
Ujjvaladatta, 81 6 3, 84 6 5.
Untidivrtti 31 6 2, 43 6 4.
Utpalinikosa 35 a 4, 52 a 1, 54 6 2, 59 6 1, 77 a 1, 89 a 3.
Udyogaparvan, 13 a 1.
Upadhyayasarvasva, 15 6 7, 33 6 3, 38 a 5, 50 6 6, 52 6 6.
Usmabheda, 87 a 2, 87 6 4.
Usmaviveka, 44 a 2.
Aupanisadak 11 a 1.
Kalinga, 11 6 5, 12 a 2, 12 6 5, 21 6 6, 25 a 6, 27 a 4,
30 a 5, 32 a 4, 38 a 5, 40 6 7, 41 6 2, 42 6 2, 54 a 3,
61 a 4, 64 a 2, 65 a 1, 67 b 2, 75 a 2, 77 a 3, 81 a 5
& 2, 82 a 1 & 5, 83 b 6, 86 6 2, 87 a 2, 90 a 2, 91 6 2,
95 a 5.
Kandasesa, 40 a 4,
Katantra, 22 b 3, 47 b 6.
1 As on a former occasion, the number in Italics shows the number of the
line from the bottom of the page.[N. B. U.]

Katyayana, 55 b 5, 60 b 6.
Kamandakiya, 54 b 6, 55 b 3.
Kalapah, 79 b 1.
Kalidasa, 30 a 2, 89 a 4.
Kasika, 72 a 4.
Kirata, 51 b 2.
Kicakavadha, 65 a 1.
Kumara, 35 a 2.
Kumaradasa, 47 b 1 (Pranaso Mitrasya prasabhamajani
Jyesthavirahab). 65 b 2 (Raval? pragalbhahatabherisam-
bhavaJ? prakasayamasa samamtatah )
Kumarasambhava, 9 a 1.
Kaijjata, 12 b 6.
Kokkata, 42 b 7, 60 a 6, 84 a 5, 6 and 4, 85 a 4, 87 a 5
(Kokkat a), 88 b 1, 90 b 5, 91 a 4 & 3, 91 ft 1, 95 a 3.
Kokkara 87 a 4.
Kolahalacarya, 59 b 4, (Writer on Poetics ?)
Kosa, 27 a 1.
Kaumudl, (a commentary on Amarakosa), 5 b 2, 13 a 4,
16 a 2, 18 b 3, 18 & 7, 19 b 3, 20 b 2, 22 b 6, 22 b 4,
24 a 2, 25 a 5, 26 a 1 and 5, 27 ft 4, 28 a 6, 28 b 6,
31 a 3, 31 b 1 and 2, 32 b 2, 34 a 3, 34 b 2, 36 a 7 & 5,
36 b 4, 37 a 4, 38 b 7, 39 a 2, 41 a 2 and 5, 42 a 2,
42 ft 7, 44a 3,44 b 7, 44 b 4, 45 a 5, 50 b 6, 51a 3 & 5,
51 ft 5, 52 a 6,52 b 1, 53 a 2 and 6, 54 a 4, 56 a 1 & 4,
60 a 1 and 3, 61 a 3 and (5, 61 ft 2, 62 a 1 and 5, 62 b 6,
4 and 2, 63 a 2, 63 b 2, 64 a 2 (tasmatkakallti gaura-
ditvaditi Svaml [mi]Kalingadinam pramada i t i tu
Kaumudl), 65 a 1, 65 b 4, 66 a 2, 66 b 4, 67 a 3, 68 a 6,
68 ft 2, 68 ft 5, 69 a 2, 70 ft 2, 71 a 1 and 5, 77 ft 4
77 b 2, 80 a 5, 81 a 4, 84 a 5, 87 a 5, 93 a 6, 96 b 1.
Kaumudlkara, 4 b 2, 25 a 5, 72 b 7, 32 b 7, 33 b 1, 42 a 2,
66 a 6.
Ksirasvamin, 5 a 1, 41 a 4, 44 b 7, 53 a 2, 60 a 6, 88 b 5.
THE KOSA SECTION : R A Y A MU K U T A 167
Ganitacudamanau MahlmtapanlyarajapanditaSrinivasah,
49 b 6.
Gita, 11 a 4, 12 6 3, 52 a 4.
Govardhana, 6 a 8, 7 a 7.
Govardhanananda, 47 b 6.
Govardhanl yonadi vrt t i , 27 b 1.
Ghatakarpara, 46 b 1.
Ghatakarpara (Purva), 81 a 5.
Caraka, 47 a 1.
Candra, 9 b 6, 39 b 5, 63 a 1, 79 b 1 (Candrah).
Candra Sutra, 39 a 2.
Citralekha (Upakatha), 59 b 6,
Jayaditya, 27 b 5, 27 b 2, 56 b 1.
Jatarupa, 87 a 2.
Jatoka, 44 b 6.
Janaklkarana, 42 a 5, 43 b5, 56 b 6.
Jambavativijayakavya, 82 b 4 (Payahprsantibhih sprst-a" l ant i
vatah sanail,i sanaih).
Ji nendrabuddhi , 79 b 3.
Tarapala, 89 a 1.
Tri kanrl a, 87 a 3.
Tri-kandasega, 6 a 5, 11 a 3, 12 a 5, 15 a 5, 21 b 7, 22 a 7,
30 b 6', 31 a 4, 34 a 4, 41 a 4, 47 b 2, 51 a 6, 62 b 5,
70 b 1, 75 a 6, 76 a 1 & 1, 78 a 1, 79 a J, 83 b 4, 94 a 2.
Dandaka, 58 a 6.
Dandi n, 40 b 7, 56 a 3 (a yamaka quoted).
Damayant i campi i , 59 b 4.
Damodara, 7 a 7.
Devisataka, 51 a 2.
Dvirupakosa, 11 b 3, 12 a 2, 16 a 3, 67 b 2, 78 a 1, 78 b 2,
91 b 2, 92 a 4, 93 b 6, 96 a 4.
Dharani , 1 b 6, 47 b 7, 93 a 1.
Dharani , 81 a 3, 84 a 3, 84 b 3.
Dhar makl r t i var t i ka 57 b 5.
Dharmadasa, 73 b 2.
Dhatuparayana, 21 a 6, 22 b 7, 79 b 3.
Dhatupradlpa, 46 a 4, 70 b 1, 83 b 5.
Nandin, 76 a 3.
Naravahanadatta, 59 b 5,
NatakaratnakoSa, 73 a 5,
Nanarthakosa 67 b 2 (iti Nanarthakosadarsanat dvitakara-
pathalj pramadika i t i Kalingadayah).
Namanidhana 15 b 8, 22 a 7, 23 b 5, 26 a 5, 37 b 5, 41 a 7,
44 a 3, 44 b 7, 46 b 1, 50 a 5 (Yathahur Namanidhana
SriNarayanacaranalj), 68 b 1.
Namamala, 46 a 5, 48 a 2, 94 b 1.
Namalinganusasana, 46 b 6.
Narada, 63 b 3.
Narayanasarvajnacaranak, 41 a 7.
Nirukta, 8 a 5.
Niruktikara, 10 b 0.
Nllakanthastava, 16 a 4.
Naigadha,:73 b 5, 76 a 2.
Nyasa, 11 b 7, 13 5 2, 27 b 6, 34 a 5.
Panjika, 11 b 5, 13 a 2 and 5, 21 a 1 and 4, 53 a 5, 67 a 1,
70 a.l, 72 b 1, 73 b 5, 74 b 4, 75 b 5, 77 a 5, 78 a 5&3,
78 b 5, 79 a 4, 79 b 1 and 3, 80 a 5, 80 b 1, 81 a 5,
82 ft 1, 83 a 3, 83 ft 4, 84 a 4, 85 a 3 and 4, 86 a 5,
86 b 1, 87 a 2 and 3, 89 b 2 and 2, 90 a 2, 91 a 3 and 3,
91 b 4, 92 a 5 and 3,' 92 b 2, 93 a 4, 94 a 6, 5 and 4,
95 a 3 and 4, 96 b 1.
Panini (Jambavatyam) 17 a 3 (Sa pargadairambaramapupure)
Paninitantra, 82 a 5.
Parayana, 38 a 5, 77 b 3.
Purusottama, 7 a 7, 14 a 2, 22 b 4, 28 a 6, 47 b 2, 61 a 6.
Purnacandra, 73 b 1.
Purvakaviprayoga ( Sakha diso jaladhimandalamalavalam )
91 b 4.
THE KOSA SECTION : RAYAMUKUTA 169
Paurani kah, 16 b 1, 33 b 4.
Pracmacaryah, 60 b 6.
Banabhatta, 58 a 2.
Buddhacarita 6 a 6.
Brhat kat ha (Paisaci) 59 b 5.
Brhadamarakosa, 14 b 1.
Brhaddharaval l , 19 ft 2.
Bopala 48 b 5.
Bopalita 11 b 7, 17 a 7, 18 a 4, (Strikanda) 39 a 4, 47 a 6,
48 b 6, 54 b 1 68 a 5, 84 b 3, 87 a 6, 96 b 4.
Bhatta 53 a 6, 59 a 1, 61 a 5, 61 b 1, 68 b 5, 71 b 4, 76 b 6,
78 a 3 and 5, 80 ft 4 & 6, 83 b 1, 91 a 4, 96 b 6.
Bhattasvamin 17 a 1, 66 a 6.
Bbat t i 19 b 7, 21 b 7, 25 a 3, 34 a 4, 37 a 7, 43 b 4, 45 a 4,
51 b 4, 55 b 2, (Grammar) 56 b 2, 62 6 4.
Bharata 69 b 3 & 5, 72 b 6.
Bhavabhft t i , 65 a 4, 89 b 5.
Bhagavrt t i 6 a 4, 36 a 4.
Bhagavr t t i kr t 70 a 5.
Bhaguri 8 a 3, 24 a 3, 30 ft 2, 35 a 7, 61 b 6, 89 b 6.
Bharata 16 b 6, 23 b 2, 24 a 4, 37 b 3, 92 b 2.
Bharavi , 38 a 2, 44 a 1, 71 a 5, 71 b 5, 74 b 6, 95 b 6.
Bhagavrtti, 5 a 1, 56 b 1.
Bhasya, 17 a 6, 56 b 2.
Bhi ma 50 b 6.
Bhlmasena 95 a 1.
Bhoja 30 a 4, 38 b 6, (Bhojaraja) 56 a 3.
Matsyapurana, 59 b 3.
Madhumadhava 5 a 1, 12 b 2, 53 a 6.
Manu 6 b 6, 10 a 6, 10 b 4, 25 a 2, 60 a 3.
Mantravarna 10 b 3.
Mahakaviprayoga (Yanmekhala bhavati Mekhalasailaputrl)
92 b 3.
Mahi mnab stotra 11 a 2.
22 [ R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol II]
170 REPOBT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1883-84
Magna, 5 a 4, 6 a 7, 11 a 5,12 a 6, 14 a 6, 21 b 4, 23 b 7,
24 a 3, 25 b 1, 33 b 3, 38 a 4, 41 b 3, 43 b 2, 44 a 1,
44 b 7, 48 a 3, 48 b 4, 51 b 5. 57 a 6 and 4, 60 b 3,
68 a 2, 70 b 5, 71 a 6 and 4, 75 a 3, 75 b 1, 83 a 4,
84 a 4 and 7, 84 b 1, 91 b 3.
Madhava 70 b 3, 94 b 6.
Madhavika 59 b 1.
Madhavl 10 a 1, 18 a 5, 23 a 5, 85 a 7, 86 a 1, 93 a 2.
Markarujeyapurana 18 a 3, 23 b 4, 26 a 6, 31 b 4.
Medini 14 a 5, 33 a 1, 35 a 4, 48 a 6, 51 b 5, 89 a 4, 90 b 4,
95 a 3, 95 ft 7, 96 ft 1 and 5.
Medinlkara, 57 ft 4, 82 ft 5.
Maitreya, 9 a 7, 14 b 7, 39 a 6, 61 a 6.
Yajnavalkya, 78 b 2.
Yogesvara, 92 a 5.
Raghu, 29 a 7, 32 b 7, 34 a 3, 35 a 3, 51 b 2, 58 b 3, 74 b 5,
92 a 3 and 6.
Ratnakosa, 3 b 1, 21 b 6, 24 b 5, 25 a 1, 35 a 1, 40 a 3,
49 a 6, 54 6 7, 61 a 6, 65 b 3, 67 b 1, 70 b 2 and 4,
71 b 2, 82 a 2, 87 a 3.
Ratnamala 5 ft 2 (quoted in Kaumudr.)
Rantideva, 6 a 5, 39 b 4.
Rabhasa, 14 a 4 and 3,15 b 2, 21 a 7, 23 a 3,30 a 4, 40 a 6,
42 a 2, 45 b 4, 48 a 5, 56 b 7, 57 a 5, 57 b 7, 67 b 4,
70 ft 6, 73 ft 3, 75 b 5, 79 b 1, 82 a 3, 87 a 3, 88 a 4,
94 b 1.
Rasavajjumara 22 ft 3.
Rajadeva, 5 a 4, 5 b 1, 31 b 5.
Rajasekhara, 76 b 1, 77 a 4, 96 a 2.
Ramadasatika 25 a 5.
Ramanusssana, 57 b 5.
Ramayana 5 b 4, 6 a 2, 38 b 6, 39 b 7.
Rudra, 42 a 2, 47 b 1 (Kosa), 51 b 7, 56 b 1, 80 b 4, 86 a 2,
95 ft 4,
THE KOSA SECTIONRiYAMUKUÂ 171
Rupamanjari, 20 a 6.
Rtlparatnakara, 47 b 6, 85 a 1.
Lingapurana, 49 b 2.
Lainga, 49 b 5.
Vatsesvara 22 b 5.
Vararuci, 42 'b 5, 44 a 4.
Varaha, 48 a 3.
Varnaviveka, 39 a 1.
Vacaspati, 18 a 2, 26 b 6, 38 b 5, 40 a 6, 80 a 2, [81 a 5,
91 a 1 , 95 a 1.
Vamana, 4 b 1, 21 b 4, 24 a 5, 42 b 1, 49 a 6, 57 b 2, 82 a 2.
Vayupurana, 18 b 4, 19 b 6 and 2, 23 b 3, 28 b 3, 30 b 3,
80 a 6.
Vasavadatta, 22 a 2, 40 b 6, 44 a 5, 51 a 2, 59 b 4, 62 b 3,
67 a 3, 81 b 3, 89 a 2, 95 b 5, 96 a 4, 96 b 4.
Vikramaditya, 76 b 3.
Vidagdhamukhainandana, 44 6 6, 51 a 3, 60 a 2.
Vindhyavasin, 46 a 4.
Visakha, 71 a 4.
Vaisakhinab, 63 b 1.
Visva, 15 b 2,20 b 2, 25 b 3, 49 a 1, 79 a 3, 95 a 4.
Visvaprakasa, 95 a 6.
Vignupurana, 12 a 6,12 b 2, 50 a 3.
Vignupuranatikakara, 11 b 3.
Vrt t i (Grammar) 4 b 1,5 b 6, 88 a 5 and 2.
Vrndavana, 57 b 6, 76 a 2.
Venisaihhara, 42 b 3.
Vaiyakaranah,
:
33 b 4.
Vaisesikah, 32 b 4, 53 a 2.
Vyakhyamrta, 19 a 4,
Vyadi, 1 b 2, 8 6 7, 9 a 6, 23 b 2, 34 b 2, 37 6 4, 38 a 1,
39 a 3, 94 b 5.
Vyasa, 24 6 6, 59 6 3.
Satapatha, 24 a 4,
172 IlEPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1883-84
Sabarasvamin, 28'a 6, 64 a 3, 76 a 3.
Sabdanusasana, 58 a 4.
Sabdarnava, 7 a 5, '8 a 7, 10 a 1, 10 b 2, 12 a 6, 14 b 1,
17 a 6, 24 a 6, 24 b 7 and 8, 25 a 8, 27 b 5 and 4, 28 a 4,
31 a 4 and 2, 31 b 4, 32 a 1, 33 ft 4, 34 ft 2 and?, 35 a 2,
36 a 7, 37 a 2, 41 a 6, 42 b 6 (twice) and 3, 44 a 5, 4
and 1, 44 b 4, 45 b 3, 47 a 1, 48 a 3, 49 a 4, 52 ft 3 and
2, 53 b 1, 55 b 2, 56 a 3, 56 b 3, 6 and 5, 57 a 2, 57 b 4,
58 a 5, 60 b 4, 61 a 3, 61 b 4, 65 a 5, 65 b 5, 67 a 4 and
,2, 67 b 4, 68 a 2 and 6, 68 b 4, 69 a 4 and 6, 69 b 6,
71 a 2 and 2, 72 a 4, 82 a 3, 93 b 4.
Sabdarnavakara, 4 b 5, 67 b 6.
Sakatayana 6 a 4.
Sakatayaniyavrtti, 76 a 3.
Sabdikanarasima, 76 b 2.
Salihotra, 25 ft 3.
Sasvata 9 b 1, 38 a 1, 50 a 2.
Sivabhadra, 62 a 4 (a yamaka).
Sndraka, 59 ft 5.
Srngaraprakasa, 24 b 8, 35 a 3, 55 b 4.
Sridhara, 12 a 2, 23 a 4, 25 b 2, 40 a 6, 41 b 2.
Sruti, 11 b 2, 16 b 5, 26 a 3, 26 b 3, 41 a 5.
Saihkgiptabharata, 10 ft 1.
Samsaravarta, 17 a 4, 21 b 5, 24 b 5, 27 b 5, 28 a 2, 28 b 5,
41 b 5, 81 a 3, 83 a 5, 89 a 1.
Sarvadhara, 1 b 9, 9 a 4 and 1, 17 a 1, 23 a 1, 30 a 1, 41 b 4,
42 a 3, 44 a 2, 44 a 7, 53 a 2, 55 b 5, 56 a 6, 66 a 6,
67 b 3, 68 b 3, 69 a 2, 75 b 2, 79 a 4, 80 a 4, 80 b 3,
816 1, 83 b 4 and 2, 84 a 5 and 4, 86 a 5, 86 b 3,
87 a 6 and 5, 89 b 1, 2 and 5, 92 b 1, 5, 4 and 2, 93 a 2,
94 b 3, 95 a 3, 95 b 3, 96 a 2 and 1.
Sarvananda, 13 a 6, 28 b 1, 29 b 5, 31 b 6, 35 b 1, 38 a 6,
38 b 5, 42 b 4, 45 a 4, 53 a 4, 55 a 2, 62 ft 6, 64 ft 2,
72 ft 1, 74 ft and 3, 77a 4, 78 b 2, 80 b 1, 81 a 2, 85 a 4,
THE KOSA SECTIONRAYAMUKUTA 173
85 b 3 and 2, 9 1 a 6, 94 a 4.
Samkhya, 53 a 4.
Sambapurana, 14 a 2, 16 a 7, 28 a 3, 41 a 6.
Sarasvatakosa, 96 a 3.
Sahasanka, 29 a 1, 34 b 3, 43 a 2.
Sundaranandacarita, 9 b 5.
Subhut i , 9 b 7, 11 b 5 and 2, 18 b 2, 36 a 2, 38 b 6', 46 b .5,
61 a 1, 72 b 4, 73 b 2, 74 a 4, 75 b 1, 80 a 2, 83 b 2,
91 a 5.
Samanandin, 43 b 5, 51 a 4, 87 a 2, 92 a 6, 95 a 5.
Skanda 15 b 1, 5 and 5, 16 a 8, 16 b 1 and 2, 1.7 b 2, 19 a 4.
Smr t i , 86 a ,5, 93 a 1.
Svami n, 13 a 5, 13 b 5, 15 a 2 and 3, 15 b 3, 16 a 6, 2 and 2,
16 ft 2, 17 a 2, 18 a 4, 18 b 4, 19 b 5 and 2, 20 a 3 and
4, 20 b 6 and 2, 21 a 2, 21 b 4 and ,5, 22 a 1, 22 a 4,
22 a 6 and 6, 22 b 3 and 2, 23 a 4 and 3, 23 b 4, 6 and
5, 24 a -2, 24 b 2, 25 a 5, 25 b 1, 5, 6 and 3, 26 a 6, and
3, 26 b 2, 27 a 6, 5 and 2, 28 b 4, 29 a 3, 30 b 2 and 2,
31 a 2, 7, 4 and 3, 31 b 5 and 2, 32 a 2, 3, 5, 6 and 5,
33 b 6, 5, and 2, 34 a 1, 3 (twice) and 6, 35 a 4, 35 b 2,
36 a 4, 36 b 4, 37 a 2 and 5, 37 ft 6, 38 a 3, 5 and 4, 39
a 7, 39 b 2, 6 and 1, 40 a 1, 3, 4, 7 and 4,
40 ft 2, 41 a 6, 3 and 2, 41 b 3 and 2, 43 a 5 and 2, 43
b 4, 44 b 1, 45 b 6, 46 a 2 and 6, 46 b 6', 48 a 6, 51 a 3,
52 a 1, 52 b 7 and 4, 56 a 1 and 6, 57 a 5 and 2,
59 a 2, 59 b 2, 60 b 1, 62 a 6, 63 b 3, 64 a 4 and 2,
64 b 1 and 2, 66 b 5, 75 b 2, 76 b 4 and 5, 77 a 1, 78 b 1,
79 a 1, 4, 5 and 2, 79 b 3, 80 a 5 and 3, 81 b 3, 82 a 6,
82 b 4 and 5, 83 a 5, 83 b 2, 3 and 3, 84 a 1. 5 and 6,
86 a 1, 87 a 1, 88 a 5, 88 b 1, 89 b 1, 5, 6 and 2, 90 b 2,
91 a 3 and 5, 91 b 5, 92 a 2, 93 a 3, 6 and 2, b b 1, 94
a 5 and 2, 94 b 3 and 5, 96 a 2, 96 b 1.
Hattacandra, 27 b 4.
Haducandra, 6 a 7,14 a 2,34 a 6,41 a 5, 60 a 6 and 3, 66 a 5,
70 b 2, 71 a 4.
Hariprabodha, 34 a 6, 80 a 1, 84 b 2.
Harivamsa, 11 a 7,12 a 2, 24 a 2.
Hargacarita, 59 b 1.
Halayudha 17 b 2, 75 b 4, 79 b 4.
Haravall, 39 b 4.
The following names occur in Kansas II and I I I :-
1
AUTHORS
AJaya
Abhinanda
Amaradatta
Arunadatta (identical with
the commentator of Astan-
gahrdaya ?)
Kayyata
Kalinga
Katya
Katyayana
Kamandaka
Kalidasa
Kokkata
Kaufctlya
Govardhana
Grahakrgna
Candra
Candragomin
Oaraka
Jatarupa
Jinendrabuddhi
Tarapala
Dandin
Damodara
Durga ( Durgokta LingSnu-
sasana); also quoted as
Durgasimha
Dhanamjaya
Dhanvantari
Dharmadasa (author of
Vidagdhamukhamandana)
Dharmasena
Panini
Purusottama
Purnacandra
Bana
Balapanditajatakam
Bopalita
Bhatta
Bharata
Bhavabhuti
Bhaguri
Bharavi
Bhasyakara
Bhlmasena
Sri Bhoja
1 This list was drawn up by Pandit Durgaprasad and is printed as a
Supplement in the Original Report at pp, 467-78. [ N. B. U.]
THE KOSA SECTIONRlYAMUKUTA 175
Manu
Magha
Madhava
Murari
Maitreya
Maudgalyayana
Yajnavalkya
Raksita
Rantideva
Rajadeva
Rajasckhara
Rudra
Vararuci
Varaha
Vacaspati
Vatsyayana (author of the
Kamasatra)
Vamana
Vikramaditya
Vrddha Rsi
Vyadi
Vyasa
Sahara (also SabarasvSmin)
Sakatayana
Satatapa
Sabdika
Salihotra
Sasvata
Subhariga
Sudraka
Srlkara
Srldhara
Srlharsa
Sanatana
Sarvadhara
Sarvananda
Sahasanka
Subhuti
Somanandi
Svamin
Hattacandra
Halayudha
WORKS
Anunyasa
Anekarthaxuanjari
Abhidhanamala
Amaramala
Arthasastra
Asvatantra
Asvasastra
Arsakosa
Ascaryamanjari
l
Unadivrtti (" Unadivrttau
. Purusottamab " ) .
Usmaviveka
Kanthabhusanakavyalaihkara
Kapphinabhyudaya (also
Kasphina,
0
& Kapphina
0
)
Kalpalata (same as the next ?
sometimes simply Lata)
Kavikalpalata
1 According to a Terse attributed to Rajasekhara in the Suktimuktavali, the
author of the Ascarmanj ari was Kulasekhara.
Katantrapanjika
Kadambari
Kavyaprakasa
Kavyadarsa ("Kavyadarse
Vamanat")
Kirata
Klcakavadha (quoted also in
Ujvaladatta's Unadisutra-
vrtti)
Kumarasambhava
Kesaramala
Kaumudl
Ganitasastra
Canakyatlka
Candravyakarana
Tippani
Tikasamuccayasara
Trikandasega
Dara (?Hara?) vilasa
Durghatavrtti
Deslkosa
Dvirupakosa
Dharani
Dhatnparayana
Dhatupradlpa
Dhatupradipatlka
Namaprapailca
Namamala
Namanusasana
Nigama
Nairukta (also Niruktam)
Naigadha
Nyasa
Panjika
Padacandrika (i.e., the Com.
on Amarakosa by Raya-
mukuta himself)
Parayana
1
(same as Dhatu-
parayana ?)
Bhaui
Bharata
Bharatatfka
Madhumadhavi
Madhavl
Meghaduta
Medini
Yogasatakavyakhya
Raghu
Ratnakosa
Ratnamala'
Rabhasa
Ramayana
Rapabheda
Rupamanjarl
RQparatnakara
Lingakarika
Varnadesana
Vayupurana
Va (Pa) lakapya
Vasavadatta
1 The author of the Parayana is Purnacandra as stated in the explanation of
the word Jay anti.
2 The author is Madhava, as is to be concluded from the com. on the word
Asu,
THE ALAMKARA SECTION 177
Vidagdhamukhamandana
Visva
Vrddhanyasa
Vrndavanayamaka
Vyakhyamr t a
Sabdarnava
Sa-bheda (same as Sa-bheda
and Sa-bheda ment i oned
bel ow ?)
Srngaraprakasa
Sa-bheda (see Sa-bheda above)
POETI CS AND
COMMENTARIES ON THE RASAMANJ ARI
In this class we have in the Maratha Section a copy of a
comment ary on Bhanudatta' s Rasamanjarl by Sesa Ci nt amani ,
the son of Sesa Nr si mha (No. 662). In Dr . Burnett' s Tanj or
Catalogue, Sesacintamani is given as the name of a wor k under
Satakas and Ant hol ogi es; but there must be some mistake.
Sesa is a f ami l y name and Ci nt amani , of an i ndi vi dual belonging
to that f ami l y. In the Gujarat Section there is another commen-
t ar y on the same wor k by one Visvesvara. I t is a very f u l l
comment ary but the Manuscript is incomplete being about t wo-
t hi r ds of the whol e.
No. 663 is a comment ary on the Srutabodha by Manohara
who composed it at the request of a prince of the name of
Mftnikyamatta.
MI MAMS A
No. 125 is a fragment of Sabarasvamin's Bhasya on the
Mlmamsasutra. A complete copy of the wor k was purchased by
me for Government i n 1879.
SUCARlTAMISRA'S COMMENTARY ON THE SLOKAVARTIKA
No. 120 is a Manuscri pt of a wor k called at the end of some
of t he sections, Kasikatika composed by Upadhyaya Suearitamisra.
I Saihsaravarta
Saptakumarika
Sa-bheda (see Sa-bheda and
Sa-bheda, above)
Sarvasva
Sahasranamatika
Susruta
Sotrabhasya
Sudasastra
Harivaihsa
Haraval i
D METRI CS
23 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. IE ]
Many of its leaves are lost. On comparing different portions of
t he Manuscript wi t h KumSri l a' s Tant ravi l rt i ka, I fi nd that t hi s
Ti ka is a comment ary on the Slokavartika or the first Pada of the
first chapter of the Tant r avi l r t i ka. The Slokavartika thus appears
to have been called Kasika. Or perhaps, Kasika is a mistake for
Kar i ka, and t hi s wor k is the same as that put down as No. 8 in
the Report of the examination of Ahmedabad Manuscripts.
Thi s comment ary is not ment i oned in Dr . Hal l ' s I ndex ; neither
is there a copy of it among the Tanjor Manuscripts catalogued
by Dr . Bur nel l .
SOMESVARAS NYAYASUDHA
No. 123 is a copy of the second Pada of the t hi r d chapter of
the Nyilyasudha, a comment ary on Kumari l a' s Tant ravart i ka, by
Bhatta Somesvara, son of Bhatta Madhava. A Manuscript of the
second Pada of the first chapter of this wor k has been purchased
since.
KAMALAKARA'S COMMENTARY ON THE TANTRAVARTIKA
No. 122 is a copy of the first Pada of the second chapter of a
comment ary on the Tant ravart i ka by Kamalakarabhatta, son of
Ramakrsna and grandson of Narayanabhatta, and author of the -
Ni r nayasi ndhu and other works. The first leaf is missing.
OTHER WORKS
No. 667 is a fragment of the Mlmamsabalaprakasa or substance
of Jai mi ni ' s wor k by Hamkarabhatta, son of Narayanabhatta.
No. 124 is a Manuscri pt of the wel l - known manual of the
Mi mamsa by Krsnayajvan, and No. 121 of the first four chapters
of Madhava' s Adhikaranaratnamala.
PISTAPASUMIMAMSA
No. 666 is Pistapasumlmamsa by Narayana Pandita. The
followers of Madhva mai nt ai n that i n t hi s Kal i yuga, the k i l l i n g
MlMAAISATHE ANIMAL SACRIFICE 179
of animals at sacrifices is not allowed ; but t hat an effigy of an
ani mal should be made of the flour of grai n, and that sacrificed,
instead of the real ani mal . Practically, whenever a Madhva
performs a sacrifice he uses such an effigy, and not a l i ve ani mal .
Thi s vi ew is defended -and shown to be in accordance wi t h the
Sastras by Narayana Pandita in the tract before us.
He does admi t that the Vedas enj oi n the sacrifice of a real ani mal ,
and t hough the act is, per se, si nf ul , st i l l , because enjoined by the
Vedas for sacrificial purposes, it is not so. But the reason why it
is not si nful in t hi s case is that its ori gi nal sinfulness is neutralized
by the hol y rites that are performed, just as charms neutralize
the effects of snake-poison. As, therefore, the charms must be
correct l y mut t ered and properl y used in order that they may
neutralize the poison, so the rites must be performed wi t h perfect
accuracy, exactly as they are l ai d down in the Vedas, in order that
t hey may neutralize the sinfulness consequent on the destruction
of ani mal l i fe. Such a perfect accuracy and a perfectly fai t hful
observance of al l the conditions l ai d down in the Vedas are not
possible in this age of ignorance and human f r ai l t y. So that, at
the present day the destruction of l i fe at sacrifices cannot but be
productive of sin. Therefore it is that Manu has l ai d down that
effigies of animals should be made of ghee or Hour and sacrificed
instead of real animals (Manu V. 37). KullukabhaUa' s explanation
of this verse is pronounced by Narayana to be wr ong. This is
the t ext on whi ch the advocates of Pistapasu take t hei r stand, but
t hei r doctrine is cried down as heterodox by Brahmans of other
sects, and there are treatises wr i t t en in refutation of i t .
VEDANTA AND OTHER SYSTEMS OF THEOSOPHY
IADVAITA OR SAMKARACARYA'S SYSTEM
COMMENTARIES ON THE UPANLSADS ETC.
No. 136 is a copy of Samkaracarya's Bhasya on the Kena
Upanisad. No. 118 is a comment ary on the Svetasvatara by
Vi j nanabhi ksu. The first t wo leaves are want i ng, and si mi l ar l y
one or t wo at the end are missing. Nos. 132, 136, 144 and 674
also belong to t hi s branch.
COMMENTARIES ON THE BRAHMASUTRA
No. 671 is a fragment of Samkaracarya's Bhasya wi t h the
Ratnaprabha. No. 143 is a concise but clear comment ary on the
Sutra ent i t l ed Brahmamrt avarsi nl . The author is spoken of as
Ramakimkaravarya, pupi l of Mukunda Govinda, but i n some
Manuscripts of the wor k, his name is given as Ramananda-
sarasvatr. Copies of t hi s wor k are by no means rare, there being
t wo in previous Collections, and one or t wo offered to me since,
havi ng been rejected by me.
INDEPENDENT WORKS BY SAMKARACAUYA
Nos. 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 138 and 139 belong to this branch.
Of these No. 135 is wr i t t en in the Sarada character, and Nos. 131,
133, 134, and 139 are also of a Kasml r or i gi n. No. 138 is the
Tri puri prakarana wi t h Anandajfiaiia' s Commentary. It treats of
the three bodi l y vestments of the soul, corresponding wi t h the
three conditions of wakefulness, dreamy sleep, and sound sleep.
WORKS BY THE FOLLOWERS OF SAMKARACARYA
KASMIR TEXT OF THE PANCADASI
Nos. 141 and 145 are wr i t t en in the Sarada characters. The
first is a complete copy of Vi dyaranya' s Pancadasi wi t h the
comment ary of Ramakrsna. The Pancadasi has been pr i nt ed
several times on this side of the count ry, but No. 141 has been
purchased as a representative of the Kasml r t ext of the wor k.
No. 145 is called Vedantasara but it is not the wor k usual l y
known by that name, and begins wi t h an exposition of the text
Tattvamasi.
No. 127 is a fragment of a wor k called Advai t acandri ka by
Brahmanandasarasvati, pupi l of Narayanatirtha and Parama-
THE SA-MKABA VEDANTA 181
nanda ; and No. 128 is a copy of a largo por t i on of the
Advai t al aghucandri ka, by the same author. Thi s last is an
exposition of the Advai t asi ddhi of Madhusudanasarasvatl; and
in the i nt r oduct i on the author seems to say that t hi s exposition
contains i n an abridged f or m what he lias wr i t t en i n the
Candri ka, that is, the first wor k ; and hence it is that he calls
i t Laghucandri ka or abridged Candrika.
No. 137 is Tattvanusaiftdhana by Mahadevasarasvatl, pupi l
of Svayamprakasananda.
No. 149 is Tant radi pi ka, otherwise; called Sarvopanisatsara,
whi ch i n the colophon i s at t ri but ed t o Saihkaracarya. But i n
the body of the tract the authors of the Vivarana, the Saihksepa-
sarlraka, and the Vavtikas as wel l as the Misra (i.e. Vacaspati),
are ment i oned, wherefore it cannot be the wor k of
Samkaracarya.
No. 146 is an incomplete copy of a wor k ent i t l ed Vedanta-
siddhantabheda. It expounds the varied views on certain
points such as the nature of Maya, Jlva, Upadaua, &c , hel d by
different wri t ers belonging to the school of Samkaracarya.
There is far f r om agreement between t hem t hough the syste'm
fol l owed by t hem al l , is general l y the same. For instance, the
question is raised, " Brahman being the onl y real i t y, and
the ani mal spi ri t or i ndi vi dual soul being Brahman equally
wi t h God, to what is the di st i nct i on between t hem due ? "
Thi s question is, according to our author, thus answered by
various wri t ers. In the Prakatarthavivarana, it is stated that
the uncreated, undefinable, constituent cause of objects is
Maya whi ch stands in a certain relation to the pri nci pl e of
Absolute Thought (Cinmatra). Absolute Thought or Cit as
reflected in that Maya is God (Isvara) : whi l e, as reflected in
the i nnumerabl e definite or det ermi ned parts of that Maya,
whi ch are called Avi dya, and whi ch possess the powers of hi di ng
the t rue nature of the spi ri t and of generating appearances, it
is the ani mal spi ri t ( J l va ).
The vi ew, propounded i n the Tattvavivekathe first of the
fifteen essays whi ch compose the Pancadasiis that the ori gi nal
constituent cause whi ch is made up of the three pri nci pl es of
Sattva, Rajas, and Tamas, has two forms, in one. of whi ch
the Sattva or pri nci pl e of goodness is predomi nant , not
being over-powered by Rajas or the pri nci pl e of action, and
Tamas or the pri nci pl e of: evi l , and in the other it is so over-
powered and is i mpur e. The first Is Maya and the second
is Avi dya : and absolute Thought as reflected in t hem, becomes
God and the ani mal spi ri t respectively.
Some say, that the ori gi nal constituent cause, when the power
of generating appearances is predominant in i t , is Maya and it
is the envi ronment (Upi l dhi ) of God, whi l e, when the power
of concealing the t rue nature is predominant, the same
ori gi nal cause is Avi dya ; and in this f or m it is the envi ron-
ment of the ani mal spi ri t . Hence it is that the ani mal
spi ri t is ignorant of his real Brahman nature, whi l e God
is not .
The author of the Samksepasarlraka holds that the
ori gi nal cause is the envi ronment or Upi i dhi of God, whi l e its
effects are the envi ronment of the ani mal spi ri t . But the
rel at i on between these environments and Absolute Thought is
not l i ke that of Akasa or space to the j ar in whi ch it is enclosed,
but l i ke t hat of a mi r r or t o the t hi ng whi ch i s reflected i n i t .
Thus Absolute Thought , as reflected in the ori gi nal cause, whi ch
is Avi dya, is God, and as reflected in the mi nd or the cognitive
apparatus (Antal.ikarana), whi ch is an effect of Avi dya, it is the
ani mal spi ri t . Accordi ng to these views, final deliverance consists
in abandoning the conditions of reflections or images and
at t ai ni ng to the condi t i on of the t hi ng whi ch is reflected, i.e.,
of Absol ut e Thought .
Our author t hen proceeds to the more recondite and detailed
explanations given in other treatises ; i nt o these I need not
enter, my object being si mpl y to i l l ust rat e the large vari et y
THE SAMKARA VEDANTA 183
of theories that obtains even wi t h i n the boundaries of the
system of the Vedanta promulgated by Samkarficarya.
PAKnANDACAVKTIKA
No. 142 is Pakhandacapetika or "a slap on the face of
heretics." The heretics who come in fur this treat at the hands
of the author Vijaya-Kamacfirya, are the followers of Madhva.
Thei r get t i ng t hei r bodies branded wi t h heated seals of the
Sankha or conch-shell and the Cakra or discus of Visnu is
the pri nci pal subject of the attack. The text from the Vedas
and the Puranas adduced by the Madhvas in favour of their
practice are declared to be forgeries, and in some cases, explained
in a manner different from thai in whi ch they are understood
by the members of that sect. The author then adduces his
own texts in condemnation of the practice and consigns the
Madhvas to the tortures of hel l . The tract ends wi t h a
quotation from the Kurmapurana representing Samkaracarya
as an incarnation of Siva and recommending his system to those
wdio seek enternal happiness.
No. 129 140. 117, 668, 669, 670, 672 and. 673 also belong to
this branch of the Advaita Vedanta.
IIYISISTADVAITA OR RAMANTJA' S SYSTEM
No. 153 is a comment ary on the Bhagavadgita by Rananuja.
Ramanuja' s system is pr i nci pal l y fol l owed in Southern I ndi a
in the Tami l and also in the Tel ugu count ry, and a good many
works belonging to it have been pri nt ed in Madras in the Tel ugu
character. The system has also a pret t y considerable f ol l owi ng
in Rajaputana and Marwar and also i nGuj ar at h ; and therefore
the Manuscripts i n this Collection purchased i n the Nor t h
are wr i t t en in the Nagarl character. No. 153 was transcribed
i n 1792 Sam vat.
THE ARTHAPANCAKA
No. 152 is a copy of the Arthapancaka by Narayanaparivrat.
Thi s is a summary of the topics bel ongi ng to the system whi ch
pr i mar i l y are five, each being di vi si bl e again i nt o five. The
five pri nci pal ones are ( I ) Ji va, i.e., ani mal spi ri t or dependent
s pi r i t ; ( I I ) Tsvara, i.e., God ; ( I I I ) Upaya, i.e., the way to God ;
( I V) Phala or Purusartha, i.e., the end of l i f e; and (V) Vi r odhi nah,
i.e., obstructions to the attainment of God.
ANALYSIS OF THE WORK
(I. )Jivas are of five ki nds, vi z. (1) Ni t ya "i. e. , those
who never entered on Samsara or the succession of
lives and deaths at al l , such as Garuda, Visvaksena and
others ; (2) Mukt a, i.e., those who have shaken off the
fetters of l i fe and whose sole purpose and j oy is attendance
( Kai mkar ya) on God; (3) Kevala, i . e. , those whose hearts
being puri fi ed are fixed on the highest t r ut h and who are thus
free f r om the succession of bi rt hs and deaths; (4) Mumuks u,
i . e., those who havi ng experienced the mi sery of l i f e, are
averse to its enjoyments and have fixed t hei r desire onl y on
t he highest end, vi z. , the at t ai nment of t he condi t i on of an
attendant on God; and (5) Baddha, i.e., those who devot i ng
themselves to the l i f e whet her of a god, man, or brut e t hat
t hei r previous meri t s or demerits (Karman) have assigned to
t hem, seek onl y the enjoyments of such a l i fe and are averse to
the j oys of Brahma(n).
( I I . ) The manifestations of Tsvara or God are f i ve; vi z. ,
(1) Para, i . e., he who lives i n Vai kunt ha and whose presence
i s enjoyed by the Ni t ya and Mukt a spirits who dwel l near h i m,
who is unbegi nni ng and endless, who wears celestial ornaments,
celestial garments, and celestial weapons, who possesses celestial
beauty and an endless number of hol y attributes, and who is
accompanied by Sr i , Bhu, and L i k l ; (2) Vyuha, i . e., the forms of
Samkarsana, Pr adyumna, and Ani r uddha assumed for the
creation, prot ect i on, and dissolution of the wor l d ; (3) Vi bhava,
i.e., i ncarnat i ons such as Rama and Krsna for the establishment
of Tr ut h, the prot ect i on of the good and the destruction of the
RAMANUJA VEDANTAARTHAPANCAKA 185
wi c ke d; (4) Ant ar yami n, who has t wo forms, i n one of whi ch
he dwel l s in everyt hi ng and rules over al l , is hodiless, al l -
pervadi ng, and the store of al l good attributes and is called
Vi snu, Narayana, Vnsudeva, &c , and in the other, he possesses
a body bearing celestial weapons such as a conch-shell and a
discus, and celestial ornaments, dwells in the heart of man, is
the store of al l good attributes, and is known by the names of
HrsTkesa, Purusottama, Vasudeva, &c. ; and (5) Area, i . e. ,
idols of stone, met al , &c , i n whi ch he dwells and allows himself
to be worshi pped by his devotees.
In the Yat l ndramat adl pi ka to be noticed below and in other
places, the VyOhas are given as four, Yasudeva possessed of the
six great attributes, being the first, Samkarsana possessed of t wo,
vi z. , Jriana and Bala, being the second, Pradyumna having
Ai svarya and Vi r ya, the t hi r d, and Ani r uddha possessed of
Sakti and Tejas, the f our t h. The first Vyi i ha is assumed in
order that it may serve as an object of devotion, and the other
three for the creation, &c , of the wor l d. In the present wor k
the Vasudeva Yyuha is put down as the second f or m of the
Ant ar yami n.
( I I I . ) The Upayas or ways to God are live, viz. , (1) Karma-
yoga, (2) .Jnanayoga, (.3) Bhaktiyoga, (4) Prapattiyoga, and
(5) Acaryabhimanayoga. Under the first comes the whole
Vedie sacrificial r i t ual and the Smarta or domestic ceremonies
along wi t h the fasts and observances, by going t hrough whi ch
the person is puri fi ed. Then by means of Yam a, Ni yama, &c. ,
ment i oned in the Yoga Sastra, one should concentrate his mi nd
upon himself. Thi s concentration leads to Jnanayoga, whi ch
consists in f i xi ng the mi n d on Narayana or Yasudeva described
in t he Vasudeva Yyuha as the person on whom one's own self,
on whi c h the ment al powers have already been concentrated,
depends. Thus the devotee arrives at God t hrough himself.
The Jnanayoga leads to Bhakt i yoga whi ch consists in con-
t i nuousl y seeing not hi ng but God. Prapatti is resorted to by
24 [R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. II ]
those who cannot avai l themselves of or are not equal to t he
fi rst three methods. It consists i n t hr owi ng one's self ent i r el y
on the mercy of God. There are many details gi ven whi c h
need not be reproduced here. The last met hod, Aci l r yi l bhi -
mftnayoga, is for one who is unable to f ol l ow any of the others,
and consists in surrenderi ng oneself to an Acarya or preceptor,
and bei ng gui ded by h i m i n everyt hi ng. The preceptor
goes t hr ough al l that is necessary to effect his pupi l ' s
deliverance, as a mot her takes medi ci ne herself to cure an
i nfant .
( I V. ) The Purusarthas are five, vi z. , (1) Dharma, (2) Ar t ha,
(3) Kama, (4) Kai val ya, and (5) Moksa. The first three do not
differ f r om those or di nar i l y called by those names, and the
last t wo are the condi t i ons attained by the Kevala and Mnkt a
spirits ( I , 3 and 2 above.)
(V. )The Vi r odhi ns are five, vi z. , (1) Svasvarupavi rodhi n, i.e.,
t hat whi ch prevents one's own real or spi r i t ual nature f r om
being seen, such as the belief that the body is the s oul ; (2)
Parasvarupavi rodhi n, or t hat whi ch prevents one's approach to
the t rue God, such as devot i on to another or false dei t y or
disbelief i n God's i ncarnat i ons; (3) Upayavi r odhi n, or t hat
whi c h prevents the t rue ways f r om bei ng resorted t o, as t he
belief i n ways other t han those ment i oned above bei ng more
efficacious or in t he latter being inadequate; (4) Purusartha-
vi r odhi n or attachment to other t han t he t rue or highest object
of l i f e ; (5) Prapt i vi r odhi n, i.e., the being connected wi t h a
body t hat one's own Kar man has entailed or wi t h ot her
spi ri t s who are so embodied.
YATINDRAMATADIPIKA
No. 154 i s a Manuscri pt of the Yat i ndramat adi pi ka i n whi c h
the whol e system of the Yat i ndr a or Ramanuja is bri efl y
explained. The author is Srinivasa, son of Govindacarya of
R AMANUJ A V E D A N T A Y A T I N D R A MA T A D I P I K A 187
the Vadhal a f ami l y. The f ol l owi ng persons are ment i oned i n
the begi nni ng as the propounders of the system :
Vyasa DramidacHrya
Bodhayana Sriparankusanatha
Guhadeva Yamunamuni
Bharuci Yatisvara
Brahmanandi n
At the end the author states that in his explanation of the
doctrines of the sect he has f ol l owed the f ol l owi ng wor ks :
Drainidabhasya Darsanayathatmyanirnaya
Nyj l yasi ddhi Nyayasara
Si ddhi t raya Tattvadipa
Sribhasya Tat t vani rnaya
Dipasarasaihgraha Sarvarthasiddhi
Bhasyavi varana N yayaparisuddhi
Samgatimala N yayasiddhaj nana
Sadarthasamksepa Paramatabhanga
Srutaprakasika Tat tvatrayaculuka
Tattvaratnakara Tat t van ir u pana
Praj napari t nl na Tat t vat rayavyakhyana
Prameyasaihgraha Candamaruta
Nyayakul i sa Vedanta vijaya
N yayasudarsana Parasar yavi j aya
An d others
The last in the first list or Yatlsvara is Ramanuja; and his wor k,
the Sribhasya, is the f our t h in t hi s. Thi s is so because the followers
of Ramanuja believe t hat the system was t aught by several
teachers who flourished before Ramanuja. Ramanuja hi msel f
states at the begi nni ng of the Bhasya that the Vr t t i on the
Brahmasutra wr i t t en by Bodhayana was abridged by his
predecessors ; and among these Drami dacarya is ment i oned in
t he Srutaprakasika, the comment ary on the Bhasya.
DIFFERENT DIVISIONS OF THE TOPICS BELONGING TO
RAMANUJA'S SYSTEM
Srlnivasa t hen proceeds to indicate the var i et y of views
entertained by different classes of wri t ers. The Saris admi t
onl y one ent i t y ( Tat t va) ; the Rsis di vi de i t i nt o t wo, At ma n
and Anat man ; and the Acaryas professing to f ol l ow the Sr ut i
pr opound three Tattvas or entities, vi z. , (1) Bhogya or
what is to be enjoyed or suffered ; (2) Bhokt r , the enjoyer or
sufferer; (3) Ni ya nt r or the r ul er and cont rol l er. Some
Acaryas teach the system under the four heads of (1) Heya or
what is to be shunned, (2) the means of keepi ng it off,
(3) Upadeya or what is to be sought and secured, and (4) its
means. Other teachers (Desikas) di vi de the subject i nt o five
parts, vi z. , (1) what is to be attained or got at (Prfipya), (2) he
who attains it (Prapt r), (3) the means of at t ai nment (Upftya),
(4) the frui t s or objects of l i f e (Phala), and (5) obstructions or
i mpedi ment s. These are the five topics or Arthapancaka
described above as gi ven in [ t hi s year's Manuscr i pt ] No. 152.
Some teachers add one more topic whi c h is called Sambandha
(rel at i on), and t hus expound six.
There is no real difference, according to our author, between
these several views, since the vari et y is due to the adopt i on of a
di fferent pr i nci pl e of di vi si on by each teacher. The t rue
substance of the Vedantas or Upanisads is t hat there is onl y
one Brahma(n), wi t h the ani mal or i ndi vi dual spirits and the
dead wor l d as its at t ri but es (Cidacidvisistadvaitam).
RAMANUJA'S SYSTEM SAMK AS THAT OF THE PANCARATRAS
The body of doctrines whi ch constitutes the system of
Ramanuja is event ual l y the same as that professed by the more
ancient school of the Pancaratras or Bhagavatas. The doct ri ne
of Vyuhas, Vasudeva as the name of the Supreme Dei t y, and
Bhakt i or f ai t h and love as the way to salvation are
characteristic of the school. It does not trace al l our fi ni t e
R XMANUJ A VEDANTA : ITS EARLIEST FORM 189
t hought and feeling to a pr i nci pl e alien to the soul such as
Pr akr t i or Maya as the Samkhya or Advai t a Vedanta does, and
l ook upon freedom f r om that sort of t hought and feel i ng as
Moksa or deliverance. It is a system of popular r el i gi on and
has not such a metaphysical basis as either of those t wo has.
Vasudeva was recognised as the Supreme Dei t y even in the
t i me of Patanjali ; for under Pani ni I V. 3. 98, the author of the
Mahabhasya states t hat the Vasudeva occurri ng in the Sutra is
not the name of a Ksat t r i ya, but of Tatrabhagavat, whi ch
t er m is explained by Kai yat a as si gni f yi ng a certain ( f or m of
t he) Supreme Dei t y.
HISTORY OF THE PANCARATRA SYSTEM
The Pahcaratra system is ment i oned along wi t h the ri val
system of the Pasnpatas, and wi t h the Samkhya, Yoga,
and Vedas or Aranyakas in the Narayanlya section of the
Moksadharmaparvan whi ch forms a part of the Santiparvan
of the Mahilbharata (Chap. 349 Bom. Ed. ), and explained
i n detail t o Narada i n the Svetadvlpa by the Supreme
Narayana who manifested hi msel f to hi m (Chap. 339). The
whol e Narayani ya section seems to refer to that system one
way or another. Thi s section is older than Kamanuja, since he
refers to it in the passage in his Yedantabhasya, to be noticed
bel ow, and older also t han Samkaracarya who quotes in his
Bhasya under I I . I . 1, f r om chapters 334 and 339, (p. 409
Vol . I . , Bi bl . I n d . Ed. ), and f r om chapters 350 and 351,
(p. 413). Dhruvasena I, one of the earlier princes of the
Val abhi dynast y is called a Bhagavata, whi l e others are styled
Mahesvaras. Among the sects ment i oned by Bana in the
ei ght h chapter of the Sriharsacaritra are those of the
Bhrigavatas and the Paneariltras.
Fr om this and also f r om the passages noticed below occurring
in the Vedanta Bhasyas of Samkaracarya and Ramanuja, it
appears that these were t wo sects ; but they di d not differ
mat eri al l y f r om each other, and the Paficaratras considered t hem-
selves to be Bhagavatas also. Samkaracarya refutes the doctrines
of the Bhagavata school in his Bhasya under the Vedanta Sutras
I I . 2. 42 and 43 ; and the same doctrines amended so as to avoi d
his objection, are refuted under Sutras 44 and 45, and the name
Pancaratra i s used i n connection wi t h t hem.
RAMANUJA'S DEFENCE OF THE PAKCARATUA SYSTEM
Ramanuja, on the other hand, interprets the first t wo Sutras
as setting f or t h the objector' s vi ew or the Pfirvapaksa ;
represents t he opponent as gi vi ng the same doctrines t hat are
refut ed by Samkaracarya under those t wo Sutras as the
doctrines of t he Bhagavatas, and makes h i m pronounce t hem
to be opposed to the Sr ut i . Then under Sutra 44, he says t hat
t he vi ew of the objector is based on a mi sconcept i on of the
doctrines of the Bhagavata system, and gives the correct
doctrines under t hat Sutra and the next , one of t hem bei ng
the same as t hat ment i oned by Samkaracarya under Sutra 44.
These doctrines are, he asserts, i n har mony wi t h the Sr ut i ,
and t hus according t o h i m the Pancaratra system i s not refuted
by Badarayana, the aut hor of the Sutras. I n connection wi t h
hi s arguments he quotes f r om the Pauskara-samhita, Satvata-
samhita, and Parama-samhita.
"Under Sutra 45, Samkaracarya accuses the Pancaratras of
t reat i ng the Vedas wi t h cont empt , since i t i s stated i n
one of t hei r books t hat Sandilya not havi ng f ound the way
t o the highest good i n the four Vedas had recourse t o t hi s
Sastra. Ramanuja answers t hi s accusation by saying t hat
a si mi l ar statement occurs in the Bhumavi dya (Chandogya
Up. V I I . 1). Narada is represented there as saying t hat he
has studied al l the Vedas and other branches of l earni ng
and s t i l l he onl y knows the Mantras and not the At man. Thi s
does not i nvol ve the cont empt of the Vedas, but t he object of
the statement is si mpl y to ext ol the Bhumavi dya or the
KAMANUJ A VE DANT AP ANC AR AT R A S YS TEM 191
phi l osophy of the highest object that is explained furt her on.
Or, the sense is that Narada studied al l the Vedas, but was not
keen enough to comprehend the nature of the At ma n t hough
set f or t h in those wor ks. Precisely the same i nt erpret at i on
shoul d be l ai d on t hi s statement of Sandilya' s not havi ng f ound
t he way t o the highest good i n the four Vedas, and i t should
not be construed as i nvol vi ng contempt for the Vedas.
THE NOX-VEDIC ORIGIN OF THE PANCARATRA SYSTEM
But in spite of al l t hi s defence there can be no question
that the Bhagavata or Pancaratra system di d not owe its
or i gi n to the Vedas or Upanisads. It arose from that
current of t hought f r om whi ch the Bhagavadgita, the
wor shi p of Vilsudeva, and the doctrine of Bhakt i sprang,
and the sacred books whi ch are appealed t o, are the
di fferent Samhitas of the Naradapancaratra, six of whi ch have
been ment i oned before as exi st i ng in the Li br ar y of Jasvantrai
Gopalrai at Patau
1
, and three of whi c h are, i t wi l l have been
seen, quoted by Ramanuja. The present Collection also
contains one whi ch wi l l be noticed below. The book pri nt ed
under t he name of Naradapancaratra in the Bibliotheca
I ndi ca is onl y one of the Samhitasthat called Jnanamrtasara,
corresponding wi t h b in Jasvantarai's l i st . 01: the three quoted
by Ramanuja, onethe Pauskarasamhit;!occurs in that list.
The account of the Pancaratra gi ven in the Narayaniya section
of the Mahabharata is perhaps one of the oldest.
PANCARATRA SAME AS THE SATVATA SYSTEM
In f or mi ng some idea of the or i gi n of t hi s system the
f ol l owi ng circumstances must be t aken i nt o account:
(1). The characteristic name of the supreme dei t y is Vasudeva,
and Narayana, Vi snu, and even Krsna are onl y addi t i onal and
probabl y later names or identifications.
1 Ante, p. 69. [ N. B. U. ]
192 REPORT OX SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MRS., 1883-84
(2). In the Narayanl ya section of t he Mahabharata, t he
Pancaratra is represented as an independent r el i gi on professed
by the Satvatas and is also called the Satvata r el i gi on (Chap. 348,
vv. 34, 55, and 84) ; and Vasu IJparicara, who was a f ol l ower of
that r el i gi on, is spoken of as wor shi ppi ng the Supreme God
according to the Satvata manner ( Vi dhi ) whi c h was revealed
in the begi nni ng by the Sun (Chap. 335, vv. 19 and 24).
(3). The r el i gi on is stated to be the same as t hat t aught
t o Ar j una by Bhagavat hi msel f when the armies of t he
Pandavas and the Kur us were . drawn up i n battle-array and
Arj una' s heart misgave h i m (Chap. 348, v. 8 and Chap. 346,
v. 11). In the Bhagavata the Satvatas are represented as cal l i ng
the highest Brahma(n), Bhagavat and Vasudeva ( X. 9.49), and
as wor shi ppi ng and adori ng Krsna i n a peculiar way ( XI . 21. 1).
Bamanuja too refers, as we have seen, to the Satvatasamhita.
THE KSATTRIYA ORIGIN OF THE SATVATA KELIGION, AND OF
THE GENERAL PHILOSOPHICAL SPECULATION
Satvat was t he name of a descendant of Yadu as we l earn
f r om the Purani c genealogies, and his race was the race or olan
of the Satvatas. The Satvatas are ment i oned in the Bhagavata
along wi t h, the Andhakas and Vrsni s whi c h were t wo of t he
Yadava tribes ( I . 14. 25, and I I I . 1. 29). Vasudeva hi msel f was
a pri nce of t hat race, being called Satvatarsabha ( Bh. X I .
21. 1), and Satvatapumgava ( Bh. I . 9. 32). The wor shi p of
Vasudeva ascends, as we have seen, hi gher i nt o ant i qui t y t han
Pat auj al i or even Pani ni , since the name Vasudeva is contained
i n the Sutra itself. About the t i me when he flourished or
when the Upanisads were wr i t t en, and cven later, when
Buddhi sm and Jai ni sm arose, t he energies of the I ndi an mi n d
were di rect ed to religious speculation, and we find a vari et y of
systems comi ng i nt o vogue.
In t hi s i nt el l ect ual race the Ksat t ri yas t ook a much more
active part t han the Brahmans. In the Chandogya Upanisad,
RAMANUJA VE DANT A : KSATTRIYA ORIGIN OP PHILOSOPHY 103
a pri nce of the name of Pravahana, the son of Jaibala ( V. 3),
and Asvapati, ki ng of the Kekaya count ry ( V. 11), appear
as teachers of religious t r ut h and Brahmans as learners;
and i n ' the former passage it is even stated that the
Ksattriyas were the orgi nal possessors of that knowl edge.
Si mi l ar l y, i n the Kausltakibrahmanopanisad, we fi nd Ajatasatru,
ki ng of Kasi, expl ai ni ng the t rue Brahma(n) t o Bal aki the
Gargya, who had onl y pretended t o teach i t t o the ki ng, but di d
not know it real l y. The same story is t ol d in the Brhadaranyaka.
Buddha was a Ksat t ri ya and belonged to the Sakya clan ;
so was Mahavi ra who belonged to the race of the Jniltrkas.
Since t hen the Ksattriyas were so active at the t i me
in pr opoundi ng religious doctrines and f oundi ng sects and.
schools, we may very wel l suppose t hat a Ksat t ri ya of the namo
of Vasudeva bel ongi ng to the Yadava, Vr sni , or Satvata race
founded a theistic system as Siddhartha of the Sakya race and
Mahavl ra of the Jnat rka race founded atheistic systems. And
j ust as Buddha under the t i t l e of "Bhagavat " is i nt roduced
as the teacher in Buddhi st i c wor ks, so is Vasudeva as Bhagavat
i nt roduced in the Bhagavadglta and some other parts of the
Mahabharata. That must have been one of his most promi nent
names, since his fol l owers were in later times called Bhagavatas.
Or perhaps, it-is possible that Vasudeva was a famous prince of
the Satvata race and on his death was deified and worshi pped by
his clan ; and a body of doctrines grew up in connection wi t h
that worshi p, and the rel i gi on spread f r om that clan to other
classes of the I ndi an people. In its or i gi n this rel i gi on must
have been si mpl e, and it must have developed i nt o the
Paiicaratra system when some of the Samhitas ment i oned above
were wr i t t en. Other elements represented by the names
Vi s nu, Narayana, Govi nda, and Kysna were engrafted i n later
t i mes on the rel i gi on of Vasudeva, and thus the various forms
of moder n Vaisnavism arose.
It is therefore clear that the Pancaratra was a distinct system
25 [ R. G, Bhanctarkar's Worka, Vol. II ]
independent of the Vedas and Upanisads. But dur i ng the
early centuries of t he Chri st i an era, whi l e t he oount ry was
under the domi nat i on of foreigners of the Saka, Pahlava, and
Yavana races, the Buddhi st s had gr own power f ul . Wi t h the
restoration of the nat i ve dynasties i n the f our t h cent ury, t he
influence of Brahmans increased and t hey t hen began a fierce
conflict wi t h al l heretics. These were cried down as scoffers,
atheists, ni hi l i st s (Vainasikas), &c. The great Mimamsakas,
Sabarasvilmin, Mandanamisra, Kumar i l a and others, flourished
dur i ng t hi s peri od of conflict. They ran down even t he
Aupanisadas, or the holders of the Jnanamarga, i.e., the r el i gi on
of the Upanisads, as against the Karmamarga or the sacrificial
r el i gi on. The Bauddhas and Jainas who had no regard for
the Vedas whatever, met t hem on i ndependent or rat i onal i st i c
grounds. But the Aupanisadas fought t hem on the fi el d of
Vedi c or t hodoxy and succeeded i n mai nt ai ni ng t hei r posi t i on.
There were unquest i onabl y i n ancient times several Aupanisada
Systems ; but it was t he doct ri ne of the unr eal i t y of the wor l d
and the uni t y of spi r i t wi t h whi c h the name of Saihkariicflrya i s
connected, and whi c h has been characterized by the Madhvas
as but Buddhi st i c ni hi l i s m in disguise, that succeeded on the
present occasion. An d that doct ri ne was by others considered
as subversive of r el i gi on and cert ai nt y. Hamkaracarya and
his fol l owers di d not treat t enderl y the rel i gi ous systems t hat
had become popul ar such as that of the Bhagavatas or
Pancaratras and of the Pasupatas.
RAMANUJA'S FINDING A VEDANTIC BASIS FOR THE
SATVATA RELIGION
It was, therefore, Ramanuja' s endeavour t o put down t he
perni ci ous doct ri ne of Maya or unr eal i t y, and seek a Vedant i c
and phi l osophi c basis for the r el i gi on of Bhakt i or Love
and Fai t h t hat had existed f r om times i mme mor i a l ;
and t hus t he Pancaratra system whi ch was i ndependent of the
MADHVA SYSTEM A CONTINUATION OP RAMANUJA 195
Vedas before, became a system of t he Vedanta or an Aupanisada
system.
III.DVAITA OR MADHVA'S SYSTEM
Rainanuja f ound a Vedantic basis for the Pancaratra or
Bhagavata rel i gi on and vi ndi cat ed the real i t y of the wor l d, and
the separate existence of the human or ani mal spi ri t . But the
t heor y t hat he set up in the place of Samkaracarya's Maya and
uni t y of spi ri t , vi z. , t hat the wor l d and the i ndi vi dual spirits are
the attributes of the Supreme spi r i t , di d not sufficiently
di st i ngui sh the latter f r om the t wo former, and was not
calculated to emphasize the supreme greatness of God as
compared wi t h the littleness of the ani mal spi ri t and of the wor l d.
MADHVA'S CARRYING ON THE REFORM OF
RAMANUJA FURTHER
Madhva or Anandatirtha, . therefore, propounded the
doctrine of Dvai t a or dual i t y, and l ai d particular stress on
the five eternal distinctions, vi z. , the di st i nct i on between
(1) God and the ani mal spi ri t , (2) God and the i nani mat e
wor l d, (3) the ani mal spi ri t and the i nani mat e wor l d,
(4) one ani mal spi r i t and another, and (5) one inanimate object
and another. In other respects he l i ke Ramanuja was a vi ndi -
cator of the Pancaratra r el i gi on. But he seems to have gi ven a
more general or a less exclusive . form to i t . The name Vi snu
is more pr omi nent in his system t han Vasudeva, and thus the
hi st ori cal nature of the Pancaratra r el i gi on is t hr own i nt o the
back-ground.
In the Bharatatiltparyanirnaya, Anandat i rt ha gives as
authorities for his doct ri ne of the supreme greatness of Vi snu
and for other points in his system, the four Vedas, Rk and
others, the Pancaratra (Samhitas), the Bharata, the ori gi nal
Ramayana, Brahmasutra, and other texts that agree wi t h these
and not those that disagree. The Vaisnava Puranas are also to
be accepted, because t hey are of the nature of the Pancaratra
works, and the Si nrt i s of Manu and others in so far as t hey
agree wi t h the doct ri ne, [Chapter I , vv. 30-32].
MANUSCRIPTS OF MADHVA WORKS
The present Col l ect i on does not cont ai n many Manuscri pt s of
wor ks bel ongi ng to t hi s school ; but since the close of the year
copies of i mpor t ant Madhva wor ks have been purchased and
these wi l l be not i ced i n the next Report.
No. 156 is a complete copy of Anandat i rt ha' s Bhasya on the
Brahmasutra, and* No. 678 is a fragment of t he same wor k
begi nni ng wi t h Sutra I . 3. 23 and comi ng down t o the last but
one Sutra of Chap. I I I . No. 675 contains the fi rst t wo chapters
of Anandat i rt ha' s Bhasya on the Bhagavadgita and No. 679 is
an i ncompl et e copy of Vi dyadhi raj a' s comment ary on the same
wor k. No. 677 is a comment ary on the Sahasranamastotra of
Vyankatesa, the god whose shrine on the Vyankat agi r i is famous.
The aut hor was a pupi l of Satyavijaya who di ed in Saka 1661.
IV.SUDDMDVA1TA OR VALLABHA'S SYSTEM
Vallabhacarya gave a sensualistic f or m to Vaisnavism. The
dei t y i s worshi pped i n the f or m of Krsna, the lover of the Gopis
or shepherdesses (rather cowherdesses) l i vi ng i n Gokul a. Val l a-
bha's heaven is a regi on cont ai ni ng cows (Goloka), to whi c h t he
devotees of Krsna repair and where assuming the forms of
Gopis, t hey sport wi t h t hei r lover. Hi s Vedantio t heory i s called
Suddhadvaita according t o whi c h the ani mal spirits and the
i nani mat e wor l d are but forms of the Supreme Spi r i t and are
related to h i m as t he sparks of f i r e to the fire. Wo have got a
Manuscri pt of one wor k onl y bel ongi ng t o this school ( No. 157)
i n t he Col l ect i on.
V.MISCELLANEOUS VAISNAVISM
PARAMAGAMACUDAMANI
No. 158 is a copy of the Paramagamacudamani Samhita of
the Naradapancaratra. As the Pancaratra Samhitas are
LATER VAISNAVISM 197
acknowledged to be the chief authorities for Vaisnavisin by the
earlier Vaisnava sects, and consequently do not belong to any
one system in part i cul ar, I have put the Manuscri pt under the
above heading, it bei ng the onl y one of its class.
VISNUBHAKTICANDRODAYA
No. 162 is Vi snubhakt i candrodaya whi ch looks l i ke a
manual for the use of an ordi nary Vaisnava not necessarily
bel ongi ng to any of the sects already ment i oned but worshi ppi ng
Vi gnu according to the general precepts contained in the
Puranas. The wor k is cert ai nl y older t han Val l abha; for
another Manuscri pt recent l y purchased was transcribed in
Sam vat 1496 and Saka 1361, the cyclic year being Siddhartha,
in t he rei gn of Maharaya Sivadasa, and was finished on
Wednesday the 14th of the dark hal f of Asvi na, the 15th or
Amavasya f al l i ng in the afternoon of the day ; whi l e Vallabha
is said to have been bor n in Sam vat 1535.
No. 160 is Bhagavadbhaktiratnavali whi ch consists of a
collection of the several texts on Bhakt i scattered in the different
parts of the Bhagavata wi t h a comment ary and i nt roduct ory
verses. The author is Vi snupur i who calls hi msel f a Tairabhukta
i.e., a native of Tr r abhukt i or Ti r hut .
WORKS ON LATER VAISNAVISM
No. 159, Bhaktirasami' tasindhu, and No. 161, Mukt i ci nt amani
are representatives of later developments of Vaisnavism. The
author of the former was a pupi l of the celebrated Krsna
Caitanya of Bengal, and wrot e the wor k in the Saka year
Ramaiikasakra whi c h expression signifies 1493. But the
commentator takes it as equivalent to 1463, wherefore it appears
t hat the wor d " An k a " occurri ng i n t hat expression i s a mistake
for "Anga". The names of the author and of the commentator
are not gi ven, but the former calls hi msel f a Varaka or " a
poor thing " and Ksudra or a " l i t t l e creature ". The date of
the composi t i on of the treatise agrees we l l wi t h the date of
Caitanya who was bor n in 1407 Saka.
The Mukt i ci nt amani promises Mu k t i or eternal bliss t o those
who adore Jagannatha of Orissa.
VIKASMlR SAIVISM
Saivism is perhaps as ol d as Vai snavi sm. It does not seem to
have a hi st ori cal element in it as Vaisnavism had in the Satvata
r el i gi on founded by Vasudeva or i ncul cat i ng the wor shi p of
Vasudeva ; and hence the doctrine of Bhakt i plays no pr omi nent
part i n i t . When the doctrines were reduced t o a definite
shape, t he system came to be known by the name of Pasupata
or Mahesvara.
PASUPATA OR MAHESVARA SYSTEM AND THE DIFFERENT
MAHESVARA SECTS
The Pasupta system is, as we have seen, ment i oned along wi t h
t he Pancaratra i n t he t ext f r om t he Mahabharata referred t o
above. Images of Siva for purposes of wor shi p are referred to
by Patanjali. The Pasupatas are ment i oned by Hwhan Thsang
as exi st i ng i n di fferent t owns and cities i n I ndi a i n his t i me.
Bana speaks of t hem i n the Harsacaritra and Kadambari . Most
of the princes of Val abhl are styled Mahesvaras. Hamkaracarya
refutes the doctrines of t he Mahesvara school under I I . 2. 37.
Ramanuja also does the same under t hat Sutra, and ment i ons
four sects, the Kapalas, the Kal amukhas, the Pasupatas, and
Saivas. Madhava explains t he doctrines of t wo of these sects,
the first of whi c h he' calls Nakul l sa Pasupata and the second
Saiva.
SPANDASASTHA AND ITS PROMULGATORS
The Kasmi r Mahesvaras are different f r om al l these. Thei r
l i t erat ure has t wo branches, one of whi c h is called
Spandasastra and the other Pratyabhijnasastra. The pr i nci pal
KASMIR SCHOOLS OF SAIVISM 199
wor k bel ongi ng t o the former is.that called Sivasutrani, whi ch
according to Bhaskara, the author of the Yartikas, manifested
themselves to Vasugupta under the guidance of a Siddha
1
.
Ksemaraja, however, in the Spandanirnaya states that
Vasugupta found t hem inscribed on a stone t hrough the wi l l of
God, ' being directed to the place in a dream. In a verse at
the end of Rama's Spandakankavivarana we are t ol d that these
Sutras were communi cat ed by Mahcsa to Vasugupta in a
dream.
3
Utpala in the Spandapradlpikfi states that he learned
t hem f r om a Siddha.
4
However he may have obtained t hem,
it is clear that other people got t hem f r om Vasugupta, i.e., he
was t hei r author.
Manuscri pt No. 173 of t hi s year's Col l ect i on.
Anot her wor k of equal aut hor i t y is the Spandakarikas, as
to the aut horshi p of whi c h also there are var yi ng statements.
Bhaskara says t hat Vasugupta communi cat ed t he Sivastitras
t o Kallata, three parts of whi c h ho explained by composing
Sutras of his own. In the Spanda-karikavivarana i t i s
stated that Kal l at a onl y publ i shed the SpandSmrta whi c h
was composed by Vasugupta on Mahadevagiri. Ksemaraja
in the Spandanirnaya says that Vasugupta havi ng obtained
the Sivasutras embodied t hei r substance in fifty-one Slokas.
Utpala, on t he other hand, tells us i n the Spandapradlpika
t hat i t was Kal l at a who composed the fi ft y Anust ubh Slokas
after he had learned the Rahasya or essence of t he Sastra
f r om his preceptor Vasugupta.
1
' At the end of the treatise ho
gives a Sloka as i f occurri ng i n the or i gi nal , i n whi c h the same
t hi ng i s stated.
2
" The Sntras of his o w n " whi c h Bhaskara
speaks of must undoubt edl y be t he f i f t y or fifty-one Kari kas
ment i oned by others. Since t hi s author flourished before the
others hi s account i s l i ke l y t o be correct. If the verse gi ven by
Ut pal a at the end does real l y occur in the or i gi nal it decides the
poi nt , and the author of the Kari kas must be taken to be Kallata.
But oven if it does not , there is another verse whi c h is
comment ed on bot h by Utpala and Rama and whi c h conse-
quent l y does belong to the or i gi nal treatise, i.e., t he Kari kas,
i n whi c h the aut hor praises the stylo of his master.
8
Thi s
master is explained to be Vasugupta by bot h the comment at ors;
hence the aut hor of t he Kari kas must bo Kal l at a. Perhaps the
best way of reconci l i ng the var yi ng statements woul d be to
suppose that Kal l at a put in verse what his master t aught h i m ;
THE PRATYABHIJNASASTRA 201
or bot h together composed the Kari kas whi l e Kal l at a publ i shed
t hem. Kallata wrot e also a short Vr t t i on the Kari kas whi c h is
gi ven i n some places i n Rama's wor k and i s frequent l y al l uded
t o by Ksemaraja who expressly attributes i t t o hi m. The wor k
composed of the Kari kas and the Vr t t i is called Spandasarvasva.
PROMULGATORS OF THE PRATYABHUNASASTRA
The founder of t he Pratyabhijnasastra, the other branch of
Kasmi r Saiva phi l osophy, was Somananda, the author of a
wor k called Sivadrsti ; but t he wr i t er of the pr i nci pal wor k
of the system, the so-called Sutras whi ch are verses, was his
pupi l Utpala, the son of Udayakara.
The present Col l ect i on has the f ol l owi ng works belonging to
these t wo branches.
No. 171 is a Manuscri pt in the Sarada character of Bhaskara's
Sivasutravartika. The i nt r oduct i on of t hi s is gi ven by
Dr . Buhl er i n his Report for 1875-76, f r om whi ch we learn that
the aut hor of the Var t i ka belonged to the si xt h generation
after Vasugupta.
No. 173 is a copy of the Spandapradipika in the same
character. There i s a modern copy of the wor k i n Nagarl i n
Dr . Buhler' s Kasmi r Collection. The author is Utpala who,
Dr . Buhl er t hi nks, mi ght bo the same as the author of the
Pratyabhijnasutra. But the former was the son of Tr i vi kr ama
who l i ved at Narayanasthana, as we are t ol d in the i nt r oduct i on
of the Spandapradipika as we l l as at the end ; whi l e the latter
was the son of Udayakara. The author of the Spandapradipika
quotes f r om the Paramarthasara whi ch is a wor k by Abhi nava-
gupta, the pupi l of a pupi l of the author of the
Prat y abhijnasutra.
1
No. 168 is Prat yabhi j navi marsi ni l aghuvpt t i by Abhinavagupta
transcribed in Samvat 1808. No. 165 is Paramarthasara, and
1 F. 2b, b, 2 of No. 512 of 1875-76.
Nos. 166 and 167 are copies of the same wi t h Ksemaraja's
comment ary in the Sarada and Nagarl characters respectively,
and No. 163 is Abhi navagupt a' s Gltarthasamgraha in the Sarada
character. We have also a Sarada Manuscri pt of Narayana' s
Stavacintamani wi t h Ksemaraja's comment ary ( No. 172). We
have in the Col l ect i on t wo copies, one complete and the
other i ncompl et e, of a comment ary on the Bhagavadgita by
Rajanaka Rama who represents hi msel f as the son of
Narayana who l i ved at Kanyakubj a, and the brot her of
Kana (?). As the doctrines set f or t h i n the i nt r oduct i on of
t hi s comment ary resemble those of the Kasml r Saiva school,
I have put t he wor k i n t hi s class.
SPANDASASTRA DIFFERENT FROM MADHAVA'S SAIVADARSANA
In his Report for 1875-76, Dr . Buhl er identifies the Spanda
branch of the Kasml r school wi t h t he Saivadarsana, the
doctrines of whi c h are expl ai ned by Madhava i n the Sarva-
darsanasarhgraha, and makes a broad di st i nct i on between that
and the Prat yabhi j na branch whi c h i s expl ai ned by Madhava
next. But t hi s vi ew is, I t hi nk, untenable. The first Sivasntra
Caitanyamatma and a verse at t r i but ed to Vasugupta are quoted
by Madhava as aut hori t i es for some of the Prat yabhi j fi a
doctrines that he explains ( Bi bl . I n d . Ed. , pp. 94 & 95) ; whi l e
none of the books or wr i t er s on the Spandasastra are ment i oned
by h i m i n hi s account of the Saivadarsana.
COMPARISON OF THE PRINCIPAL DOCTRINES OF THE TWO SCHOOLS
Besides, the doctrines of Madhava' s Saiva school are t ot al l y
di fferent f r om those l ai d down i n the Spandasastra. Siva,
according to that school, is onl y an efficient or Ni mi t t a cause
of the i nani mat e wor l d, the Kar man of the ani mal or human
spi ri t s bei ng another pr ompt i ng cause (p. 80) ; whi l e there is
also an i ndependent mat eri al or constituent cause (p. 82). The
ani mal spi ri t s have a separate existence f r om t he Supreme
EXPOSITION OF THE SPANDASASTRA 203
spi r i t or Si va; and even when t hey are del i vered or freed f r om
t he t rammel s of the wor l d t hey become like Siva but not Siva
hi msel f. There is a pl ur al i t y of ani mal spi ri t s (pp. 84 & 85).
Ramanuja also represents the four schools of Saivas ment i oned
by h i m, in the passage referred to above,
1
as hol di ng the
doct ri ne that God or Siva is onl y an efficient cause, and not the
mat eri al or constituent cause. But the doctrines of the
Spandasastra are that God or Siva creates the wor l d by his
mere wi l l ;
2
he requires no independent material cause
3
as the
Vaisesikas and other schools mai nt ai n ; neither is he hi msel f
the mat eri al cause as some of the Vedantins hol d ; but he makes
the wor l d appear i n himself, as "a whol e t o wn " or other
t hi ngs appear in a mi r r or , and is as unaffected by it as the
mi r r or is by these
4
. The i l l ust r at i on of a mi r r or is onl y
applicable to t hi s extent that he is not affected by his creation,
whi l e the t heory that he is the mat eri al cause involves the
supposition that he undergoes development and change.
Bei ng a simple substance not di vi si bl e i nt o parts, if he develops,
he must be i mmanent in the wor l d and can have no existence
di st i nct f r om the wor l d. That Brahma(n) is the mat eri al cause
of the wor l d is the or i gi nal Vedantic doct ri ne, as appears
cl earl y f r om the Vedftnta Sutras ; but the i mmanency of God
and his havi ng no di st i nct existence whi ch are its consequences,
are denied on the gr ound that the Upanisads represent hi m,
though a simple substance without parts, to have a distinct
existence at the same time that they represent hi m to be the
material cause undergoing development. The two propositions,
howsoever inconsistent, must be admitted on the authority of
the sacred texts; (Vedantasutra, I I . 1, 26 & 27).
Samkaracarya, and, before hi m, Gauclapada avoided these con-
sequences by declaring the world of which Brahma(n) is the
material cause to be unreal, and due to some principle of illusion
called Maya. But they are avoided by Vasugupta and Kallata
by having recourse to the illustration of a mi rror; while
Samkaracarya's illustration is that of a rope and the serpent for
which it is mistaken. Creation, according to the Kasmir Saivas,
is therefore not unreal; and this follows also from their doctrine
that it is due to God's wi l l alone. Another illustration they
give is that of a Yogin who by his power produces anything
he chooses without using any materials. The animal spirits are
identical wi t h the Supreme spirit
1
and become the Supreme
spirit when they shake off their impurity. ' These are the
ADUALISTIC NATURE OF KASMlR SCHOOLS 205
doctrines of the Spandasastra, and these are exactly the doctrines
of the Prat yabhi j na school also as given by Madhava. Hence
is it t hat he quotes the Sivasutras and Vasugupta in his account
of that school.
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SPANDA AND PRATYABHIJNA SASTRAS
The difference is t hat according to the latter school the
at t ai nment of Godhead is brought about by recognition.
You are God, but you do not know yourself to be such t hr ough
ignorance ; you have therefore to recognise God in yoursel f
t hr ough the i nst ruct i ons of your Gur u or preceptor and i n
other ways. Thi s doct ri ne was established by the founders of
the Prat yabhi j na system on the basis supplied by the
Spandasastra, and thus t hi s system shows a furt her development,
and i n the order of t i me also i t i s later.
CONCLUSION
I t wi l l thus be seen that the doctrines of the Kasml r
Saivas are adualistic or Advai t a and are radi cal l y different f r om
those of the several schools of Saivas ment i oned by
Samkaracarya, Ramanuja, and Madhava; and i n t hem the
influence of the Aupanisada schoolwhether that of
Bamkaracarya or any previous one, is clearly traceable.
N Y A Y A A N D VAI S ES I KA
TARKIKARAKSAVYAKHYA
We have one representative of Gotama's system in the present
Col l ect i on, t he Tarki karaksavyakhya by Varadaraja of whi ch we
have the second and t hi r d Paricchedas i n No. 184. The
Tarki karaksa consists of Kari kas or Slokas and the Vyakhya is
the perpetual comment ary on those Kari kas.
THE AUTHOR OF THE VYAKHYA AND OP
THE ORIGINAL THE SAME
Dr . Bur nel l seems to t hi nk that Varadaraja is the author of
the perpetual comment ary onl y ; but at the end of the wor k
occur two verses the sense of which is, " This is the work of
Varadaraja conversant wi t h the Nyayavidya and thoroughly
proficient in the Mlmamsa. Having closely studied the difficult
works of Vacaspati, Udayana, and others, I have here given
the substance, which those disputants who desire victory in
debate should get up." Now this cannot apply to the
commentary, for the substance of the works of previous writers
is given, not in the merely explanatory portion, but in the
original Karikas. Then in the colophon we have, " Thus ends
Varadaraja's Mulasutra." As this Manuscript was written by a
Jaina and as Jaina scribes uso the word " Sutra " rather too
frequently without looking to its propriety, it has probably no
specific signification here. But the word " Mfila " seems to
point to the belief that the original text or the Tarkikaraksa
was the work of Varadaraja. However, the point is settled by
a statement occurring in a commentary on the whole work by
Mallinatha, a copy of which has recently been purchased, to
the effect that Varadaraja wrote the Vyakha on the Slokas of
the Tarkikaraksa composed by himself.
Madhava quotes a verse from this work in the Sarvadarsana-
samgraha (p. 70) which I find in this Manuscript. It is the 28th
of the second Pariccheda. Varadaraja thus flourished a sufficiently
long time before the fourteenth century to become a famous
author. He mentions Vacaspati and Udayana, as we have seen,
and in the beginning of the second Pariccheda, quotes from the
Bhasya, Vartika, Tika, and Tatparyaparisuddhi. The Bhasya
meant is that on the Sutras of Gotama by Vatsyayana ; and the
Vartika is a commentary on the Bhasya by Uddyotakara or
Bharadvaja. The f ul l title of the Tika is Vartikatatparyatika
which is a work on the Vartika by Vacaspati Misra, and the
Tatparyaparisuddhi is a work on this last by Udayana.
KIRANAVALI
No. 183 is a Manuscript of the Kiranavali which is a
commentary on Prasastapadacarya's Bhasya on the Sutras of
THE NYl YA SECTION
207
Kanada, by Udayana. It comes down t o the end of the fi rst
category or Dravya.
WORKS ON MODERN NYAYA
Rel at i ng to moder n Nyaya, we have Manuscripts of parts of
Gadadhara's works (Nos. 693, 694, and 681); and Nos. 686-688
are parts of the Bhavanandi whi ch, l i ke the Gadadhari', is a
comment ary on the Dl dhi t i of RaghunathabhaMa Si romani .
There is a comment ary on the Bhavanandi by Mahadeva
Puntamkara, i.e., Mahadeva, native of Punt ambem in the
Ahmednagar Di st r i ct . He was a pupi l of Si t i kant ha, probably
the same as the author of the Tarkaprakasa. Nos. 689-691 are
parts of Mahadeva's wor k.
Anot her comment ary on Siromani' s wor k i s that by Jayarama,
of the Vyapt i vada of whi ch No. 187 is a copy.
We have a copy of a comment ary (other t han those
noticed i n my last Report) on Janakmatha' s Nyayasiddhanta-
manj arl (No. 185). It i s ent i t l ed Bal abodhi nl , and the author
is Narasimha Paficanana, son of Govinda Tar kal amkj t i n who
l i ved i n Gaudamandala or Bengal.
No. 186 is an independent wor k on the Nyaya and Vaisesika
systems resembling t he Tarkasamgraha and ent i t l ed Padartha-
dl pi ka, by Kondabhatta son of Rangojibhatta, who is the same
as the author of the Vaiyakaranabhusanasara.
J YOTI SA OR ASTRONOMY, ASTROLOGY,
AND D I V I N A T I O N
IG A NIT A BRANCH
No. 205 is a copy of a comment ary on BhSskaracarya's
Li l avat i by Mahidasa who wrot e i t i n the year 1644. The era
is not stated ; but it must be t he Samvat, since the Manuscript
was transcribed in Sam vat 1733.
ANIRUDDHA'S COMMENTARY ON THE BHASVATI
No. 198 is a commentary on Satananda's Bhasvatlkarana.
The epoch year of this is 1021 Saka, and the work was, we
are told at the end, composed in the year 4200 of the Kaliyuga,
i.e., in 1021 Saka. The author of the commentary is Aniruddha
whose father was Bhavasarman and grandfather Mahasarman.
The last was a physician and lived at Yamanapura; but his son
Bhava left the place in his old age and settled in the town of
Samkara (Benares). Examples are worked in the commentary
for the Saka year 1416 corresponding to the Vikrama year 1551,
which was the year of the birth of Hira, the son of Aniruddha.
The work was finished on Saturday the 1st of the dark half of
Asvayuj (?) in the Saka year 1417. The author gives 1520
(Samvat) as the date of his birth, and states that he composed
the commentary when he was 31 years old. The Bhasvatlkarana
follows the Suryasiddhanta.
OTHER COMMENTARIES ON THE BHASVATI
No. 197 is a commentary on the same Karana by one Madhava,
native of Kanyakubja or Kanoj, who, when he works examples,
uses Saka 1447. In speaking of the Ayanamsas or degrees of
equinoctial precession, the commentator tells us that the author
based his rule for finding them on the supposition that in
Saka 450, the precession was zero, i.e., the equinox corresponded
wi t h the last point of Revati and the first of Asvini, while
according to the Suryasiddhanta it was zero in 421 Saka.
For,' at the beginning of the Kaliyuga it was zero, and
according to the Suryasiddhanta, each libration of the equinoxes
which reaches the l i mi t of 27 occupies 1800 years. So that
the libration to the east was complete in Kali 1,800, and the
return motion was complete in Kali, 3,600 ; i.e., the equinox
corresponded wi t h the first point of Asvini at the end of that
Kali year. Kali 3,600 corresponds to Saka 421, the difference
between the eras being 3,179. Madhava therefore proposes to
correct his author's rule,
JYOTISAPRESENT ASTRONOMICAL PRACTICE 209
At present the Hi n d u astronomers f ol l ow a r ul e based on the
supposition that the equi nox corresponded wi t h the fi rst poi nt
of As vi ni in the year 444 Saka. But al l these take the precession
to be one mi nut e every year, i.e., 10 second in excess, t hough
according to the rate of 27 in 1800 years, it is 54" every year;
and the difference has gone on accumul at i ng unt i l i t now
amounts t o about 4 .
No. 199 is another comment ary on the same Karana by
Gangadhara who was a native of a t own to the west of Kurukset ra.
He wrot e his wor k in 1607 Saka and his i l l ust rat i ve calculations
are for t hat year.
No. 200 is another s t i l l , but the author' s name is not given.
The commentator states that Bhaskaracarya prepared an
abridgement of the Suryasiddhanta to render it i nt el l i gi bl e to
his pupi l s, under the name of Bhasvati.; and a certain vai n man
of the name of Satananda made some changes here and there,
addi ng something and t aki ng away something, inserted a verso
i n the begi nni ng and another i n the end containing his own
name, and led ignorant people to t hi nk the wor k as his own.
But there appear to be no grounds whatever for these assertions.
BhSskaracarya was born in 1036 Saka, whi l e the epoch year of
the BhasvatI is 1021 Saka, on whi ch al l the rules are based.
Bhaskar carya wrot e a Karana in accordance wi t h the Brahma-
siddhanta and i t i s not l i ke l y he should wr i t e another i n
accordance wi t h another Si ddhant a; nor has there been any
t r adi t i on to the effect that he di d so. Examples are wor ked in
t hi s comment ary for the year 1577 Saka and 1712 Samvat.
The BhasvatI Karana seems to have been much used in Nor t her n
I ndi a, since al l these commentators are natives of that part of
the count ry, and most of the Manuscripts noticed were
purchased at De l hi .
GRAHAKAUTUKA BY KESAVA OF NANDIGRAMA
Kesava of Nandi grama or ' Nandagaum, the father of Ganesa,
the author of t he Grahalaghava, composed a Karana whi c h
27 [ R G Bhandarkar's Works. Vol . II ]
210 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1883^84
however was superseded by his son's treatise and is now l i t t l e
known. The wor k is called Grahakaut uka; and as in t he case
of his Jatakapaddhati not i ced i n my last Report,
1
Kesava hi msel f
has composed a comment ary on i t . No. 700 is a Manuscri pt of
the or i gi nal as we l l as t he comment ary transcribed in 1500 Saka.
The epoch year used by Kesava is 1418, whi l e t hat of hi s son's
Grahalaghava is 1442 Saka. The Saka year in whi c h the
precession of the equinoxes was zero is t aken to be 444.
Kesava gives Kamalakara as his father' s name, and speaks of
Nandi grama situated on the coast of t he west ern sea as his
nat i ve place.
No. 217 is a Karana by one Raghunatha who uses Saka 1484
as his epoch.
KHANDAKHADYA
No. 188 contains calculations according to the rules l ai d down
in the Khandakhadya for the use of the Kasmlrians. The first
Sloka in that Karana is gi ven at the begi nni ng, and some of the
Kari kas occurri ng i n i t are quoted. The Saka year used for
most of the calculations is 1564 whi ch was the year in whi ch
the aut hor wrot e. Fr om t hi s we are directed to subtract 587
and the remai nder 977 represents the number of years elapsed
since the composi t i on of the Karana. The epoch year used in
t hi s Karana is, we know, Saka 587.
MODE OF CONVERTING A LAUKIKA INTO A SAKA DATE
In the begi nni ng the mode of convert i ng a Lauki ka year i nt o
the corresponding Saka is gi ven. 47 is to be t aken as a constant
number and to t hat must be prefixed the number of centuries
elapsed since t he begi nni ng of the Saka era at any gi ven
t i me. To t he number so formed the number of passed Lauki ka
years shoul d be added, and the t ot al represents t he Saka year
corresponding t o the current Lauki ka year, whi c h Saka year
1 Ante, p. 36. [ N. B. U. ]
J YOTI SASAPTARSI AND K A L I ERAS 211
appears to be the passed Saka year, since that alone is used in
calculations. Thus, i n the t i me of the author, fi ft een centuries of
the Saka era had elapsed, and wi t h the constant number 47 we
have 1547. The current Lauki ka year was 18, and 17 (the
number of passed years) being added to 1547, we have 1564
whi ch was the Saka year corresponding to the current Lauki ka
year. The Lauki ka year here ment i oned must be the Saptarsi year.
Fr om the above met hod i t wi l l be seen, that i n the first Saka
cent ury Saka 48 corresponded to the current Lauki ka year 2.
Now the Saka era began when 3179 years of the Kal i had
elapsed, i.e. Saka 1 past corresponds to 3180 Ka l i past. There-
fore Saka 48 past corresponds to 3227 Kal i past, i.e., Lauki ka
current 2 corresponds to Ka l i 3227 past. Now if the Saptarsi
era began in the same cent ury as the Kal i era, in the first
cent ury of these eras, 2 Lauki ka current corresponded to 27
Ka l i past, i.e. the Saptarsi era began after 26 years of the Ka l i
had elapsed. Thi s agrees wi t h the results arri ved at by
Dr . Buhl er , i f the Lauki ka years gi ven by h i m are considered
as current years and the Ka l i years past years.
RAMAVINODA
No. 204 is Ramavinoda, whi ch is a Karana composed by
Ramabhatta, the son of Anantabhatta and younger brother of
Ni l akant ha, at the orders of Ramadasa, mi ni st er of Akbar. The
epoch year is 35 of the era of Jel al uddi n Akbar, who, it is stated,
got possession of the t hrone in Vi kr ama 1612 and Saka 1477.
Akbar' s genealogy is gi ven in the begi nni ng. The Karana was
composed in 1535 Saka.
PHATTESAHAPRAKASA
No. 195 is Phattesahaprakasa. The first five leaves of the
Manuscri pt are missing. The wor k appears to be a Karana
havi ng for its epoch the year 48 of the era of Phatteshah, who
is spoken of as ki ng of Kedara, of Badarl, and of Srinagara and
as the crest-jewel of the l unar race. The era of Phatteshah
began in 1713 of Vi kr ama or 1578 Saka. The state he governed
must have been the Punj ab Hi l l State of Garhwal , i n whi c h there
are places of the names of Kedaranatha and Kedarakanta, as we l l
as Srinagara. The aut hor of the wor k is Jatadhara, son of
Vanamal i n, who l i ved i n the count r y of Siharanda ( Si r hi nd) .
Vanamal i n was the son of Durgami sra who was t he son of
Uddhava of t he Gargagotra.
KIRANATALI
No. 697 is a copy of the Ki r anaval l whi ch is a comment ary on
the Suryasiddhanta by a Citpavan Brahman of the name of
Dadabhai the son of Madhava, surnamed Gamvkar. Thi s wor k
is noticed by Professor Auf r echt in the Oxf or d Catalogue ; but
he does not give the date of its composition.
DATE OF THE WORK
In pr ovi ng t hat the Ka l i age proper has not yet begun t out
that we now l i ve i n the i nt r oduct or y peri od called Kal i samdhya,
by addi ng up the numbers of years for whi c h t he different
dynasties ment i oned i n the Pnranas, part i cul ary the Vi snu,
f r om Pari ksi t (who ascended the t hrone about the begi nni ng of
the Samdhya) downwards, hel d powei t he aut hor gives his
date three t i mes as Saka 1641, corresponding to Ka l i 4820.
In connection wi t h t hi s mat t er he speaks of the doct ri ne
of a complete r evol ut i on of the equinoxes as a Vedabahyamata
or a doct ri ne opposed to t he Vedas, i.e., heterodox, t hough it
is advocated by Bhaskaracarya and others.
II AND I I I . SAMH1TA" AND HORA BRANCHES
There are several treatises bel ongi ng to these branches of
Jyotisa. No. 210 i s Vrddha-Gargyasamhita. In the body of
the wor k, the Rsi is sometimes spoken of as Gargya, and
sometimes as Garga. The wor k is di fferent f r om the Gargi
Samhita ment i oned by Dr . Ker n.
JYOTISA-SASHITl AND HORA BRANCHES 213
VARSAPHALAVICARA BY NILAKANTHA
No. 206 is Varsaphalavicara by Ni l akant ha. The comment ary
on the wor k i s by Madhava who represents hi msel f t o have
entered on the 35t h year of his age on Wednesday the 14th of
the l i ght hal f of Asadha in the year Saihvat 1690 and
Saka 1555, and makes i l l ust rat i ve calculations wi t h reference
to hi msel f. Ni l akant ha appears to have belonged to the same
f ami l y as Visvanatha, the commentator on Kesava's and
Ganesa's wor ks ; but the verses cont ai ni ng an account of the
f ami l y whi ch are gi ven in a detached f or m are corrupt and
not hi ng certain can be made out.
AN ACCOUNT OF VISVANATHA'S FAMILY
An account of Visvanatha' s f ami l y occurs however at the
end of No. 201 whi ch is a Manuscri pt of the Muhurt acudamani
by Sivadaivajila. In Golagrama situated on the Godavarl and
i n the count r y of Vi darbha, l i ved Divakara who was the pupi l
of.Ganesa, son of Kesava. The Ganesa meant must thus have
been the aut hor of the Grahalaghava. Divakara had five sons,
the eldest of whom was Krsna who was hi ghl y honoured at
the court of the ki ng, and wrot e many treatises. Vi snu was
the name of the second son and Mal l ar i of the t hi r d ; and the
last t wo were Kesava and Visvanatha. A son of Krsna was
Narasimha, the author of Vasanakalpalata, and Narasirhha's
younger brot her was Siva the wr i t er of the present treatise.
The f ami l y belonged to the Bharadvaja Gotra.
The dates gi ven in three of Visvanatha' s works are, as stated
in my last Report
1
, 1508, 1534, and 1553 Saka, corresponding
to 1586, 1612, and 1631 A. D. Narasimha also wrot e a
Comment ary on the Stiryasiddhanta. Kanganatha (the author
of a gloss on Bhaskaracarya's Vasana) and Kamalakara, the
author of t he Siddhantatattvaviveka, recent l y pri nt ed i n the
Benares Sanskrit series, were his sons. It thus appears
1 Ante, pages 35 and 36. [ N. B. U.]
2 Colebrooke's Essays.
t hat this was a f ami l y of Maratha Brahmans ; and the st udy of
astronomy and astrology was successfully pursued by i t for
f our generations, t hei r or i gi nal Gur u or teacher bei ng Ganesa
of Nandagaum.
VIVAHAVRNDAVANA
No. 722 is a Manuscri pt of a wor k ent i t l ed Vivahavrndavana
or astrology of marriage, by KeSava who belonged to t he
Bharadvaja gotra and was the son of Ranaga. Ranaga was t he
son of Sr i yadi t ya and Sr i yadi t ya of Janardana who was a great
Yaj ni ka. The first leaf of t hi s Manuscri pt contains t he
i nt r oduct i on t o a comment ary on the wor k ; but i n the
subsequent leaves we have t he or i gi nal onl y. The author of
the comment ary is Ganesa, son of Kesava, and aut hor of the
Grahalaghava, who gives the f ol l owi ng l i st of his wor ks :
1 Grahalaghava, a Karana
2 Wor ks on Ti t hi s i ddhi
3 Sraddhavi dhi
4 A comment ary on the Li l avat i
5 A comment ary on the Muhur t at at t va (of his father)
6 Parvani rnaya
7 Vaivahasaddipika or a comment ary on the Vivaha-
vrndavana.
MINARAJAJATAKA
No. 211 i s i n the colophon called Minarajajataka composed by
Yavanesvaracarya; but i n the i nt r oduct i on i t i s stated t hat an
ancient Mu n i t aught the Horasastra consisting of a hundr ed
thousand Slokas to Maya, and t hi s was abridged by Mlnaraja
i nt o eight thousand Slokas. In the mar gi n the wor k i s called
Yavanajataka.
MEDI CI NE
No. 218 is a fragment of a comment ary ent i t l ed A yurvedarasS-
yana by Hemadr i , the mi ni st er of Rama of t he Yadava dynasty
of Devagi r i , on Vagbhata' s Astangayogahrdaya. I n the i nt r o-
MEDICINEWORKS OF HEMADRI AND OTHERS 215
duct i on i t i s stated t hat " He ma dr i , t he aut hor of the
Caturvargacintamani, composed t hi s l uci d comment ary on the
Ayur veda called Astangayogahrdaya i n conf or mi t y wi t h the
views of Caraka, Har i t a, and Susruta, in order to enable men
to acquire a heal t hy bodi l y condi t i on so essential for the
observance of the fasts and vows, and for the performance of
the ceremonies i nvol ved i n maki ng gifts and charities whi ch
have been l ai d down i n the Caturvargacintamani. In t hi s
comment ary he has incorporated the conclusions arri ved at by
Hari candra and others i n t hei r commentaries on the Caraka
and by Jaiyata and others i n t hei r commentaries on the
Susruta." Since Hemadr i here speaks of hi msel f as the mi ni st er
or secretary of Rama and ment i ons his works on Dharmasastra,
he wrot e t hi s wor k after 1193 Saka or 1271 A. D. , the year in
whi ch Mahadeva the uncle and predecessor of Rama ceased
to resign.
The Astangahrdaya i s the pr i nci pal wor k commented o n ;
where it is silent, the AstSngasamgraha and other wor ks are
quoted and t hei r texts expl ai ned when di ffi cul t .
No. 219 contains fragments of another i mpor t ant wor k on
medi ci ne ent i t l ed Cikitsasara by Vangasena. The name of the
author' s father was Gadadhara whose ori gi nal place of residence
was Kanj i ka. Thi s appears to be a ver y ol d wor k since we
have a Manuscri pt dated 1376 Sam vat or 1320 A. D. , in the
Col l ect i on of 1879-80.
No. 222 is a copy of a wor k ent i t l ed Vi rasi mhaval oka in
whi ch diseases are traced to sins, and t hei r natures, and
rel i gi ous, astrological, as wel l as medi cal , remedies are
expl ai ned. It is at t r i but ed to a pri nce of the name of
Vi r asi mha who belonged t o the Tomara l i ne. Virasimha' s
father was Devavarma(n) and of t hi s latter Kamalasimha.
In the second Vol ume of the Archaeological Reports, General
Cunni ngham gives lists of t he ' Tomara princes of Gwal i or
( p. 382). In that suppl i ed by the Tomara Zami ndar occur these
three names successi vel y: Kunwar Pal , Deo Br ahm, Bi r
Siniha Deo. Of these Kunwar must be the same as Kamala,
since t hi s wor d i s corrupt ed t o Kamval a i n Hi n d i and l i s
interchangeable wi t h r. Deo Br ahm is the same as Devavarma,
for according t o the or di nar y Hi n d i way of pr onunci at i on
t hi s wor d is Devbarma ; and Bi r Si mha is of course Vl r asi mha.
Vi rasi mha established an i ndependent Hi n d u ki ngdom at
Gwal i or soon after t he i nvasi on of Ti mur , havi ng shaken
off the aut hor i t y of t he Del hi sovereign. Hi s date is 1375
A. D. , and of his t wo predecessors 1350 A. D. , and 1325 A. D.
I n the present wor k the f ol l owi ng wor ks and authors
are referred to-:
Sri pat i (f. 10 b, 12 6, Ac.)
Saravali (f. 2 a, 12 a, &c.)
Jataka (f. 2 a, 42 b, &c.)
Ha r i t a (f. 2 a, 30 b)
Gargya (f. 2 b)
Mahesvaratantra (f. 3 a)
At r eya (f. 3 a)
Susrutacarya (f. 3 6,35 a,
&c.)
Tisatacarya (f. 4 a)
Vagbhata (f. 9 a, 13 b)
Saravalijataka (f. 10 b)
Padmapurana (f. 11 a, 12 b,
&c.)
Sivagita. (f. 12 b)
Gautama (f. 12 6, 37 a),
Brahmagita (14 a)
Brahmapurana:(14 a)
Vrndasamgraha (15 a, 18 a,
&c.)
Vrddhasatatapa (17 a)
Vrddhaparasara (17 a)
Baudhayana (17 a, 25 b, &c.)
Arogyaci nt amani (18 a)
Damodara (18 b)
Saunaka (20 a)
Vrddhagautama (21 a, GD a)
Brahmandai mrana (26 a, 31 a,
&c.)
Mahabharata (26 a, 31 b, &c. )
Susruta (27 b, 34 a, &c.)
Vayupurana (32 a, 49 a, &c. )
Vacaspati (48 b)
Kar mapur ana ( I I 9 a, &c.)
T ANT R I KA LI TERATURE
In t hi s class there are Manuscripts of a good many wor ks
wr i t t e n i n t he Sarada character, more t han hal f of whi c h are
not represented i n Dr . Buhl er' s Col l ect i on of 1875-70.
THE TANTRIKA LITERATURE 217
VAMAKESVARATANTRA AND THE LIST OP
TANTRAS CONTAINED IN IT
No. 236 is a copy of the Vamakesvaratantra in whi c h are
gi ven the names of the si xt y- f our Tantras. They are :
1 Mahamfiyasambara
2 Yogi ni al asambara
3 Tattvasambaraka
4-11 Bhairavastaka
12-19 Bahurupast.aka
20 Jnana
21-28 Yamalastaka
29 Candrajilana
30 Vasuki
31 Mahasammohana
32 Mahoechusma
33 Mahadeva
34 Vat hu( t u ?)la
35 Nayot t ara (?)
30 Hrdbheda
37 Matrbheda
38 Guhyatantra
39 Kami ka
40 Kalapada
41 Kalasara
42 Kubj i kamat a
43 Nayottara
44 Vi nu(a)dya
45 Tottala
46 Tottalottara
47 Pancamrta
48 Rupabheda
49 Bhntoddamara
50 Kulasara
51 Kuloddrsa
52 Kul acudamani
53 Sarvajnanottara
54 Mahapisamata
55 Mahalaksmimata
56 Siddhayogisvaramata
57 Kur upi kamat a
58 Rupikamata
59 Sarvaviramata
60 Vi mal amat a
61 Ut t ama
62 Arunesa
63 Modanesa
64 Visuddhesvara
The names i n t hi s l i st differ a good deal f r om those occurri ng
i n the extract f r om t hi s same Tant ra gi ven by Yajnesvara
Gastrin i n his Aryavi dyasudhakara (p. 160), and f r om those
gi ven by Professor Auf r echt i n the Oxf or d Catalogue (pp. 108-9).
In our l i st Nayot t ara occurs t wi ce, being t he 35t h as wel l as
t he 43rd. There must be a mistake here, and we shoul d
perhaps read Vat ul ot t ara i n t he fi rst place wi t h Yajnesvara
Sastrin and Professor Auf r echt . Si mi l ar l y we have Maho-
cchusma here for t he Vainajusta of others. Thi s last mi ght be
taken as meant for the Vamakesvara or Vamikesvara Tantra,
the name of whi c h must be f ound i n the l i s t ; but " Maho-
cchusma" har dl y admits of bei ng so understood, whence
probably we have a mistake here also.
No. 735 i s called Sabaratantra i n the colophon. It contains
charms and incantations i n Sanskrit, Hi n d i , Guj arat i , and
Mar at hi the effect of whi c h is the destruction of enemies, the
avert i ng of evi l , the acqui si t i on of mi racul ous powers and any
desired object, &c. The charms and incantations are in one or
t wo places called Sabara Mantras.
In the begi nni ng the f ol l owi ng are ment i oned as the t wel ve
Kapalikas :
Adi nat ha Mahakala
Anat ha Kalabhairavanatha
Kal a Vat uka
At i kal aka Bhutanatha
Karala Vi r a( Vl r a ?)natha
Vi karal a Snkant ha
The f ol l owi ng are ment i oned as the t wel ve disciples, the
founders of systems (Margapravartaka).
Nagarjuna Carpafca
Jadabhrta Ava(?)ghata
Hariscandra Vairagya
Saptanatha Kant hadhan( r i n)
Bhl manat ha Jal at hdhari (ri n)
Goraksa Yamalar j una
No. 227 contains the first and ni nt h chapters of the Kul arnava-
t ant ra. Nos. 242 and 731 are f r om t he Rudrayamal at ant ra ;
No. 245 f r om t he Brahmay3mal a; No. 737 f r om the Bhairava-
yamal a; No. 228 f r om t he Sammohanatantra; No. 220 f r om the
THE TANTRIKA LITERATURE 219
Vi svoddharat ant ra; and No. 246 f r om the Sudarsanasamhita.
No. 234 contains the Bhairavastava f r om the Bhairavayamala
and another i ncompl et e tract.
OTHER WORKS
The rest are compi l at i ons, manuals, and or i gi nal treatises.
No. 224 is Siddhakhanda of the Mantrasfira by Parvat l put ra
Ni t yanat ha. It gives the Mantras to be repeated and the dark
processes to be gone t hr ough, for the purpose of at t ai ni ng
mi racul ous or magical powers, such as those of subdui ng other
people to one's own wi l l , rai si ng the dead, &c.
The t i t l e of No. 232 is Net roddyot a whi ch is a wor k by
Ksemaraja, pupi l of Abhi navagupt a.
KAMAKALAVI LASA AND VARIVASYARAHASYA
. No. 225 is Kamakalavilasa wi t h a comment ary, and No. 734
Varivasyarahasya. The author of t he Kamakalavilasa is
Punyananda, and of the comment ary Natananandanatha, whi l e
the Varivasyarahasya is by Bhaskararaya, the son of Gambhlra-
ri l ya who fl ouri shed i n the begi nni ng of the seventeenth
cent ury. The subject of bot h works is the same, but the first
is older and more aut hori t at i ve and is quoted in the second.
They give a myst i c i nt erpret at i on of the modes of wor shi ppi ng
the Devi in her agreeable or rather sensual f or m, and i dent i f y
the phi l osophy ul t i mat el y i nvol ved wi t h that of the Upanisads.
The system is in some places called Sambhavadarsana by
Natauanandanatha.
ABSTRACT OF THE DOCTRINES OF THE SAMBHAVADARSANA
Siva and Sakti are the pr i mor di al substances. Siva in the
f or m of Prakilsa ( l i ght ) enters i nt o the Sakti i n the f or m of
Vi marsa or Sphur t i (feel i ng or appearance), and assumes the
f or m of a Bi ndu ( dr op) ; and Sakt i s i mi l ar l y enters i nt o Siva,
whereupon the Bi ndu develops and there arises out of it the
female element called Nada which is " as minute as the end of
a grain of rice and is pregnant wi t h all the primary principles ",
which, according to this system, are thirty-six in number.
These two, the Bindu and the Nada, becoming united form
one compound Bindu, and that substance represents the
intense affinity between the female and male energies. It is
called Kama (Love), and the two drops, of which that represent-
ing the male, is white, and the female, red, form the Kala.
Kama is identified wi t h the Sun and the two drops of the Kala
with the moon and fire respectively. These three, the
compound Bindu or Kama and the two male and female drops,
again form one substance called Kamakala, from which
proceeds the whole creation of words and the things expressed
by them (Vagarthau).
In the Varivasyarahasya the three substances forming the
Kamakala are thus stated :1st, the compound drop or Kama ;
2nd, the two male and female drops; and 3rd, what is called
the Hardhakala which results from the development of the
first Bindu after it has been entered into by the Sakti, and the
nature of which, says Bhaskararaya, should be known from
the mouth of a Guru only and should not be described in a
book. This last seems to correspond to the Nada mentioned
by Natananandanatha. In a text quoted in the commentary on
the Kamakalavilasa, the highest deity or Kamakala is spoken
of as having the sun (compound Bindu) for her face, fire and
moon (the red and white Bindus) for her breasts, and the
Hardhakala for her organ of generation.
Kamakala is also called Para, Lalita, Bhattarika, and
Tripurasundarl. Siva is symbolically identified wi t h the letter
a and Sakti wi t h h the last letter of the Sanskrit alphabet.
Hence the female element called Nada which arises from the
development of the first Bindu is called Hardhakala, i.e.,
one-half of the Kala mystically identified wi t h the letter h.
The mystic symbol of Kamakala or Tripurasundari, who is the
EXPOSITION OF THE TANTRIKA SYSTEM 221
result of the combi nat i on of Siva and Sakt i , is t he combi nat i on
of a and h, i.e., Ah or Aha whi c h i s the same as Aha m " I . "
Hence Tri purasundarl is called Ahai ht a or egoism, and hence
i t i s t hat al l her developments (i.e., the whol e creation) have
egoism or i ndi vi dual i t y ; and al l souls are but forms of
Tri purasundarl and, according to Punyananda, become
Tri purasundarl when t hey st udy and practise the Kamakal avi dya
wi t h its series of Devlcakras or myst i c circles. A and h, being
t he first and last letters of t he alphabet, contain between t hem
al l letters and t hr ough t hem al l words, i.e., the whol e speech ;
and j ust as al l t hi ngs are produced f r om Tri purasundarl , so are
al l words whi c h express the t hi ngs. She is thus called Para,
the first of the four ki nds of speech. Creation as stated by
Bhaskararaya is Pari ni l ma or development and not Vi vart a or
the generation of false appearances.
THE THIRTY-SIX PRINCIPLES
The thirty-six primary principles of
this system are the
following :
1 Siva 13 Prakrti 25
Payu
2 Sakti
14 Ahaihkara 26
Upastha
3 Saddsiva
15 Buddhi 27
Sabda
4 Isvara 16 Manas
28
Sparsa
5 Suddhavidya 17 Srotra
29 Rupa
0 Maya 18 Tvac
30 Rasa
7 Kala 19 Netra
31 Gandha
8 Vidya 20 Jihva
32 Akasa
9 Raga 21 Ghrana 33 Vayu
10 Kala 22 vac 34 Tejas
11 Niyati
23 Pani 35
Ap
12 Purusa 24 Pada 36
Prthivi
The first eleven onl y are peculiar to t hi s system, the rest are
t he same as those of t he Samkhyas. No. 1721 are the five
organs of sense, Nos. 2226 t he organs of action, and No. 16
the organ of sense as wel l as action.. Nos. 2731 are the five
Tanmatrani or subtle elements, and Nos. 3236 are the
developed elements.
This is the philosophy of the Sambhava Darsana, and it wi l l be,
seen that though it admits a male element in the beginning, still
it is thoroughly subdued by the female element which becomes
predominant, and the highest deity is a goddess, viz.,
Tripurasundarl. The ambition of every pious follower of the
system is to become identical wi t h Tripurasundarl, and one of
his religious exercises is to habituate himself to t hi nk that he
is a woman. There is a Sakta ascetic in a village in the vicinity
of Poona, who, I am told, dresses himself like a female.
MODES OF PROPITIATING- THE HIGHEST DEITY
The Varivasyarahasya enters also into the details of the
Sakti worship and explains their hidden sense. At the end of
the commentary on the Kamakalavilasa we are told that no one
can attain the knowledge of Brahma(n) as above explained or
enter into a union wi t h Siva or Tripurasundarl who does not
assume a Dlksa, i.e., who does not devote himself to a certain
system of religious exercises. There are three kinds of Dlksa,
Anavl, Sakti and Sambhavl. The Dikes can be attained only
by the propitiation of the supreme deity. This propitiation is
effected by three modes of worship which are called Para,
Apara, and Parapara. The first consists in ful l y concentrating
the mind on the Devi as sitting in the lap of Siva in the
Mahapadmavana (a garden of lotuses), as possessed of a body
which is pure joy and is the original cause of all, and as
identical wi t h one's own self. The second is the Cakrapuja,
the worship by means of the mystic circles, which is a
Bahyayaga or material worship, and the third consists in study-
ing and knowing the true doctrine (?).
The propitiation by the mode of Cakrapuja is effected by
offering to the Devi the highest nectar, i.e., wine. Meat
SILPASASTRA
223
and fish are also to be offered and in a t ext quoted in
connection wi t h t hi s matter, fi ve t hi ngs t he names of
whi c h begi n wi t h m are ment i oned as calculated to propi t i at e
the Devi . The five are Madya or l i quor, Mamsa or meat,
"Matsya or fish, Mudr a or myst i c gesticulation, and Mai t huna
or copul at i on. Thi s Sambhava Darsana is to be resorted
to by those who are desirous of Moksa or final deliverance.
RELATIONS BETWEEN THIS AND THE OTHER TANTRI KA SYSTEMS
The systems inculcated in other Tantras such as the
Mahamayasambara were no doubt equally wi t h this system
t aught by Siva, but t hey are not to be fol l owed ; for Siva
t aught t hem i n order t o delude the wi cked, and men wi t h
l ower qualifications onl y shoul d resort t o t hem. I t wi l l thus
appear that the Tantras inculcate the wor shi p of the supreme
female dei t y in a large vari et y of mut ual l y inconsistent forms,
some of whi c h are dark and t erri fi c. There were a great many
sects of Devi -worshi ppers and each system of worshi p was
conceived i n a di st i nct i ve spi r i t .
ART
No. 247 is a copy of the first t wo out of the seven chapters of
a comment ary on the Samgitaratnakara by Kal l i nat ha, son of
Laksmanarya. The Manuscri pt is ver y ol d and the leaves are
in a di l api dat ed condi t i on. We have a fragment of a wor k on
dancing ( No. 248), and another of a wor k on house-bui l di ng
called Aparaj i t aprccha by Bhavadeva.
JAINA LITERATURE
WORKS OF T HE DI GAMBARA SECT
DHARMA
In the Pravacanaparlksfi by Dharmasagaragani t o be noticed
i n connect i on wi t h the l i t erat ure of the Svetambaras, i t i s stated
that the Digambara sect ori gi nat ed in the year GOO of Mahavi ra
corresponding to 83 A.D., on the supposition that Mahavlra's
Nirvana took place in 470 before Vikrama, or 526 before Christ.
One of the earliest authors whose works are referred to by
subsequent writers is Kundakundacarya. The line of High-
priests founded by him is mentioned in an Inscription dated
1127 Saka. (JBBRAS, Vol. X, p. 236). Three of his works,
the Astaprabhrta, the Bhavadiprabhrta, and the Samayasara,
exist in Dr. Buhler's Collection of 187/5-76. There is another
copy of the last in my Collection of 1882-83, and in the present
Collection we have'Manuscripts of two more of his works, the
Pravacanasara (No. 304), and the Niyamasara (No. 299).
PRAVACANASARA BY KUNDAKUNDACARYA WITH A
HINDI COMMENTARY
The first consists of Prakrta Gathas by Kundakundacarya
wi t h a Sanskrit translation by Amrtacandra, ana" an excellent
exposition in Hi ndi by Hemaraja, who wrote his commentary
at the instance of Kaumrapala (Kamalapala) of Agra. Kauihra-
pala represented to Hemaraja, that the Samayasara had already
been explained in Hi ndi by Rajamalla, and if the same thing
were done wi t h the Pravacanasara, the religion of the .Tina
would flourish in all its branches ; and requested him to write
a Hi ndi commentary on the work. This commentary was
finished on Sunday the 5th of the light half of the month of
Magha in the year 1709 during the reign of Shah Jahan. The
present Manuscript was transcribed in Samvat 1809, so that the
date 1709 must refer to the Samvat or Vikrama era; and is
thus equivalent to 1653 A.D., when Shah Jahan was on the
throne of Delhi.
ANALYSIS OP THE PRAVACANASARA
The first leaf of the Manuscript is missing but from the Hi ndi
commentary on the second it appears that it contained a Gatha
expressive of adoration of Vardhamana, the last Tlrthamkara.
In the second Gatha obeisance is rendered to the other
DIGAMBARA JAIN LITERATUREPRAVACANASlRA 225
Tl rt hamkaras along wi t h the Siddhas and Sramanas, and i n the
t hi r d, t o t he Arhat s l i v i n g dur i ng the author' s t i me. I n the
f our t h and fi ft h, after havi ng i n this manner adored t he Arhat s, -
Siddhas, Ganadharas, Adhyapakas, and Sadhus, who we are
t ol d constitute t he five classes of Paramesthins, the aut hor
expresses his submission to or dependence on (Upasampadya)
that "state of ser eni t y" (Samya) attained by t hem whi ch leads
t o Ni r vana and whi ch i s associated wi t h or fol l ows upon fai t h
i n the correct doct ri ne (Visuddhadarsana) and knowl edge
(J nana).
THE THREE JEWELS
The s i xt h Gatha sets f or t h that a Jl va or soul obtains Ni rvana
and also the di gni t y of the sovereign of the gods, Asuras, and
men, f r om Cari t ra ( r i ght conduct), associated pre-emi nent l y
wi t h f ai t h i n the t rue doct ri ne (Samyagdarsana
1
) and knowl edge
(Jiidna). The comment at or expl ai ns t hat there are t wo ki nds
of Caritra, one whi c h is unaccompani ed by desire (Vltaraga)
and the other whi c h is accompanied (Saraga). The first leads
to Moksa or eternal bliss, and the second to the sovereign
di gni t y spoken of i n the Gatha.
In the seventh Gatha we are t ol d t hat Caritra, or r i ght conduct
is Dha r ma ; Dharma is what is called Samya (serenity or
equani mi t y) , and Samya is a condi t i on i nduced on the soul or
the developed condi t i on of the soul (Parinama), i n whi c h
ignorance (Moha) and pert urbat i on (Ksobha) are absent.
The ei ght h sets f or t h t hat the developed condi t i on of any
object is for the t i me t hat t hat condi t i on lasts, the object itself ;
therefore, when t he condi t i on of Dhar ma i s developed i n the
soul i t i s the soul itself, i.e., Dhar ma i s the soul i n t hat
developed condi t i on.
1 This expression always means seeing or believing in the truth of the doctrines
of Jina.
THE THREE KINDS OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOUL
Ni n t h Gatha.Jiva bei ng capable of devel opment or change
becomes meri t ori ous (Subha) when mer i t i s i nduced i n h i m by
such deeds as al ms-gi vi ng, wor shi ppi ng, observing vows and
fasts ; f u l l of demeri t (Asubha) when that qual i t y is developed
by deeds of demer i t ; and pure or serene when developed as
free f r om desire.
Tent h Gatha.There is no substance wi t hout some develop-
ment (Parinama), nor is there devel opment wi t hout substance ;
a t hi ng' s havi ng existence is its bei ng made up of substance,
qual i t y, and development.
El event h Gatha.The soul or At ma n t hat develops i n the
f or m of Dhar ma obtains the bliss of Ni r vana when he realizes
i n hi msel f t he " p u r e " or "ser ene" (Suddha) i.e., when t he
Dhar ma i s of t hat nat ur e; and heavenl y bliss when the
meri t ori ous (Subha) is realized, i.e., when the Dhar ma consists
of mer i t .
Twel f t h Gat ha. When the soul realizes i n hi msel f demeri t ,
ho becomes a l ow man, a brut e, or a denizen of hel l , and bei ng
Subject to a vari et y of t orment s wanders for l ong ( t hr ough the
circle of existences).
THE HIGHEST DEVELOPMENT AND ITS RESULTS
Thi r t eent h Gatha.Those who bccom e perfect t hr ough bei ng
developed i nt o pure serenity (Suddha Dharma) enjoy i n
themselves bliss surpassing every other k i n d of i t , beyond al l
pleasure of sense, incomparable, endless, and i ndest ruct i bl e.
Fourt eent h Gatha.That Sramana is to be considered as havi ng
realized the pure or serene in hi msel f (Suddhopayukta) who
knows perfect l y al l things and the systems that expl ai n t hem,
who possesses self-restraint and has practised austerities, who is
free f r om desire, and to whom pleasure and pai n are al i ke.
ANALYSI S OF PRAVACANASARA 227
Fi ft eent h Gatha.He who has become pure by the realization
in hi msel f of the pure or serene, is free from the dust in the shape
of everyt hi ng that acts as an obstruction to knowl edge
(Antaraya) and that deludes or misleads (Moha), and thus obtains
omniscience and becomes self-sufficient.
Si xt eent h Gat ha. Havi ng thus attained to his nature (the
highest development of his nature) and become omniscient,
deserving of respect f r om the lords of the three worl ds, and self-
sufficient, he becomes what is called SvayambhO.
Seventeenth Gatha.There is in hi m t hen product i on (of the
highest nature) not to be fol l owed by destruction, and a
destruction (of the l ower nature) not to be fol l owed by
product i on ; thus i n hi m unchangeable existence, product i on,
and dest ruct i on are uni t ed.
Ei ght eent h Gat ha. Wi t h reference to one development or
another, a t hi ng undergoes product i on and destruction (at the
same t i me) ; ever yt hi ng ver i l y has existence : ( whi ch existence
i mpl i es the product i on of one development or modification and
destruction of another, and also permanence in so far as it is the
same substance).
Ni net eent h Gatha. After his Ghati-karmans
1
(the disabling
Karmans) have been destroyed and he has come to have i nf i ni t e
power and extensive l i ght , his knowl edge no more depends on
the senses, and he develops in the f or m of pure knowl edge and
bliss.
Twent i et h Gatha.The possessor of pure knowl edge (i.e., a
Keval i n) has no bodi l y pleasure or pai n, since he does not
1 The Ghatini Karmam are live : 1 , .Jnanavaraniya, that which acta as an
impediment, to the knowledge of the truth ; 2, Darsanavaramya, that which acts as
an impediment to the belief in the efficacy of the Jaina dispensation ; 3, Mobantya,
that which produces bewilderment and disability to choose between the various
dispensations promulgated by different teachers ; 4, Antarya, that which prevents
one's entrance on the path that leads to eternal bliss.Govindananda's commentary
on Sarhkaracarya's Bhasya on [ Vedanta Sut ra] I I . 2. 33.
depend on or has no senses. The nature of his knowl edge and
his bliss should therefore be understood.
Twent y-fi rst Gatha.To h i m ( Keval i n) who has developed i n
t he f or m of pure knowl edge, al l the developments of substances
(past, present and fut ure) are di r ect l y perceptible ; he has not to go
t hr ough t he efforts Avagraha
1
and others (as ordi nary mortals have).
Twent y-second Gat ha. Not hi ng i s i mpercept i bl e t o h i m who
has hi msel f become pure knowl edge, and who possessing the
perceptive power of the senses, has not the senses themselves.
Twent y- t hi r d Gatha.The soul or At ma n i s co-extensive wi t h
knowl edge ; knowl edge is co-extensive wi t h the objects of know-
ledge; the objects of knowl edge are Loka (or the universe of
things) and Al oka (or pure vacui t y); and therefore knowl edge is
all-reaching.
Twent y- f our t h Gatha.He who does not believe the At ma n
to be as extensive as knowl edge must believe it to be either
smaller or larger t han knowl edge.
Twent y- f i f t h Gat ha. If the At ma n be smaller, t hen
knowl edge, bei ng Acetana or not - knowi ng, wi l l not be self-
conscious ; since being larger, knowl edge must exist in some
place wi t hout At man who alone i s Cetana or knowi ng ; i f i t bo
larger, t hen, i n places where there is no knowl edge, he wi l l not
know or be Cetana, i.e., At ma n wi l l have to be considered as
Acetana i n those places i n whi c h there i s no knowl edge.
Twent y- s i xt h Gatha.The best of Jinas is everywhere and al l
t hi ngs i n the universe are i n h i m ( i n the sense i n whi c h al l
t hi ngs reflected in a mi r r or are in the mi r r or ) ; for he is pure
1 Avagraha, Iha, Avaya, and Dharaiia are the four stages through which a
sensation passes. When a thing is seen at a distance and we are unable to determine
whether it is a man or a post, the perception is in the Avagraha stage; desire to
have a distinct perception of the thing which follows is l ha ; distinct perception is
Avaya; and the retention of the impression which renders recollection possible is
Dharan a.Sakalakirti's Tattvarthasaradipaka,
ANALYSIS OP PRAVACANASARA 229
knowl edge and t hey are the objects of knowl edge. (Thi s fol l ows
f r om Gatha 23.)
Twent y-sevent h Gatha.The doctrine [ of Ji na] i s t hat
knowl edge is At man, for wi t hout At man there can be no
knowl edge ; therefore knowl edge is At man ; but At man may be
knowl edge or anyt hi ng else, i.e., any other at t ri but e of At man
such as happiness or power.
GATHAS 28 to 52
WHEN KARMAN ACTS AS A FETTER
Then up to Gatha 52 a good deal more is said wi t h regard to
Jriana or knowl edge. In the 43rd and 44t h we are t ol d that the
best of Jinas have t aught that Kar man necessarily ripens and
produces its effects; but it acts as a fetter (Bandha) onl y when
del usi on, desire and hatred are produced by those effects; if one
does not al l ow hi msel f to be so deluded, attracted, or repelled,
it does not act as a fetter t yi ng h i m down to the circle of bi rt hs.
Even the Arhat s have to go t hr ough certain actions, such as
standing, si t t i ng and movi ng about, and teaching the Dharma ;
but these are spontaneous, as amorous movements are in the case
of young women, and do not produce delusion or desire; hence
t hey do not act as a fetter.
KSAY1KA JSANA
That knowl edge is Ksayi ka (produced by the Ksaya or de-
st ruct i on of the power of Karman) whi ch embraces simultaneously
the past, present, and fut ure conditions of al l t hi ngs; whi l e that
knowl edge whi c h is not simultaneous, but is produced by degrees
after one conies in contact wi t h objects, is not Ksayi ka, nor
eternal, nor al l -embraci ng.
GATHAS 53 to 68
HAPPINESS OF THE SECOND DEVELOPED CONDITION OF THE SOUL
Then, up to Gatha 68 we have what is called At i ndr i ya-
sukhadhi kara or the t reat ment of the bliss enjoyed by the
Keval i n who has no senses; and afterwards of t he happiness
deri ved f r om t he senses. Thi s last depends upon Subhopayoga
or the realization of t he Subha or meri t ori ous. He who devotes
hi msel f to the wor shi p of the deities, the Yatis (ascetics), and
the preceptor, and to a vi r t uous course of conduct, and observes
fasts, is a Subhopayogi n. By t hi s course of conduct a soul
attains happiness i n one or al l of the three conditions of l i f e,
vi z. , t hat of a brut e, man, or god. But t hi s is a bodi l y happi -
ness and does not spri ng f r om the nature of the soul ; it is
associated wi t h mi ser y; i t onl y sharpens desire whi l e bei ng
enjoyed and thus bri ngs on restlessness. So that t hi s sort of
happiness is har dl y to be di st i ngui shed f r om the mi sery that
fol l ows the realization of the si nful character (Asubhopayoga).
There is l i t t l e to choose between t hem. Real bliss is to bo
attained by h i m onl y who puts an end t o al l delusion (Moha),
desire (Raga) and hatred (Dvesa), and one can do t hi s onl y by
knowi ng the t r ut h t aught by the Ji na, and l earni ng t o
di st i ngui sh hi msel f as the pure knowi ng soul or l i ght f r om al l
other t hi ngs whi c h are insensate
GATI I AS 69 to 92
THE CONSIDERATION OF THE JNANATATTVA ENDS
Wi t h Gstha 92 ends the expl anat i on of Jmlnatattva whi c h
is called the first Adhi ki l r a, thoso ment i oned before bei ng
subordinate Adhi karas. Then begins the Jfieya Adhi ki l r a.
T HE J S E YA A D H I K A R A
DRAVYA WITH GUNAS AND PARYAYAS
Jneya or the knowabl e is Dravya or substance wi t h Gunas or
qualities and Paryayas or developments or modifications.
Qualities are inseparable f r om Dravya and are l ooked upon as
const i t ut i ng the breadth of a Dravya, whi l e modifications ext end
over t i me, and i nvol ve sequence, and constitute the l engt h of a
Dravya.
ANALYSIS OF PRAVACANASARA 231
There are modifications of substance and modifications of
qualities. The modification resul t i ng from a combi nat i on of
substances is substantial modi fi cat i on (Dravyaparyftya). Thi s
is of t wo ki nds :1st, that produced by the combi nat i on of
l i ke substances, and 2nd, that produced by the combi nat i on of
unl i ke substances. The combi nat i on of atoms of the same
substance to f or m a Skandha such as Dvyanuka Tr yanuka, &c ,
is an instance of the first ki nd : and men, gods, &c., resul t i ng
f r om the combi nat i on of spi ri t (Jiva) and matter (Pudgala), are
instances of the second.
Modifications of qualities are also of t wo ki nds :1st, that
produced, by the increase or decrease of the qualities of the
same substance; and 2nd, that whi ch is due to the combination
of the qualities of different substances.
It is the nature of Dravya or substance to have qualities and
modifications, and to be subject to product i on and destruction at
the same t i me that it has permanence (Utpada-vinfisa-dhrauvya).
To be thus is to exist. Though a substance is spoken of as
somet hi ng di st i nct f r om its qualities or modifications, s t i l l i t i s
to bo considered as i dent i cal wi t h t hem, since neither of t hem
can exist wi t hout the other. When an ol d f or m or modi fi cat i on,
such as that of loose earth, is destroyed, a new one such as that of
a j ar is produced, and in bot h cases we have the same substance,
vi z. , earth. Thus at one and the same t i me we have product i on
and destruction along wi t h continuance or permanence.
There are t wo ways of l ooki ng at t hi ngs, one called
Dravyart hi kanaya and the other Paryayarthikanaya. The
pr oduct i on of a j ar is the product i on of somet hi ng not
previ ousl y exi st i ng, i f we t h i n k of i t f r om the latter poi nt of
vi ew, i.e., as a Paryaya or modi f i cat i on; whi l e it is not the
pr oduct i on of somet hi ng not previ ousl y exi st i ng, when we
l ook at it f r om the f or mer poi nt of vi ew, i.e. as a Dravya or
Substance. So when a soul becomes, t hr ough his meri t s or
demerits, a god, a man, or a denizen of hel l , f r om the first
poi nt of vi ew, the bei ng is t he same, but f r om t he second he
is not the same, i.e., di fferent in each case. So t hat you can
affirm or deny somet hi ng of a t hi ng at one and the same t i me.
THE SEVEN MODES OF ASSERTION
Thi s leads to t he celebrated Saptabhanginaya or t he seven
modes of assertion. You can affirm existence of a t hi ng f r om
one poi nt of vi ew (Syad asti), deny i t f r om another (Syan
nSsti); and affi rm bot h existence and non-existence wi t h
referenoe t o i t at di fferent times (Syad asti nasti). If you
shoul d t h i n k of affi rmi ng bot h existence and non-existence
at t he same t i me f r om the same poi nt of vi ew, you must say that
the t hi ng cannot be so spoken of (Syad avaktavyah). Si mi l ar l y,
under certain circumstances, the affi rmat i on of existence is not
possible, (Syad asti avakt avyah); of non-existence (Syan nasti
avakt avyah); and also of bot h (Syad asti nasti avaktavyah).
What is meant by these seven modes is t hat a t hi ng shoul d not
be considered as exi st i ng everywhere, at al l times, in al l ways,
and i n the f or m of ever yt hi ng. I t may exist i n one place and
not i n another, at one t i me and not at another, &c. It i s not
meant by these modes t hat there is no cert ai nt y, or t hat we
have to deal wi t h probabi l i t i es onl y, as some scholars have
t hought . A l l t hat i s i mpl i ed i s t hat every assertion whi c h i s
t rue i s t rue onl y under cert ai n condi t i ons of space, t i me, &c.
Thi s i s the substance of t he section whi c h treats of
Dravyasamanya or Dr avya general l y.
SPECIES OF DRAVYA AND THEIR PROPERTIES
Then we have Dravyavisesa. Dr avya i s di vi ded i nt o Ji va
and Aj l va. Ji va is Cetana, i.e., sentient or conscious, and Aj l va
Acetana, i.e., i nsent i ent or unconscious. The l at t er is of five
ki ndsPudgal a (mat t er), Dharma ( r i ght conduct), Adhar ma
(unrighteousness), Kal a (t i me), and Akasa, (space). Akasa is
ANALYSIS OF PRAVACANASXRA
233
di vi ded i nt o t wo parts, Loka and Al oka. The fi rst i s fi l l ed
wi t h Ji va and the first f our unconscious substances ; the other
is a voi d. Some qualities are Mur t a, i.e., I ndr i yagr ahya or
perceptible by the senses ; others are Ami l r t a or not perceptible
by the senses.
The qualities of Pudgala are Mur t a and of the other
substances, Amur t a.
The peculiar pr oper t y of Akasa is Avagaha, i.e., gi vi ng room
for the other substances to exist in ; of Dharma, to give mot i on
to the Pudgala associated wi t h Ji va ; of Adharma, to confine the
Jlvapudgala to a certain place ; of Kala or t i me, to render the
modifications of substances possible ; and of Ji va or At ni an, to
undergo Upayoga, i.e., the realization of the three ki nds of nature
ment i oned before.
A Ji va or At man in a wor l dl y condi t i on has four ki nds
of Prana or l i vi ng powers, vi z. , 1st, I ndr i yapr ana or the
sensational power of five ki nds ; 2nd, Balaprana, or the
power of action by means of the body, speech, and mi nd ;
3r d, Ayuhpr ana or the power of sustaining a bodi l y f or m ;
and 4t h, Anapanaprana or the power of respiration. The first
being of five ki nds and the second of three, we have altogether ten.
The four ki nds of Prana are the effects of Pudgala : and
the Ji va havi ng delusion, desire, and hatred developed i n i t ,
becomes t i ed down t o the Kar man whi c h Pudgala generates
and to t he Pranas, and thus experiences the f r ui t of the
Kar man, and whi l e so experi enci ng contracts the ties of other
Karmans. " The At ma n bei ng sul l i ed by Kar man assumes
Pranas again and again as l ong as he does not abandon his
attachment to t he body and other ext ernal obj ect s" (24).
The several forms of god, man, brut e, &c , whi c h the same
soul goes t hr ough, are due to Naman (name) and Kar man
whi c h spri ng f r om the Pudgala (27). The body, the Manas
( mi nd) , and speech are t he effeots of Pudgal a; and a
Pudgala substance is a col l ect i on of atoms. " I am not made up
of Pudgala, nor have I made t he collections of Pudgala at oms;
therefore am I not t he body nor i t s creator" (36).
Kar man arises f r om Pudgala, but it operates as a fetter to the
At man, because he is capable of seeing and knowi ng t he properties
of Pudgala and concei vi ng a desire or hatred for t he objects
created by Pudgala (47, 48, 49). The modi fi cat i on of the
soul consisting of desire, hatred, and delusion produces Bandha
or the fettered condi t i on (54). The At man is the author of his
own condi t i on or development, not of that of the Pudgala ; the
actions of the Pudgala are not done by the At man t hough he is
associated wi t h the Pudgala (58, 59).
When the At man havi ng desire and hatred is developed
i nt o the Subha (good) or Asubha (evi l ) condi t i on, t hen Pudgala
develops i nt o the eight ki nds of Karman
1
the fi rst of whi ch
is the concealment of the t r ut h ; and since bot h are associated
together in same place, that Kar man operates as a fetter to
the soul (60, 61). The fetters of the soul are real l y his delusion,
desire, and hatred ; and the actions of the Pudgala are so onl y
in a secondary sense (63). He who does not abandon his
attachment for his body and possessions and t hi nks ' here I am' ,
' t hi s is mi ne' , abandons the pat h of a Sramanaand goes astray (64).
* I do not belong to others, others do not bel ong to
me, I am mere knowl edge ( Jnana) ' ; he who t hi nks
t hus t hi nks real l y of hi msel f as the At ma n (65). I t hi nk
mysel f to be knowl edge and f ai t h (Darsanabhuta), not to be
1 The eight Karmans are the four Ghatins mentioned before, and the four
Aghatins. These last are1, Vedamya, i.e., the belief that there is something which
one has to know ; 2, Namika, i.e., the belief that I am a person bearing such and
such a name ; 3, Gotrika, i.e., the knowledge that I now belong to the family of the
pupils of the worshipful Arhat; 4, Ayuska, i.e., actions necessary for the preservation
of life. These four are of use to enable one to know the truth; therefore they are
Aghatins, i.e., not injurious, favourable.Go vindananda, loo. cit.
apprehended by the senses, the great being, firm, unchangeable,
and independent (G6). Bodies, possessions, pleasure, pai n,
enemies, and friends are not everlasting ; the pure nature of t he
soul as knowl edge and f ai t h is everlasting (67). He who bei ng
puri fi ed contemplates hi msel f as such cuts the knot of del usi on
(68). The knot of delusion bei ng cut, desire and hatred bei ng
destroyed, a man assumes the nature of a Sramana indifferent to
pleasure or pai n, and attains eternal happiness (69).
HOW TO ATTAIN THE HIGHEST CONDITION OF WHICH THE
SOUL IS CAPABLE
Havi ng i n t hi s manner expl ai ned the nature of the particular
Dravyas and the three conditions of the Jiva or At man, our
author proceeds to describe the way of at t ai ni ng the highest
condi t i on, vi z. , that of pur i t y and simple t hought i n whi ch there
is eternal bliss. That way is to become a Sramana after one has
taken leave of his relations and friends. Here t wo leaves of the
Manuscri pt are missing. But the frame of mi nd i n whi ch one
shoul d enter on that condi t i on of l i f e, appears to have been
gi ven here i n t hi s way. The man shoul d t hi nk that not hi ng
i n the wor l d real l y belongs t o hi m, shoul d have subdued his
passions, and shoul d be det ermi ned to go t hrough the several
modes or processes of at t ai ni ng knowl edge and fai t h, and of
Caritra, Tapas, and Vi r ya.
The commentator states that the modes or processes of
at t ai ni ng knowl edge and fai t h are f i ght in each case,
Caritra is of t hi r t een ki nds, Tapas of t wel ve ki nds,
and Vi ryacara is i nt ended to br i ng f or t h the powers of one's
own soul. The i nt endi ng Sramana should also have assumed
Yathajatarupa, l i t er al l y " that f or m i n whi ch one i s bor n, " the
or i gi nal or pr i mi t i ve and uncont ami nat ed f or m.
REQUISITES OF A SRAMANA
The ext ernal requisites of a Mu n i or Sramana l ai d down by
the Ji na are that he shoul d assume such a f or m, and should shave
236 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1883 84
off his hair and moustache, should have n property, abstain
from ki l l i ng, and should not adorn his body. The internal
requisites which put a stop'to future births are, that he should
be free from attachment to worldly objects, that he should be
devoted to the purification of h.s nature (Upayogasuddhi), his
actions should be pure, and he should not be dependent on any
thing (other than himself) (4, 5). He should also realize in
himself such other character/sties as the preceptor, who initiates
him, may point out, and should learn the vows ; and then it is
that he becames a Sramank (6).
The following are the primary requisites of a Sramana
as laid down by the best of Jinas, and if they are
set at nought through carelessness, the Sramana has
to be re-initiated (a) Vratas or vows for avoiding sinful
actions, which are five
1
according to the commentator; (b)
Samitis for the preservation of the vows, which are also five' ;
(c) Indriyarodha o. the restraining of the five senses ; (d) shaving
off the hair; (e) six
3
Avasyaka observances; (f) Acela, ' not
1 The live Vratas or Maha vratas are :1 Ahimsa, not to ki l l , i.e., to protect
all life ; 2 Satya, speaking the t r ut h as well as what is agreeable ; 3 Asteya, not to
steal (even a blade of grass); 1 Brahinacarya, chastity ; 5 Akimcanya, poverty.
Sakalakirti's Tatt varthasaradlpaka.
2 They are:1 Iryasamiti, going by paths trodden by men, beasts, carts
&c., and looking carefully, so as not to occasion the death of any l i vi ng creature ;
2 Bhasasamiti, gentle, salutary, sweet, righteous spcccli; 3 Esanasamiti, receiving
alms in a manner to avoid the forty-two faults that are laid down ; 4 Ad.xnani-
ksepanasamiti, receiving and keeping of the things necessary for religious exercises,
after having carefully examined them ; 5 Pari-(Prati-) sthapanAsamiti, performing
the operations of nature in an unfrequented place.Ibid, and Miidhava's Sarva-
darsanasamgraha, p. 39.
3 These are : I Samayika. II Caturvi'msatistava, I I I Vandana, IV Prati
kramana, V Pratyakhyana, VI Kayotsarga. I. Samayika is freedom from love and
hatred or equanimity as regards the agreeableness or diaagreeableness of things.
This is of six kinds. 1, Namasrimayika, which consists in not l i ki ng good names
or disliking bad names; 2, Sthapanasamayika, not being pleased or displeased
ANALYSI S OP PRAVACANASARA
237
wearing cloth' or nudi t y; (g) Asnana, "not bathing"; (h)
Ksitisayana, " sleeping on the bare ground" ; (i) Adanta-
dhavana, " not cleansing the teeth" ; (k) Sthitibhojana,
" dining while standing " ; (l) Ekabhukta, " taking one meal
wi t h beautiful or ugly images (of gods and others); 3, Dravyasamayika,
regarding, agreeable objects such as gold and disagreeable objects such as earth,
equally ; 4, Ksetrasamayika, making no difference between pleasant places such
as a garden and unpleasant places such as a forest of brambles; 5, Kalasamayika,
not being pleased or displeased by agreeable or disagreeable seasons and times;
6, Bhavasarnayika, love for all l i vi ng beings and shunning everything of an evil
tendency. Some of these are also otherwise explained.
I I . Caturvimsatistatva is the praising wi t h devotion of the twenty-four
Tirthamkaras. This is also of six ki nds; Namastava, Sthapanastava,
Dravyastava, &c
I I I . Vandana is humbling oneself lx:fore one who deserves to be worshipped
by making obeisance, and praising, invoking a blessing, singing his triumph, &c
I V. Pratikramana is the expiation of the. sins concerning Nam an (names),
Sthapana (images), Dravya (objects), Ksetra (places), Kala (times),
and Bhava, (mental states), or sins generally, by means of Nindana,
Garhana, and Alocana, and other processes. Nindana is condemning
the sinful act or repenting of it to oneself; Garhana is doing the same
before a Gur u; and Alocana is making a confession of it to a
Guru. Pratikramana is of seven kinds :That performed (1) every day ;
(2) every night, (3) every fortnight, (4) every four months, and (5) every year;
(6) that which has reference to Iryapatha (walking), and (7) Uttamarthika,
consisting in abstaining from food for the remainder of one's life after con-
fessing al l .sins and becoming careless about the body. The particular species
of Pratikramana are differently given in other books.
V. Pratyakhvana is keeping aloof from or avoiding evil or improper
names (Naman), images (Sthapana), objects (Dravya), and the other three,
in order not to incur sin.
VI . Kayotsarga is the abandoning of one's body, i.e., one's attachment to his body
in order to purify himself from sins incurred by resorting to evil names, images,
objects, &c, to lessen the force of Karman and thrive in holiness. This is done
while a man is standing wi t h all his limbs immovable, his arms hanging down-
wards straight, the knees unbent, the feet apart from each other by the distance
of four fingers, and the toes straight.From Chap. VI I I , of Asadhara's
Dharmamrta.
onl y. " In al l there are t went y-ei ght observances (7, 8). I f
after the hol y bodi l y observances have been begun, a break
occurs, it shoul d be condoned by processes the first of whi c h is
Alocana or confession. An d i f there i s an i nt er r upt i on i n the
i nt ernal advancement, the Sramana should go to another
Sramana who is proficient in the doctrine of the Ji na, confess
his faul t and abide by his directions (10, 11). Wherever he
lives, whet her in the company of other Sramanas or alone,
a Sramana should take care that his vow is not violated, and
should avoid attachment for al l t hi ngs other than his pure soul.
The Sramana's vow is to be considered as properl y observed
onl y t hen, when he avoids al l attachment, devotes hi msel f to the
t rue doctrine and to the acquisition of knowl edge, and ful fi l s
the (t went y-ei ght ) pr i mar y requi si t es (12, 13).
At t achment to objects other t han one's pure soul operates
as a f et t er ; therefore do Sramanas abandon everyt hi ng.
Wi t hout total renunci at i on the heart is not pur i f i ed; and
if the heart is not puri fi ed what possi bi l i t y is there of
the destruction of Kar man (18, ID). ? But this general
r ul e has exceptions. A Sramana may, havi ng in vi ew
the necessities of the t i me and place when and where he
lives, take such things to hi msel f as do not check his highest
development (21). Such f or m of the body as befits ,1 Sramana,
the words of a Gur u, di sci pl i ne (Vi naya), the st udy of the
Sutras, must be accepted (24) ; these cannot be renounced. So
also the t hi ngs the abandonment of whi ch woul d check progress
must be accepted. Wi t hout the body you cannot go t hr ough
the whol e di sci pl i ne whi c h bri ngs on the highest development ;
it shoul d therefore be preserved and food taken to preserve i t .
But i f . t he food i s acquired by begging wi t hout commi t t i ng the
f or t y- t wo faults, the Sramana who eats it may be said in effect
not to eat it (26). He is a Sramana who does not care for t hi s
wor l d or for the next, who eats and moves j ust in the proper
manner, and who is free f r om Kaaya, i.e., love and hatred or
ANALYSIS OF PRAVACANASlRA "239
likes and dislikes (25). The body is the onl y propert y of the
Sramana and for it even he has no attachment.
PERFECT FAITH IN THE TRUE DOCTRINE NECESSARY
FOR A SRAMANA
Thi s is the Acara or course of conduct prescribed for a
Sramana; but one essential t hi ng more is required for the
attainment of Moksa. He who is absorbed in one t hi ng onl y is
a Sramana. Such singleness of devotion lie onl y has whose
knowl edge about the nature of things is certain, and certainty
of knowl edge can be had from the Agamas or Jaina sacred
books onl y ; therefore, the study of Agamas is a
matter of the highest importance (1). The Sramana who has
not studied the Agamas does not know the nature of his soul,
and the nature of things distinct from the s oul ; and it is not
possible for hi m to put an end to Karman if he does not know
the nature of these things (2). Al l objects wi t h t hei r various
qualities and developments are properl y explained in the
Agamas, and the Sramanas know t hem onl y by learning tho
Agamas (1). If a Sramana does not see things t hrough the
Agamas, there can be no moral discipline for hi m (Samyama),
and if there is no moral discipline, how can he become a
Sramana (5) ? He does not become perfect by merel y learning
the Agamas, if he has no fai t h in what is taught there about
t i l i ngs ; nor dees ho obtain eternal bliss ( Ni r vat i ) by mere fai t h
if he does not go t hr ough the moral discipline. (6).
NO KNOWLEDGE WITHOUT FAITH IN THE SCRIPTURES
NO ETERNAL BLISS BY MERE FAITH WITHOUT MORAL DISCIPLINE
THEREFORE THE THREE JEWELS NECESSARY
Here is explained the necessity of the so-called three jewels
(Ratnas), viz. , Jnana or knowl edge of things as revealed in the
Agamas ; Darsana or fai t h in what is taught there ; and
Cftritra or Dharma, i.e., moral di sci pl i ne. But if a man has a
particle of attachment for the body and other things he does
not become perfect or attain eternal bliss even if he knows all
Agamas (8). That Sramana, who has realized the five Samitis
and the three
1
Guptis, restrained the five senses, got over the
Kasaya,' and has Darsana and J nana fully, is to be considered
as having undergone thorough discipline (Samyata) (9).
Friends and foes, pleasure and pain, praise and censure, a clod
of earth and gold, are alike to him (10). He who is perfected
simultaneously in Darsana, Jndna, and Caritra is to bo regarded
as having attained singleness of devotion (AikSgrya), and has
completely realized the nature of the Sramana.
THE SRAMANAS WHO ATTAI N THE SECOND CONDITION ONLY
The way to eternal bliss has thus been shown. The author
next proceeds to mention the duties of the Sramanas who realize
the Subha or good only, and not the Suddha. These two classes
of monks are mentioned, he says, in the scriptures ; the first
have Asrava
8
, and the last are free from it. The duties of the
Subhopayogin are :Devotion for the Arhats, kindness towards
1 Gupti means the protection of the soul from desire, hatred, and delusion,
which tie hi m to the Samsara. They are three ; 1 , Manogupti and venti g the
mi nd from wandering in the forest of sensual pleasures by empick his a contem-
plation, study, &c. ; 2, Vaggupti, i.e., preventing the tongue f r om saying bad
things by a vow of silence, &c.; 3, Kayagupti, i. e., put t i ng the body in an i m-
movable posture as in the case of Kayotsarga.From Sakalakirti' s
Tattvarthasara.
2 Krodha, 'anger', Mana, ' pride' , Maya 'deceit,' and Lobha 'greed.'Sarva-
darsana and Sakalakirti.
3 Asravas are the movements of the soul corresponding to the movements
of the Manas, speech, and body through which Karman flows in from the
Padgala to the soul. This Karman brought in by the movements (i.e., the Asravas)
the soul takes in when he is influenced by Kasaya, as a wet piece of cloth takes
in al l the particles of dust brought towards it by the wind.Sarvadarsanasmgraha
and Kartikeyanupreksa. Sometimes the flowing in of the Karman through the
movements which are called Yogas is regarded as Asrava.Sakalakirti.
the learned ; adorni ng and saluting the great Suddha Sramanas,
t reat i ng t hem wi t h respect by going forward t o receive t hem
when t hey come, and f ol l owi ng t hem when t hey go ; preaching
Jhilna and Darsana, receiving pupils, and br i ngi ng t hem up,
gi vi ng i nst ruct i on i n the worshi p of the .Tinas, doi ng al l the
good he can to the four classes of Sravakas (lay-followers),
Srilvikas (females), Yatis (priests), and Aryas, and to the body
of the Sramanas, wi t hout doi ng harm to his own person ;
conferri ng benefits on al l Jainas, priests as wel l as lay persons,
t hr ough compassion wi t hout expecting anyt hi ng in r et ur n ; and
doi ng what he can, to br i ng rel i ef when he sees a Sramana
afliicted wi t h disease, hunger, t hi rst , and fatigue. Such a
course of conduct is good for a Sramana ; but for a Grhastha or
householder it is of the highest importance and leads hi m
i ndi r ect l y to Moksa.
THE FIVE JEWELS
Then f ol l ow a few Gathas whi ch contain some general
observations, and the wor k ends wi t h five, each of whi ch is,
according to the commentator, devoted to each of the five jewels
( Ratnas ) whi ch make up the whol e Jaina creed. These five
jewels are : I , Samsilratattva, 2, Moksatattva, 3, Moksatattva-
sndhaka, 4, Moksatattvasfidhana, 5, Sastraphalalabha.
1. In the first of these Gathas, it is stated that he who
does not apprehend the true doctrines whi ch f or m the Jaina creed
and believes his fancies to be t rue, revolves in the circle of
existences for ever.
2.He whose conduct is not i mproper, and who has f i r m
belief in the t r ut h, and is at peace, does not remai n l ong wi t hout
the f r ui t .
3.He who knows al l t hi ngs t r ul y, i s free f r om attachment
for external as we l l as i nt er nal t hi ngs forei gn to his t rue nature,
and has no desire for the pleasures of sense, is called Suddha
or pure.
4. He who is pure is a real Sramana, he alone knows t he
correct doctrine and possesses t rue knowl edge, and he alone
attains Ni rvana.
The next five leaves bei ng lost, the fifth Gatha is not
before me.
COMPARISON OF THE CARDINAL DOCTRINES OF JAINISM WITH THOSE
OF THE SAMKHYA, VEDANTIC AND BUDDHISTIC SYSTEMS
Thi s is a summary of the Jaina doctrines as explained by
a teacher of ver y great aut hor i t y among the Digambaras. The
idea of the three conditions of the soul, the si nf ul , the meri t ori ous
or vi rt uous, and the pure or serene, wi t h the corresponding
frui t s of a miserable l i fe among the lowest orders of being, of a
l i f e of happiness and pleasure in the regions of the gods, and of
eternal bliss, i s common t o this system wi t h the Samkhya,
t he Advai t a Vedanta, and Buddhi sm. But i t differs f r om
t he last in mai nt ai ni ng the existence of the soul as an independent
substance, and f r om the other t wo i n regarding love, hatred,
mer i t or vi r t ue, &c , as qualities of the soul, and i n mai nt ai ni ng
t hat the soul is capable of development or modi fi cat i on.
Accor di ng to the Samkhya and Vedanta, the soul is in its
nature, unchangeable ( Avyaya ), imperishable ( Ni t ya ), pure
( Suddha ), l i mi t l ess t hought (Buddha), and unfettered ( Mukt a) ;
whi l e l ove, hat red, vi r t ue, &c , and the fettered condi t i on
are the results of the insentient pr i nci pl e, whi ch i s Pr akr t i i n
t he fi rst system, and Maya or Avi dya i n the second.
Wi t h t he Jainas the fettered condi t i on is the result of the
qualities of the soul, love or desire and hatred, and of t hei r
insentient pr i nci pl e, the Pudgala. To di st i ngui sh the soul f r om the
Pr akr t i or Avi dya wi t h its results, and know i t as di st i nct , i s what i s
necessary for Moksa or deliverance according to those t wo systems;
JAINISM AND OTHER PHILOSOPHICAL SYSTEMS 243
-while according to the Jainas, that condi t i on of the soul, in
whi ch it loves and hates, must give way to the development of the
highest qualities, vi z. , pur i t y, serenity, and limitless knowl edge.
In admi t t i ng love, hatred, and others as the qualities of the
soul, the Jainas agree wi t h the Vaisesikas. On one or t wo
points t hey hol d a vi ew whi ch is of the nature of a compromise
between the Samkhyas and the Vcdttntins on the one hand
and the Vaisesikas on the other. The former mai nt ai n the
doctrine of Satkarya, i. e., that an effect is the same as its
mat eri al cause or pre-exists in that cause and is onl y made mani -
fest by the operation whi ch that cause undergoes ; wdiile the
latter advocate the doctrine of Asatkarya, i. e., that the effect
whi ch is produced is something new and di d not exist before.
But the Jainas mai nt ai n that an effect pre-exists in the cause in
one sense and is a new t hi ng in another. If you look at an effect
such as a j ar as a mere substance, the substance is the same as
in the loose earth of whi ch the jar is made ; but if you l ook
at the j ar as a modi fi cat i on, it is new and di d not exist when
the earth was in the condi t i on of loose particles.
Si mi l ar l y, Dravya as the substratum of qualities is not recognised
by the Samkhyas and Veddntins ; wi t h t hem a Dravya and its
qualities are i dent i cal . The Vaisesikas regard the t wo as di st i nct
but connected together by the rel at i on of Samavaya ( constant
connection ). The Jainas admi t Dravya as the substratum of
qualities, but l i ke the Samkhyas and VedSntins regard bot h as
i dent i cal , since, one of t hem cannot exist wi t hout the other.
JAINISM NOT A SECT OF BUDDHISM
The Jainas at t ri but e the fettered condi t i on of the soul or
Bandha to delusion, desire, and hatred, or more systematically
to Kasftya as explained in a former note, and inculcate moral
di sci pl i ne as the means of dest royi ng t hem. The Bauddhas
also seem in a way, according to some wri t ers, to at t ri but e it to
desire ; but they trace wor l dl y misery and the succession of
bi r t hs and deaths to Avi dya or ignorance of t he t r ut hs t hat
everyt hi ng is moment ar y and there is no such permanent
substance as the soul. Thi s is unknown to Jaina metaphysics;
but the t wo systems agree i n l ayi ng down mor al di sci pl i ne as
the way of riddance f r om the Samsara. They have also got some
names such as Ar hat , Sramana, and Ji na, whi c h are common,
t hough t he Jainas have altered the sense of a few, such as t he
t er m Pudgala. But the doct ri nal differences and differences on
mi nor points are so great that Jai ni sm and Buddhi sm must be
considered as t wo different systems of r el i gi on spri ngi ng f r om
the same stream of ideas, j ust as in modern times the systems
of Ramanuja and Madhva have sprung up f r om the same current
of Paficaratra and Vedi l nt i c ideas ; and one of t hem can by no
means be considered to have branched off f r om the other.
But , that as a system, Jai ni sm is much later t han Buddhi sm, is,
I t hi nk, unquestionable ; because, 1st, some of its ideas resemble
those of the Vaisesikas; 2nd, a mor bi d extravagance characterises
its mor al di sci pl i ne, whi l e the tone of that of Buddhi sm is
much more heal t hy ; and 3r d, its sacred language is the
pr i nci pal Pr akr i t , whi l e that of the Buddhists was or gi nal l y
tho Pal i ; and the Pr akr i t s were, as I have stated elsewhere,
1
formed i n my opi ni on, about the begi nni ng of the Chri st i an era.
So that t hough the Ni ggant ha Nat aput t a may have nourished
about the t i me of Buddha, Jai ni sm must have received a
definite shape, and the sect become compact, several centuries
later. But of t hi s more hereafter.
THE NIYAMASARA
No. 299 is a copy of the Niyamasara wi t h a comment ary by
Padmaprabhamaladharideva. The Manuscri pt i s i n many places
unreadable. In the second Gatha i t i s stated t hat Marga and
1 In his Wilson Philological Lectures on Sanskrit and the Prakrit Languages,
included in the Fourth Volume of this Edition, [N, B. U.]
DIGAMBARA JAIN LITERATURE: NI YAMASl RA 245
Margaphala are ment i oned in the system of Ji na ; Marga is the
way t o deliverance (Moksa), and its f r ui t i s Ni rvana.
Ni yama means t hat whi c h must be necessarily done ; and Jnana
or knowl edge, Darsana or f ai t h, and Caritra or mor al di sci pl i ne
constitute Ni yama. Ni yama is the way to deliverance and its
f r ui t i s the highest Ni r vana.
NATURE OF ITS CONTENTS
The wor k thus expounds the whol e di sci pl i ne whi c h the seeker
of eternal bliss should subject hi msel f to ; and the great vows,
the Samitis, the Gupt i s, &c , are explained. In the i nt r oduci on
the commentator renders his obeisance to Siddhasena, to Aka-
lankabhatta who was a " sun to the lotus in the shape of
reasoning," to Pnjyapada who was a " moon to the sea of words "
(grammar), and t o Vl r anandi n. In the body of the wor k,
Padmaprabha quotes Amrt acandra, Gunabhadra, Samantabhadra,
Somadeva and others.
The wor k contains t wel ve Adhi karas "which are as fol l ows :
1st, Ji va, 2nd, Aj l va, 3r d, Bhava, 4t h, Vyavaharacaritra, 5t h,
Niseayapratikramana, 6t h, Niseayapratyakhyfma, 7t h, Alocana,
8t h, Suddhaniscayapiriyascitta, 9th, Paraniasamadhi, 10th,
Paramabhakti, 11th, Niscayaparamavasyaka, 12th, Suddhopayoga.
Each of these is called a Srutaskandha. At the begi nni ng of the
fifth Adhi kar a, Madhavasenasuri is adored by the commentator
and at t he end, Vl r anandi n.
DIIARMAMRTA WITH A COMMENTARY BY ASADHARA
AND ITS CONTENTS
No. 297 is a Manuscri pt of the Dharmamrt a by Asadhara
wi t h a comment ary by hi msel f ent i t l ed Bhavyakumudacandri ka.
The wor k has nine chapters. In the first, the general nature of
Dhar ma consisting of the three j ewel s is explained ; and in t he
second the nature of Samyaktva as we l l as the way of real i zi ng
i t . Mi t hyat va i s fai t h i n gods that have ani mal and human
attributes such as hunger, desire, and hatred, in teachers who
are encumbered wi t h cl ot hi ng, &c , and i n Dharma that allows
of the destruction of l i f e ; and the opposite of t hi s is Samyaktva.
So that Samyaktva is fai t h in the Jaina, or in t hi s part i cul ar
case, the Digambara doctrines, and Mi t hyat va is f ai t h in other
creeds. In the Niyamasara also it is stated that Samyaktva is
the result of f ai t h i n the doctrines l ai d down i n the Agamas
revealed by the Apt a who is spoken of as one who is free f r om
al l shortcomings and i n whom the highest qualities have been
developed.
The subjects treated in the f ol l owi ng chapters are
these : I I I . Jnana ; I V. Caritra or Samyakcaritra ; V. Pinda-
vi suddhi or the unobjectionable food ; V I . Margamahodyoga, i.e.,
the subduing of the passions, such as anger, pr i de, &c , and the
acquisition of the gentle virtues ; V I I . Tapas(1) external,
consisting i n fasting or eating l i t t l e, &c , and (2) i nt er nal , con-
sisting in Alocana or confession, Pratikramana, and several
other processes
1
; V I I I , the six Avasyakas explained i n a former
not e' ; I X , the dai l y and occasional duties ( Ni t ya and Nai mi t t i ka)
such as the adoration of the Jinas and of the Gur u, the worshi p
of the images of the Tl rt hamkaras, and others.
ABADHARA'S HISTORY
At the end of the wor k Asadhara gives his own hi st ory. Asa-
dhara belonged to the f ami l y of Vyaghreravala and was the son
of Sallakgana or Laksana and his wi f e Rat ni . He was bor n i n
the fortress of Mandalakara situated in the count r y of " a lac
and a quarter " (Sapadalaksa) whi ch was the ornament of the
Sakambhari Lake. He had by his wi fe Sarasvatl, a son of the
name of Chahada who was a favourite of Arj unadeva, ki ng of
Malava. Asadhara was l ovi ngl y compl i ment ed by t he sage
1 These wi l l be fully given below.
2 Ante, pp 236 ff, note 3. [N. B. U.]
ASDHARA AND HIS WORKS 247
Udayasena in the words, "Great is Asadhara who is the swan
on the lotus of the f ami l y of Vyaghreravala, the son of Sallaksana,
and the Kalidasa of the Ka l i age, whose l i mbs are gratified by
dr i nki ng the nectar of poetry and who possesses an all-seeing
eye of wi sdom. " Madanaki rt i the great Yat i or ascetic also
said to hi m, " Yo u are a store of wi sdom. " When the count r y of
"a lac and a quart er" was subdued by Sahibavandina the ki ng
of the Turuskas, Asadhara being afraid of religious violence
( l i t er al l y, destruction of righteousness), emigrated to the count ry
of Malava i n whi ch the hol y t r i ad flourished under the fostering
care of the ki ng of the Vi ndhyas, and l i vi ng i n Dhara wi t h a
large f ami l y, learned the principles of the Jaina fai t h and
Jainendravyakarana f r om Pandita Mahavlra, the pupi l of Pandita
Dharasena. He was praised by Vi l hana, "t he l or d of poets" and
the mi ni st er for peace and war of Vi j ayavarman, ki ng of the
Vi ndhyas or Malava, i n the words, "Nobl e Asadhara, know that
being a son of Saras vat! you are my brother, as a matter of
course, and a f r i end ; and to say that you are so in words
involves redundancy. "
Asadhara afterwards l i ved in the ci t y of Nalakacchapura
for advancing the cause of the Jaina fai t h, in the
t er r i t or y of ki ng Ar j una whi ch was f ul l of Sravakas. He
taught grammar to Pandita Devacandra and others, to Vi sal aki r t i
and others, the six Tarkasastras, whi ch operated in t hei r hands
as a weapon for conqueri ng al l enemies, the works or doctrines
of the Ji na to Vinayacandra and others, and poetry to Valasara-
svatl and Madana the great poet, so that t hey became renowned
among men of taste and cul t ure.
LIST OP HIS WORKS
Asadhara wrot e the f ol l owi ng wor ks : I , Prameyaratnakara,
a metaphysical treatise cont ai ni ng a clear exposition of the
Syadvada ; 2, Bharatesvarabhyudaya, a poem, havi ng at the end
of each canto a stanza cont ai ni ng the wor d Si ddhi , wi t h a gloss ;
3, Dharmamrt a cont ai ni ng the essence of the teaching of the
Ar hat , wi t h a gloss ent i t l ed Jnanadlpika-, 4, Raj i mat l vi pral ambha,
a small poem on Nemi , wi t h a gloss ; 5, Adhyatmarahasya, com-
posed at the command of his father and much l i ked by those who
have begun the practice of Yoga ; 6, glosses on the Mularadhana,
Caturvimsatistava, &c. ; 7, Kri yakal apa f r om the Amarakosa ;
8, a comment ary on Rudrata' s Kavyal amkara ; 9, SahasranSmasta-
vana of the Arhats wi t h a gloss ; 10, Jinayajnakalpa, wi t h a gloss
ent i t l ed Ji nayaj nakal padi pi ka; 11, Tri sast i -smrt i , cont ai ni ng
stories about the si xt y-t hree persons abridged f r om sacred
( Ar s a) Mahapuranas, wi t h a comment ary; 12, Ni t yamahoddyot a
describing the manner of washing the [ images of the ] Jinas
and wor shi ppi ng t hem ; 13, Ratnatrayavidhana, expl ai ni ng the
importance of the worshi p of the Rat nat rayavi dhana; 14,
Astangahrdayoddyota, wr i t t en to render the Vagbhatasamhita
pl ai n. " Asadhara, the author of so many wor ks wrot e t hi s
comment ary t o elucidate the duties of the Yatis l ai d down i n
his own Dharmamrt a.
There was a r i ch man of the name of Papa, the foremost
of the citizens of Nalakacchapura, who belonged to the
f ami l y of Khankhi l ya. He was a Jaina and a good and
vi rt uous man of gentle manners, and l i beral i n his gifts
for the worshi p of t he Jinas. He had t wo sons of the names of
Bahudeva and Padmasimha. Bahudeva's sons were three, Hara-
deva, Udayi n, and Stambhadeva. Haradeva represented to Asa-
dhara t hat Mahicandra t he Sadhu had caused to be wr i t t en a
comment ary on the duties of the l ay followers l ai d down i n the
Dharmamrt a, and solicited h i m t o do hi m the favour of wr i t i ng a
comment ary on the duties of the Yatis or monks, whi ch por t i on of
the wor k was uni nt el l i gi bl e even to the most i nt el l i gent . Bei ng so
requested by Haradeva and out of regard for Dhanacandra,
Pandita Asadhara composed this comment ary ent i t l ed Bhavya-
kumudacandri ka.
ASADHARA AND HIS AGE 249
It thus appears that we have before us one onl y of
the t wo parts of the Dharmamrt a, the port i on cont ai ni ng
the duties of lay fol l owers (Sravakas or Grhasthas) not being in
this Manuscript. The comment ary was composed in a Jaina
t empl e i n Nalakacchapura i n the rei gn of Jaitugideva, the son of
Devapala, ki ng of Malava or Avant i and bel ongi ng to the
Pramara race ; and was finished on Monday the 5t h of the l i ght
hal f of Kar t t i ka i n the year 1300 of Vi kr ama.
Of the works ment i oned by Asadhara as havi ng been composed
by hi m, we have, besides the Dharmamrt a, No. 10, Jinayajfiakalpa,
in Dr . Bi i hl er' s Col l ect i on of 1875-7G, and Nos. 9 and 11 have
been purhased by me since. At the end of the latter there is a
Prasasti l i ke the one under notice but much shorter, and most of
the verses in it are the same as in the other. The wor k, however,
was composed in 1292 of Vi kr ama, that is eight years before the
comment ary on the Dharmamrt a. The r ei gni ng pri nce, even
there was Jaitugideva, son of Devapala of the Pramara race,
and Asadhara was l i vi ng at Nalakacchapura, and composed the
wor k i n the t empl e of Nemi .
IDENTIFICATION OF SAHIBAVANDINA
The Sahibavandina, after whose conquest of the count r y about
the Silmbhar lake, Asadhara emigrated to Malava, must have been
Shahabuddin Ghor i who vanquished Prt huraj a, ki ng of Aj mi r
and Del hi , i n 1193 A. D. , and l ai d the foundat i on of the
Mahomedan empi re i n I ndi a. The t wo dates gi ven by our
author correspond to 1236 A. D. and 1244 A. D. When Asadhara
left his count r y he must have been a young man, for he studied
the doctrines of Jai ni sm and grammar at Dhara. For this
reason, and also because the fear of religious violence that drove
h i m away, must have been excited in the mi nds of the people
i mmedi at el y after the Mahomedan conquest, it appears l i ke l y
that he left the Sambhar count r y soon after 1193 A. D, ; so that
at the t i me when he wrot e the Tri sast i smrt i (No. 11), he must
have been in Malava for about f or t y- t wo years.
MALAVA PRINCES MENTIONED BY ASADHARA
Dur i ng this t i me ho speaks of three rei gni ng ki ngs of Malava,
Vi j ayavarman, whose mi ni st er Vi l hana was his f r i end, Ar j una
dur i ng whose rei gn he went to l i ve at Nalakacchapura and
whose favourite his son was, and Jaitugideva, the son of Devapala.
In the l i st of the princes of Malava hi t hert o traced, we have the
name of Ar j una and his latest known date is 1272 Vi kr ama, i. e.,
1216 A. D. He is therefore the Ar j una spoken of by our author ;
but he must have died before 1292 Vi kr ama, si nee Jai t ugi was
the r ei gni ng prince i n that year. The name of t hi s ki ng as we l l
as of his father Devapala have not yet been f ound elsewhere,
and the latest prince we know of is Ar j una. The Vi j ayavarman
ment i oned by Asadhara may have been Jayavarmadeva, the son
of Yasovarman. Thi s last prince ascended the t hrone in 1190
Samvat or 1134 A. D., wherefore it is possible that his son
Jayavarman was on the throne about 1195 A. D., or 1251 Samvat
when Asadhara must have been in Dhara. But between 1195
A. D. and 1211 A.D.the earliest datetrf Ar j unawe shall have to
place t wo princes at least, Vi ndhyavar man and Subhatavarman,
regarding the others as collaterals hol di ng subordinate power,
and the Amusyayana of some of the Inscri pt i ons as a pr onomi nal
derivative.
1
SAKALAKIRTI'S TATTVARTHASARADIPAKA.
No. 294 is Tattvarthasaradlpaka by Sakal akl rt i . Sakal akl rt i
was t he spi ri t ual head of one of the branches of the sect, and
succeeded Padmanandin, as we learn f r om the Prasasti at the
end of the Harivamsa, to be hereafter noticed, by Jinadasa who
was a pupi l of Sakal akl rt i .
1 See JA09, Vol. VI I ; Prinsep's Tables; JBBRAS, Vol. I, p. 263; and
Colebrooke's Essays, Ujjain Inscriptions.
THE DATE OF SAKALAKl RTI 251
THE DATE OF SAKALAKlRTI
Sakal aki rt i was succeeded by Bhuvanaki r t i , and a pupi l of t hi s
latter named Jnanabhusana wrot e a wor k ent i t l ed Tattvajfiana-
t arangi ni , a copy of whi c h has been recently purchased, in 1560
of the Vi kr ama era. Subhacandra, the f our t h Hi gh-pri est of the
sect after Sakal aki rt i and the second after Jnanabhusana wrot e
t wo of his works, as wi l l be stated hereafter, in 1608 and 1613 of
Vi kr ama. So that Sakal aki rt i must have l i ved about 1520 Saihvat
or 1464 A. D. Sakal aki rt i wrot e many works some of whi ch are
represented in the present Col l ect i on, but more have been pro-
cured since.
The Tattvarthasaradlpaka i s di vi ded i nt o t wel ve chapters. In
the first we have, after the usual salutations, a statement of the
seven Tattvas or pri nci pl es. These are (1) Jiva, (2) Aj l va, (3)
Asrava, (4) Bandha, (5) Samvara, (6) Ni r j ar a, and (7) Moksa,
The first four and the seventh have already been explained in
the preceding pages. Samvara is prevent i ng the Asrava or
l l owi ng i n of the Kar man upon the soul by means of the
Samitis and Gupt i s explained before ; and Ni r j ar a is the
destruction of the Kar man in t wo ways, (1) by suffering or
enj oyi ng its f r ui t when it is produced (Savipilka), or (2) put t i ng an
end to it before it matures and brings about the f r ui t . Those
who desire final deliverance resort to the latter way and destroy
t hei r Kar man by means of Tapas or austere observances, bodi l y
and spi ri t ual .
Ji va is described as a conscious substance, capable of develop-
ment (Upayoga), i mpercept i bl e to the senses, an active agent,
and as bi g as the body it animates. He suffers or enjoys the
frui t s of his deeds, goes t hr ough a succession of bi rt hs in
consequence of Vi d h i (Karman), and becomi ng perfect t hr ough
the destruction of the Vi d h i , soars upwards. He obtains
knowl edge of five kinds.1st, Mat i or sensational; 2nd, Sruta,
252 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRI T MSS. , 1883- 84
that derived from the sacred books ; 3rd, Avadhi
1
, limited or
conditioned ; 4th, Manafrparyaya, knowledge of what passes in
the minds of others ; 5th, Bodha or Kevala, the highest or
perfect knowledge. Sensational and revealed knowledge is
explained at length in the first chapter. The four stages of the
former, Avagraha, Iha, &c. are explained in a former note.
SRUTAJ Nl NA OR THE SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAI NAS
Under the second, the author gives an account of the whole
sacred literature which I here reproduce :
The three grand divisions are Anga, Purva, and Angabahya.
I. ANGA
1. Acaranga, in which the duties of Yatis or monks are
given. It contains 18,000 words (Pada.)
2. Sutrakrtanga, in which the ways of condoning any
violation of discipline that may have occurred are
explained. It contains 36,000 words.
3. Sthananga, which treats of Dravyas and the things com-
prehended under that category. It is made up of 42,000
words.
4. Samavayanga, by means of which the divisions of
Dravya, Ksetra, Kala, and Bhava are shown by proficient
1 Avadhijnana is the ocular perception of visible objects existing over an
extent of space, the magnitude of which is determined by the nature or merits of
the seer. Some gods see al l things in the region below heaven up to the end of
the first Naraka, others up to the end of the second, and so on to the seventh or
last Naraka; but in the regions above heaven' they see onl y up to the end of the
flag-staff of their cars. The denizens of the Narakas also see things over dis-
tances varyi ng from a Yojana to a Gavyut i . This power of seeing things over large
distances is acquired by men who go through austere religious exercises. This
sort of perceptions is called Avadhi, because it is the perception of things below,
as in the case of the gods, or of things which have a ceriain definite characteris-
tic, viz., vi si bi l i t y, or perhaps of things over a certain definite or limited, extent
of space.Brutasagara'a Tat t vart hat i ka on Sutras I, 10 and 22 (p. 405)
SAKALAKl RTl ' S ACCOUNT OF SACRED JAIN LITERATURE 253
men to be of the same number by the same k i n d of
calculation. It i s made up of 164,000 words.
5. Vyakhyapraj napt yanga, cont ai ni ng the answers gi ven
by the Ji nendra t o the si xt y thousand questions put by
the Ganadhara, as to whet her a Jl va exists or n o t ; com-
posed of 228,000 words.
6. Jilatrdharmakathanga, cont ai ni ng various religious con-
versations between the Ti rt hamkaras and Ganadharas ;
composed of 556,000 words.
7. Upasakadhyayananga, in whi c h the vows and duties
of the l ay fol l owers and the righteous course of conduct
proper for t hem are detailed by the Ganadharas. It
contains 1,170,000 words.
8. Antakrddasanga, in whi ch is gi ven the hi st ory of t en
Kevalins bel ongi ng to the system of each of the t went y-
four Tl rt hamkaras, who wi t h great courage overcame
al l obstacles and effected the destruction ( Ant a ) of
Saiiisara. It is composed of 2,328,000.
9. Anuttaraupapadikaiiga, in whi ch is si mi l ar l y gi ven the
hi st ory of ten Yogi ns for each Ti rt hamkara who attained
to the live highest ( Anut t ara ) conditions. It contains
9,244,000 words.
10. PrasnavyJlkarananga, in whi c h the questions of others
are answered. It has 9,316,000 words.
11. Vipakasutranga, i n whi ch the results of the good and
evi l actions of men are explained. It has 18,400,000
words.
The t ot al number of words i n al l the Angas i s 41,502,000.
12. Drstivadanga, i n whi c h an account i s gi ven of the
advocates of the t heory of action (KriySvadins) and of
other t hi ngs, and whi c h is made up of five classes of
REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1883-84
treatises, vi z. , (i) Pari karman, ( i i ) Sutra, ( i i i ) Pratha-
manuyoga, (i v) Purvagata, (v) Cul i ka.
(i) Pari karman consisting of,
1. Candraprajnapti, i n whi ch the lords of the Jinas
have described the power, mot i on, and such other
t hi ngs rel at i ng t o the moon, and gi ven the durat i on
of his l i f e. It has 3,605,000 words.
2. Suryapraj napt i , containing a si mi l ar account of the
sun. It has 503,000 words.
3. Jambadvi papraj napt i , cont ai ni ng an account of the
mount ai n ranges, l and, &c , of Jambudvi pa. I t
has 325,000 words.
4. Dvi pavardhi praj napt i , cont ai ni ng an account of
the i nnumerabl e islands, seas, and mount ai ns. It has
5,236,000 words.
5. Vyakhyapr aj napt i , expoundi ng the nature of the
six Dravyas, wi t h t hei r qualities and modifications.
It has 8,436,000 words.
In al l , Pari karman i s made up of 18,105,000 words,
( i i ) Sutra, i n whi ch men' s being the agents of t hei r
actions and havi ng to suffer or enjoy the f r ui t s, and
such other t hi ngs are taught. It contains 8,800,000
words,
( i i i ) Prathamanuyoga, cont ai ni ng 5,000 words and
expl ai ni ng the nature of the si xt y-t hree hol y persons
(Salakapurusas.)
II.PORVAS
( i v) Purvagata
. Ut padapur va; 10,000,000 wor ds; treats of the product i on,
destruction, and continuance or permanence of Jl va and
others.
SAKAIiAKTRTl' 8 ACCOUNT OF SACRED JAIN LITERATURE 255
2. Agr ayani yapur va; 9,600,000 words; expounds t he chief
t hi ngs in or the essence of the Angas.
3. Vi r yapr avadapi i r va; 7,000,000 wor ds ; treats of the
powers and knowl edge of the Cakrins, Keval i ns, the
gods, &c.
4. Astinastipravadapurva ; 6,000,000 words ; discusses the
doctrines about the existence or non-existence of the
five Astikayas
1
i ncl uded under Dravya.
5. Jnanapravadapfirva ; 9,999,999 words : treats of the
or i gi n of the five ki nds of knowledge and of the three
ki nds of ignorance, and of the persons who possess t hem,
etc.
6. Satyapravadapurva ; 10,000,006 words ; treats of Vag-
gupt i or the restraint of speech and of agreeable and
t r ut hf ul speech, &c.
7. Atmapravadapurva ; 260,000,000 words ; treats of the
agency of the souls, of t hei r suffering and enj oyi ng the
frui t s of t hei r actions, &c.
8. Karmapravadapurva ; 18,000,000 words ; treats of the
Kar man (works) of men.
9. Prat yi l khyanapi l rva ; 8,400,000 wor ds ; treats of the
fettered condi t i on of the soul, that condi t i on of the
Kar man i n whi ch i t begins t o produce its effect (Udaya),
its being inactive (Sama), the shunni ng of evi l , the
nature of the vows and observances, &c.
10. Vi dyanuvadapur va; 11,000,000 words ; treats of the
eight parts, the reason and others, of Vi dyas or systems
of knowl edge.
1 Jiva and four of the five subdivisions of Ajiva, i. e., Pudgala, Dharma
and Akasa, are called Astikayas. They are so called because they exist in
time and spread over space. Kala does not extend over space, therefore it is
not Astikaya,
11. Kal yanapt l rva ; 260,000,000 wor ds ; recounts the blessed
deeds of the 63 hol y persons (Salakapurusa.)
12. Pranavayapurva; 130,000,000 words ; treats of medi -
cine (?)
13. Kri yavi sal apurva ; 90,000,000 words ; treats of metres,
figures of speech, poet ry, arts, the meri t s (of these), &c.
14. Lokabi ndusarapurva; 125,000,000 wor ds ; teaches the
way to deliverance and other things.
The total number of words in the Purvas is 955,000,005.
It should be remarked that the Purvas f or m one of the three
chief divisions and are thus contrasted wi t h the Angas, but t hey
are also regarded as f or mi ng one of the subordinate divisions of
Drgtivada, the t wel f t h Anga.
(v) Cul i ka.
1. Jalagata ; 20,989,200 words ; wal ki ng on water and
arresting the force of water by means of charms, &c.
2. Sthalagata; 20,989,200 wor ds ; charms and other
processes (Mant ra and Tantra) for wal ki ng on l and.
3. Mayagata ; 20,989,200 words ; charms for produci ng
magical wonders.
4. Rupagata ; 20,989,200 words ; teaches the art of assum-
i ng various forms, such as that of a t i ger, an elephant, &c.
5. Akasagata ; 20,989,200 words ; gives the Mantras and
Tantras for movi ng i n the sky.
In al l the number of words i n the Culikas i s 104,946,000.
The total number of words i n the last Anga composed by the
Ganadharas wi t h its five divisions is 1,086,856,005.
The t ot al number of words i n the Ji na scipture, consisting of
the t wel ve Angas composed by the Ganadharas, is 1,128,358,005.
The t ot al number of letters contained i n al l the Padas or words
uttered by the Ji na is 16,348,307,888.
THE JAIN SACRED LITERATURE 257
In the first Purva there are 10 Vastus or topics, in the second
14, i n the t hi r d 8, i n the f our t h 18, i n the fi ft h 12, i n the si xt h
12, i n the seventh 16, i n the ei ght h 20, i n the ni nt h 30, i n the
t ent h 15, and i n the r emai ni ng four 10 each. In al l , there are
195 topics in the fourt een Purvas. Each of these Vastus or
topics has t went y Prabhrt as; so that the t ot al number of
Prabhrtas is 3,900.
III.ANGABAHYA.
1. Samayika
8. Uttaradhyayana
2. Catur vimsati stava 9. Kalpavyavahara
3. Vandana 10. Kalpakalpavidhanaka
4. Prat i kramana 11. Mahakalpa
5. Vai nayi ka
12. Pundarl ka
6.
Kyt i kar man
13. Maha pundari ka
7. Dasavaikalika 14. Asitikasama
These fourteen miscellaneous ( Praki rnaka ) treatises, not
i ncl uded in the Angas (Angabahya), were composed for the
benefit of persons not possessing much intelligence. The total
number of Padas or words contained in t hem is 80,108,175.
The contents of the succeeding chapters of the Tattvarthasara-
dlpaka are as fol l ows :
Chapter I I . 1. The nature of the remai ni ng three ki nds of
knowl edge. 2. The fourteen Gunasthanas or stages in the develop-
ment of the soul f r om the lowest, that of an unbeliever and a
si nful man to the highest, that of a Ji na or Keval i n. The three
ki nds of souls (1) Bahi rat man, (2) Ant arat man, and (3) Paramatman.
The i gnorant , unbel i evi ng, thoughtless, si nf ul , wor l dl y man
belongs to the first class; he who is a believer, is t hought f ul ,
and righteous, and is engaged in wor ki ng out his deliverance,
belongs to the second ; and those who are del i vered to the t hi r d.
Chapter I I I . Art araudradhyana, i.e., contemplation of or
constant t hi nki ng about t he mi sery i n whi oh one i s or the
33 [ R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. II ]
cal ami t y he has met wi t h ( Ar t a) , and about unj ust , cruel ,
unmer ci f ul , and si nf ul deeds (Raudra) such as k i l l i n g and stealing.
Thi s sort of cont empl at i on should be avoided by one who seeks
deliverance.
Chapter I V. Dharmasukl adhyana :DharinadhySna, i.e.,
contemplating in a ret i red place how and when one shal l be free
f r om the circle of bi rt hs (ApiTya), by what means one's mi n d and
body wi l l be pure, and Kar man be destroyed (Upaya) ; and the
nature of the soul (Jlva), of inanimate t hi ngs ( Aj i va) , of the
r i peni ng of the Kar man (Vi paka) &c. Thi s Dhyana is of ten
ki nds. Sukladhyana, i.e., ext ernal l y keepi ng the body and the
eye perfect l y steady and motionless and rest rai ni ng the breath ;
r i i t er nal l y (1) cont empl at i ng the t hi ngs i ncl uded under the
categories l ai d down in the sacred books or t hei r names one after
another, that is, first a Dravya or substance, t hen its qual i t y or
modification, or another substance, &c. ; (2) fixing the mi nd on
one of these t hi ngs onl y. Before, however, one is qualified to
enter on t hi s Dhyana, he must already have made a great deal of
progress in holiness and have accustomed hi msel f to the other
Dhyanas to be ment i oned bel ow ; and the result of t hi s DhySna
is said to be the destruction of al l Kar man and final deliverance.
Chapter V. The other Dhyilnas necessary for the success of
the Sukladhyana are (1) Pindastha, (2) Padastha, (3) Riipastha,
and (4) Rupatlta. The first has what are called five Dhar aMs,
i.e., fixing the mi nd successively on five things. They are (1)
Par t hi vl , (2) Agneyi , (3) Mar ut I , (4) Var um, and (5) Rupavat l .
The Yogi n should imagine or place before his mi n d a vast ocean
of mi l k, hushed and t r anqui l , and wi t hout waves. Ho shoul d
t hen i magi ne a lotus wi t h a thousand petals, as bi g as Jambadvi pa
and shi ni ng l i ke gol d, t o be situated i n the mi dst of i t , and the
lotus to have a celestial pericarp l i ke a mount ai n of gol d. Ho
should conceive a l of t y t hrone resembling the aut umnal moon
to be placed in that pericarp, and should i magi ne hi msel f as
si t t i ng at ease on that t hrone, serene, wi t hout desire or
SAKALAKl RTl ' S T A T T V A R T H A S A R A D T P A K A 259
hatred, and prepared to conquer his enemy t he Kar man. Thus
ends the first Dharana. The Yogi n should t hen i magi ne a
shi ni ng and beaut i ful lotus wi t h sixteen petals j ut t i ng out , as
exi st i ng i n the hol l ow of his navel. He should contemplate the
fourteen vowels and am, ah as marked on the sixteen petals, and
the great Mant ra Ar ham wi t h the dot over the l i ne as shi ni ng
on the pericarp. Then he should imagine a vol ume of smoke
arising f r om the curvi l i near r or Kepha of the Mantra, t hen a
succession of sparks, and t hen a continuous flame. The flame,
increasing i n i nt ensi t y, burns the lotus whi ch exists i n the heart,
upside downwards, and whi ch is the product of the eight
Karmans and has eight petals. He should t hen imagine fire in
a t ri angul ar shape wi t h the Svastika on its apex, away f r om
his body, bl own by the wi nd, and bur ni ng br i ght l y wi t h a
golden fl ame. The fi re f r om the Mant ra burns the body i n the
inside, and this fire f r om the outside ; and being in flames, the
body is reduced to ashes and also the lotus in the navel. Thus
far we have the Agneyl Dharana or the concentration of the
mi nd on f i r e.
Then the man should imagine wi n d bl owi ng wi t h the
violence of a tempest and scattering away the ashes, after whi ch
he should t hi nk of it as becoming st i l l . Thi s is the Mar ut l Dharana.
Then he should contemplate a number of clouds pouri ng
down rai n i n torrents accompanied by t hunder and l i ght ni ng.
Af t er that he should imagine a stream of water bearing
the standard of Varuna, beautiful l i ke the crescent of the
moon and overfl owi ng the sky. Wi t h t hi s water, he should
wash off, in i magi nat i on, al l the ashes of his body. Thi s is
Var uni Dharana.
Then he should contemplate hi msel f to be in qualities
l i ke an al l - knowi ng bei ng, free f r om the seven elements,
si t t i ng on the t hrone, adored by the gods, possessing celestial
excellences, and shi ni ng l i ke the f ul l moon.
The contemplation or DhySna that is effected by usi ng certain
words or letters is called Padastha. The Yogi n should imagine
lotuses in certain parts of the body wi t h a certain number of
petals ; and t hi nk of the sixteen vowels wr i t t en on the petals
of one, the t went y-fi ve cosonants f r om k to m on those of
another, and the remai ni ng eight; y, r, &c , on those of a t hi r d,
and t hen sit mut t er i ng and cont empl at i ng t hem. He shoul d
si mi l ar l y, wi t h a concentrated mi nd, meditate on the highest
Mant ra Rhr um whi ch according to the various sects, is
Brahman, Har i , Buddha, Mahesvara, Siva, Sarva, and Mahesana.
But i t i s the al l -pervadi ng, al l - knowi ng, serene Ji na, the god of
gods, that stands there, havi ng assumed the f or m of t hat
Mant ra. The Yogi n shoul d also mut t er and meditate on the
Mant ra ha < and on Om whi c h last he should imagine
as existing on the pericarp of the lotus of his heart. Om is made
up of the first letters of the names of the five Pa r a me c i ns , Ar hat
or Arahanta, Asarira or Asarlra ( Keval i n ), Acarya or Ai r i ya ,
Upadhyaya or Uvaj j haya, and Mu n i (Sadhu) ; and it shoul d thus
be t hought of. Agai n, the Yogi n shoul d mut t er , imagine as
dr awn on lotuses on his body, and meditate on, the. f ol l owi ng
Mantras cont ai ni ng the name3 of the Paramesthins :
There are a good many details about such matters i nt o whi ch
I wi l l not enter.
Rupasthadhyana is cont empl at i ng the Lor d Ji na, si t t i ng on a
t hrone of j ewel in the assembly of men who are desirous of
salvation, surrounded by the t wel ve Ganas and the eight door
keepers, possessing i nfi ni t e greatness, a store of i nf i ni t e vi rt ues,
of a celestial body, shi ni ng more br i l l i ant l y t han a Kot i of suns,
fanned by excellent chowries, attended on by the gods, free
f r om the eighteen blemishes, endowed wi t h al l the excellences,
and expoundi ng the Dharma.
SAKALAKl RTl ' S TATTVARTHASl RADl PAKA 261
Rapatltadhyana consists i n cont empl at i ng the highest f or m
of one's own soul, as i mmat er i al , a store of virtues, and resembling
the Siddhas between whom and hi msel f there is no specific
difference.
Chapter VI. Dhyanabhavana, whi ch consists i n i magi ni ng
oneself as havi ng realized the highest qualities. The Yogi n shoul d
t hi nk, "I am a Siddha, I am l i ke a Siddha, I am an enl i ght ened
soul, I am in i nf i ni t e bliss, I possess i nfi ni t e power" &c , &c.
There is a l ong st r i ng of such assertions wi t h regard to oneself.
Af t er t hi s we have some general remarks on contemplation and
the conditions on whi ch success i n i t depends.
Chapter V I I . I n t hi s are gi ven the characteristics of the fi ve
classes of Ni rgrant has who are qualified to enter on and practise
the Dhyana of Dharma and Sukla. The names of the five
classes are (1) Pulaka, (2) Vakusa, (3) Kusi l a, (4) Ni r gr ant ha,
and (5) Snataka. Then are described the five Bhavas or spi r i t ual
condi t i ons of a man. They are (1) Aupasamika whi c h is of
t wo ki nds, (2) Ksftyika, of ni ne ki nds, (3) KsSyopasamika, of
eighteen ki nds, ( 4) Audayi ka, of t went y-one ki nds, and
(5) Pari nami ka, of three ki nds.
The Aupasamika condi t i on arises f r om the Kar man
bei ng for a t i me separated f r om the soul ; and the pur i t y
of the latter consequent upon i t , is compared to that of
t ur bi d water whi c h has been puri fi ed by its being touched
wi t h such a t hi ng as the Kataka f r ui t , the sul l yi ng
matter set t l i ng down at the bot t om of the vessel cont ai ni ng the
water. The Ksayi ka condi t i on i s produced by the destruction
of Kar man and is comparable to that of pure water whi c h has
been separated f r om the di r t y matter and kept in a clean vessel.
The Ksayopasamika condi t i on is a mi xt ur e of t he last t wo and
arises f r om a part i al dest ruct i on of Kar man. It i s comparable
to t ur bi d water that has become par t i al l y clean.
The Audayi ka condi t i on arises f r om t he Kar man being
about to produce its effect, such as t aki ng a soul to the wo r l d of the
gods or l ower animals according to his deserts. The Pari nami ka
condi t i on i s the orgi nal or natural condi t i on of the soul i n -
dependently of his connection wi t h Kar man, such as his conscious
nature. The circumstances under whi c h some of these Bhavas
arise, and t hei r spi ri t ual effects, as wel l as t hei r sub-divisions, are
expl ai ned. Then we have the seven Nayas, the poi nt s of vi ew or
pri nci pl es wi t h reference t o whi c h certain j udgment s are ar r i ved
at or arrangements made. The Dr avyar t hi ka and Paryayart hi ka
rules ment i oned before are divisions of the first of these Nayas.
Chap. V I I I treats of the five divisions of the Aj i va pr i nci pl e,
Chap. I X , of the Asrava, Chap. X, of the Bandha, Chap. X I ,
of Sam vara, and Chap. X I I , of Ni rj ara.
KARTIKEYANUPREKSA
No. 290 is Kart i keyanupreksa wi t h a comment ary by Subha-
candra. The ori gi nal consists of Pr akr i t Gathas i n the Ar ya met re
by Kart i keyasvami n, who is called a Sadhu by the com-
mentator. Subhacandra was the spi ri t ual head of the Balatkara-
gana whi ch was a branch of the Nandisamgha, and belonged to
the same l i ne as Kundakundacarya. The succession list is thus
gi ven :Padmanandin, Sakal aki rt i , Bhuvanaki r t i , Jfuinabhusana,
Vi j ayakl r t i , Subhacandra. Subhacandra fi ni shed his wor k
on the 10th of Magna in the year 1613, of Vi kr ama. Anot her
wor k by Subhacandra, the Pandava Purana, a copy of whi c h
has been procured since, was composed, we are t ol d at the end
of the Manuscri pt , i n 1608 Vi kr ama.
CONTENTS OF THE KARTIKEYANUPREKSA
Anupreksa is t hi nki ng, medi t at i on, reflection, st udy ; and
there are t wel ve such Meditations or Studies i n the book. I.
Ani t yanupreksa, setting f or t h the impermanence of ever yt hi ng.
I I . Asarananupreksa or " t he reflection about helplessness,"
KARTIKEYlNUPREKSA 263
in whi c h it is stated that not hi ng can save man except the three
jewels. I I I . Samsftranupreksa, i n whi ch the unceasing
succession of bi rt hs and the miseries the soul has to go t hr ough
are ment i oned. I V. Ekatvanupreksa, i n whi ch, we are t ol d
that the soul goes t hr ough the circle of existences alone, suffers
alone, and can be blissful alone. When t hi s is borne in mi nd,
everyt hi ng else becomes unwor t hy of the soul's desire. V.
Anyat vanupreksa, where i t i s l ai d down that everyt hi ng f r om
the body downwards, our friends, relations, and possessions, are
forei gn t o our soul. V I . Asuci t vi l nuproksa, where we are
asked to reflect how i mpur e the body wi t h the bl ood, flesh, and
other t hi ngs is, and how i n connection wi t h i t , the soul becomes
i mpur e ; therefore we should cease to love the body, and con-
centrate our whol e at t ent i on on the pure soul. V I I .
Asravanupreksa, where the nature of Asrava is explained.
V I I I . Samvanlnupreksfi, where the mode of resisting the
operation of the Asrava i s explained. I X. Ni rj aranupreksa,
i n whi ch the manner of dest royi ng the Kar man i s gi ven.
X. Lokanupreksa, i n whi ch we have a description of Loka
and the six ki nds of objects contained in i t . Loka was not
created, nor is it supported by any being of the name of Har i
or Hara, and is, in a sense, eternal. It s area, the upper and the
l ower worl ds, the beings existing i n i t wi t h t hei r different ki nds,
the durat i on of the lives of gods, beasts, &c , the different ki nds
of bodies made up of l i ght , air, earth, and water, the nature of
the soul, the three ki nds of soul, Bahi rat man and others, t he
connection between the soul and Pudgala, the nature of Dravya
generally, of Kal a, &c , are ment i oned. X I . Durl abhanu-
preksa. The soul dwel l s in various bodies and for a l ong t i me.
The attainment of the human body, therefore, is a matter of
great di ffi cul t y ; it is more di ffi cul t to have a sound and heal t hy
body ; and st i l l more to have a sound mi nd in that sound body ;
therefore, one should make good use of his l i f e as a human
bei ng and resort to the three jewels. Even as a god he is not
able to go t hr ough the whol e di sci pl i ne t hat is necessary for
at t ai ni ng f i na l deliverance. X I I . Dharmanupreksa, i n whi c h
the Dharmas of householders or l ay-fol l owers and of the monks
are gi ven. The first are t wel ve in number and t hey are as
follows :
DUTIES OP THE LAY-FOLLOWERS
I. A Sravaka or l ay-fol l ower must be Samyagdarsanasuddha,
i.e., must have f ai t h in the Jaina dispensation and thus be free
f r om the faults and defects leading to and arising f r om unbel i ef
and false belief.
I I . He shoul d abstain f r om wi ne, f l esh, and others. Under the
expression " and others " the commentator puts down assafoetida,
oi l , ghee and water kept in a leathern vessel, honey, but t er,
rice-gruel, noct urnal meal, fi ve ki nds of f r ui t cont ai ni ng insects
in t hem such as Udumbara, gambl i ng, intercourse wi t h a
courtesan or the wi f e of another man, hunt i ng, theft, onions
or bulbous roots, other roots, and leaves. These t wo duties
appear to be compul sory on al l Sravakas. The f ol l owi ng are
opt i onal .
I I I . Vrat adhari n. There are Sravakas who assume three
ki nds of vows ; vi z. , (i) fi ve Anuvrat as, ( i i ) three Gunavratas,
and ( i i i ) four Siksavratas.
(i) THE ANUVRATAS
The Anuvratas are the same in name as the MahSvratas of
the Sramanas or monks, but in some cases i nt erpret ed differ-
ent l y. They are : 1 . Not t o destroy, or cause, or per mi t t o
destroy, l i f e. 2. Not t o speak about k i l l i n g , or harshl y, or
abusively, or reveal a secret; but to speak what is agreeable
and beneficial t o al l l i vi ng beings, and what i s righteous. The
commentator quotes a verse in whi ch not to t el l a l i e is spoken
of as the second Anuvrat a. 3. Not to take a ver y valuable
KAR T I KE YANUP R E KS A
2G5
t hi ng i n exchango for one of l i t t l e value, not t o appropriate
what has been lost by another, to be content wi t h a smal l gain,
and not to take what belongs to another wi t hout his permission.
4. To look upon a woman other than one's wi f e as a mother,
a sister, or a daughter. 5. To destroy greed and bo content,
regarding everyt hi ng as perishable, and to lay down a l i mi t
beyond whi ch one shall not go in the acquisition of money,
gr ai n, gol d, l and, &c.
(ii) THE GUNAVRATAS
The Gunavratas are : I . Di gvi r at i , i.e., t o lay down a
l i mi t beyond whi ch one shall not travel i n the different
directions, or a l i mi t as to the countries one shall visit for the
acquisition of weal t h. I I . Anar t havi r at i , or the avoi di ng of the
five evils, vi z. , (1) Apadhyana, i.e., f i ndi ng faults in others,
envyi ng t hei r weal t h, casting a glance at t hei r wives, and wi t -
nessing t hei r quarrels : (2) Pilpopadesa, or gi vi ng advice to
others i n matters concerning agri cul t ure, t endi ng of cattle,
trade, and such other t hi ngs and about the uni on of men and
wome n; (3) Pramadacarya, or doi ng anyt hi ng wi t hout any
purpose wi t h earth, water, fire, and air, and cut t i ng trees
uselessly ; (4) Himsadana, i.e., keeping a cat or such other
destructive ani mal , dealing i n weapons and i r on i mpl ement s
(such as a spade), keeping (and gi vi ng) sealing wax, the residue
of oil-seeds after t hey are gr ound, and other t hi ngs (i.e.,
according t o the commentator, opi um, aconite, &c ) ; and (5)
Dussrut i , i.e., hearing read the Sastras whi ch delude (such as
Bharata, Bhagavata, &c. ), and wor ks cont ai ni ng buffoonery, and
teaching the art of subdui ng others to one's wi l l by means of
charms, and books on erotics ; and heari ng others vi l i f i ed.
111. Bhogopabhogaparimana, or regul at i ng one's enj oyment of
food, betel-nut and leaves, clothes, &c , according to one's
means.
34 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Worka, Vol. II ]
(iii) THE SIKSAVRATAS
The Siksavratas are:1. Samayika, which consists in
sitting or standing as long as may be convenient in a quiet place
in the morning, noon, and evening, with the body motionless,
the hands folded, the senses restrained, all sinful thoughts
expelled, and the mind concentrated on the words of the Jina,
absorbed in the contemplation of one's own pure or highest
nature, and reflecting on the hidden sense of the Vandana, (i. e. ,
according to the commentator, the names of the five Paramecins,
and the words, images, and temples of the Jinas, together wi t h
prostrations and other movements that are made in pronouncing
the formulas containing their names ). 2. Prosadha
1
or Posaha,
i. o., to observe a fast or eat once only or one dish only on the
two holy days (t he 8th and the 14th of each fortnight), after
having given up bathing, unguents, ornaments, company of
women, odours, incense, lights, &c, and assumed renunciation as
an ornament. 3. Atithisamvibhaga, i. e., giving food, medicine,
knowledge, and protection from danger to the three classes of
persons worthy of the gifts (viz., first, a believer who has assumed
the great vows, next, a believer who has assumed the Sravaka
vows, and lastly, a simple believer ). 4. Desavakasika, which
consists in drawing closer or contracting every day the limits
already laid down ( i n accordance wi t h the Gunavratas ) to the
range of one's travels and to the enjoyment of the objects of the
five senses, and doing the same with clothes and the other things
enjoyed, in order to destroy greed and desire and avoid sin.
SAMAYIKAVRATA
I V. Samayikavratadharin is one who wi t h a serene heart
makes Kayotsarga, i. e., abandons his love for his body, turns the
l-Thia word is one of the several instances in which the Jamas have given
Sanskrit forms to Prakrit words instead of finding the original Sanskrit words of
which they are corruptions and using them. The word in the ( MM is Posaha,
which without doubt, is the Pali Uposatha and the Sanskrit Upavasatha.
KARTIKEYlNUPREKSA
267
hands t wel ve times,
1
prostrates hi msel f t wi ce, bows his head
four times, reflects on his own pure nature, or the image of
Ji na, or the highest syllable, and contemplates the various effects
of Kar man. These movements of the hands and the prostrations
are, it appears, to be made whi l e pronounci ng the five formulas
gi ven before &c. )
PROSADHAVRATA
V. Prosadhavratadharin is he who on the 7th and 13th of each
f or t ni ght , goi ng to a Jaina t empl e in the afternoon, and performi ng
some ceremonies, undertakes to observe a fast, so as to abstain
f r om eating, dr i nki ng, tasting, and l i cki ng, abandons al l
household occupation, passes the whole ni ght in meditations
about Dharma, rises early in the mor ni ng, goes t hrough al l the
ceremonies, passes the day in the study of the Scriptures, per-
forms the Vandana, passes the ni ght in the same way, goes
t hr ough the Vandana again next mor ni ng and the ceremony of
worshi p, feeds guests bel ongi ng to the three classes ( ment i oned
before, vi z. , a monk, a believer who has assumed certain vows,
and a simple believer) and t hen dines himself.
THE OTHER DUTIES
V I . Ho is Sacittavirata who does not eat a leaf, f r ui t , bark,
root, and t endr i l whi ch have l i f e.
V I I . A Ni si vi rat a Sravaka is one who abstains f r om eating,
dr i nki ng, &c , at ni ght , and does not cause others to eat, dr i nk, &c.
V I I I . A Brahmavrat i n Sravaka is one who has no desire for
any woman.
I X. He i s Tyakt arai nbha who does not enter upon any under-
t aki ng nor causes others to do so.
X. A Ni rgrant ha Sravaka is one who has freed hi msel f f r om
attachment to anyt hi ng i nt er nal or external, considering it a si n.
1 This expression has been variously explained by the commentator.
XL That Sravaka i s Anumananavi rat a who goes t hr ough his
household affairs not t hr ough a feeling of pleasure, but because
t hey must be gone t hr ough.
X I I . He i s Uddistaharavirata who eats the proper sort of
food gi ven t o h i m by others wi t hout his asking for i t , and free
f r om the ni ne faults of being prepared, caused to be prepared,
or wished for by the mi nd, speech, or body.
THE TEN DUTIES OF MONKS
The author next proceeds to describo the t en duties of monks.
They are these :1st, Ut t ama Ksama or perfect forbearance ;
2nd, Ut t ama Mardava, perfect humi l i t y ; 3r d, Arj ava or perfect
s i mpl i ci t y ; 4t h, Saucatva, perfect pur i t y or freedom f r om greed ;
5t h, Satya or veracity ; 6t h, Samyama, or acting in a manner
not to occasion the destruction of l i f e ; 7t h, Tapas, or bodi l y
mort i fi cat i on and puri fi cat ory exercise; 8t h, TySga or renunci at i on
of palatable food, f ur ni t ur e, and house ; 9t h, Aki mcanya or
renunci at i on of al l attachment for a l i vi ng or dead t hi ng and of
wor l dl y affairs ; and 10th, Brahmacarya or chastity. Then are
ment i oned some virtues that a believer shoul d realize ; and
thus ends the t wel f t h Anupreksa.
A CULIKA AND THE TWELVE KINDS OF TAPAS
Then fol l ows a Cul i ka i n whi c h the t wel ve ki nds of Tapas
are explained. They are : 1 , Anasana ; 2, Avamodarya ;
3, Vrt t i pari samkhyana ; 4, Rasaparityaga ; 5, Viviktasayyasana ;
6, Kayaklesa ; 7, Pnlyascitta, whi c h is of t en ki nds ; 8, Vi nat i ,
of five ki nds ; 9, Vai yavr t ya ; 10, Svadhyaya ; 11, Kayotsarga ;
12, Dhyana. Under the s i xt h Dharma or dut y gi ven above vi z. ,
Samyama, come the Samitis, and the other requisites, ment i oned
in other treatises, come under one or other of the t en modes of
Tapas. The Dhyana whi c h is the t wel f t h k i n d of Tapas is here
of t he same k i n d as that described by Sakal akl rt i , and ver y
often the same words are used in bot h the treatises in expl ai ni ng
OTHER DIGAMBARA JAIN WORKS 269
i t s nature. The first six modes of Tapas constitute the Bahya
or " ext ernal " Tapas ; and the rest, the " i nt er nal " or spi ri t ual
Tapas.
PRASNOTTAROPASAKACARA
No. 305 i s Prasnottaropasakacara by Sakal akl rt i . It i s wr i t t en
in the f or m of questions f r om a pupi l and t hei r answers by the
teacher, and contains an exposition of the duties of householders or
Sravakas. These duties, we are t ol d, were first of al l laid down in
the seventh Anga Upasakadhyayana, whi ch was composed by the
Ganadhara Vrsabha (sena) after he had learnt the subject f r om
the first Jina. Subsequently each successive Ti rt hamkara taught
the Ahga, and last of al l it was taught by Mahavlra and Gautama
and t hen by Sudharma, Jambusvami n, Vi snu and other Muni s
who knew the t wel ve Angas. But i n t he course of t i me when
man' s l i fe became short and his i nt el l ect narrow, the Angas,
Purvas and other sacred wor ks were lost. Then the great Yatis
Kundakundacarya and others taught the duties of householders;
and the knowl edge t r adi t i onal l y handed down f r om t hem,
Sakal akl rt i proposes to avai l hi msel f of in the composition of
his treatise. As these duties of the Sravakas have already been
gi ven, I need not examine the present Manuscri pt furt her.
TWO WORKS ON THE RITUAL
No. 291 i s Ji nasamhi t a, i n whi ch the modes of wor shi ppi ng
the Jinas, const ruct i ng temples, consecrating images, &c , are
expl ai ned. It i s put i n the ol d f or m of the Ganadhara Gautama
speaking to the ki ng of Magadha.
No. 293 is a wor k of the same sort, but cast in the f or m of the
ceremonial Prayogas of the Brahmans. The author is
Srutasagara, the wr i t er of another wor k, the Tat t vart hadi pi ka,
whi c h wi l l be not i ced i n the next Report.
SRUTASAGARA AND HIS DATE
Srutasagara was, as stated at the end of the wor k, the pupi l
of Vi dyanandi n who was the successor as Hi gh-pri est of
Devendrakirti. Devendraklrti's predecessor was Padmanandin.
In a work entitled Sudarsanacarita by Nemidatta, Simhanandin
is represented as Nemidatta's teacher, and as the pupil of
Mallibhusana, the successor of Vidyanandin. Srutasagara who
is also mentioned must have been a fellow-student of Malli-
bhttsana. Nemidatta wrote another work called Sripalacarita,
a copy of which we have in the present Collection (No. 310)
in Samvat 1585. Here he gives the following succession l i st ;
1. Padmanandin, High-priest of the Sarasvatiya Gaccha of
the Mala Samgha ; 2 Devendrakirti; 3 Vidyanandin ; 4 Malli-
bhusana. Simhanandin, the author's teacher, was the pupil of
this last. Nemidatta represents himself as " devoted to the
service of Srutasagara and other Yatis." So that Srntasagara's
literary activity must be referred to about the year 1550
Samvat or 1494 A. D.
SUTRAS ON JAINISM BY UMASVATI
As a further authority for the explanation of the doctrines
of the Digambara Jainas here attempted, I [ may refer to ]
the entire Sutras of the system composed by Umasvati or
Umasvamin, two copies of which I have procured since the above
was written. These Sutras are alluded to by. Madhava in his
account of the Jaina sect and also a Vrt t i on them by Yogadeva,
a Manuscript of which was purchased by me about a year ago.
Umasvati appears to be an old author and two other Vrttis on his
Sutras by Pujyapada and Vidyanandin are mentioned by
Yogadeva.
LEGENDARY LITERATURE
PADMAPURANA
No. 301 is a Manuscript of the Padmapurana by Ravisena.
Dr. Btihler's Collection of 1875-76 contains a Hi ndi version of
it (No. 632), and this is the original Sanskrit. The Purana
contains the story of Rama and Ravana, and, as in other cases,
DIGAMBARA PURANA WORKS 271
was first communi cat ed by Mahavira to his Ganadhara
I ndr abhut i (Gautama), f r om whom i t passed t o Sudharma and
thence to Jambusvami n. Thi s last communicated it to Prabhava
and he t o Kl r t i , and Kl r t i t o Annt t aravngmi n. Ravisena got a
Manuscri pt of the wor k as composed by the last and wrot e
his Ramayana. At the end the same t hi ng is stated in other
words. I ndr abhut i taught the Purana as he learnt it f r om
Mahavl ra, and i t was publ i shed by Ut t aravagmi n the pupi l of the
grand pupi l of Jambnsvami n. Anut t aravagmi n is, i t wi l l be
seen, here called Ut t aravagmi n. Ravisena was the pupi l of
Laksmanasena and he of Di vakarayat i . Di vakara was the pupi l
of I ndr agur u.
DATE OF THE COMPOSITION OF PADMAPURANA
Ravisena composed t hi s Purana when one thousand t wo
hundr ed years and one-half of the f our t h after that, had elapsed
since Vardhamana attained to perfect i on, i. e., in 1204 of the
era of Mahavira' s Ni r vana. Fr om the Digarnbara Pattavali,
t wo copies of whi ch exist i n Dr . Buhl er' s Collection of 1875-76
(Nos. 628 and G29), it appears pl ai n that t hough the Digambaras
refer the bi r t h of Ki n g Vi kr ama t o 470 A. Vi r a. , t hey place the
begi nni ng of his r ei gn and consequently the epoch of the era
eighteen years later, i.e., in 488 A. Vi r a. , and calculate t hei r
dates i n accordance wi t h that.So that 1204 A. Vi r . , corresponds
to 716 Vi kr ama or 660 A. D. , whi l e if we take 470 A. Vi r . , as the
i ni t i a l date of the Vi kr ama era, it corresponds to 734 Vi kr ama
or 678 A . D .
JINASENA'S ADIPURANA
No. 288 is a Manuscri pt of the Adi pur ana, a wor k by
Jinasena. It contains an account of Vrsabha, the first
Ti r t hamkar a.
THE AUTHOR'S DATE
Jinasena wr ot e another wor k ent i t l ed Harivamsa ; and a
verse occurri ng at the end of i t , in whi ch he gives the date of
its composition as 705 Saka corresponding to 783 A. D. , has
been given by me in my Early History of the Deccan.
1
The
Parana, we are told, was first narrated by the first Jina to
Bharata through his Ganadhara Vrsabhasena, and by Gautama,
the Ganadhara of Mahavira the last Tlrthamkara, to Srenika.
From Gautama it passed on to Sudharma, from hi m to
Jambasvamin, and so on through a continuous line of teachers
and pupils to Jinasena.
PREVIOUS JAINA AUTHORS MENTIONED BY JINASENA
In the introduction Jinasena speaks of the following authors
in terms of praise :
1. Siddhasena, who was a lion to the elephants in the
shape of opponents in argumentation.
2. Samantabhadra, who wi t h the thunderbolt of his words
shattered to pieces the mountains in the shape of false
doctrines.
3. Sndatta, who acted the lion in the destruction of the
elephants in the shape of his opponents.
4. Yasobhadra, the mention of whose very name was
sufficient to humble the pride of a whole assembly of
learned men.
5. Prabhacandra, who by his Candrodaya delighted the
worlds.In a marginal note the f ul l name of the work
is given as Nyayakumudacandrodaya.
6. Sivakoti, by means of whose words the world resorting
to the four ways of deliverance becomes happy.The
work here alluded to is called Bhagavatyaradhana-
catustaya.
7. Jatacarya.In a marginal note Simhanandin is given
as his proper name.
1 Volume I I I of this Edition, p. 89, footnote 3; page 65, footnote 2, of the
Edition of 1895. [N. B. U.].
DIGAMBARA ADI PURANA
273
8. Kanabhiksu, the bright jewels of whose words, agree-
ing as they did wi t h the Dharmasntras, attained the
form of Kathalamkara.Probably he was the author
of a work called Kathalamkara.
9. Deva, called Devamuni in a marginal note, the Tlrtharh-
kara of all authors, the Tirtha or holy water of whose
words wash away the dirt in the shape of the flaws in
the speech of learned men.
10. Akalanka 1 whose merits adorn the bosom of learned
11. Sripala men like a necklace, when fully
12. Patrakesarin apprehended by the heart.
Akalanka is praised by all subsequent writers, and he is
Spoken of as having defeated the Bauddhas in argument.
13. Vadisimha, than whose learning, dialectic ski l l , and
clearness of exposition could go no further.
11. Virasena, the teacher of Jinasena and an eminent dialec-
tician who obtained the title of Bhathlraka and was the
author of glosses ( Upanibandhas ) on the Siddhantas,
in whom learning and a knowledge of the world were
combined, and who could speak like the god of speech
himself.
15. Jayasenaguru, author of Vagarthasamgraha.
Jinasena uses in one place puns on the words Brhatkatha,
Lambha, and Gunaclhya, and in another quotes a definition of
poetry given by some writer, and expressing his dissent,
gives his own. At the beginning of the chapter there is an
interesting passage containing the refutation of the doctrine of
a Creator, in which objections of the nature of those considered
and answered in the first Pada of the Second Chapter of
Samkaracarya's Bhasya on the Vedanta Sutras are brought
forward against that doctrine.
THE FIFTY-THREE RITES
In chapters XXXVI I I XL are described the fifty-three
rites or ceremonies to be performed from conception to death,
a good many of which correspond to those of the Brahmans and
have the same names, such as Garbhadhana, Namakarana, Caula,
Upanlti, Vivaha, &c. Fires, Mantras, and other things are
admitted, but the Mantras are not those of the Brahmans but
others newly composed. Jinasena professes to follow in this part
of his work the seventh Ariga or the Upasakadasanga. Out of
the forty-seven chapters of this Purfina, the last five were
written by Gunabhadra, the pupil of Jinasena, who also wrote
the second part or Uttarapurana, of which No. 289 is a copy.
THE UTTARAPURANA BY GUNABHADRA
The Uttarapurana contains an account of the other Tlrtharii-
karas down to Vardhamana the last.
At the end there is a long and valuable Prasasti already
brought to notice by Mr . K. B. Pathak in the Indian Antiquary,
and by myself in the Early History of the Deccan.
1
PRASASTI AT THE END
In the beginning we are told that " the line ( of teachers and
pupils ) known by the name of Sena was the place in the ocean
of the Mulasamgha, where were found bright jewels in the
shape of great men. In that line flourished Virasena Bhattaraka,
the leader of the army of Vira ( Mahavira ), who frightened
away all elephants in the shape of opponents in argumentation.
In hi m Jnana and Caritra assumed, as it were, a bodily form,
and he shone to confer benefits upon those who were his
disciples. Wonderful it is that the sun-lotuses of the faces of
1 Volume I I I of this Edition, p. 95, footnote 2 ; page 69, footnote 2 of the
Edition of 1895. The full text of the Prasasti is given at pp. 426-430 of the
Original Report. [N. B. U.]
DIGAMBARA UTTARAPURANA 275
pri nces who prostrated themselves ( at his f eet ) whi l e goi ng
r ound h i m, bloomed and l ooked beaut i ful by means of the
rays of the moon in the shape of the nails of his toes. The
monks expound the Si ddhi bhupaddhat i ( ' the way t o the
regi on of perfect i on ' ) to others, t hough there is a di f f i cul t y at
every step, after havi ng studied his comment ary. " It t hus
appears that Virasena composed a comment ary on a wor k
ent i t l ed Si ddhi bhupaddhat i .
Virasena was f ol l owed by Jinasena. The ki ng Amoghavarsa
prostrated hi msel f at his feet and considered hi msel f
to have been puri fi ed, when he di d so. Jinasena
was a man of great l earni ng, and masterly in the
refut at i on of the views of opponents, knew the exact t r ut h
as regards the Siddhantas, was s ki l f ul in t el l i ng stories, solved
knot t y points in books, and was a poet of a hi gh order. He had
a colleague of the name of Dasaratha in whose " perspicuous
words the t rue i mpor t of al l the Sastras shone as clear as an
image in a mi r r or , and coul d at once be apprehended even by
chi l dr en. " Gunabhadra of a wor l d- wi de fame was the pupi l of
these t wo. He knew the t r ut h, as we l l as the works whi ch
expound i t , and his mi nd was mat ured by his resolutely going
t hr ough the Siddhantas whi ch contain i nf or mat i on on al l the
mi nor branches of l earni ng. He devoted hi msel f to the practice
of Tapas, and his words dispelled the darkness in the heart of
men.
The revered Jinasena, the author of glosses on the
Siddhantas, composed " the l i f e of Pur u " (Hsabhacarita), in
whi ch there are instances of al l metres and figures, whi ch sets
f or t h the doctrines of al l the Sastras i nci dent al l y, is calculated
to put to shame al l other poems, and is wor t hy of being read
even by the l earned. Whet her the glosses meant were those
contained in his Puranas or were separate treatises does not
appear clear.The wor k l eft i ncompl et e by Jinasena was
completed by Gunabhadra, who was obliged to have recourse to
brevity on account of the long time that had already elapsed ;
and consequently his portion does not contain details. The
reader of this Purana wi l l learn the nature of the fettered
condition of the soul wi t h its causes and effects, wi l l know
what are good deeds and what evil deeds, and wi l l see that
there is such a thing as final deliverance and a way that leads
to it. His faith wi l l increase and he wi l l learn how the Asrava
or flowing in of Karman is prevented and how its Nirjara or
destruction is effected. Therefore this Purana should bo
explained to others, heard, read by those who long for deliverance,
thought about, worshipped, transcribed, and caused to be
transcribed. Lokasena who was the chief of Gunabhadra's
disciples, obtaining influential assistance, succeeded in having
his teacher's instructions as regards this Purana acted up to
always by respectable people.The instructions meant must be
those expressed in the last sentence.
DATE OF THE CONSECRATION OF THE PURANA
This holy Purana containing the essence of all the Sastras
was consecrated by the best among the faithful and worshipped
on Thursday the 5th ( of the light half ) of Asadha in the year
820 of the Saka king, the cyclic year being Pingala.This
was the current year, and 819 was the past year.At that time
Akalavarsa of fair fame who had destroyed all his enemies was
ruling over the whole earth. His "war elephants had on the
one side drunk the waters of the Ganges and, as if their thirst
had not been quenched, had on the other, resorted to the dense
forest of sandal trees, open to the gentle breezes blowing from
over the waves of the ocean, a forest into the shade of which the
rays of the sun did not penetrate." The goddess of prosperity
tormented in all her previous abodes, found a happy resting
place in his bosom. And Lokaditya alias Cellapataka was
governing the province of Vanavasa at Bankapura which was
KI NGS MENTI ONED I N UTTARAPURANA 277
named by his father after hi msel f. He belonged t o the
Padmalaya f ami l y, was the son of Cellaketana and younger
brot her of Celladhvaja, and encouraged the gr owt h of Jai ni sm.
Then f ol l ow a few l audat ory verses but we have had enough
of that sort of mat t er.
I DENTI FI CATI ON OF THE PRINCES MENTIONED IN THE PRASASTI
The princes Amoghavarsa and Akalavarsa ment i oned i n t hi s
Prasasti belonged to the RastrakQta dynasty whi ch r ul ed over
the Deccan, and here as elsewhere we have evidence of the
great power of the f ami l y and the large extent of t er r i t or y
over whi ch i t r ul ed. The dates of the former occurri ng i n
Inscri pt i ons are Saka 775, 787 ( whi ch is represented as the
fifty-second year of his rei gn), and 799. Jinasena who is spoken
of as havi ng been adored by the pri nce wrot e his Harivamsa as
has already been stated in Saka 705, when Vallabha, son of
Krsna, whom I have i dent i fi ed wi t h Govinda I I , was on the
t hrone. Amoghavarsa must have succeeded his father Govinda
I I I in Saka 735 ; so that Jinasena l i ved at least 30 years after
t he compl et i on of his Harivamsa and may have l i ved longer.
Akalavarsa' s other dates are Saka 797 and 824. There must be
some mistake as regards the former, if his father' s date 799,
whi c h occurs i n an I nscr i pt i on i n one of the Kanher i caves, i s
correct.
1
The Prasasti represents h i m as r ei gni ng in Saka 820
1 At the end of the Digarabara resconsiou of the Prasnottararatnamalika,
Amoghavarsa is represented to have abdicated the throne through the growth of
the religious sentiment, so that the inconsistency noticed in the text is to be
accounted for by supposing that his son AkAlavarsa was the actual sovereign in
Saka 797 and 799, but as Amoghavarsa was not dead though he had ceased to
concern himself wi t h State affairs, his name is mentioned in the KAnheri Inscrip-
tion as the reigning sovereign in the latter year. The stanza referred to in the
Prasnottaramalika, a copy of which I have recently procured, is as follows:
278 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SAN8KPIT MSB., 1883-84
which is perfectly consistent wi t h the date 824. In Saka 820,
we gather that Gunabhadra the pupil of Jinasena and the
continuator of his work was not living, and it was his pupil
Lokasena who consecrated the Purana. So that, supposing
Jinasena to have lived for about ten years after Amoghavarsa's
accession, i.e., up to Saka 745, the interval of 75 years between
Saka 745 and 820 is not too long for his pupil Gunabhadra and
Gunabhadra's pupil Lokasena.
There are Inscriptions of the times of Amoghavarsa and
Akalavarsa in which Bankeyarasa and Samkaragancla of the
Cellaketana family are represented as ruling over the province
of Banavasi as their feudatories. The latter of these is probably
the prince spoken of in our Prasasti.
Another work of Gunabhadra entitled Atmanusasana has
recently been discovered and a copy of it purchased for
Government. Gunabhadra is there also called the pupil of
Jinasena.
At the end of No. 288 the copyist gives a succession list of
the High-priests of his sect which is as follows :1 Subha-
candradeva who belonged to the line of Kundakundacarya, to
the Sarasvatlgaccha, Balatkaragana, Nandyamnaya, and
Mulasaihgha ; ' 2 Jinacandradeva ; 3 Prabhacandradeva ; 4
Candrakirtideva; 5 Devendrakirti. The last was living in
Samvat 1674 when the Manuscript was transcribed by his
pupil Rsabhadasa.
SANTICARITA BY SAKALAKlRTI
No. 309 is Santinathacarita or the life of the Tirthamkara
Santinatha by Sakalakirti. In the beginning the author offers
his salutations to or adores the following :
THE PARAMESTHINS
1. The Tirthanikaras, some by name, and the rest
generally.
SAKALAKl RTl ' S S ANT T NAT HACARI T A 279
2. The Siddhas, who are delivered f r om t hei r enemies,
the Karmans, are possessed of the ei ght vi rt ues, have
ascended to the highest top of Loka, are free f r om a l l
mi sery, and enjoy i nf i ni t e bliss.
3. The Acilryas, who go t hr ough the five courses t hem-
selves, and take t hei r pupi l s t hrough t hem. These
five courses are Darsanacara, Jnanacara, Tapaacara,
Caritracara, Vlryacara.These the reader wi l l re-
member are ment i oned by Kuml akundacarya, and are
gi ven i n a margi nal note i n this Manuscript.
4. Pathaka-munis or Upadhyayas, as t hey are usual l y
called, who study the Angas, Purvas, and Prakirnakas
to at t ai n perfection and teach t hem to t hei r pupi l s ;
and who are fami l i ar wi t h the t wel ve Angas.
5. Sadhus, who by di ffi cul t and t erri bl e Tapas, and by
means of the three jewels, wal k by the path whi ch
leads to deliverance and are at al l times absorbed in
Yoga (ment al concentration).
These are called the five Paramesthins.
THE KEVAL1NS
6. A l l the Ganadharas f r om Vrsabhasena to Gautama who
composed the hol y t wel ve Angas for the benefit of
those who wi sh to be del i vered.
7. Sudharmacarya, the possessor of pure knowl edge
(Kevalavagama) who l i ke a cl oud rained down t he
nectar of Dharma.
8. Jambt i svai ni n who, even i n his boyhood, ki l l e d by the
sword of his asceticism the enemies, desire and
delusion.
THE SRUTAKEVALINS
9. The five Srutakevalins Vi snu, Nandi mi t r a, Aparajita,
Govardhana, and Bhadrabahu. They were called by
that generic name, because they were conversant wi t h
the whole of the sacred lore.
THE SURIS
10. The Saris, Visakhacarya and others.
THE KAVIS
The Kavis, viz.
11. KundakundacSrya
12. Akalanka, the great dialectician
13. Samantabhadra
14. Pajyapada
15. Nemicandra who was familiar wi t h the Siddhantas
16. Prabhacandra
17. Jinasena
I t wi l l thus be seen that there are among the Digambara
Jainas five classes of persons deserving of adoration, vi z. , I,
the five Paramecins ; I I , the Kevalins, Gautama and his two
successors ; I I I , the five Srutakevalins ; I V, the Suris ; V, the
Kavis. The Kavis are later writers of repute, and undoubtedly
historical personages. According to the fifth Gatha of the
Pravacanasara,the Ganadharas form the third of the five groups
included under Paramecins. But these groups of the
Paramecin ns seem to be ideal and were suggested by the actual
Tlrthamkara Mahavira, his Ganadhara Gautama, and the
Srutakevalins Visnu and others. They figure in all the
formulas repeated at the time of Jina worship.
PARSVANATHACARITA BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Another work of Sakalakirti, the Parsvanathacarita, of which
No. 303 is a copy, contains in the introduction verses
of the same nature as the above, some of them being
identical. The Manuscript was transcribed in Samvat 1662
or 1605 A. D., at Maharofcha during the reign of
Akbar and of a dependent native prince of the name of
PARSVANATHACARITA: JAIN HARIVAMSA 281
Rayasila. It was fi ni shed on the 5t h of the l i ght hal f of
Bhadrapada.
The succession l i st of High-priests of the Sarasvati
Gaccha of the Balatkaragana of the Mulasarhgha, bel ongi ng to the
l i ne of Kundakundacarya is thus gi ven : 1 Padmanandin, 2
Subhacandra, 3 Jinacandra, 4 Prabhacandra. The second pupi l
of this last was Rat nakl r t i ; his pupi l Bhuvanakl r t i ; and his,
Dhar makl r t i and Vi sal akl r t i . Laksmicandra was the pupi l of the
last, and was perhaps the head priest of some branch of the sect;
for we have the expression Tatpatte used after hi m. So t hen we
have t hi s part of the l i st thus : 1 Laksmicandra, 2 Sahasraklrti,
3 Nemi candra, 4 Yasahki rt i . Fr om Rat nakl r t i downwads, each
of these has the t i t l e of Mandalacarya. Then follows the
genealogy of Ni val , wi f e of Mal u, who was a fol l ower of the last
priest and who caused the Manuscri pt to be wr i t t en.
JINADASA'S HARIVAMSA
Nos. 314 and 315 are copies of a wor k ent i t l ed Harivamsa by
Jinadasa, pupi l of Sakal akl rt i . In the i nt r oduct i on Jinadasa
says that these legendary histories were communicated by Vi r a
to Gautama, and thence t hey passed to Sudharma, Jambusvamin,
Vi dyucara, Ki r t i , Anut t ar avi d, Ravisena, and Jinasena i n
succession. Ravisena's Prabhava is here called Vi dyucara, and
Anut t ar avagmi n, Anut t ar avi d. I t wi l l be seen that Ravisena is
here placed chronol ogi cal l y before Jinasena, and that is t he
conclusion we have arri ved at f r om the dates occurri ng in t hei r
works. No. 314 was transcribed in Samvat 1654 and finished on
Thursday the 10th of the l i ght hal f of Pausa. It was caused to
be transcribed by Ksemacandra, the pupi l of Candraki rt i , the
successor of Prabhacandra, Hi gh-pri est of the Balatkaragana and
Sarasvatigaccha of the Nandisamgha whi ch was a branch of the
Mulasariigha.
No. 310 is Srlpalacarita by Nemi dat t ayat i whi ch has already
been noticed. It was composed by the author in Samvat 1585
3G [ R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. 11 ]
i n the t empl e of Adi j i na, i n the t own of Purnasa whi ch was
situated i n the count r y of Malava.
JIVAMDHARASVAMICARITA BY SUBHACANDRA
The Jivamdharasvamicarita (No. 292) was composed by
Subhacandra i n Vi kr ama 16. There i s a mi sreadi ng i n the
verse i n consequence of whi ch the figures i n the uni t s and tens
places cannot be made out. In the i nt r oduct i on the author
ment i ons Pajyapada, Samantabhadra, Akal anka, Jinasena,
Jnanabhusana and Subhacandra. There is a Prasasti of the
copyist at the end but a por t i on of the leaf is t or n off ; and so it
cannot be pr oper l y made out.
SUBHAUMACARITA BY RATNACANDRA
No. 313 is Subhaumacarita by Ratnacandra. Subhauma is
the fut ure Ti rt hai hkara. At the end of the wor k we have a suc-
cession l i st . Fi r st of al l in the Sarasvata Gaccha of the Mfi l a-
Saihgha there was a Mu n i of the name of Kundakunda who
belonged to the school of Simamdhara. In his l i ne flourished (1)
Padmanandin, whose successors were (2) Sakal aki rt i , and (3)
Bhuvanakl r t i . Then we have t wo Mandalacaryas, the first of
whom was Rat naki r t i , the fel l ow-st udent of Bhuvanakl r t i , and
the second or his successor Yasatyklrti. In the l i ne of t hi s last
flourished Gunacandra who was succeeded by Jinacandra, t he
leader of the Balatkaragana. He was f ol l owed by Sakalacandra
and after h i m came Ratnacandra, who i s spoken of i n the present
tense since it was he who composed the wor k.
DATE OF THE COMPOSITION OF SUBHAUMACARITA AND
THE HISTORY OF THE AUTHOR
The composi t i on of the wor k was fi ni shed on Thursday, t he
5t h of the l i ght hal f of Bhadrapada, i n Samvat 1683, i n a
t empl e of Parsvanatha situated on the banks of the Ganga at
SUBHAUMACARITA 283
Pat al i put ra i n t he count r y of Magadha, dur i ng t he r ei gn of
Salem Sah, the l or d of al l Mleneccha ki ngs. Assistance was
gi ven i n the composi t i on of the Subhaumacarita by Tejapala,
son of Dhanaraja, and Hemaraja, son of Resa, who belonged
to the Khandelavala l i ne and were the fol l owers and pupi l s of
Di vi j endr akl r t i ( Dvi j e) , the successors of Candraki rt i , who
hi msel f fol l owed Prabhacandra. In a margi nal note it is stated
that these Hi gh-pri est s belonged to the Del hi establishment,
( " were the occupants of the Del hi t hrone " ). Teja belonged
to the Gotra of Saumanya and Hema to the Pat tan I Gotra and
l i ved in a ci t y of t he name of Pattana. Ratnacandra had come
(to Magadha) on a pi l gr i mage to Sammedacala accompanied by
Jayaki r t i , son of Jaganmalla, Kamal akl r t i , Kalyana, Kacara,
Kanhaj i , and Bhogidfisa. Ratnacandra, son of a merchant
named Mahl of the Bhuyada caste and his wi f e Campa, com-
posed the wor k [ t he n] .
Of al l the Sravakas who adore the Khandelavalas,
Agravalas, Danis and Jaisavalas, the assistance rendered
by Tejapala son of Dhanaraja Kesi n, was the most
valuable, in so far as ever yt hi ng needed was provi ded.
Hemaraja, the l or d of Hami rde, together wi t h his nephew
Hfra, caused this ( wor k) to be wr i t t en. Blessing be to
Mangala, the son of the merchant Hema, who l i ved in the
t own of Saga (Sagavadanara) situated in the province of
Vagvara (Vfigada) ! Rajasimha and Amara, the sons of
Krsnadasa Bahuana (Cahuana?) of the Ksat ri ya race, Bhi ma
and others(?) and Hemaki r t i raised Ratnacandra the author of
t hi s wor k to the pont i fi cal chai r . I n a margi nal note Salem
Sah's other name is gi ven as Jehangir, so that the Mogal
Emperor dur i ng whose r ei gn Ratnacandra wrot e his wor k, was
Jehangir the son of Akbar who rei gned f r om 1605 A. D. to
1627 A. D. The date 1683 Samvat, the mont h being Bhadrapada
(September-October), corresponds to 1626 A. D.
TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF THE JAINA SACRED LITERATURE
FROM A DIGAMBARA PATTAVALI
We have seen that Ravisena, Jinasena, Sakal aki rt i and others
speak of the sacred lore as havi ng passed f r om Gautama to
Sudharma, thence to Jambusvami n, and so on in regul ar
succession. Thi s means that Jai ni sm had no wr i t t en books for a
l ong peri od after t he foundat i on of the r el i gi on. But the t r adi t i on
as regards t hi s matter i s f ul l y gi ven i n the Pattavali ment i oned
before (No. 629 of 1875-76) on the aut hor i t y of ol d Pr akr t i t
Gatbas whi ch are there quoted. It i s t o the f ol l owi ng effect :
Af t er Mahavira' s Ni r vana three Keval i ns fl ouri shed. They
were (1) Gautama who l i ved for 12 years ; (2) Sudharma who
also l i ved for 12 years ; and (3) Jambusvami n who t aught the
creed for 38 years.
Then there were five Srutakevalins : 1, Vi snunandi n for 14
years ; 2, Nandi mi t r a for 16 ; 3, Aparaj i t a for 2 2 ; 4,
Govardhana for 19 ; and 5, Bhadrabahu for 29. These knew
the eleven Angas and the fourt een Purvas by heart. But
t hi s statement does not occur in the Gathas ; it is made by
the Hi n d i comment at or. I t i s however i n every way i n
keepi ng wi t h the whol e t r adi t i on and wi t h the name Sruta-
keval i n ; and Sakal aki rt i confirms i t i n the PrasnottaropSsaka-
cara, as we have seen. Then fol l owed eleven. persons who knew
t en Purvas by heart. Thei r names and dates I gi ve bel ow. It
wi l l be seen that the last Srut akeval i n ceased to be i n 162 A. Vi r .
DASAPORVADHARINS
1 Visakhaearya, A. Vi r . 162. 6 Siddharthacarya, A. Vi r . 2 4 7 .
2 Prostilacarya, A. Vi r . 172. 7 Dhrtisenacfirya, A. Vi r . 264.
3 Ksatriyacarya, A. Vi r . 191. 8 Vijayacarya, A. Vi r . 282.
4 Jayasenacarya, A. Vi r . 208. 9 Buddhi l i ngacar ya, A. Vi r . 295.
5 Nagasenacarya, A. Vi r . 229. 10 Devacarya, A. Vi r . 315.
11 Dharmasenficarya, A. Vi r . 329.
Then f ol l owed fi ve persons who knew t he eleven Angas
HISTORY OP JAIN LITERATURE FROM A PATTAVALI 285
EKADASANGADHARINS
1 Naksatracarya, A. Vi r . 345. 3 Pandavacarya, A. Vl r . 383,
2 Jayapalacarya, A. Vi r . 363. 4 Dhruvasenacarya.A. Vi r . 422.
5 Karhsacarya, A. Vi r . 436.
Af t er the last the number of Angas known went on decreasing.
1 Subhadrficarya, A Vi r . 468, knew ten Angas onl y,
2 Yasobhadnicarya, A. Vi r . 474, knew ni ne Angas onl y.
3 Bhadrabahu, A. Vi r . 492, knew eight Angas onl y.
4 Lohacarya, A. Vi r . 515, was the head of the church
for 50 years, but what the extent of his knowledge was is
not clear. Probabl y he knew seven Angas.
Then fol l owed five men who knew one Ari ga onl y.
1 Ahi val l yacarya, A. Vi r . 565. 4 Puspadantacarya, A. Vi r .
2 Maghanandyacarya, A. Vi r . 633.
593. 5 Bhutavalyacarya, A. Vi r .
3 Dharasenacarya, A. Vi r . 614. 663. He was the head of
the Church for 20 years.
Thus for 683 years after the Ni rvana of Mahavlra the
knowl edge of the Angas remained t hough in a gradual l y decreas-
i ng ratio. Then, according t o the Hi n d i commentator, the
last t wo of these Muni s reduced the whol e sacred lore to wr i t i ng.
I t wi l l be seen that the Keval i ns and the Srutakevalins here
named are the same as those ment i oned by Sakalakirti in the
Santinathacarita, and the Acaryas f r om Visakha downwards
are spoken of by hi m as Suris.
MEANINCt OF THE TRADITION
The meani ng of t hi s ver y i mpor t ant t r adi t i on, as I consider
it to be, is clear. The knowl edge of the doctrines of the
founder of Jai ni sm was onl y or al l y handed down and there
were no books. Gradual l y a great change came over the system.
Some of the or i gi nal doctrines were forgotten or ceased to be
bel i eved in and others must have come i nt o vogue:
WHEN THE JAINAS GAME TO HAVE WRITTEN SCRIPTURES
The Jainas came to have wr i t t en scriptures about 683 A. Vl r . ,
corresponding to 195 A. Vi k r . , and 139 A. D., when t he last of
the men who knew any por t i on of the sacred lore by heart
died. Up t o t hi s t i me t hei r sect must have been ver y uni m-
port ant , t hough i t was probabl y founded about the t i me of Buddha.
An d its being i n that condi t i on i s also indicated by the fact that
whi l e there are many Inscri pt i ons r ef er r i ng t o Buddhi s m there
are onl y a few sol i t ary ones referri ng to Jai ni sm up to about the
5t h cent ury of Christ. An d the date 139 A. D., agrees ver y we l l
wi t h my conclusions as t o the peri od when the Pr akr i t s were
developed. They began to be formed, as I have stated, about the
begi nni ng of the Chri st i an Era, and by about 139 A. D. , t hey must
have become di st i nct i ve dialects spoken in di fferent parts of the
count r y. It was therefore i n the vernacular preval ent i n one of the
provinces i n the second cent ury that the Jaina books were wr i t t en.
Jai ni sm probabl y began to raise its head when Buddhi sm
began t o decline, and succeeded i n maki ng way by br i ngi ng
i t s doctrines nearer to the popul ar creed sanctioned by
Brahmani sm. They gave a substantial existence to the soul whi c h
was denied by the Buddhists, and raised t hei r Tl rt hamkaras
t o the r ank of the Supreme bei ng t hough t hey denied t o
t hem the aut horshi p of the wo r l d . They connected the popul ar
heroes Rama, Krsria and others wi t h t hei r creed and even
admi t t ed domestic ceremonies such as those of the Brahmans.
The compromise that some of t hei r phi l osophi c doctrines present
between t wo Brahmani c schools has already been spoken of.
1
N. B. The Manuscri pt s of wor ks bel ongi ng t o the Svetambara
Jainas were made over for exami nat i on by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar
t o hi s Manuscri pt s Assistant, Mr . (afterwards Professor) Shri dhar
Ramkri shna Bhandarkar. A Report was dr awn up by the latter
and i t i s pr i nt ed on pp. 126157 of the Or i gi nal Report [ N . B. U. ]
1 Ante, pp. 242 ff. [N. B. U. ]
*
A NOTE ON THE SAMVAT ERA
[ FROM T HE REPORT ON T HE SEARCH OF SANSKRI T
MANUSCRI PTS FOR 1883-84, pp. 158 ff. ]
In a Review of my last Report
1
characterised by a general
spi ri t of fairness, whi c h forms a di st i ngui shi ng feature in the
wr i t er ' s character and has enabled hi m to acquire that influence
over his brot her scholars bot h in Europe and I ndi a whi ch he
now wields, Dr . Buhl er fi nds faul t wi t h me for t aki ng the
wor d " Samvat " as expressive in al l cases of the Vi kr ama era
whi ch begins in 57 B. C. Hi s words are :
" I must, however, add that it is hazardous to assume, as
Professor Bhandarkar seems to do t hroughout , that al l dates
preceded by the wor d " Samvat " belong to the era of 57 B. C.
In common wi t h other Sanskritists I too have hel d this opi ni on
for many years. But recent discoveries have shown that even
the scribes of Gujarat and Rajputana, where the Vi kr ama era is
uni versal l y used i n everyday l i f e, sometimes put Saiiivat
instead of Sakasamvat. As instances I may poi nt out the
Manuscri pt of the Mahabhasya ( Ki el hor n, Mah. I I . 3, p. 8),
wr i t t en at Il adurga (Idar) in Samvat 1513 and 1514, where the
ment i on ( i n the colophon) of the victorious rei gn of the
i l l ust r i ous Nanlyanadasa the Rao Narondas of the Ay i n Akbar i ,
shows that Sakasaiiivat 15131514 is meant, and t he copy of
Govindaraja' s Smr t i manj ar i i n the I ndi a Office Li br ar y
( No. 1736), dated Samvat 1467, whi ch Colebrooke and the
editors of the Palaeographical Series believed to correspond
to 1410 A. D. In the colophon of the latter wor k the scribe
states, however, that he wrot e at Vasuravl (Vasravi) dur i ng
the r ei gn of Maharana Udayasimha. As Maharana Udayasimha
1 That is, the Report on search of Sanskrit Manuscripts for the years
1882-83, included in this Volume earlier. [ N. B. U. ]
of Mevacl came to the throne in 1541 A. D. , it is not doubtful
that Saihvat 1467 refers to the Saka era, and corresponds to
1545 A. D. Under these circumstances every * Samvat-date'
requires verification."
That the word " Saihvat," denotes at the present day the
Vi krama era alone, and the word Saka, the era which begins in
79 A. D is a fact that cannot admit of dispute. But Dr. Buhler
thinks this was not the case in former times, and that the
word " Saihvat " was sometimes used to denote the Saka also ;
and brings forward two instances in which if we understand
the Vi krama era by the word " Saihvat, " we are led to wrong
results. The wrong results only show that there is some
mistake here ; but they do not necessarily show that the word
" Saihvat " is here used to express the Saka era. And besides
the Saka wi l l hardly do for the first of the two above dates.
For Saka 1514 corresponds to 1592 A. D., when it is highly
questionable whether Narayanadasa was the reigning chief at
Idar ; for in 1576 A. D., a large army was sent to Idar to subdue
that chief, he having previously shown a rebellious spirit, and
NarSyandasa was defeated and his capital fell into the hands of
Akbar. Kinloch Forbes immediately after this speaks of
Viramadeva, the successor of Narayanadasa. The wrong results
may be due to the transcribers of the Manuscripts having
copied the dates from their originals and given the names of
the princes in whose reigns they themselves lived ; or to an
actual slip of the pen in wri ti ng them.
Not only, therefore, do these two dates afford no ground
whatever for the supposition tbat the word " Saihvat " is
here used to denote the Saka era, but I can give a mass of
positive evidence to show that for the last four hundred and
fifty years at least, the word " Saihvat " has been, just as it is
at present, used to denote the Vi krama era only, and the word
" Saka " or " Saka " the other. I have recently collected a
THE SAMVAT ERA
289
large number of instances of double dates f r om Saka 1361 or
1439 A. D. , downwards i n whi ch the wor d " Sam v a t " i s used
before one, and " Saka " or " Saka " before the other. The
manner in whi ch these words are contrasted shows that
" Samvat " denotes an era different from that whi ch " Saka "
denotes, and the number expressive of the date in the first case
bei ng in excess of that in the second by 134, 135 or 136, the
era expressed by the wor d " Samvat " in these instances is
unquest i onabl y that of Vi kr ama. These double dates are as
fol l ows :
1. A MS. of the Vi snubhakt i candrodaya recent l y procured
has at the end
2. No. 106 of 1882-83, Mitaksara, has ?
3. No.533 of 1883-84(the present Collection), DanavakyavalI,
has
4. No. 197 of 1883-84, Madhava's Comment ary on the
Bhasvati, has (f. 65 a)
5. No. 324 of the Visramabag Col l ect i on, Pr akr i yakaumudi ,
has . . . . . . . .
6. No.86 of 1883-84,Visnubhaktikalpalata wi t h commentary
has
7. No. 206 of 1883-84, Varsaphalavicarasiddhanta ( a com
ment ar y on), has (f. 3 a)
8. No. 321 of 1883-84, Sripala Caupai, has
9. No. 199 of 1883-84, Gangadhara's Comment ary on t he
Bhasvati, has (f. 26 b) ,.
37 [ R. Cr. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol. II ]
10. No. 202 of 1883-84, Dhruvabhramakayantra, has
11. Krsnakarnamrta, last leaf of, (found in No. 159 of
1883-84, Bhaktirasamrtasindhu ) has
!
12. Saptapadarthltika ( recently procured ) has
13. No. 201 of 1883-84, Muhurtacudamani, has
14. No. 103 of 1883-84, Prabodhacandrika, has
15. No. 215 of 1883-84, Saravali, has
16. No. 204 of 1883-84. Ramavinoda, has
17. No. 222 of 1883-84, Virasimhavaloka, has
18. No. 207 of 1883-84, Vastuprakarana, has
19. No. 210 of 1883-84, Vrddhagargyaeariihita, has
It is plain, therefore, from this that the word " Samvat, "
whatever its etymological meaning, and in whatever sense it
may have been used in early Inscriptions, has wi t hi n the last
five centuries, if not earlier, come to be restricted by usage to
the Vikrama era. In No. 200 of 1883-84, which is a commentary
on the Bhasvati, it is expressly stated that the era of
Vikramaditya is called " Samvat " and that it is in advance of
the Saka by 135 years. The words are :
1 The letter _ I have ink rubbed over them.
THE SAMVAT BRA 291
Nothing could be plainer than this. And this occurs in a
work written 231 years ago. We are therefore perfectly justified
in taking " Saihvat " as occurring in Manuscripts to mean the
era which begins in 57 B. C, and if in any particular case
wrong results are arrived at, they must be due to some
mistake of the scribe of the nature of those we meet wi t h
in almost every line in a bad Manuscript. Such mistakes
do not and cannot point to a sense of the word *' Saihvat "
other than that which usage has clearly given to it.
*
SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS DURING THE YEARS
1884-85, 1885-86, 1886-87.
1
I ISSUE t he f ol l owi ng pages wi t h a feel i ng of keen regret. I
had pl anned as extensive a report as the last, if not
more, had exami ned the Manuscri pt s, collected materials, and
got t he extracts copied out. But after fi ni shi ng the first t wo
articles, I had a l ong-cont i nued illness ; and since that t i me my
College duties, and other wor k whi c h coul d not be avoided and a
good deal of whi c h was of a l i t er ar y nature, l eft me no t i me or
energy for di gest i ng my mat eri al s and put t i ng t hem i nt o shape.
I expected to be able to take up the Report after my ret i rement
f r om t he service ; but I had another attack of illness in the
begi nni ng of t hi s year. The Report , however, coul d be delayed
no longer, and I had t o send i t t o t he Press i mmedi at el y. I,
however, hast i l y added three more articles before act ual l y
doi ng so.
The second art i cl e has been publ i shed in a somewhat altered
f or m i n t he Transactions of t he Ni n t h Congress of Orientalists.
THE number of Manuscri pt s purchased by me for Govern-
ment dur i ng the three years 1884-87 is 1,406. Of these, 1,135
were collected i n Gujarat and Rajputana, and 271 i n t he
Marat ha Count r y.
I wi l l proceed t o notice some of the i nt erest i ng Manuscri pt s
in t he Col l ect i on and to state such poi nt s of i mport ance as I have
been able t o gather f r om t hem.
1 Originally published in 1894, at the Government Central Press, Bombay.
A BHASYA ON SARVlNUKRAMA 293
VEDAS, VEDANGAS, ETC.
t f GVEDA A N D DEP ENDENT TREATI SES
A COMMENTARY ON KATYAYANA'S SARVANUKRAMA
No. 89 is a copy of a comment ary called Bhasya on
Katyayana' s Sarvanukrama. The Manuscri pt whi ch was
transcribed i n Saka 1583, i . e., 1662 A. D. , i s i n a very bad
condi t i on ; the paper has become so br i t t l e that the slightest
t ouch bri ngs off a piece, and the edges of the leaves
and the corners have wor n away and portions of the wr i t t en
lines have thus disappeared, maki ng the rest di ffi cul t to be
understood and ent i r el y uni nt el l i gi bl e. Thi s circumstance is
very much to be regretted as the wor k appears to be i mpor t ant
and has not yet been subjected to exami nat i on. The onl y other
available copy of i t , I know of, is a fragment whi c h is in the
Tanjore Col l ect i on, and i s noticed by Bur nel l i n his Catalogue
(page 2). The author' s name cannot be ascertained.
The comment ary on each Mandala begins wi t h a Sloka, but i t
is always in praise of a dei t y ; and the aut hor seems to have
st udi ousl y concealed his name, as is not unf r equent l y done by
some Sanskrit wri t ers. The openi ng Sloka is the same as that
whi c h is at the begi nni ng of Dandi n' s Kavyadarsa ; and as if to
show t hat i t i s not his, the author gives the paraphrase of i t i n the
second. In a great many places the author gives the current
legends connected wi t h passages in the t ext of the Rksamhita,
i nt r oduci ng t hem wi t h the words ' ' At ret i hasam acaksate " and
rarel y wi t h "At r akhyanam acaksate." When these are gi ven wi t h
s i mpl y t hi s i nt r oduct i on, t hey appear to have been quoted from
the Brhaddevata. But there are legends and quotations f r om the
Mahabharata and Puranas, these latter being referred to by the
name Puranakara or Pauranika. Some are spoken of as havi ng
been gi ven by Vyddhacarya. Thi s author is frequent l y quot ed.
Thus ho is represented as consi deri ng I ndr agnl not to be the
pr i nci pal deittes of the verse I. 139. 9, but as subordinate
(Nipatabhajau) against t he vi ew of the aut hor of t he Sarvanukrama.
Agai n, he is spoken of as mai nt ai ni ng t hat the first Pada of I V.
57. 8, has reference to t he cul t i vat i on of soi l , the second speaks
of men who subsist on agri cul t ure, the t hi r d i s for r ai n, and the
f our t h i s composed by the Rsi t hr ough his desire for grai n,
t he whol e h y mn r ef er r i ng t o agri cul t ure. Thi s, says t he com-
ment at or, is not opposed to t he statement of t he or i gi nal aut hor.
Vrddhacarya woul d t hus appear t o have wr i t t e n a wor k of the
nature of an Anukr amani or a comment ary on any of the exi st i ng
wor ks on t he subject and to have hel d some i ndependent vi ews.
The story r ef er r i ng t o V I . 75, and those about the or i gi n of
Vasistha f r om Urvasi i n connection wi t h the seventh Mandala,
and about the relations of PurQravas wi t h Urvasi , whi ch are the
subject of X. 95, are quot ed as gi ven by t he same aut hor. The
wor di ng of t ho last is, however, the same as t hat of t he version
gi ven by Max Mul l er (Rgveda Vol . V I . page 18, varietas l ect i oni s)
as bel ongi ng to the Brhaddevata. Thi s Vrddhacfi rya must be the
same aut hor as t hat quot ed by Tri kandamandana as an aut hor i t y
in sacrificial matters
1
. Saunaka is also ver y often quot ed by
name by our aut hor i n speaking of the deities or metres, but
not as t he narrator of the legends.
ANUKRAMANIDHONDHU
No. 39 is ent i t l ed Anukr amanl dhundhu, and consists of the
Sarvanukrama i n a t abul at ed f or m. In each l i ne we have fi rst
the number of the h y mn , t hen the first Pada of t he first verse,
and afterwards f ol l ow i n order the numbers of the Vargas, and
of t he verses of whi c h t he h y mn i s composed, t he name of the
Rsi, t he dei t y, and t he met re. The next h y mn i s not i ced i n the
next l i ne. Whe n t he part i cul ars r ef er r i ng t o a h y mn are not
compl et e in one l i ne, we have more, i.e., a paragraph. The
1 See my last Report, p. 28 ; [ Ante, p. 103 N. B. U. ]
SAHVANUKRAMANlDHUKDU 295
Suktas are numbered cont i nuousl y f r om 1 to 1,017 and the end
of an Adhyaya is si mpl y marked wi t h the letters " Adhya. "
The Val akhi l yas come between hymns 668 and 669, i.e., after
V I I I . 48, and are numbered f r om 1 to 10. The Manuscri pt was
transcribed on Sunday the 7t h of the dark f or t ni ght of
Bhfulrapada in t he Sam vat year 1796 and is thus a hundr ed and
fifty years ol d. It was purchased by our agent f r om a Brahman
bel ongi ng to the Sankhayana school l i vi ng in Jaypur, and was
br ought along wi t h No. 42 and copies of other wor ks of the
Sankhayana S.chool, whi ch wi l l be noticed i n the next Report.
Thi s tabulated Anukr amam agrees i n all respects wi t h the
Sarvanukrama, as I have found from a comparison of parts here
and there wi t h the statements at the top of the hymns i n
Professor Max Mul l er ' s Edi t i on, and wi t h the ori gi nal Sarvanu-
krama. The number of verses i n V I I . 21, is, however, stated as
9, probabl y because the t ent h is the same as the last verse of the
previ ous h y mn . In other places, however, where the same
verse occurs at the end of t wo successive hymns it is not l eft
out of account ; so that there is probabl y a mistake here.
The number of hymns, 1,017, is the same as that gi ven in the
Anuvakanukr amani i ndexed i n the Sarvanukrama, and found i n
the Vul gat e. But our Dhundhf i differs f r om the last i n omi t t i ng
one of the 11 Val akhi l ya hymns, that begi nni ng wi t h Yani r t vi j o
( V I I I . 58); but agrees wi t h the Sarvanukrama, for this also omi t s
the hymn, and the comment ary noticed above agrees wi t h the
t ext , as it contains no reference to i t . As the Vul gat e is
i dent i fi ed wi t h the school of Asvalayama, the sl i ght l y different
t ext represented by the Sarvanukrama must be the one prevalent
i n some other School.
The author of the Bhasya on the Caranavyiiha often
not i ced by scholars gives the omission of V I I I . 58, as a
pecul i ari t y of the t ext of the Samhita studied by the followers
of the Sankhayana Sutra. At the same t i me he notices
the insertion of two of the three verses composing the hymn
into X. 88, but only as a Khila and consequently not to be
counted. The work before me does not notice the insertion
probably just on this account, assigning to the hymn nineteen
verses, which it has in the Vulgate. The text as represented by
the Sarvanukrama is thus in its entirety the text of the Sfinkha-
yana School, and this is confirmed by the fact that my Manu-
script which agrees wi t h i t , was got from a Brahman of tho
Sankhayana Sakha living at a village called Brahmapol about
two miles from Jaypur. It follows, therefore, that the only
difference between the Samhitas of the schools of Asvalayana and
Sankhayana consisted i n the addition or omission of VI I I . 58.
But the statement of the commentator and this conclusion are
contested by Professor Oldenberg. And the grounds are these.
In the Upakarana ceremony, usually called Smvanl by us, after
the name of the month in which it is performed, oblations are
thrown into the fire after the repetition of the first and last
verses of each Mandala. In the Sankhayaca Grhya Sutra the
last verse that is directed to be repeated is Tacchamyoravrnimahe
&c, which therefore must have been the last verse of the
tenth Mandala of the Samhita followed by Sankhayana. Similarly
in another place in the Sutra the teacher's having taught to his
pupil the whole of the Veda ending wi t h Samyor Barhaspatya is
spoken of. Saihyor Barhaspatya here means, according to
Vinayaka the commentator on the Sutra, the second of the two
verses Taochamyor, &c. Now on the evidence of a Karika
quoted in a Prayoga noticed by Prof. Weber in his first
Berlin Catalogue (p. 314), it is concluded that the Baskala
Samhita of the Rgveda ended wi t h the verse Tac chain yor,
&c. There is also more evidence to the same effect, or rather
the source of the evidence adduced by Professors Weber
and Oldenberg, and the statements of subsequent authors
based on that source, which are not noticed by the two scholars.
ASVALl YANA AND SANKHAYANA SAMHITAS 297
The Kar i ka itself occurs i n t he wor k' ent i t l ed Asvalayanagrhya-
Kar i ka at t ri but ed t o Kumar i l a. Whet her t hi s wr i t er i s t he same
as Kumar i l a, the great Mi mamsaka, is a poi nt whi c h I at least
do not consider to be settled. There is a copy of it in the
Col l ect i on for 1883-84 and bears No. 509. The Col l ect i on A.
of 1881-82 made by me contains t wo copies of a Bhasya on the
Karikas (Nos. 176 and 177). No. 176 is an excellent Manuscri pt
and contains the or i gi nal as we l l as the comment ary. The
aut hor of the latter does not give his name, and t hough the
name Narilyana does occur i n one place, s t i l l i t i s wr i t t en i n
such a manner as to leave it hi ghl y doubt f ul whet her it is
meant as the name of the commentator. In the i nt r oduct i on
we are t ol d, "Fi r st of al l Narayana, the author of the Vr t t i ,
composed his wor k, as it was di ffi cul t for persons of l i t t l e
l earni ng, who had si mpl y a smat t eri ng of a part of the sacred
l ore, to per f or m the various ceremonies prescribed by Asvala-
yana wi t h the hel p of the Sutra alone. Taki ng that Vr t t i as a
basis and consi deri ng the views of Jayanta and others whi c h
are i n conf or mi t y wi t h the Sutra, the author of the Kar i ka
composed the Kar i ka set t i ng f or t h the procedure i n order.
St i l l some people negl ect i ng t hi s Kar i ka, t hough of use to cany
one t hr ough the rites, on account of the di ffi cul t y ari si ng f r om
his br evi t y, and regardi ng a Paddhati (manual) alone to be
useful i n t hi s respect, per f or m the rites for themselves and
cause others t o per f or m t hem i n accordance wi t h i t . Therefore,
on account of t he i mpossi bi l i t y of r emovi ng doubts by a mere
Paddhat i as to what is first, and what last, whet her a t hi ng
exists or does not exist in the whol e body of the rites prescribed
i n the Gr hya Sutra, some one, t hr ough the favour of the dei t y
presi di ng over the oeremonial, havi ng sat at the feet of a master,
the l i ke of whom is not to be f ound, of the name of Vuppadeva-
bhatta resi di ng i n the ci t y of Kal amba and bel ongi ng t o t he
Asvalftyana school of the It gveda, for recei vi ng i nst ruct i on i n
t he sense of t he Kar i ka, i s now expoundi ng the whol e Kar i ka
for r emovi ng doubts concerni ng the body of rites that are
performed, maki ng use of what was t aught t o h i m by t he
master."
1
Fr om t hi s i t appears that the Kar i ka was wr i t t en i n accordance
wi t h NilrSyana' s Vr t t i , the views of Jayanta and others bei ng
also represented. An d i n t he wor k the Bhagavadvrt t i krt and
Jayanta are frequent l y ment i oned.
2
Now, as regards the poi nt
i n quest i on, Nai dhruva-Narayana' s Vr t t i on Asv. Gr. I I I . 5. 9,
is : " It is we l l known to students that t hi s i t sel f (and no other)
is the Sutra and Gr hya of the Sakala t r adi t i onal t ext and the
Baskala t ext . For the Sakalas ' Samani va akut i h' is the verse,
because i t i s t he fi nal one of t hei r Samhi t a; whi l e for the
Baskalas ' Tacchamyorri vrnl mahe' is the one, being at the end of
t hei r Samhita. Thi s const ruct i on is proper. "
3
The Kar i ka based on t hi s Vr t t i i s t hat noticed by Professor
Weber i n the first Ber l i n Catalogue, and runs thus : "The
( Fr om No. 176 of A. 1881-82.)
2 See also Dr . Buhl er' s revi ew of my last Report , I nd. Ant . ,
Vol . X V I I I . , p. 188 A.
3 p. 168, Bibl. Ind. Ed.
VIEWS OP THE VRTTIKARA AND OTHERS 299
last obl at i on ( Ahut i ) t hr own i nt o the fire of the Sakalas is after
[ t he repet i t i on of ] the Rk ' Sam an I vah ' and the last obl at i on
of the Baskalas after [ t he repet i t i on of ] the Rk ' Taccharhyor, '
1
The comment ary on t hi s i s : " I n the province of the Rgveda
there arc five different Sakhas, Asvalayanl Sari i khyayanl , t he
Sakalas, Baskalas and Marul ukas. Of these, the last obl at i on of
the Sakalas is by repeating ' Samani va' and the last oblation of
the Baskalas is by repeating ' Taccharhyor.' Ever yt hi ng else
is the same. Thi s same Asvalayana Sutra is of use for the
performance of the rites to the followers of the Asvalayana
Sakha and to the Sakalas and Baskalas. "' Jayanta in the
Vi mal odayamal a thus speaks about the poi nt : " Since this
i t sel f (and no other) is the Sutra of Sakala and Baskala and this
the Gr nya of the t wo Samhitas, those who end t hei r Samhita
by the verse ' Samani va akut i h, ' t hr ow an' obl at i an i nt o the fire
after repeating t hi s verse and t hen offer to the Svistakpt, whi l e
those who read * Tacchamyoravrnimahe ' at the end of t hei r
t ext , t hr ow an obl at i on on repeating that verse and t hen offer
to the Svistakrt, and not on repeating ' Sannlni va akut i h. ' Thi s
sense is obtained f r om the wor d Eka whi ch occurs in bot h the
Sutras."
3
I t wi l l thus be seen that the source of the information used
by Professor Oldenberg is Naidhruva-Narayana's statement in
the Vr t t i , and though Jayanta's direct connection wi t h
Narayana's work is not mentioned, still the passage from his
work is so very much alike to that occurring in the Vr t t i , that
there is hardly any reasonable doubt that it is based on the
Vr t t i or both derived from a common source. If then the
Baskala SarhhitS ended wi t h 'Tacchamyor,'&c., while the Sakala
wi t h 'Samani va akutih,' the Sankhayana Sutra, which prescribes
'Tacchamyor,' etc., as the verse for the last oblation in the
Upakarana ceremony, must be a Sutra of the Baskala {Sakha ;
and as according to Saunaka the Samhita of this Sakha had
eight hymns more than that of the Sakalas, and the arrange-
ment of- some of the smaller books composing the first
Mandala was different, it follows that the statement of the
commentator on the Caranavyuha that Sankhayana's Samhita
differed from Asvalayana's, which is the same as that of the
Sakalas, only i n excluding VI I I . 58, cannot be true, and there
is no Samhita exactly corresponding to the Sarvanukrama,
which r.lso excludes this hymn, and though my Manuscript was
in the possession of a Brahman of the Sankhayana school, as
other works of that school were, still it should be considered
not as representing the Samhita of that school.
But it must not be forgotten that those same writers, who
give us the information which leads us to these conclusions,
tell us as a fact well-known to students of Asvalayana's Satra that,
that was the Sutra of the Bask alas as well as the Sakalas. The
same fact is stated by Gargya-Narayana in his comment on the
first Srauta Sutra of Asvalayana. The expression ' Idam eva' or
CONFLICTING STATEMENTS 301
' Et ad eva' used by t hem woul d show that t hi s i t sel f or t hi s alone
was, according to t he commentators, the Sutra of the Baskalas ;
and i f the Sankhayana Sutra was pecul i arl y t hei rs and t he
Ai val ayana of t he Sakalas, t hey were not aware of the fact.
Agai n, the t r adi t i onal number of Rks, 10,580, is not gi ven
by the exi st i ng Sakala Samhita, that ends wi t h ' Samanl va
akutih, ' &c. , and the real number falls short of this by 15.
Thi s confusion is, i t wi l l be seen, based on Narayana's
i nt erpret at i on of Asvalayana' s Sutras on the Upakarana, I I I .
5, 8 and 9, whi c h assigns defi ni t el y one of the verses to the one
school, and the other to the other, and wi l l disappear i f we
i nt er pr et the Sutras i n a manner whi ch, t hough i t may differ
f r om t hat of Narayana, i s s t i l l consistent wi t h the positive
i nf or mat i on gi ven t o us by hi m and the other authors. By the
use of the wor d Eka i n I I I . 5. 8, Narayana understands that
Asvalayana directs the use of the verse ' Samanl va akut i h' to the
exclusion of ' Tacchamyoravynlniahe ' prescribed in the next
Sutra ; and by the wor d Eka in t hi s last Sfitra, the use of this
last verse alone is meant to be prescribed to the exclusion of the
other. Thus the sense, he says, is, that or this is to be used
i.e., Vi kal pa or opt i on is here al l owed ; but it is a Vyavasthita
Vi kal pa, i.e., one course is to be fol l owed by one class of men
and the other by another.
Now Asvalayana' s usual way of expressing a Vi kal pa
i s by the use of the wor d ' Va' as i n I. 10. 9 ; I. 11. 13 ;
I . 14. 5 ; I . 15. 6 ; I . 19. 2 ; I . 20. 1, &c , &c , and we
find the wor d used even a l i t t l e before in the section under
consideration i n the Sutra I I I . 5. 3. Di fferent courses for t wo
classes of persons are prescribed by nami ng one of the classes
as in I. 7. 9, where the Jamadagnas are ment i oned, and 1.10. 19,
where we have the Pancavattis, or by using the wor d Eke, i . e.,
" some," as i n I. 4. 2 ; I. 13. 6, &c. So, t hen, i f he meant the
verse ment i oned i n I I I . 5. 8, for the Sakalas, and that i n I I I . 5.
9, for the Baskalas, we shoul d expect h i m to name the first
School i n the fi rst Sutra or the second i n the second. At any
rate, even i f t hi s mode of expression shoul d be considered
unnecessrry, t he wor d Va i s qui t e indispensable. An d Narayana
hi msel f is by no means certain about the expl anat i on he has
gi ven ; for he wi nds i t up wi t h the words i t y e v a m niveso
yuktal?, ' whi c h means " t hi s const ruct i on is reasonable," or,
according to t he sense of the wor d Nivesa as used by the
grammarians, it means " Asvalayana shoul d pr oper l y have put
i n words t o that effect." Agai n, the wor d i s i nt erpret ed here by
Narayana i n qui t e a di fferent sense f r om t hat i n whi c h he
i nt erpret s i t i n I I I . 5. 6.
The t rue expl anat i on seems to me to be t hi s. Asvalayana
evi dent l y meant to prescribe the first and the last verse of each
Mandala. But since those for whom he wr ot e were supposed
t o know t he whol e Samhita by heart cont i nuousl y wi t hout
proper di vi si ons, or perhaps to possess a book in whi c h the
verses were wr i t t e n cont i nuousl y wi t hout a break, he prescribes
a pai r of verses in each case, t he first of whi oh is the last of t he
previ ous Mandala and the second the first of the next Mandala.
Thi s mode of statement can evi dent l y not bo used in prescri bi ng
t he first verse of t he first Mandala or the last verse of the last
Mandal a, and t hey must be prescribed si ngl y. But t o prevent
the possi bi l i t y of t he learner connect i ng the wor d Dvyr ca
" pai r of verses" wi t h t he first verse t hat has to be prescribed
si ngl y and of his repeating the second verse also of the first
Mandal a, t he wor d Eka i s used i n t he Sutra I I I . 5. 6, Agni mi de
pur ohi t ami t yeka. But there i s no such necessity i n t he Satra
whi c h prescribes the last verse of the t ent h Marulala ; for even
i f the wor d " pa i r " were br ought over t o i t , i t coul d have no
si gni fi cat i on, as not hi ng fol l ows the last verse. I f , not wi t h-
standing t hi s, t he wor d Eka i s used i n that Sutra also, i t fol l ows
that there were some verses in the Samhita whi c h came after
CORRECT INTERPRETATION OF ASVALAYANA 303
the last verse of the t ent h Mandala ' Samani va akut i h An d
Asvalayana proscribes the last of these verses also in I I I . 5. 9 ;
but there too the wor d Eka is used. What could be the purpose
of the wor d here ?
We can understand the purpose onl y if we suppose
t hat the verses whi c h f ol l owed * Samani va akut i h '
constituted such a h y mn as the Samjnana hymn wi t h fifteen
Rks as given by the commentator on the Caranavyuha, the
fifth of whi ch was ' Tacchaniyor, ' etc., and the fifteenth or the
last also the same. If the wor d eka had not been used in the
Sutra whi ch prescribes ' Tacchaniyor, ' etc., the learner by
connecting the wor d " pair " wi t h it mi ght have used the first
* Tacchaniyor, ' etc., i.e., the fifth verse of the hymn and along
wi t h i t the si xt h also Nai rhast yai h, etc. But Eka prevents the
use of t hi s ; and the result is that the last verse of the hymn is
prescribed.
But now the question arises, i f another hymn fol l owed
Samitn! va akut i h, ' wh y does Asvalayana not prescribe
its last verse onl y Tacchaniyor, etc., as is done by Sai'ikhayana,
and wh y does he prescribe Sanulnl va akut i h, also ? The reason
must , I t hi nk, be sought for in some such fact as this, that in
his t i me there was no general agreement that the Rk Samhita
ended wi t h Samani va akut i h, but that some i ncl uded the
Samjnana h y mn also in i t . To meet bot h these views he
prescribes bot h the verses. So that there is no Vi kal pa or
opt i on here to be construed as resul t i ng in the prescri bi ng of
t wo different Kks for t wo different schools; but 21 Rks
are prescribed and 21 Ahut i s or oblations for the followers
of the Rk Samhita. An d since the authors of the commentaries
on bot h the Srauta and Gr hya Sutras, as wel l as Jayanta,
i nf or m us of the t r adi t i on that Asvalayana' s Sutra was i nt ended
for the Sakalas as wel l as t he Baskalas, the 21 Rks and
Ahut i s must be understood as l ai d down for both.
If then Narayana's interpretation that Asvalayana lays down
two courses for the two schools is to be rejected and we must
suppose that Asvalayana prescribes 'Tacchamyor' &c, because the
Samjnana hymn formed a part of his Samhita, though not
acknowledged as such by all, the reason why Sankhayana
prescribes Tacchamyor etc. only, must be, not that his Sutra
is peculiarly the Sutra of the Baskala school, for that fact is
implicitly denied by our scholiasts; but because he acknowledged
the Saihjnana hymn as decidedly the last hymn of the Samhita,
and probably the view of its being apocryphal was not started
in his time, or he neglected it. Thus like Asvalayana's Sutra,
Sankhayana's also was intended for both the Sakalas and the
Bagkalas ; that is, the first two are Sutra Sakhas only, and do
not represent any difference in the Samhita.
That the Asvalayana School is a Sutra Sakha only and is not
tied down to a particular Samhita is, in addition to the
statement of the scholiasts, also pointed to by the present practice
of Brahmans of that school, who at the end of their Samdhya
adorations have to speak of themselves individually as
Pgvedantargata Asvala yana-Sakala-sakhadhyayin. The name
Sakala is added to show the Samhita, as the name Asvalayana in
itself is not sufficient to show it.
But the view that the Samjfiana hymn was apocryphal, which
is only indicated by Asvalayana, gradually gained strength,
especially in the Sakala school, through the influence of the
Anukramanl which rejects i t , and it was thrown out of the
Samhita; but probably the Baskalas did not keep pace wi t h the
Sakalas in this respect, and hence the statement of Narayana
and others that the Samhita of the former had 'Tacchamyor,'
etc., for its ending verse. But though the Sakalas rejected
i t , the verse 'Tacchamyor,' etc., is at the present day repeated
every day by the followers of the school in winding up
the Samdhyavandana and the Brahmayajiia. It is repeated
POINT OF DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE TWO SAKHAS 305
before the verse ' Namo Brahmane.' The last is prescribed
by Asvalayana i n I I I . 3. 4, and bot h i n the Grhyaparisista ( Bi bl .
I n d . Ed. , p. 270, 1, 8).
The Baskala Samhita seems not to be extant now.
For the author of the comment ary on the Caranavyuha,
after gi vi ng its peculiarities on the aut hor i t y of a Vr t t i
on the Anukr amanl , says, Evamadhyanabhavacchakhabhavak ;
*' the Sakha does not exist because such a t ext is not st udi ed. "
The onl y Samhita, therefore, t o whi ch bot h Asvalayana and
Sankhayana now refer is t hat of the Sakala school. Hence t hi s
statement of the commentator on the Caranavyuha that the onl y
difference between t hem is the exclusion or i ncl usi on of Rgveda,
V I I I . 58, and herei n i s the explanation of the fact that our
No. 39 belonged to a Sankhayana Brahman.
The Samjnana h y mn of fifteen verses havi ng thus very l i ke l y
formed or i gi nal l y a part of the Sakala Samhita, one can under-
stand wh y it is necessary to add t he number of verses contained
i n i t t o make up the t radi t i onal number of 10,580. It may
here be remarked that the Sutras of Asvalayana and Sankhayana
about the Upakarana oblations that we have been discussing, are
adduced by t he commentator on the Caranavyuha as authorities
for i ncl udi ng that h y mn i n the text. One can understand how,
in his eye, the Sutra of the latter is an aut hor i t y, bel i evi ng as he
di d t hat the Samhita of Sankhayana was the same as t hat of the
Sakala school. But he has not expl ai ned the significance of
Asvalayana' s gi vi ng the last verse of X. 191, and also of the
Samjnana h y mn . He, of course, does not adopt Narayana' s
i nt erpret at i on. Accor di ng to the commentator the Samhita of
al l the Rgveda schools is t he same, whi ch, of course, is t rue, as
we have seen i n the case of the four that are extant. The fifth
Manduki has not yet been traced.
There are t wo copies recent l y transcribed of the Caranavyuha-
bhaaya in t he Deccan College Collections, No. 19 of 1871-72 and
89 [R G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol . I I ]
No. 5 of 1873-74. Neither of them contains the name of the
author. But the work has been lithographed at Benares and
also printed in the Benares Sanskrit Series as an appendix of
the edition of the Pratisakhya of the White Yajurveda. In both,
the name of the commentator is given as Mahldasa, who wrote
the work in the year (expired) Tridasangadharamite, which, in
the edition in the Benares Sanskrit Series, is given as equivalent
to 1613, but which really means 1633, tridasa meaning 33, the
traditional number of the gods. This Mahidasa or Mahldasa is
probably the same as the author of the commentary on the
Lllavatl written in 1644 Saihvat and noticed in my Report for
1883-84 under No. 205 (pp. 82 and 368).
1
APASTAMBADHVANITARTHAKAR1KAS
No. 83 is a transcript of Trikandamandana's Apastambadhvani-
tarthakSrikas. In my last Report I gave the results' of the examin-
ation of the fourth part of the work. The following is a list of
the authors and works quoted in the first three parts :
I.Adhikara Kanda
Atharvana Sutra 15 b 1.
Apastamba 4 b 9.
Katha 17 a 12.
Karka 24 b 1; 25 a 6.
Katiya 22 b 9.
Kesavasiddhanta 19 b 5.
Kesavasvamin 21 a 11.
Jaimini 23 a 2.
Devala 21 b 12.
Baudhayanamata 5 a 7 ; 24 b 5.
Bharadvaja 6 a 11.
Bharadvajasutrabhasyakrt 4b 10.
Bharadvajlya 24 a 10.
Bharadvajlyabhasya 23 a 14.
Mantrabrahmanabhasyakrt
25 a 6.
Laugaksi 24 a 12.
Laugaksikarika 17 a 8.
Vamana 21 b 3.
Vartikadarsana 15 a 3.
Salikanatha 14 b 13.
Sabdanusarin 18 b 3.
1 Ante, p. 207. [N. B. U.]
2 Ante, pp. 101 ff. [N. B. U.]
X P A S T A MB A D H A V A N I T X R T H A K I R I K X S 307
Apastamba 5 a 7.
Asvalayana 3 ft 12; 10 b 11.
Kat ha 6 a 5 ; 9 a 6 : 9 b 1; 10a6, 9.
Kathasakhinak 5 a 5.
Kat hasrut i 5 a 7, 8, 11.
Kathasaya 7 a 12.
Kat i yasut ra 4 a 14.
Kat yayanasayal ft 9; Katyayana
6 b 14.
Kalpabhasya 9 b 11.
Kesavasiddhanta 7 a 3.
Chandoga 2 a 5.
Kausi t aki bhi h 2 a 4.
I I . Pr a t i ni dhi Kanda
Chandogagrhya 2 b 1 1 ; 3 a 6.
Damodara 3 a 4.
Bahvrc 2 a 5.
Baudhayana 1 b 14; 2 b 14; 3 a 7
8 ; 4 b 10 ; 6 a 14.
BharadvajaBharadvaja 3 a 7,
1 3 ; 4 a 5 ; 4 b 1, 4; 6 b 6 ; 7 a 13.
Bharadvajryabhasya 8 a 12.
Madhyamdi nasrut i 3 a 3.
Vaj i nam 7 a 14.
Vi dhi rat namat a 4 b 11.
Samagah 5 b 5.
III. Punaradhana Kanda
At harvana 5 b 6.
Kar ka 7 b 8; 8 a 6.
Karmadl pa 28 a 13, b 5.
Katyayana 24 b 2, 6.
Kausi t aki srut i 14 a 8.
Chandogaparisista 16 a 1; 21
a 6.
Bahvrc 4 b 9, 11; 32 b 3.
Baudhayana 4 b 6; 19 b 1.
Baudhayaniyaka 32 a 12; 35 ft 1.
The Vamana in the l i st of the first part is spoken of as havi ng
gi ven a certain opi ni on on a sacrificial poi nt in comment i ng on the
Purusarthadhikarana ( Br ahmasut r aJI I . 4.1.) He thus appears to be
an ol d wr i t er on the Vedanta.
Devala, Damodara, Laugaksi kari ka, Karmadl pa and
Bhavabhasya, ment i oned i n the fi rst three Kansas
do not occur i n the f our t h, a l i st of the names mentioned i n
Bhavanaga 32 b 3.
Bhavabhasya 19 b 8.
Bharadvaja 17 a 3; 28 b 5.
Madhyamdi nasrut i 4 a 5, 11.
Yajnaparsva 30 b 7.
Laugaksi 13 b 8; 25a 7, 13.
Vaj i nah 4 b 10.
Satyasadhadi 4 a 11.
Satrakara 3 a 13.
which is given in my Report for 1883-84
1
"Jaimini" given
in that Report under the head of " other authors " must be
considered to be the author of a Kalpa Sutra.
Professor Hillebrandt states in the preface to his edition of the
Sankhayana Sutra that Trikanglamandana ignores wholly the
Sutra of Sankhayana and adduces the authority of my last Report.
In the first group of names at page 28 of the Report,' I have put
down Sankhayana occurring twice in the fourth part of
Trikannamandana's work as the name of a Vedic Sakha or school
to be on the safe side. But it is quite possible, or even probable
that in the two passages, the author means to speak of the author of
the Sutra; for Sankhayanasaya, or the opinion of Sankhayana, is
what is spoken of. Still, from the fact that the name does not
occur in the first three parts of Trikandamandana's work, and
occurs only twice in the fourth, it would appear that the Sutra
was rarely studied as is stated by the Professor.
DIGAMBARA JAI NA LITERATURE
DHARMAPARIKSA OF AMITAGATI
In the Collection of Manuscripts of the Digambara sect of
Jainas, we have a copy of a work of Amitagati not known before,
the Dharmaparlksa, as well as one of his Subhasitaratnasariidoha.
The date of this last is known to be 1050 of the Vikrama era,
while that of the new work is given at the end to be 1070,
corresponding to 1014 A. D.
In this work, Amitagati represents a demi-god (Vidyadhara)
of the name of Manovega, son of a prince of demi-gods
of the name of Ajatasatru, to be a devout follower of
the Jaina faith. He had a friend of the name of Pavanavega,
who, however, was not a Jaina. Manovega ardently desired
1 Ante, pp. 101 ff. [N.B.U.]
2 Ante, p. 101. [N.B.U.]
JAIN WORKS : DHARMAPARlKSl 309
t hat his f r i end shoul d be of the same f ai t h wi t h hi msel f;
and whi l e movi ng i n his aerial car and t hi nki ng i n what way he
shoul d be converted, his car st umbl ed when he reached Uj j a yi ni .
Then get t i ng down near the great garden of the ci t y, he f ound
a famous Jaina saint of the name of Ji namat i discoursing on
r el i gi on. At the end of the discourse, whi c h i s gi ven at some
l engt h, the Vi dyadhara asked the saint whether his f r i end woul d
ever become a believer, and was t ol d that he woul d, if Manovega
went t o Puspapura wi t h h i m, showed h i m the contradictions
and discrepancies in the doctrines of other sects by conversing
wi t h t he fol l owers of these, and i nst ruct ed hi m by arguments
and i l l ust rat i ons.
Manovega accordi ngl y went wi t h his fri end t o Puspapura.
The met hod he fol l ows is, on each occasion, to assume a
different f or m, to go to the place in that f or m, beat a dr um,
and sit on what is called the ' gol den' seat. People of al l
sorts gather r ound h i m, he shows t hem something whi c h is out
of the or di nar y course of t hi ngs, or tells a story wi t h many
inconsistencies and i mprobabi l i t i es, and when t hey raise questions
he asks t hem whet her, i n t hei r own religious works and beliefs,
there are not t hi ngs equal l y out of the way and equally i ncon-
sistent and improbable. Af t er t hey admi t that there are, he
t ur ns to his f r i end and calls his at t ent i on to these faults in the
ordi nary rel i gi ous works of the Brahmans, and thus endeavours
gradual l y t o convert h i m t o his f ai t h.
Thus, at t he fi rst vi si t t o Puspapura, the t wo friends
appear as young men adorned wi t h golden ornaments and
gems, and s t i l l bearing heaps of hay and faggots of
firewood to sell. The people asked t hem the reason of
t hi s i ncongr ui t y, whereupon Manovega, after t el l i ng t hem a
good many stories of unt hi nki ng persons who do not consider
a t hi ng pr oper l y or i mpar t i al l y, to i nduce t hem to give a cal m
consideration to his observations, asks t hem in ret urn how it was
that the Great Visnuthe Creator, Protector, and Destroyer
of the world, by whose mercy men attain to eternal bliss, and
who pervades everything, and is eternal and pure,became a
cowherd in Nanda's Gokula, and looked after the cows and
played wi t h the cowherds; how it was that he went to Duryo-
dhana as a messenger at the bidding of the son of Pandu like an
ordinary foot-soldier; how it was that on the battlefield he
became Partha's charioteer and drove his chariot; how it was
that he became a dwarf and, like a beggar, begged of Bali in
humiliating terms a piece of land; and how it was that the Al l -
knowing, the All-pervading, the Unchangeable Protector of the
world, was oppressed in every way by the fire of separation
from Slta like a mortal lover. " I f Visnu does things like this,
no mortal can be blamed for doing them; if a mother-in-law is
ill-conducted, the daughter-in-law cannot be reproached for
acting likewise. When the whole world is in the inside of him,
how can Slta be taken away from him ? Nothing existing in
space can be taken out of space. If the god is all-pervading,
how can he be separated from his beloved ? If he is eternal,
how can he be afflicted with separation ? How can the Lord
of the world do the behests of others ? Kings do not do the
work of their servants. How can the All-knowing ask others
(what he does n t know); how can the Ruler (of all) beg; how
can the Wakeful sleep, or the Unsensual be a lover ? How can
He, like an ordinary miserable being, become a fish, a tortoise,
a boar, a man-lion, a dwarf and three Ramas successively ? "
l
After having argued thus wi t h the Brahmans, he went to the
garden and spoke to his friend in the same strain : "Friend,
I wi l l tell you another thing. There are six periods mentioned
in the Bharata in order, having each its peouliaritv like the
THE TEN I NCARNATI ONS OF VI SNU 311
seasons. In the f our t h peri od there were si xt y-t hree emi nent men:
the t wel ve Supreme Sovereigns, the t went y- f our Arhant as
(Jinas), and ni ne Ramas, ni ne Kesavas, and the ni ne enemies of
these ni ne. Al l of t hem have passed away ; there is no substance
exi st i ng that is not destroyed by death (t i me). The last of the
Vi snus (Kesavas) was the son of Vasudeva ; and his Brahman
devotees call h i m the Pure, the Supreme Being. (They say)
' He who meditates on the god Vi snu, who is al l -pervadi ng, a
whol e wi t hout parts, i ndest ruct i bl e and unchangeable, and who
frees a man f r om ol d age and death, is free f r om mi sery. ' l i e
is t r adi t i onal l y known to have t en (forms) : A fish, a tortoise,
a boar, a man- l i on, Vamana, Kama, Kama, and Rama, Buddha,
and Kal ki n.
1
Havi ng spoken of h i m as a whol e wi t hout parts,
t hey represent h i m to have ten different forms t hough there is
inconsistency."
I t wi l l be seen that the idea of the ten incarnations of Vi snu
had become qui t e an article of or di nar y belief by the year 1070
of the Vi kr ama era or 1014 A. D. , and Buddha had been received
i nt o the popular Brahmani c pantheon. In the fi rst of the t wo
verses quoted in the notes, the t wo last incarnations have been
omi t t ed, probabl y because the object was to represent the bi r t h
of Vi snu in previous ages of the wor l d ; whi l e the ni nt h belongs
to the present and the t ent h to a fut ure age.
On another occasion Manovega transforms hi msel f i nt o a
Pul i nda and his f r i end i nt o a cat wi t hout ears, and offers the cat
for sale, saying that the smel l of the cat drove mice away for t en
or t wel ve Yojanas on al l sides. In the story ho t ol d of the cat
There is a marginal note on in which the word is explained as meaning
or "boar." The three Ramas are, of course, Parasurama, Kama the son of
Dasaratha, and Balarama or Krsna.
t he Brahmans disoovered an i ncongr ui t y ; and Manovega, on his
part, tells the f ol l owi ng story as occurri ng in one of the Puranas
of the Brahmans cont ai ni ng l i ke incongruities.
There was a recluse of the name of Mandapa Kausika. On one
occasion he sat down to di nner along wi t h other recluses. Seeing
h i m si t t i ng i n t hei r company, the recluses rose up, afraid t o t ouch
h i m as if he were a Candala. Mandapa Kausika asked t hem
wh y t hey rose up, as t hey should at the sight of a dog. They
t ol d h i m that he had become a recluse i mmedi at el y after he had
been a Brahmacarin, and wi t hout going t hr ough the i nt erme-
diate order by mar r yi ng a wi f e and seeing the face of a son. A
man wi t hout a son does not go to Heaven ; nor are religious
mortifications successful i f gone t hr ough by one i n that condi t i on.
He t hen went away and asked men of his caste to give h i m a
gi r l i n marriage, but as he had become an ol d man, nobody woul d
give his daughter to hi m. Thereupon he went back to the
recluses and t ol d t hem of this, when t hey advised h i m t o mar r y
a wi dow and assume the l i f e of a householder. By doi ng so no
si n was i ncur r ed by either part y, as stated in the scriptures of
the recluses (TapasSgame). For, t hey said :
" In these fi ve distressful condi t i ons, vi z. , when the husband
has renounced the wor l d, is an eunuch, is not f ound, has fal l en
away f r om caste, or is dead, another husband is al l owed to
women. "
The t ext on t hi s subject occurri ng i n the Smrt i s of Parasara
and Nsrada, and also in t hat of Manu, according to a statement
of Madhava contained i n his comment ary on Parasara, t hough
not f ound t here now, is :
MANDAPA KAUSIKA AND WIDOW REMARRIAGE 313
The difference between t he t wo texts is l i t t l e ; the words are
mer el y transposed i n the fi rst l i ne, and we have for
Thi s transposition, however, allows of the proper locative
of being used wi t hout the vi ol at i on of the met re.
In connection wi t h another story of a re-marriage, the Brahmans
of Kusumapura are represented to have said to Manovega,
who had on that occasion appeared there in the f or m of an ascetic,
"Even i f a woman i s mar r i ed once, when t hr ough i l l - l uck the
husband dies, it is fit that she should go t hr ough the ceremony
[ of marri age] again, provi ded there has been no cohabitation.
When the husband has gone away f r om home, a good wi f e
shoul d wai t for eight years if she has already borne a chi l d, and
for four i f she has not. If husbands i n fi ve such condi t i ons are
t aken when there is reason, the women do not i ncur si n. Thi s is
what Vyasa and others say."
1
Fr om al l t hi s, i t fol l ows that wi dow-marri age was not a t hi ng
unheard of i n 1014 A. D. , and that the pr i nci pal Smr t i texts were
ver y wel l - known at the t i me and quoted i n support of i t .
The story goes on. Mandapa Kausika marri ed a wi dow as
directed by the recluses ; and t hey l i ved together as husband
and wi f e. A g i r l was bor n to t hem, and she grew to be a
woman of uncommon beauty. Her name was Chaya. Subse-
quent l y, Manclapa Kausi ka conceived the idea of goi ng wi t h his
]
The numeral 'five' here must refer to the five cases mentioned in the text given
above.
wife on a pilgrimage to holy places ; but as ChayS, on account
of her tender age, could not be taken along wi t h them, he was
for a long time considering who would be the proper person to
whose care he should commit her. Brahman, Visnu, and
Siva would not do, on account of their various misdeeds in
matters of women, which are here narrated in detail and wi t h
zest; and the only person fit to take care of the gi rl was Yama,
the God of Death. The father committed the gi rl to his care
and went away wi t h his wife. Yama, however, enamoured of
her beauty, used her as his wife ; but, in order that she might
not be seen and taken away from him, he concealed her in his
stomaoh.
After some time, Vayu, the God of Wi nd, remarked to
his friend Agni, the God of Fire, that Yama was the happiest
of the gods, living as he did in the company of a woman of
incomparable beauty. Agni askedhow he could have access to
her ; but Vayu replied that Yama concealed her in his stomach
and it was not possible even to see her. Still, he said, when
Yama went to perform ablutions and the sin-wiping ceremony
(Aghamarsana) he disgorged her, and then only she was to be
found alone. Agni took advantage of that opportunity and
appeared before her on one occasion. He could wi n her easily
and spent some time in amorous intercourse wi t h her. When
it was time for Yama to come back, Chaya told Agni to dis-
appear, as he would destroy both of them if seen together. But
Agni refused to go, whereupon she swallowed him and kept
hi m concealed in her stomach.
Agni having thus disappeared from the world, the usual
course of sacrifices and of cooking was interrupted, and
gods and men were greatly troubled. Thereupon Indra told
Vayu to find out Agni. Vayu searched for him everywhere,
but did not find him. He informed Indra of this, but said
that there was one place which he had not searched and
A J AI N STORY OF AGNI 315
where he was l i ke l y to be found. Thereupon he i nvi t ed al l
the gods to a feast. He gave one seat and one offering
to each of the gods, but provi ded Yama wi t h three.
Yama asked wh y he gave h i m three. If he was t hi nki ng
of his beloved who was concealed wi t hi n hi m, he shoul d
give t wo ; but wh y three ? Vayu promised to expl ai n the
reason, and t ol d h i m to disgorge Chaya. Thi s Yama
di d ; and when Chaya appeared, Vayu t ol d her to disgorge
Agni . 8he di d let out Agni accordingly and everybody was
surprised.
Here we have one of the many stories about the disappearance
of Agni .
In this way the Vi dyadhara goes on t ransformi ng hi msel f i nt o
a different person on each occasion, discoursing wi t h theBrahmans
and afterwards poi nt i ng out the absurdities of the Brahmanic
sacred books to his fri end. The f ol l owi ng are some of the
observations he addresses to the latter. " Al l people di vi de
pr oper t y between themselves everywhere ; but the di vi si on of a
woman [among several men] is censured even by the censurable.
1
The Vyasa who was the son of Yojanagandha was a different
man f r om h i m who was the son of Satyavati, a happy princess.
Parasara the ki ng was a different man f r om Parasara the
ascetic ; people confound t hem, being deluded by the i dent i t y
of name. Duryodhana and others were the sons of Gandharl,
and Dhrtarastra ; the l i ve Pandavas are wel l - known in the wor l d
as the sons of Ku n t I and Madr l . A l l the sons of Gandharl ,
together wi t h Karna, al l i ed themselves wi t h Jarasamdha and the
Pandavas wi t h Kesava. The power f ul Vasudeva, havi ng ki l l ed
Jarasaiiidha in battle, became- the [ one] l or d of the earth on the
whol e surface of the earth. The sons of Ku n t I havi ng practised
religious austerities went to the place of Siva or a hol y place ;
1 This is an allusion to Draupadfa becoming the wife of the five Pandavas.
the t wo sons of Madr l being desirous of salvation attained to
accomplishment in al l respects. Duryodhana and the rest
having resorted to the teaching of the Ji na reached the abode of
the gods in accordance wi t h t hei r respective deeds. Thi s is ol d
hi st ory, but it is t ol d in a different manner by Vyasa ; how can
men whose mi nds are warped by a false f ai t h speak the t r ut h ?"
Agai n, Manovega said to his f r i end, " You have heard the
fet st ra of our opponents whi ch i s f u l l of incredible things. He
who fol l ows t hei r precepts or the directions l ai d down by t hem
does not obtain the desired f r ui t . Does anybody ever obtain
oi l by wr i ngi ng sand ? I t is not possible for monkeys to k i l l
Raksasas ; what a difference between gods possessed of the
eight great vi rt ues and uni nt el l i gent brute creatures ! How can
huge mountains be l i f t ed up by monkeys, and how can t hey
stand (float) on the sea the waters of whi ch are deep ? If Havana
became incapable of being ki l l e d by the gods t hr ough a boon
[ of Si va] , how coul d a god becoming a man k i l l h i m ? It wi l l
not do even to say that gods became monkeys and ki l l e d the
Raksasas ; you do not get what you want even thus. How can
the Al l - knowi ng Samkara grant such a boona boon whi ch
was the source of irremediable har m to the wor l d, even
to the gods ? When one t hi nks oyer the Puranas of the opponents,
one fi nds no wor t h i n t hem ; can anybody fi nd but t er by chur n-
i ng water? These [bei ngs] Sugri vaand others were not monkeys;
and Havana and others were not Raksasas, 0 fri end, such as
people imagine. A l l those were men, pure, righteous, and
spi ri t ed, f ol l owi ng the r el i gi on of Ji na. They were called
monkeys because t hei r banner had a monkey on i t , and the
Raksasas, who were acquainted wi t h a great many power f ul arts,
were so because t hey had a Raksasa on their banner. One who
desires salvation should have his eyes clear and believe these
beings to be as t hey were described by Gautama, the l or d of the
Jinas, to Sreni ka. "
JAIN VERSIONS OP BRAHMANIC LEGENDS 317
Agai n ; " Thus were great and righteous men of ol den times
described di fferent l y f r om what t hey were by VySsa and others,
whose mi nds were darkened by a false fai t h and who were not
afrai d of being preci pi t at ed i nt o the great Hol l ow. The del uded
Vyasa spoke a falsehood when ho said that Duryodhana, the bee
on the lotuses in the shape of the feet of the Jina, who was in
his last bodi l y f or m, di ed, being ki l l ed by Bhl ma. Kumbhakarna,
In d raj it and others whose hearts were anxious to embrace the
l ady Mu k t i or Salvation, had the nature of a Raksasa at t ri but ed
to t hem, whi ch is si nf ul , i nvol vi ng, as it does, the abominable
practice of the eating of flesh and even of men. Va l ml ki spoke
falsely when he said that the great-souled Va l i , who was the
bri degroom of the bri de in the shape of Perfection, and the
fetters of whose deeds were broken, was struck by Rama and
ki l l e d. "
A good deal of t hi s is wr i t t en in tho manner of a sectarian, but
it docs appear that the stories of the Mahabharata and Ramayana
are di fferent l y t ol d by the Jainas, and poi nt perhaps to different
authentic rescensions.
In the event, Pavanavega's mi nd i s t ur ned away f r om the
popular rel i gi on, whereupon Manovega takes hi m again to
Ji namat i , the saint of Uj j a yi ni , who instructs hi m i n the Jaina
fai t h.
Ami t agat i ' s spi ri t ual genealogy is as follows : 1 Vlrasena the
best of the Mathuras (monks of Mat hura), 2 Devasvamin,
3 Ami t agat i , 4 Nemisena, 5 Madhavasena, 6 Ami t agat i , the
author.
AN ANTHOLOGY BY DHANAMJAYA
Nos. 1145 and 1146 are t wo copies of a thesaurus by a
Digambara Jaina of the name of Dhanaihjaya. At the end of the
first Pariccheda or part occurs a stanza in whi ch Dhanaihjaya is
called a Kavi or poet. In the next i t i s said, "The argumentation
of Akal anka, grammat i cal rules of Pujyapada, and the poem of
the poet of the Dvijisamdhanathis is a t r i ad of jewels. "
" Dvifrsarhdhana " is t wo- f ol d i nt erpret at i on ; and a poem each
verse of whi c h i s wr i t t en wi t h the i nt ent i on of br i ngi ng out t wo
senses is a Dvihsamdhana Kavya. It appears, therefore, f r om
these t wo Slokas that Dhanamjaya, the author of the thesaurus,
is the author of Dvi hsamdhana Kavya also. No. 1142 is a copy
of t hi s Kavya, and No. 1143 of a comment ary on it by
Nemi candra. Here also the author is named Dhanamjaya.
Vardhamana i n his Ganaratnamahodadhi quotes Dhanamjaya.
I find the Slokas in the copy of the Dvihasamdhana before me.
That i n p. 97 of Eggeling' s Edi t i on i s the 51st stanza of Canto I X ,
t hat i n p. 409, i s t he 22nd of Canto X V I I I , and t hat i n p. 435, i s
the 6t h of Canto I V.
The proper t i t l e of the poem is Raghavapandaviya and each
verse has t wo senses, one applicable to the Mahabharata story
and the other to the Ramayana story. As the Jainas copy the
Brahmans in t hei r profane l i t erat ure, and as we have a
Meghaduta of the Digambara Jainas, and also one of the
Svetambaras, it is not unreasonable to suppose that Dhanamjaya
borrowed the idea of a Raghavapandaviya f r om the Brahmani c
poem of that name by Kavi raj a.
Kavi raj a must have flourished about or after the t i me of
Munj a of Dhara, since he compares his pat ron Kamadeva
of Jayant l pur i wi t h Munj a. Munj a was put t o death i n
about 996 A. D. by Tailapa.
1
Vardhamana composed his
Ganaratnamahodadhi i n the year 1197 Vi kr ama or 1141 A. D.
Bot h Kavi raj a and Dhanamjaya, therefore, must have l i ved i n
the i nt er val between those t wo dates, the latter bei ng considerably
younger t han t he former, i f the supposition of i mi t at i on i s correct.
Accor di ng t o Mr . K. B. Pathak, the Kanarese poet
Abhi nava-Pampa speaks of one Sr ut akl r t i t r ai vi dya as the author
of a Raghavapandaviya. A wr i t er of the name of Meghacandra
1 See my Reporb for 1882-83, p. 45. [ =Ante, p. 51. N. B. U.]
DHANAMJAYA'S RAGHAVAPlNDAVlYA 319
appears f r om a certain statement of his to be a cont emporary
of t hi s Pampa, and Meghacandra' s son wrot e a wor k in 1076
Saka or 1154 A. D.
1
There is not hi ng to show defi ni t el y that
Sr ut aki r t i was the same as Dhanamjaya and his Raghava-
pandavlya the same as Dhanaihjaya' s. Hut the dato of the son of
a contemporary of Pampa does harmonize wi t h the dates ar r i ved
at before, and is not against the supposition of the i dent i t y of
the t wo i ndi vi dual s and the t wo poems.
NOTI CES OF SOME MANUSCRI PTS BELONGI NG
TO THI S COLLECTI ON
[ Or i gi nal l y i ncl uded i n the Report on search for Sanskrit
Manuscri pt s for 1887-91, pages L V L X X X V I T I ]
PR A YOG A PARI J AT A BY NRSIMHA
No. 294 is Prayogaparijata Pakayajnakanda.
The f ol l owi ng are the auth6rs and works quoted i n t hi s
Manuscr i pt :
Agni purana. Devala.
At r i . Devrpurana.
Amarakosa. Narada.
Adi pur ana. Naradi yapurana.
Apastamba. Padmapurana.
A svalayanacary a. Pulastya.
Usanas. Pracetas.
Rgvidhana.
Brhaspati.
Kal ani rnaya.
Brahmapurana.
Kurmapurana.
Brahmavaivarta.
Garudapurana.
Brahmandapurana.
Gobhi l a.
Bhagavadglta.
Candri ka.
Bharadvaja.
Chandogaparisista*
Bhavisyapurana.
Jat ukarnya. Bhr gu.
1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIV, p. 14.
Matsyapurana. Visnupurana.
Marlci. Vyasa.
Markandeya. Sankha.
Markandeyapurana. Sambhu.
Yama. Satatapa.
Yajnavalkya. Salankayana.
Laugaksi. Saunaka.
Varahapurana. Sattrimsanmata
Vasistha. Sumanta.
Vayupurana. Saurapurana.
Vrddhamanu. Skandapurana.
Viddhavasistha. Smi'tibhaskara.
Visvamitra. Smrtyarthasara.
Visnu. Harita.
Visnudharmottara. Hemadri.
Prayogaparijata is quoted in the Prayogaratna by Narayana-
bhatta whose latest known date is 1568 A.D., and it quotes
Hemadri whose latest date is 1272 A.D. No closer approxi-
mation to the date of Nrsimha, the author, can be made. In
a passage on fol. 73 he states that he wi l l give the names of the
articles not to be used in certain rites in the Karnataka
language, wherefore he appears to have been a Kanarese Pandit.
GITAGOVINDA WITH A COMMENTARY
No. 346 is Gitagovinda wi t h a commentary entitled Rasikapriya.
The 1st leaf is wanting and the opening words of the 3rd verse.
This is a commentary on Jayadeva's Glta-Govinda by
Kumbhakarna, who, as stated in the introduction, was a prince
belonging to the dynasty that ruled over Medapata or Mewar
in Rajputana. The progenitor of the race was Bappa and the
first prince of note was Guhila, after whom the dynasty was
called by the name of Gehlote. In the course of time a famous
prince of the name of Hammlra belonging to the family ruled
KUMBHAKARNA'S COMMENTARY ON GlTA-GOVINDA 321
over Mewar. He was succeeded by his son Ksetrasirhha and this
latter by Laksa. Af t er Laksa his son Mokal a came to the
t hrone, and Mokal a was fol l owed by Kumbhakarna.
These names are also gi ven by Tod in his Annal s of Rajasthana
and in this order. The dates of accession of the princes are
according to h i m the f ol l owi ng :
Hamml r a, 1301 A.D.
Khai t asi mha (Ksetrasimha), 1365 A. D.
Laksa, 1373 A. D.
Mokal a, 1398 A. D.
Kumbho (Kumbhakarna), 1419 A. D , and reigned
to 1469 A.D.
Thi s ki ng is noticed in my Report for 1882-83 as the pat ron
of the architect, Mandana, t he author of the Rajavallabha-
mandana. Tod mentions Kumbho' s havi ng composed t hi s
comment ary or what he calls " Appendi x to the di vi ne melodies
i n praise of Crishna. "
In the comment ary the aut hor quotes Kar i ki l s f r om the
Kavyaprakasa and also some of the instances. The metre of the
first verse of the or i gi nal , whi ch is SardiilavikrTdita, is thus
defined :
and Vasantatilaka of the next is gi ven as
These are the definitions of the t wo metres gi ven in the
Vrt t arat nakara of Kedarabhatta, so that t hi s wor k is not later
t han the f i r st quarter of the f i f t eent h cent ury. I n comment i ng
on the 3r d verse, Kumbhakar na makes out the six f ol l owi ng
poets as ment i oned t herei n :
Umapatidhara, Govardhana,
Jayadeva, Srutadhara,
Sarana, Dhoyl (Kavi ksmapat i ),
41 [ I t . G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
* and reports the tradition that these six Pandits adorned the
court of Laksmanasena. A verse from Goi-Dhoikaviraja,
quoted by Jahlana wi l l be found i n the succeeding pages.
Kaviraja is a paraphrase of Kaviksmapati. Laksmanasena came
to the throne i n Bengal after 11G8 A.D., as wi l l be seen hereafter.
PORNABHADRA'S PANCOPAKHYANA
No. 371 is Pancopakhy ana.
This is an edition of the Pancatantra prepared under the
direction of a Mantrin or minister of the name of Soma and
completed on the 3rd Ti t hi of the dark half of Phalguna of the
year 1255 by a man of the name of Purnabhadra. The text of
the Pancatantra, he says, had beoome corrupt, and he corrected
every letter, word, sentence, story and verse. Accordingly we
find on comparing this edition wi t h the existing text as printod
in the Bombay Sanskrit Series that there are differences of
reading in almost every line. Some of the prose passages and
verses in the latter are omitted and sometimes there are others
in the place of those occurring there. Sometimes there are
verbose prose passages to which there is nothing corresponding
in the existing text. The work might be characterized as
Pancatantra re-written. Who the Soma-Mantrin mentioned by
the author was it is difficult to say. The date in all probability
refers to the era of Vikrama, wherefore it is equivalent to 1199 A.D.
PADYAVENI BY VENlDATTA
No. 375 is Padyaveni by Venldatta, son of Jagajjivana,
grandson of Nilakantha, and belonging to Yajiiika family.
Names of authors and works occurring at the end of the
verses quoted :
Akabbarlkalidasa. Amara.
Akalajalada. Amaracanda.
Anantabhrata, Asamitra.
AN ANTHOLOGY BY VENlDATTA 323
I ndr akavi .
Uddamakavi .
Kavi kankana.
Kavi raj a.
Kavi ndr a.
Kalidasa.
Kurmacal anrpat i .
Krsnadasa.
Krsnapandita.
Ker al i .
Kesari kavi .
Kgemendra.
Ganapati.
Gurjara.
Govardhana.
Govindabhatta.
Gaun.
Gauri pri ya.
Ghanasyama.
Candracuda.
Ci nt amani .
Ci nt amani di ksi t a.
Jagajjivana.
Jaga j j i vanavr j y a.
Jagannatha.
Jayadeva.
Tr i vi kr amabhat t a.
Dandi n.
Damodarabhatta.
Devasi ddhi vedi n.
Devesvara.
Dhur t a.
Nathopadhyaya.
Nl l akant ha.
Padmavatl.
Pingala.
Pr a bha ka r a bt t a .
Balakrsna.
Balajibhatta.
Bi ndukavi .
Bilhana.
Brahmendrasvami n.
Bhart rhari .
Bhavadeva.
Bhanukara.
Bhuvanananda.
Bhupatimisra.
Bhojaprabandha.
MadhusudanasarasvatI.
Madhusudanasvamin.'
Mahakavi .
Madhava.
Mai t hi l a.
Mor i ka.
Mohana.
Mohana Otra (dra ?)ka.
Raghunathopadhyaya.
Ratnavali.
Kamanathakaviraja.
Ramacandra.
Ramacandrabhatta.
Ramacandragamin.
Ramacandropadhyaya.
Ramaj i t .
Rayabhatta.
Rudra.
Rupaka.
Laksmana.
Laksmanasena.
Laksmanasenaputra.
Lolimba.
Vamsimisra.
Vanikanthabharana.
Vanlrasalavrjya.
Vahinlpati.
Vijasegara (Dvijasekhara ?)
Vifthalesvara.
Viraja.
Visvambhatabhyatta.
Venidatta.
Veradidatta (datta ?).
Vaidyabhanu.
Vyasa.
Samkaramisra.
Sariigadhara.
Siva.
Sivananda.
Sista.
Brlyajilika.
Srlharsa.
Sanmasika.
Sadasiva.
Sarvadasa.
Sarvabhauma.
Simhadatta.
Subhasitamuktavali.
Smarapungava.
Harinarayanamisra.
Hariharabhatta.
Hanfimat.
Dr. Rajendralal Mitra notices a MS. dated 1701 of a glossary
composed by the author and entitled Pancatattvaprakasika
(Vol. I V, p. 48). From the letters SK. printed after the date, it
appears that it is to be referred to the Saka era. Prof. Aufrecht,
however, seems to refer it to the Vikrama era and consider its
equivalent (1644 A.D.) to be the date of the composition of the
work (Catalogus Catalogorum, Part I, p. 314).
PADYAMRTATARANGINI BY BHASKARA
No. 376 is Padyamrtataranginl by Bhaskara, son of Apajibha-
tta and belonging to the family of Agnihotrin.
Names of poets and works occurring at the end of verses :
Akabariyakalidasa.
Anyoktikanthabharana.
Amarusataka.
Kavyaprakasa.
Ganapati.
Gadadhara.
Gunakara.
Gauda.
Candrakavi.
Jayadeva.
AN ANTHOLOGY BY BHASKARA
325
Trivikrama.
Devagana.
Dharanldharabhatta.
Panditaraja.
Prastavacintamani.
BhaManllakantha.
Bhanukara.
Bhavasataka.
Bhaskara.
Bheribhankara.
Matkrta (Bhaskarakrta)
Bhaskaracaritra.
Murtakavi.
Ramacandra.
Laksmana.
Vamsidharamisra.
Valmlki.
Vidyapati.
Visvanathavahinipati.
Sarngadhara.
Sanmasika.
Sadasiva.
Sabhyakanthabharana.
Haribhatta.
The commentary on the Vrttaratnakara to be noticed below,
apparently by the same author, was composed in Vikrama 1732
or 1676 A. D. Probably this author is the same as the author of the
Paribhasabhaskara noticed in my Report for 1883-84 p. 60;
1
for in both cases the author's name was Bhaskara, his father's
Apaji, grandfather's Hari, and great-grandfather's Purusottama,
the family name being Agnihotrin. In the colphon of the
commentary on the Vrttaratnakara, Bhaskara's other name is
given as Hari. Probably his grandfather's name was given to
him according to the usual Maratha custom. Bhaskara's chro-
nological relations wi t h Bhatfoji Dlksita and Nagojibhafta
mentioned in the Report
2
are consistent wi t h the above date.
SABHYALAMKARANA BY GOVINDAJI
No. 417 is Sabhyalamkarana by Govindaji (Sanskritized
into Govindajit).
Names of poets and works occurring at the end of the verses
quoted :
Amaraka. Uddiyakavi.
Amaracandra. Utpala.
1 Ante. p. 164 [N. B. U.]
2 Ante. p. 162 [N. B. U]
Kalasa.
Kaviraja.
Kalidasa.
Kumaradasa.
Ksemendra.
Ganapati.
Gadadhara.
Gopaditya.
Govardhana.
Ghatakharpara.
Jayamadhava.
Trivikrama.
Danclin.
Darpana.
Dharmadasa.
Nirmala.
Nilakantha.
Nilakanthasukla.
Prabhakarabhatta.
Balabharata.
Banabhatta.
Bilvamangala.
Bilhana.
Bhattasomesvara.
Bhartrhari.
Bhavabhuti.
Bhanukara.
Bhanupanglita.
Bharavi.
Bhavamisra.
Bhasa.
Bhlmasimha.
Bhimasena.
Bhojaprabandha.
Mahanataka.
Magha.
Murari.
Medha (dhra ?).
Raghupati.
Rajasekhara.
Raghavanandade va
Rudra.
Laksmana.
Yararuci.
Varaha.
Vasudeva.
Vikatanitamba.
Vedavyasa.
Sakavrddhi.
Sarngadhara.
Sivasvamin.
Srlharsa.
Sanmasika.
Samkula.
Harihara.
ALAMKAKAMANJUSA BY DEVA6AMKARA
No. 519 is Alamkaramanjusa by Devasamkara.
[After the Introduction] follow the following verses, in which
Bajirav the First of the Peshwa family, and his descendants
AN ALAMKARA WORK DEALING WITH THE PESHWAS 327
Madhavarav and Raghava or Raghunatharav are noticed, and a
ourious et ymol ogy of the wor d Peshwa is gi ven. :
Thi s is a wor k on Al amkaras alone l i ke Appayya Diksita' s
Kuvalayananda. The instances are framed by the author, and
in t hem he sings of the glories of the Peshwas Madhavarav the
Fi r st and his uncle Raghunatharav, who is spoken of as Raghava.
Thi s is the latest instance of the embodi ment of the idea of maki ng
t he flattery of a royal personage subserve a scientific purpose,
t he earliest known to us being Halayudha' s Kavirahasya and
later ones, the Ekaval i to be next noticed and the Prat aparudri ya.
Bot h Madhavarav and Raghunatharav are styled ki ngs, and
in the instances, sometimes Madhavarav is spoken of, and
sometimes Raghunatharav. Madhavrav became Peshwa in 1761
and up t o 1768 his uncl e was associated wi t h h i m i n the
Admi ni st r at i on. The aut hor, therefore, had that state of t hi ngs
before his mi nd' s eye and must have composed his treatise
dur i ng that peri od. Ramsastrin, the celebrated Nyayadhlsa
or Chief Justice in Madhavarav' s t i me, is t hus spoken of :
Ramasastrin is thus placed on a level wi t h Gautama and
Kanada.
From the following colophon it appears that the
author's name was Devasamkara, his father's Nahanabhayi,
and his surname Purohita. He was a Gujarati Brahman, native
of Raner, probably the same as Rander, and lived at Uraljpattana,
which must be Olpad. Both places are near Surat.
VIDYADHARA'S EKAVALI WITH MALLINATHA'S COMMENTARY
No. 535 is Ekavall wi t h Mallinatha's commentary.
This is a transcript, oaused to be made by me for our Collection,
of a Manuscript belonging to Govind Sastri Nirantar of Nasik.
In Part I of my " List of Sanskrit MSS. in Private Libraries,
etc.," published in 1893, that Manuscript bears No. 133. The
author's name is Vidyadhara.
The Ekavall is a work on the Alamkarasastra written on the
lines of the Kavyaprakasa.. Like the latter it consists of
Karikas followed by an explanation. Sometimes we have the
same expressions and passages as in the older work. It
consists of eight parts called Unmesas, the subjects treated
in which are the following :
I.Dhvanivyavasthapana. V.Gunanirupana.
II.Sabdarthanirupana. VI.Dosanirtipana.
III.Dhvanibheda. VII.gabdalamkara.
IV.Gunlbhutavyaiigya. VIII.Arthalamkara.
In the first of these we have the subject-matter of the first
Ullasa of the Kavyaprakasa and the latter part of the fifth, in
which Vyangya or Dhvani, i.e., suggested sense, is established
THE EKAVALl OF VIDYADHARA
329
as something independent of the Abhidheya or conventional and
Laksya or figurative, and as forming the soul of a Kavya. The
second Unmesa corresponds to the second Ullasa, the subject-
matter of the t hi rd Ullasa being despatched wi t h a short notice
at the end. The third and fourth of the above correspond to
the fourth and fifth parts of the Kavyaprakasa, the fifth to the
eighth, the sixth to the seventh, and the seventh and the eighth
to the ninth and tenth. There is nothing corresponding to the
sixth Ullasa of the Kavyaprakasa ; for Mammata himself
considers that as a separate chapter to be unnecessary, as its
subject-matter is embraced in the ninth and tenth Ullasas.
At fol. 8 b and 9 a and b occur the following verses :
What is peculiar to this work is that the instances of the rules
have been framed by the author and they are all in praise of a
prince of the name of Narasimha. I t wi l l be seen that
Vidyadhara mentions Harihara in the above. The prince Arjuna,
from whom he got amazing wealth, must have been the ruler of
Malwa of that name whose earliest and latest known dates are
1211 A.D. and 1216 A.D.
1
Harihara, a Jaina poet named
Madanakirti, and Somesvara the author of the Klrttikauniudl
and Surathotsava, were contemporaries
2
and the last wrote the
Surathotsava while Vastupfila was alive. Vastupala died in
1298 Vikrama, i. e., 1242 A.D.
3
So that all these authors
nourished during the early decades of the 13th century.
In the body of the work certain attributes are applied to
Nrsirhha or Narasimha of a nature calculated to afford help in
determining his identity. They are as follows :
Narasimha was thus king of Utkala and Kalinga. Utkala is
the name of modern Orissa, and the province bordering on it
to the south was called Kalinga. They both appear to have
constituted one kingdom. Narasimha is represented by his
magniloquent flatterer to have humbled the pride of Hammlra.
It is more than doubtful whether he actually did so, but from
the use of the epithet we may safely infer that Narasimha was
a contemporary of Hammlra ; but which Hammlra is meant
must be determined, as there were three princes of that name.
1 See my Report for 1883-84, p. 105 [=Aute, p. 260 N.B.U.].
2 Ibid, p. 57 [=Ante, p, 158 N.B.U.].
3 Ibid, pp.22 and 14 [=Aute, p. 93 and p. 80, respectively N.B.U.].
THE HAMMlRA MENTIONED IN EKAVALl 331
The fi rst belonged t o the Har aut i branch of the Chohan f a mi l y
and appears not to have been a person of note. He was a
dependent of Prt hi raj a and was ki l l ed i n 1193 A. D. As t he
t er mi nus a quo for Vi dyadhara (who must have been a protege
of Narasimha, as no poet bestows such. fulsome praise on a
deceased prince) is, as shown above, the early decades of t he
13t h cent ury, t hi s Hamml r a cannot have been Narasimha' s
cont emporary. Besides, Orissa was not r ul ed over by a ki ng
of that name f r om 1024 t o 1237 A. D.
Anot her Hamml r a was the pri nce who belonged t o the
Gehlote f ami l y and was, as stated in the I nt r oduct i on to the
Rasikapriya,
1
an ancestor of Kumbhakar na, ki ng of Medapata
or Mewar and rei gned f r om 1301 A.D. t o 1305 A. D. A t hi r d
was the ki ng of Sakarnbarl of the race of Chahuvana
ment i oned by Sarngadhara i n the begi nni ng of his ant hol ogy,
and represented by h i m to have been famous for his bravery
whi c h equalled that of Ar j una. He is the hero of the
Hamml r a Mahakavya of Nayacandrasuri and is represented
to have begun to rei gn in 1339 of Vi kr ama Sam vat, i.e.,
1283 A.D.
2
It was t hi s Hamml r a who defended the fortress
of Rant hambhor (Ranastambhapura) wi t h bravery against
Al l a- uddi n Kh i l j i for more t han a year and f el l at last
when i t was taken i n the year 1301 A.D.
Bot h these princes bearing the name of Hamml r a were
famous. But as the Chohan pri nce is represented by
Nayacandra as havi ng attempted the conquest of Southern
countries, he was probabl y the Hamml r a al l uded to by
Vidyadhara. The Mahomedan power must have been
f i r ml y established i n I ndi a at the t i me of Narasimha, for
hi s panegyrist says i n the f ol l owi ng verse, whi ch contains an
instance of the figure called Vyaj okt i , that the supreme l or d of
1 Ante, p. 321 [N.B.U.]
2 Kirtane's edition, pp. 27 and 66, v. 56.
the Sakas trembled when he heard a peal of thunder, thinking
it to be the sound of the drum of the marching army of the
lord of the Utkalas, and concealed his fear and tremor by
pretending that the embrace of his beloved had sent a t hr i l l of
joy into his frame.
The Mahomedans were, for some time after the conquest of
the country by them, called Sakas by some of the Sanskrit
writers, and the name Yavana to designate them came into more
general use afterwards.
Al l these considerations lead us to about the end of the 13th
century as the period when Narasimha and Vidyadhara, the
author of the Ekavall flourished. And from the list of the
kings of Orissa given by Sir W. W. Hunter and copied by
Mr. Sewell in his " Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India,"
it appears that there was a Narasimha who ruled over the
country from 1282 A.D. to 1307 A.D. If the Hammrra alluded to
was the Mewar prince of that name, our Narasimha may have
been the one who reigned from 1307 to 1327. There were two
more Narasimhas after 1327 ; but they reigned for only 2 years
and 1 year respectively, and therefore neither can have been the
hero panegyrised by Vidyadhara. There was another still, who
reigned from 1257 to 1282. But he has been excluded by the
whole trend of our argument.
Thus then the Ekavall was written about the end of the 13th
or the beginning of the 14th century of the Christian era. It
is quoted by Mallinatha in his commentaries and also by
Appayya Dlksita in the Kuvalayananda. In the Ekavall I
DATE OP MALLINATHA'S COMMENTARY TARALA 333
find quoted the verse Kimasubhir glapitaih, etc., which occurs
in Srlharsa's Naisadhlya.
The commentary called Tarala, or central gem, of the
Ekavalr, or one-stringed necklace, is by Mallinatha, the celebrated
commentator on the Kavyas. In the sixth of the Introductory
verses which has a double sense, the commentator says that
" this Ekavalr, though a work of merit and an ornament, was
because it had not a commentary (this Tarala) kept or secreted
in treasure-houses as a necklace is, though it has a string and is
an ornament when it has not the central gem. Now that the
Ekavalr necklace has a bright central gem in the shape of an
elucidatory commentary (Tarala), may blessed persons wear it
round the neck and on the bosom, that is, get the work by heart
and commit it to memory."
It would thus appear that the Ekavall was not for some time
studied and the work was neglected because it had no com-
mentary ; from which it is to be concluded that Mallinatha
wrote the Tarala after a certain period had elapsed since the
composition of the original. What the duration of the period
was it is difficult to determine. But it must have been pretty
long, since the Ekavalr is not a string of unintelligible Karikas
which require a commentary from the very beginning, but
consists of Karikas and the author's Vrt t i or elucidatory
remarks. At any rate it would not be unsafe to suppose that
Mallinatha did not live before the middle of the 14th century.
In the Catalogus Catalogorum Professor Aufrecht mentions
apparently three different works of the name of Ekavalr,
evidently because he had not the means of going beyond the
vague statements contained in the catalogues before him. The
second is by Mahamahesvara Kavi noticed by Burnell (54 b).
This work is the same as the one I have described; for its
beginning, Praleyacalakanyaka etc., is the same as that of my
Ekavalr (see the extract in Part I of my 'Lists' referred to above,
p. 64) and l i ke t he l at t er contains eight Unmesas. Wher e
Bur nel l gets the name Mahamahesvara Ka vi f r om, i f i t i s not t o
be t aken as an epi t het of Vi dyadhara, and t he curious
i dent i fi cat i on wi t h Abhi navagupt a, the famous aut hor of the
Dhvanyalokalocana whi c h he calls Kavyalokalocana, I do not
know.
The comment ary Tarala noticed by Professor Weber ( Ber l i n
Catalogue, No. 1723) is t he same as the Tarala ment i oned
above, as wi l l be seen f r om the extract. I t is a comment ary
on Vi dyadhara' s wor k. The t hi r d not i ced by Professor
Auf r echt is, of course, t he same as ours, since t he name of t he
aut hor is the same ; and the first must also be the same, t hough
no particulars are gi ven. Mal l i nat ha cites the Ekaval l whi c h
he has comment ed on. So t hat it fol l ows that we know of one
wor k onl y of the name, and its aut hor was Vi dyadhara and
commentator Mal l i nat ha.
PINGALARTHAPRADIPA
No. 545 is Pingalarthapradipa.
Thi s wo r k appears f r om a statement i n Dr . Ki el hor n' s
Report for 1880-81 (p. 71) to have been composed in Samvat
1657 or 1601 A. D. Burnel l ' s Manuscri pt of the wor k was
wr i t t en i n Saka 1554 i.e., 1632 A. D. (Tanjore Cat., pp. 53 and
175), and Ki el hor n' s i n Sarhvat 1716 or 1660 A . D .
Among t he wor ks and authors quot ed are the f ol l owi ng :
Haravalx.
Salivahana.
VanibhQsana.
Vrt t arat nakara.
Pi ngal a and Pingalanaga.
Chandoratnakara.
Vrt t amaukt i kavart i kaduskaro-
ddhara, composed by hi msel f.
Srutabodha by Kalidasa.
Udaharanamanj ari , composed
by hi msel f.
Dasakumara.
Sarasvatlkanthabharana.
Chandomanj arl .
' KINGS MENTIONED IN PINGALlRTHAPRADlPA 335
In the instances of t he different metres, there are Pr akr i t
verses in praise of several princes of the mi ddl e ages. They are
as fol l ows :
KINGS MENTIONED IN PINOALARTHAPRADlPA 337
43 [R. G. Bhandurkar'd Works, Vol. II J
KINGS MENTIONED IN P I N G A L A R T H A P R A D I P A 339
KINGS MENTIONED IN THE PRECEDING VERSES
I. This extract refers to Candesvara. The verse contains
nothing historical. Who this Candesvara was, it is difficult to
say wi t h certainty. But he was not unlikely Candamahasena or
Canla of the Chohan race, who ruled over Dholpur and built a
temple dedicated to Candasvamin, and consecrated it in the
Vikrama year 893 or 842 A. D.
1
I I . Cedipati is lord or king of the Ccdi country. What
particular Ki ng is meant cannot be determined, but ho may be
Karna, of whom more below.
I I I . What is historical in the passages about Hammlra is that
he was at war wi t h the Mlecchas, i.e., Mahomedans, whose king
reigned at Delhi. His marches are described. He had a
counsellor or follower of the name of Jsjala. The kings of
Khorasan, Malava, Malaya, and of the Gurjaras, and Colas were
defeated. This is probably a tall talk always indulged in by
sycophants. I have shown
2
that there were two Rajput
Hammlras, one of whom was a Chohan and held the fortress of
Ranthambhor and the other a;Gehlote, who ruled over Mewar.
It is not distinct which of the two is meant. Both fought wi t h
the Mahomedans. Perhaps the Chohan prince is alluded to
here, as Nayacandra represents him to have a faithful follower
of the name of Jsjadeva.
3
Jajadeva and the counsellor Jajala
alluded to in I I I (3) are probably one and the same person.
I V. Sahasanka was a prince who reigned at Kanoj and who is
mentioned by Mahesvara in his introduction to the Visvaprakasa.
One of his works, as also one of the works of the author of the
Naisadhlya, is called Sfthasankacaritra. Govinda IV of the
Rastrakuta dynasty, whose latest known date is 933 A. D. , was
1 Inscription translated by Dr. Hultzsch in the Journal of the German
Oriental Society, Vol . XL, p. 38.
2 Ante, pp 330 ff. [ N. B. U. ]
3 See Kirtane's edition of Hammira Mahakavya , p. 91, v. 38, and p. 131, v. 10.
THE HI STORY OP THE KI NGS 341
also called Sahasanka; and t he description gi ven of h i m i n his
Sangall grant, that "he rai ned down gol d i n showers," closely
resembles that gi ve n i n t he above verse. The comment at or
says t hat by Sahasanka is meant Vi kr amadi t ya, whi c h is but a
random statement.
V. and V I . Wh o the l or d of Kasi is, whose fame by its fai r
colour put to shame moonl i ght , etc., I do not know, nor t hat
other pri nce or Varanasi, who fled f r om the field of battle.
Acala also, who t ur ned his back against his enemy, is unknown
to me.
V I I . Karna was a pri nce of Cedi, bel ongi ng t o the Karacul i
race. He is here represented to have humbl ed the l or d of
Gauda, to have scared away the ki ng of Ut kal a or Orissa (Odra),
vanquished Vi kr ama, defeat ed the power f ul ar my of the
Gurj ara ki ng, pul veri zed the forces of the Maharastras, and
ext i rpat ed the race of the Malava prince. Whet her he was able
to do al l these t hi ngs is more t han questionable; but it appears
certain that he was constantly engaged in wars wi t h his neighbours,
and had succeeded in establishing his sway over some of t hem.
He was a cont emporary of Bhimadeva of Gujarat and Ahava-
mal l a of Maharastra. Perhaps the Vi kr ama he is represented to
have vanquished was Vi kr amadi t ya I of the later Cal ukya
dynast y who was the uncl e of Ahavamal l a and the i mme-
diate predecessor of his father on the t hr one. About the
t i me of Bhoja' s death Karna formed a confederacy wi t h Bhi ma-
deva against Malava and sacked Dhara,
1
and it was Udayadi t ya,
the son of Bhoja, t hat freed the count r y f r om his power. Some
of the Inscri pt i ons also speak of hi m as havi ng humbl ed the
nei ghbouri ng princes.
In the Prabodhacandrodaya, Gopala, who was the commander
of the forces of Kl r t t i var man, a Candella pri nce, is represented
1 Early Hiatory of the Deeean, 2nd ed., p. 82. [ = Volume I I I of this Edition,
p. 114 N. B. U. ]
to have defeated Karna and re-established the independent
sovereignty of his master by delivering him from Karna's yoke.
A copperplate grant issued by Karna bears a date which is
equivalent to 1042 A. D.
!
VikramSditya I came to the throne
in 1008 A. D. , Ahavamalla reigned from 1040 to 1069 A.D., and
Bhimadeva of Gujarat from 1022 to 1064, 1072, or 1074 A. D.
1
It is quite possible that on some occasion during his long con-
tinued wars he may have *' vanquished Vikramaditya I, and
pulverized the forces of the Maharastras " as represented in the
above verse ; but it appears from Bilhana that he was eventually
defeated or deposed by Ahavamalla.
THE LANGUAGE OF THE EXTRACTS
The above extracts present vernacular speech in three forms.
The oldest form, i.e., the Maharastrl Prakrit, we have in I, I I ,
I I I (1), I V, and V (1). It had become classical as Sanskrit itself
and could be used for literary purposes at any time.
Then we have another form in VI , and VI I (1), (2), (3).
This resembles the Apabhramsa form, as we have it in the
instances quoted by Hemacandra in his Prakrit grammar and
in the 4th Act of the Vikramorvasiya.
A t hi rd stage is represented by I I I , (2), (3), (4) and (5),
and V. (2). This is what might be called the earliest form of
the modern Hi ndi , the forms philhlmaha, " in Delhi, " and
Jakhana. or Jakkhana " when," being specimens of the new
formations which became necessary after the old terminations
had gradually faded away up to the Apabhramsa period.
The last two forms must represent the vernacular speech of the
period when the poets wrote, and since they could not have
1 Epigraphia Ind., Vol. I I , pp. 299, 302-3.
2 Early History of the Deccan, pp. 81, 82, 84, and my Report for 1883-84,
p. 1B0. [Formers Volume I I I of this Edition, pp 112 ff. N. B. U.]
ADBHUTASAGARA BY BALLALASENA 343
praised the particular princes if they had died and been forgotten
at the time when they lived, the conclusion is not unwarranted
that the forms of the language used by them were the forms
current about the time when the kings flourished. Thus about
the time of Karna, i.e., in the first half of the eleventh century,
the stage of development at which the vernacular tongues had
arrived, was still that represented by the Apabhraiiisa, the origin
of which is to be referred to about the seventh century; and
they began to assume their modern character about the end of
the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth, when
the poet Canda flourished, and that was the form they had in
the time of the Chohan Hammlra, i.e., 12831301 A. D.
NYAYARATNAPRAKASA OF VACASPATI
No. 775 is Nyayaratnaprakasa.
This is a commentary on the Nyayaratna of Manikantha by
Vacaspati who wrote it at the command of Padmavati the queen
of Pratapa. Pratapa was the son of Viryabhanu and belonged
to the Chohan race. He is spoken of as the lord of the Pancala
country. As this country is to be identified wi t h the north-
eastern portion of Rajputana, nearest to Agra and Gwalior,
these princes probably belonged to the branch of the Chohan
race that ruled over Dholpur and the surrounding districts
noticed under No. 545. The Manuscript appears to have been
written in Samvat 1616 in the month of Karttika, i.e., in
1559 A. D.
ADBHUTASAGARA BY BALLALASENA
No. 801 of 1884-87 is Adbhutasagara by Ballalasena, king of
Gaucja.
!
The Manuscript is incomplete, but the second which by over-
sight has been put into the Dharmasastra branch, is complete.
Prof. Eggeling has described a Manuscript of the work in his
1 See also No. 231 of 1887-91.
Catalogue of the India Office Library. As, however, it is
incomplete, and the introduction which gives the date, and is
important for historical and chronological purposes, is wanting,
I proceed to describe the Manuscripts in our Collection.
In the introduction we have verses about the king and his
genealogy. Some of them are unintelligible owing to the
corruption of the text.
Then follow verses in which the authorities used are stated:
After this we have a short statement of the contents;
but the contents are given more ful l y in a Sucipatra attached
to No. 231 of 1887-91, to which reference may be made.
Then occur the following verses giving the dates of the
commencement of the work by Ballalasena and its continuation
by his son and successor, Laksmanasena :
ADBHUT AS AGARA BY B A L L A L A S E N A 345
No. (SOL of 1881-87 comes down to the end of Pravarsamld-
bhutavarta, whi ch ends on f ol . 199 a of No. 231 of 1887-91, the
total number of leaves of the latter being 390. At the end of
each A varta we have the f ol l owi ng colophon mutatis mutandis:
At the end of the whol e after we have
Fr om the statements in the Manuscripts, it appears that the
Sena ki ngs of Bengal traced t hei r descent to the lunar race of
Ksatriyas, whi l e the popular belief in Bengal is that they
belonged to the Vai dya caste. The first prince ment i oned is
Vijayasena. He was fol l owed by Balltllasena, and after h i m
his son Laksmanasena r ul ed over the count ry. The wor k, it is
stated, was begun in 1090 Saka by Ballillasena ; and before it
was finished, he raised his son to the t hrone and exacted a
promise f r om h i m to fi ni sh i t . Then he gave many gifts and
" went to the ci t y of the gods wi t h his wi f e. " The wor k was
afterwards brought to a compl et i on by the labours of
Laksmanasena.
At the end of a Manuscri pt of the Dftnasiigara, another
wor k by Ballalasena exi st i ng i n the I ndi a Office Colleo-
t i on, the date of its compl et i on is gi ven as Saka 1091.
1
Dr . Rajendralal Mi t r a, i n his Notices of Sanskrit Manuscri pt s, '
gives 1019 Saka as the date. Prof. Auf r echt has recently-
j ust i fi ed t hi s last by correct i ng the Sasinavadasa, i.e. 1091, occurr-
i ng in the I ndi a Office Manuscri pt s, to Navasasidasa, i.e., 1019.
8
But there is not hi ng to show that the former expression is
wr ong beyond Dr . Mi t ra' s second-hand statement of the date.
An d the date of the commencement of the AdbhutasSgara as to
the correctness of whi ch there can be no question and whi c h
wi l l not admi t of such a correction as is appl i ed i n the other case,
i s Khanavakhendu, i.e., 1090 Saka, wi t h whi c h Dr . Mi t ra' s date
of t he Danasilgara, 1019 Saka, can in no way harmoni ze. That
date, therefore, must have been arri ved at by somebody mi s-
readi ng t he correct expression Sasinavadasa as Navasasidasa. So
t hat Ballalasena di ed after 1091, i.e., 1169 A. D. , and Laksmana-
sena succeeded hi m.
But Dr . Rajendralal Mi t r a, i n another place, gives 1106 A. D.
as the date of Laksmanasena' s accession on the evidence of an
era called after Laksmanasena whi c h i s current i n Mi t hi l a and
is used also in some Inscri pt i ons and Manuscripts.
4
General
Cunni ngham ment i ons a copper-plate I nscr i pt i on i n whi c h
Saka 1321 and Samvat 1455 are gi ven as corresponding to
Laksmana Samvat 293, f r om whi c h 1106 A. D. comes out as
the i ni t i al date of the last era, and considers that era to begi n
wi t h the death instead of the accession of Laksmansena, as he
takes another more famous era t o begi n wi t h the ext i nct i on
of a dynasty instead of its foundat i on.
4
Now, the date ar r r i ved
at i n t hi s manner i s inconsistent wi t h the statements we fi nd i n
bot h the works of Ballalasena whi c h represent h i m t o be l i vi ng
1 Eggeling'8 Catalogue, p. 545.
2 Vol. I , p. 151.
3 Z. D. M. G., Vol. LI , p. 329.
4 Jour. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XLVII, p. 397-99.
5 Archaeol. Reporta, Vol. XV, p. 160 ff.
PALA AND SENA BRAS OP BENGAL
347
in 1168 and 1169 A. D. , and Laksmanasena to have been raised by
h i m t o the t hrone some t i me after 1168 A. D.
Fr om the i nt r oduct i on t o the Danasagara i t woul d appear
t hat Hemantasena, the father of Vijayasena, first raised the
f ami l y t o importance and probabl y wrested the provi nce of
Bengal f r om the preceding dynasty of the Pala ki ngs.
Assi gni ng about si xt y years, whi ch I consider the smallest
possible peri od for the reigns of the three predecessors of
Laksmanasena, we are brought to about 1016, A. D. as the
date of the foundat i on of the Sena dynasty of Bengal on
the supposition that Laksmanasena began to rei gn in 1106 A.D.
But that is not possible, as an I nscr i pt i on of Mahipala,
one of the most powerful princes of the Pala dynasty,
is dated Saihvat 1083, corresponding to 1027 A. D.
1
; and as
his rei gn lasted for 52 years it may have extended even
to 1050 A. D. He had a good many successors, the names of
four of whom occur i n some of the Inscriptions. In the
colophon of a wor k ent i t l ed Sadukt i karnamrt a by Srklharadasa
the author gives 1127 Saka, i.e., 1205 A. D. , as the date of its
compi l at i on, t hough the metre of the verse in whi ch it is given
is f aul t y, and speakes probably of the year of LakHmanasena also.
But as the t ext is corrupt , the sense cannot be clearly made
out . ' Sridharadasa speaks of hi msel f as the son of Vatudasa a
feudatory and close f r i end of Laksmanasena.
If t hen Laksmanasena came to the t hrone in 1106 A.D., about a
hundr ed years woul d have to be assigned to t wo generations, i.e.,
to Srldharadasa and his father, whi ch is not reasonable. These
t wo collateral circumstances, therefore, are inconsistent wi t h the
supposition that Laksmanasena's rei gn began in 1106, whi l e, as
we have seen, there is a di rect opposition between that date and
those contained i n the t wo works of Ballalasena. The onl y way
1 Ibid, p. 153.
2 Rajcndralal's Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts, Vol. I l l , p 141.
to reconcile these latter dates wi t h the i ni t i al date of the era is
to suppose that the era is not Laksmanasena's, but that of the
foundat i on of the Sena dynasty by Hemantasena. Ballajasena,
who was l i vi ng in 1091 Saka or 11G9 A. D. , must have di ed,
f r om the statement i n t he wor k under notice, a short t i me after.
Supposing he di ed in 1172 A. D. , the reigns of the first three
princes would"ocoupy about 64 years, whi c h is the i nt er val
between t he date of the foundat i on of the dynast y and that of
Ballalasena's death. Thi s i nt er val is not too smal l nor too large,
and consequently has an appearance of pr obabi l i t y. It was
probabl y usual, i n accordance wi t h the pr evai l i ng custom, t o
date events in the years of Laksmanasena's rei gn also ; and when
after the lapse of t i me he became the onl y pri nce of the Sena
dynast y that was remembered and his own regnal years ceased
to be used, the era of the dynast y came to be i dent i fi ed wi t h
h i m ; and thus the Sena era became the Lakmanasena era. The
chronol ogy of the Pala and Sena dynasties wi l l have to be re-
adjusted in vi ew of t he date of Mahipala (1027 A.D.) and the dates
of Ballalasena (1168 and 1169 A. D. ) contained i n the Adbhut a-
sagara and the Danasagara.
*
*
SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS DURING THE YEARS
1887-88, 1888-89, 1889-90, 1890-91.
1
I publ i sh wi t h this Report another selection f r om the materials
2
collected by me. calculated to t hr ow l i ght on some points in the
l i t er ar y and pol i t i cal hi st ory and chronol ogy of the count r y.
Thi s is my si xt h and last Report. The Manuscripts collected
f r om May 1891 to the date of the del i very of charge have been
made over to my successor.
Dur i ng these four years the number of Manuscripts purchased
for Government is, as wi l l be seen f r om the catalogue,
1,500, besides a set of Copper-plates wi t h an I nscr i pt i on of a
grant of l and, and an astronomical i nst rument made of brass.
Of these 1,267 were collected in Gujarat and Rajputana and 233
in the Maratha Count r y. These have been di vi ded i nt o 19 classes
as usual according to the subjects.
A NOTE ON JAHLANA'S SUBHASITAMUKTAVALT
Manuscripts of t hi s wor k are noticed by Bur nel l i n his
Catalogue of the Tanjorc Li br ar y under the names of Sukt i ma-
l i kr i and Sukt i mukt i l val i . There is another copy among the
Manuscripts purchased by Dr . Peterson for the Government of
Bombay dur i ng 18811886, and i s marked No. 370 i n the l i st
publ i shed in his Report for those years (P). Dr. Peterson
1 Originally published in 1897, at the (xovernment Central Press, Bombay.
2 Most of these ' Materials ' dealt wi t h the Manuscripts belonging to the
Collection of 1884-87, the notices of which were orginally included in this
Report after the note on Jalhana's Subhiisitamuktavali. As the notices of the
M8S of the 1884-87 Collection have been now embodied in the Report of that
Collection (ante pp. 292-348), the elaborate and exhaustive Note on Jalhana, which
follows is therefore what here makes up the Report for 1887-91. [ N.B.U.]
published an article on the work in the Journal of the Bombay
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVI I . His Manu-
script had no beginning or end, and therefore in that article
he notices those verses in the anthology only which refer to
particular poets. Some years ago our common agent brought me
the first fourteen and the 30th leaves of another Manuscript (B).
These contain the Prasasti in which the history of Jahlana and
his family is given. As it gave a comparatively high antiquity
among compilers of Anthologies to Jahlana, I asked my agent to
procure another copy, and he brought me a Manuscript which
was in the possession of the late Durgaprasada (D). It has 199
leaves from the beginning, but on examination and comparison,
I find that the matter on the last seven leaves which is intro-
duced wi t h the word does not belong to the present
work.
Manuscripts B and D agree wi t h each other, except in un-
important matters; but P, or Dr. Peterson's Manuscript, appears
to belong to an entirely different recension. B and D contain
a great many verses more than P. Thus P, the first leaf of
which is the 3rd, the first two being lost, has at the top the
second half of the 9th stanza of the first topic mentioned in the
Anukramanika. This topic or section contains, according to B,
47 stanzas, and according to D, 48, but one stanza has been
wrongly copied into it and has been erased ; so that these two
Manuscripts agree in the number of the stanzas and in the
stanzas themselves. But P has only 12 stanzas in this section ;
and the 9th is the same as the 31st of B and D, the 10th is the
41st in these, 11th, 42nd, and the last, 35th. Thus 8 stanzas
between the 31st and 41st do not occur in P at all, and one, the
35th, is put at the end. Similarly in the next section or Asir-
vadapaddhati, P has 32 stanzas, but D, 110. B keeps pace wi t h
D t i l l the 26th up to its 14th leaf and then ends ; but i t has one
stanza not oocurring in D. Thus throughout, a great many
verses occurring in D are not found in P, so that this is a much
JAHLANA'S SUKTIMUKTl VALI 351
shorter edi t i on of the Sukt i mukt aval i , cont ai ni ng perhaps hal f
the matter whi ch we have in the other. D comes down to the
section Munyadorvarnana and breaks off wi t h the i ni t i al words
of a stanza in praise of Agastya ; whi l e P goes on up to the
section of Dana, of whi c h it has about 4 stanzas.
It is di ffi cul t to det ermi ne whi ch of these t wo resensions is
genuine. The shorter may be a subsequent abri dgment by
another person of the longer, or the longer a later enlargement
of the shorter ; and it is also possible that bot h were issued by the
ori gi nal compi l er himself. But for historical purposes one
should be gui ded by what is common to bot h, to be on the safe
side. The Manuscript P does not seem to have contained the
i nt r oduct i on whi ch we fi nd in B and I ) , as its t wo lost leaves
coul d not afford sufficient space for it and the Anukr amani ka.
At the end of the i nt r oduct or y Prasasti in B and D, we have the
name of Vaidya-Bhanupandita as the author. But whether he
is meant to be the author of the last t wo or three stanzas or of
the whol e Prasasti it is di ffi cul t to say. It woul d, I t hi nk, not
be unreasonable to take hi m as the author of the whol e ; and
thus the fulsome praise of the author and his ancestors, in
whi ch the princes themselves, whom t hey served, are assigned a
l ower position, becomes i nt el l i gi bl e.
The f ol l owi ng is the I nt r oduct i on :
JAHLANA'S SUKTIMUKTl VALI 353
REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1887-91
JAHLANA'S SUKTIMUKTAVALI 355
There was a person of the name of Dada who belonged to the
Yatsa Gotra and appears to have been in the service of the
Yadava ki ng Mai l ugi , called i n other places Mal l ugi . Vi j j ana, of
t he Kal acuri race, who had usurped the t hrone at KalySna i n
1157 A. D. , was not al l owed to enj oy it peacefully. Besides
i nt er nal disturbances he had to face the attacks of t he
sur r oundi ng Chiefs. Ma l l ugi appears f r om t he above to have
been one of those who were hostile t o h i m, and Dada, who
oommanded hi s troops of elephants, fought a battle wi t h Vi j j ana.
Dada had four sons named Mahi dhara, Jahla, Samba, and
Gangadhara who cont ri but ed to raise the i mport ance of Mal l ugi ' s
ki ngdom. Mahi dhara succeeded his father i n the command of
the elephants and had t o conduct the war wi t h Vi j j ana. Hi s
son Anant a appears to have assisted his father and captured
many elephants f r om his master's power f ul enemies.
Af t er Mahldhara' s death his brot her Jahla succeeded to his
office and is said to have rendered Bhi l l ama' s ki ngl y power firm.
Bhi l l ama, we know, was the son of Mal l ugi and acquired finally the
paramount sovereignty of the Deccan for his f ami l y, about the
year 1187 A. D. Jahla l ed a maddened elephant i nt o the ar my of
JAHLANA' S SUKTIMUKTAVALI 357
the Gurjara prince and obtained fame, as Bhagadatta.Bhagadatta
i s a pri nce ment i oned i n the Mahabharata who fought wi t h
Ar j una wi t h great bravery. Jahla spread t error i nt o the heart
of Mal l a, fri ght ened the forces of Mal l ugi , who must have been
an enemy of Bhi l l ama, and vanquished Munj a and Anna. Who
these chiefs were we do not know, and a great many of t hem
had to be vanquished before Bhi l l ama coul d acquire supreme
power. The Munj a ment i oned here was not the celebrated
prince of Dharfl of that name. Jahla captured many elephants
and gave t hem to his master Bhi l l ama.
Janardana was the son of his brother Gangadhara and
he appears to have succeeded as commander of the troops of
elephants. He t aught Simha or Singhana the art of managing
elephants and thus enabled hi m to conquer Ar j una.
Singhana, called Si mha also, was the son of Jaitrapala
and grandson of Bhi l l ama. If he was t aught the art of
managing elephants by Janardana, it must have been so when
he was a young man and dur i ng his father' s rei gn. Singhana
hi msel f came t o the t hrone i n 1210 A. D.
Janardana's son Laksmrdeva succeeded to the office and con-
t r i but ed by his courage and bravery to consolidate the power of
ki ng Krsna. Krsna was the grandson of Singhana and ascended the
t hrone after hi m in the year 1247 A.D. Laksinldeva constructed a
large tank and had an extensive and beaut i ful garden. Hi s son
was Jahlana, who wi t h his brot her assisted ki ng Kj*sna by his
counsel and commanded the troops of his elephants. He
compi l ed this col l ect i on of elegant sayings.
The f ol l owi ng gives the contents of the ant hol ogy :
THE SECTION ON SPECIFIC POETS
Leaf 30 of B contains the section on specific poets. It begins
wi t h the last words of a verse marked 4, whi ch number
probabl y is a mistake for 3, for the next verse has the same
number. The leaf ends wi t h the t h i r d Pada of verse 19. In D
there is evi dent l y a mistake in t ranscri pt i on, for after the first
eleven verses of the preceding section whi c h contains quotations
about poets and poet ry in general, we have another whi c h is
probabl y the 12th of the section ; but it ends wi t h the letters
whi c h are the last letters of the 38t h verse of the
section on specific poets, whi c h verse corresponds wi t h t he 26t h
of the same section in P. There is again another si mi l ar
mistake at t he end. Af t er t he 61st verse we have one-half of
the next , but it is f ol l owed by the 11th verse of the section on
Sajjanapaddhati, the openi ng words of whi ch, however, are lost.
The first 38 verses, therefore, of the section and one or two at
the end do not exist in D. The following extracts give all the
verses belonging to the section in the three Manuscripts :
46 [R. G. Bhandwkar's Works, Vol. I I ]
362 REPORT ON SMARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1887-91
JAHLANA' S SUKTI MUKTAVALI 363
I I I P. ( f 13a f. 18a)
JAHLANA' S SUKTI MUKTAVALI 367
POETS AND WORKS MENTIONED IN THESE EXTRACTS
The poets and works mentioned in these extracts are as
follows:
1. Valmlki in a verse by Jayadeva and another from the
Suktisahasra (B.); in a verse by Vamananaga (P.).
2. Panini, author of the Grammar and Jambavatljaya, by
Rajasekhara (B. P.).
3. Vararuci, author of Kanthabharana, by Rajasekhara
(B.P.).
4. Bhasa in a verse by Bana (B. P.).
Bhasa in a verse by Rajasekhara (B. P.).
5. Ramila and Somila in a verse by Rajasekhara (B. P.),
mentioned as the authors of a Sudrikakatha.
368 REPORT ON SEARCH FOR SANSKRIT MSS., 1887-
JAHLAJSTA'S SUKTIMUKTl VALI 369
6. (a) Gunaclhya, the remnant of the story composed by
whom after he had burned a large part is highly esteemed in
the world (B. P. ). by Rajasekhara.
(b) Gunadhya, also in a verse by Trivikramabhatfca (B. P. ).
(c) Brhatkatha in a verse by Dhanapala (B.).
7. Satavahana, compiler of Gathas, in a verse by Rajasekhara
(B. P.).
8. Vasavadatta (of Subandhu), in a verse by Bana (B. P.).
9. Kalidasa in a verse by Rajasekhara (P ) and in another
probably by the same author (B.). Raghu, by Rajasekhara
(B. P.) ; Raghu vaihsa also ( D. P.).
10. Bhartrmentha in an anonymous verse (P.).
11 Bhar i vi l mentioned in a verse by Trivikramabhatta
(P.). Kirata mentioned by Rajasekhara
12. Magha (B.P.).
13. Bana in the same verse of Trivikramabhatta in which
Gunadhya is mentioned ; also as the author of Harsacarita and
Kadambari by Rajasekhara (P. ).
14. Pravarasena, author of Setu, by Bana (P. ).
15. Pulinda contemporary of Bana by Dhanapala (P. ). He
was probably the same as Divakara, the Candala mentioned by
Rajasekhara (P. ).
16. Mayura by Rajasekhara (P. ).
17. Dhrona or Hrona by Rajasekhara (P.).
18. Trilocana, author of Parthavijaya, by Rajasekhara (P. ).
19. Ganapati by Rajasekhara (P. ).
20. Pradyumna, author of Nafcakas, by Rajasekhara (P. ).
21. Val mi ki
22. Vyasa by Kalidasa (P. ).
23. Dandin
24. Kumaradasa, author of Janakiharana, by Rajasekhara
( D. P. ).
47 [R. a. Bhandarkar'8 Works, Vol. II]
25. Ratnakara by Rajasekhara ( D. P.).
26. Anandavardhana, author of "Dhvani as the essence of
Poetry" by Rajasekhara ( D. P.).
27. Bhavabhttti by an anonymous author. Ratnavali also
mentioned ( D. P.).
28. Sivasvamin, author of many hymns to Siva and of
Natakas, Natikas and Prakaranas ( D. ) . Anonymous.
29. Bhimata, lord of Kalanjara, author of five dramas, the
best of which was Svapnadasanana, by Rajasekhara (D. ).
30. Mayuraja (of the Kalacuri royal race ?) by Rajasekhara
( D. ) .
31. Akalajalada by Rajasekhara ( D. P.).
32. Kadambarl-Rama, author of dramas, by Rajasekhara (D. ).
33. Gonandana skilled in alliteration, by Rajasekhara ( D. ) .
34. Kulasekhara, author of Ascharyamanjarl, by Raja-
sekhara ( D. ) .
35. Dhanamjaya, author of Dviljsamdhana, by Rajasekhara
( D. P.).
36. Surananda, "among poets the ornament of the Cedi
country, as among princes was Ranavigraha and among rivers
the Narmada," by Rajasekhara (D. ). Ranavigraha was a Cedi
prince, and brother-in-law of Krsna II of the Rastrakuta dynasty
of the Deccan, whose dates range from 875 A. D. to 911 A.D., and
maternal grandfather of Indra I I I or Nityavarsa whose dates
are 914 A. D. and 916 A. D. Probably the poet Surananda was a
contemporary of the prince.
37. Tarala, the ornament of the Yayavaras, a work by whom
was probably called Suvarnabandha, by Rajasekhara (D. ).
38. Samkara, by Rajasekhara (D. ).
39. Silabhattarika, wrote in the Pancall style like Bana, by
Rajasekhara ( D. P.).
40. Vikatanitamba, by Rajasekhara ( D. P. ).
41. Vi j ayanka, a Kar nat l l ady, wrot e i n the Vai dar bhi style
l i ke Kalidasa, by Rajasekhara ( D. ) .
42. Prabhudevi , wrot e i n the Lat i style, by Rajasekhara (D. ).
43. Subhadra, by Rajasekhara ( D. P.).
44. Vi j j aka, a dark-compl exi oned l ady. Anonymous ( D. P.).
45. Amar a
46. Acala [ ( D. ) .
47. Abhi nanda J
48. Devabodhi , a Yogi n of great powers (D. ).
49. Mur ar i . Anonymous (P. ).
50. Amar uka, by Arj unadeva (P.).
51. Bi l hana. Anonymous (P.).
52. Mayasarasana by Lostyasarvajna (P.).
53. Bhisagbhanu (P.), the same as Vai dyabhanu, whi ch is the
name occurri ng at the end of verses quot ed f r om his wor k i n
this ant hol ogy and the Padyaveni.
54. Caura (P.).
55. Harsa (P.).
INDEX OF POETS WHOSE VERSES ARE GIVEN IN JAHLANA'S
SOKTIMUKTAVALI
The f ol l owi ng is an i ndex of the poets whose names are gi ven
at the end of the verses quoted in D together wi t h the first lines
or i ni t i al words of these verses. The numbers refer to the
leaves of D. The references to P are indicated by that letter
bei ng prefixed:
In fol i o 296 there is an omission of the nature of the t wo
already noticed consequent on the scribe's not havi ng one leaf
of his or i gi nal before hi m. Si mi l ar omissions of short or l ong
passages there are in folios 45b, 1446, 1506, 1626, 164a and
190a. In these cases and also in the sections at the end whi ch
are want i ng in D, I have taken the poets and verses occurri ng
in the shorter recension of the ant hol ogy as represented by P.
Wherever after the name of the poet the wor d or
occurs, I have t aken the t wo or more preceding verses to belong
to hi m. But in many cases there are t wo or more verses at the
end of whi c h a poet's name occurs wi t hout or Pr i ma
facie, t hi s omission indicates t hat the last verse onl y belongs to
t he poet named, and the omission of the usual subscription of the
author' s name, or of when the name is unknown, under
the preceding verses is due to the cor r upt i on of MSS. An d
f r om a comparison of D and P and f r om my knowl edge of
some of the wor ks quoted f r om, I find t hi s, as a general r ul e,
act ual l y to be the case. But it is possible t hat t he or
i t sel f is omi t t ed t hr ough a mistake, and t hi s, too, I have f ound
to be t rue in a case or t wo. The safest course under the
circumstances is to take the last verse onl y as bel ongi ng to
the author named, and this I have fol l owed.
3
JAHLANA'S SUKTIMUKTAVALI
373
375
48 [R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II]
JAHLANA'S SUKTIMUKTAVAM 383
* Perhaps the same as the author of the Venisamhara; the 2nd, 4th and 5th of
the following verses occur in that play.
49 [R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, vol. I I ]
JAHLANA'S BUKTIMUKTAVALI
387
392 REPORT ON SEAHCH FOR SANSKRI T MSS., 1887- 91
* There is no after the seven verses in fols. 181-182; but the 1
the 4th occur in P. and there we have after the name, wherefore pr
all these belong to the same author.
60 [R. G. Bbandarkar's Works, Vol. I l l
395
51 [R. G. Bhaadarkar's Works, Vol. II]
* The verses marked wi t h an asterisk under this heading and al l under the
next t wo headings wi t h the exception of 166 b and 10 a which I have not been
able to trace and of 180 b which occurs in the Nagananda are from the
Naisadhiya. The verses unmarked under the first heading are from the
Ratnavali and those marked are from the Nagananda. So that though by the
expression the author meant to distinguish the later
Sriharsa from the earlier author of the dramas, the scribes have as usual made
mistakes, omi t t i ng the expression in some cases, and adding it where not wanted
in one case at least.
J AHLANA' S SUKTI MUKTAVALI 409
62 [R. G. Bhaudarkar'a Works, Vol. II]
JAHLANA'S SUKTI MUKTl VALI
411
*
EXTRACTS FROM THE PREFACES TO THE
FIRST BOOK OF SANSKRIT
FROM THE PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDI TI ON (1864)
The study of Sanskrit has but recently risen in the estimation
of the educated natives of this Presidency and of our educational
authorities. The old Sanskrit College of Poona owed its
existence and continuance rather to a spirit of conciliation and
toleration in our rulers than to their conviction of the utility of
Sanskrit as a branch of general education. The modern critical
and progressive spirit was not brought to bear upon it. The
old Sastris were allowed to carry all things in their own way.
After about thirty years since its establishment, the authorities
began to exercise active interference, until at length the College
was abolished and a new system inaugurated, which, to be
complete and effective, requires, in my humble opinion, a partial
restoration of the old institution.
This newly-awakened and more enlightened zeal in favour of
Sanskrit cannot last, or produce extensive results, unless books
are prepared to facilitate the general study of the language.
I have heard students complain that they find Sanskrit more
difficult than Latin, and many have actually left the study of
their own classical tongue for that of its foreign rival. I do not
know if this complaint has a foundation in the structure of the
two languages ; but this, at least, I am sure of, that Sanskrit would
be considerably more easy than it is, if there were men educated
in our English Colleges to teach it, and if books specially
adapted for beginners were available. It was wi t h the view of
supplying, in some measure, this latter desideratum that this
little book was prepared about a year and a half ago. Its plan
was originally sketched out by Dr. Haug, though in a few places
I found it necessary to deviate from i t . * *
414 EXTRACTS FROM PREFACES TO FIRST SANSKRIT BOOK
FROM THE PREFACE TO T HE F I F T H E D I T I ON (1871)
It has come to my knowledge that, in some of the schools, in
which this book is taught, the teachers consider it to be their
only duty to get their pupils to translate mechanically from and
into Sanskrit the sentences given in each lesson. They pay
little or no attention to the grammatical portion. In others,
such books as the common Rupavali are put into the hands of
of the pupils, and they are made to learn by heart the
declensional forms given in these. This shows a misconception
of the object of this book, which is evidently to teach grammar,
and to teach it not for its own sake, but in its connection wi t h
the language, not in a manner simply to overburden the pupil's
memory, but in a manner to awaken and encourage thought.
The sentences are intended to serve as exercises in the rules and
forms, and should be used as such. The teacher should see that
the pupil thoroughly understands the rules, and knows the
forms, and, in going over the sentences, get hi m frequently to
explain the grammar of the words occurring therein, and such
other points. Repeated exercise is what the teacher should
particularly attend to. * * * * * * * *
*
*
EXTRACTS FROM THE PREFACES TO THE
SECOND BOOK OF SANSKRIT
FROM THE PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION (1868)
This Second Book of Sanskrit has boon prepared under
instructions from Sir A.Grant, Director of Public Instruction.
Its plan is nearly the same as that of the First Book.
This and the First Book together contain as much Grammar
as is needed for all practical purposes, perhaps more. I have
adopted the terminology of the English Grammarians of Sanskrit,
but have strictly followed Panini, as explained by Bhattojl
Dlksita in his Siddhantakaumudl. Most of the rules are mere
translations of the Sutras. Besides the terms, Guna, Vrddhi,
and a few others, which have been adopted from native
Grammarians by nearly all European writers on the subject, I
have found it necessary to appropriate two more, viz., Set and
Anit.
The prejudice against mere native terms, in deference
to which Professor Benfey seems in his smaller Grammar to
have discarded even the words Guna and Vrddhi, without
substituting any others, is, in my humble opinion, very
unreasonable, when it is difficult to frame new words to
designate the things which they signify. It is very inconvenient
to have to describe the same thing again and again whenever one
has occasion to speak of i t . I t wi l l at the same time be some-
what difficult for the learner to make out, when a thing is so
described in a variety of cases, that it is the same. Words
adapted to express a particular meaning are as necessary here as
in other affairs of human life. What an amount of inconvenience
would i t , for instance, entail, if, whenever we had to speak of
the human race, we were, instead of being allowed to use the
416 EXTRACTS FROM PREFACES TO SECOND SANSKRI T BOOK
wor d "man, " made t o describe man' s physi cal and rat i onal
nature ! But I must not elevate an or di nar y t r ui s m to the rank
of a newly-disoovered t r ut h. * * * * * *
There i s one poi nt i n Sanskrit Grammar, i n my expl anat i on of
whi ch I have departed f r om or di nar y usage, t hough I t hi nk I do
agree wi t h Pani ni and his commentators. It is the sense to be
attached to the so-called Aor i st . The most laborious student of
a dead language is not al i ve to al l the nice shades of meani ng,
whi ch are pl ai n even to the uni nst ruct ed when a language is
l i vi ng. Even to a Maha-Pandita in these days the sound of
is not at al l so disagreeable as that of is to the genui ne
Maratha peasant. We know of the di st i nct i on between the
Atmanepada and Parasmaipada onl y i n t heory, but that between
the and of the Marat hi Habi t ual Past, of the and of
the Fut ur e, we feel. We must , therefore, to det ermi ne this
question about the Aor i st , appeal to such Sanskrit wor ks as, we
have reason to suppose, must have been wr i t t e n when Sanskrit
was a spoken language.
The Kavyas, the Natakas, and most of the Puranas wi l l
not do for our purpose. Such books as the Samhitas
of the Vedas, the Brahmanas, or even those port i ons of
the t wo great Epics whi c h do not bear i ndi cat i ons of havi ng
been subsequently tampered wi t h , must be referred to. To
i nst i t ut e such a wi de research I have nei t her had the necessary
t i me nor the necessary means. But the Ai t ar eya Brahmana
seems almost t o decide the poi nt . In t hi s wor k, whenever
stories are t ol d, t he so called Imperfect or the Perfect is always
used, and the Aori st never occurs.
1
On the cont rary, when the
1 In the passage noticed below, we have where Is
the Aorist of wi t h and is used in the narration of a past event. Bub in
the whole of the Brahmana there is, so far as I can recollect, not a single instance
beside this, where the narrator uses the Aorist in speaking of past action. The
evidence being then so overwhelming, some other explanation must be attempted
THE USE OF THE AORIST 417
persons in the story are represented as speaking wi t h one another,
t hey use t he Aori st , and the onl y sense that can be attached to it
in these cases is that of the Engl i sh Present Per f ect ; in other
words, i t indicates s i mpl y the compl et i on of an action or an
action that has j ust or recent l y been done. The reason wh y
the Aori st occurs in those cases onl y is that there is no scope for
recent past t i me in mere narrat i on ; and t hi ngs that have j ust
or recent l y occurred can come to be spoken of onl y when
persons are t al ki ng wi t h each other.
The Ai t areya Brahmana contains passages remarkabl y
i l l ust r at i ng what I say. The story goes :" Hariscandra
said to Varuna, ' Le t a son be bor n to me and I wi l l
t hen offer h i m as a sacrifice to you. ' ' Wel l , ' said
Varuna. Then a son was bor n to hi m. Then said Varuna,
' Yo u have got a son, sacrifice h i m to me now. ' Then said
Hariscandra, ' When a vi ct i m becomes ten days ol d, t hen he is
fi t to be sacrificed. Let the boy become t en days ol d, I wi l l
t hen sacrifice hi m to you. ' ' We l l , ' said Varuna. The boy be-
came t en days ol d. Then said Varuna, ' He has become ten
days ol d, sacrifice hi m now t o me , ' " and thus i t proceeds.
Now i n t hi s and the r emai ni ng por t i on of the Khanda, the verbs
"sai d" ( occur r i ng several t i mes) , "was bor n, " "became" and
others that are used by the narrator speaking in his own person
are always in the Per f ect : whi l e "have got," "has become," etc.,
used by Varuna wi t h reference t o the boy, are i n the Aor i st .
The latter cl earl y refer to a t i me j ust gone by.
In the same manner, i n the story of Nabhanedistha, related
i n the fourt eent h Khanda of the Fi f t h Paiicika, the verbs
_ and used by Nabhanedistha, and
in the present case, and this example ought by no meana to be taken to invalidate
the position in the text. Perhaps when the reading of Vedic books wag
fixed, ! and which occurs immediately after, were through mistake
made to exchange places.
418 EXTRACTS FROM PREFACES TO SECOND SANSKRIT BOOK
evidently, from the context, denoting events that have just
happened, are in the Aorist, as also . used by Rudra. While
when the author, in narrating the story, speaks of certain things
as having taken place, he invariably uses the Imperfect, the event
from his point of view having occurred at a remote past time.
Similar instances, in which the Aorist on the one hand, and the
Imperfect or the Perfect on the other, are used exactly in the
same way, occur in 1-23, 2-19, 3-33, 4-17,
1
6-33, 6-34, 7-27,
7-28, 8-7, 8-23, while narratives, in which the Perfect or the
Imperfect only is used, and where there is either no conversation,
or when there is, it is only wi t h reference to present or future
time, are innumerable. 7-26, and 5-34 may also be consulted.
2
1 The cowa held a sacrificial session wi t h the object of getting horns : after
a year they got horns, and then they say to themselves:'
i.e., " The object for which we u ndertook the sacrificial ceremony
we have got. We now rise or break up." Here is the Aorist of
' t o obtain,' and evidently means ' have got or obt ai ned; ' while
is the Imperfect of and certainly does not indicate any event that has just
happened.
2 To show how rich the language of this Brahmana is in verbal forms, and
especially of the Aorist, I wi l l here give a list of the forms of the Aorist referred
to in the text. It wi l l be shown further on that the BrXhmana follows the rules
of Panini faithfully in the use of the Aorist, and the following list wi l l show
that the forms also of this tense strictly obey the rules laid down by that
grammarian, except in a few cases.
PANINI ON THE AORIST 419
We t hus see that t he so-called Aor i st denotes recent past t i me
or t he mere compl et i on of an action, and t hus resembles t he
Engl i s h Present Perfect. An d this i s confi rmed by what
Pani ni says on the subject. The Sutras whi ch give the senses of
the three past tenses are : ,3.2.110 ; 3. 2. 111;
, 3.2.115. They are thus to be i n t e r p r e t e d o r the Aor i st
indicates past t i me ; , or the Imperfect shows a past act i on
done previous to t hi s day ; and or the Perfect, a past event
whi ch t ook place before t hi s day, and whi c h was not witnessed
by the speaker." No w the first Sutra gives a general r ul e, the
second is an exception to i t , and the t hi r d an exception to t hi s
agai n; the past t i me, therefore, left according to Paci ni ' s
system of rules and exceptions, for to indicate, is ., that
is to say, t hi s day' s. can also, by these Sutras, indicate past
t i me generally, i.e., express si mpl y the compl et i on of an action
wi t hout reference to any part i cul ar past t i me. For, the oategory
past t i me can admi t of three divisions onl y according to the
pr i nci pl e i ndi cat ed i n the Sutras, vi z. , past t i me generally and
not specifically, the t i me of t hi s day, and the past t i me previous
to t hi s day. The last is taken up by and and the first
t wo bel ong, therefore, t o By another Sutra
Pani ni , 3.3.135, expresses recent and
cont i nuous past action, in addi t i on. So that according to
Pani ni , [ indicates (1) past t i me generally, (2) the past t i me
of t hi s day and not previous to t hi s day, and (3) recent past
t i me.
Now al l those characteristics wo fi nd i n the Engl i sh
Present Perfect and not in the Indefi ni t e Past. For, firstly,
i f we want t o express s i mpl y the compl et i on of an
act i on, i.e., past t i me, generally wi t hout reference to any
Of these 44 formaonly Jive , and
do not conform to the rules laid down by Panini for the Bhass. or the
Sanskrit current in his time (Note added in 1885).
420 EXTRACTS FROM PREFACES TO SECOND SANSKRIT BOOK
particular past time, we do not use the Indefinite Past in
English, but the Present Perfect. 'I read Sir Walter Scott's
Ivanhoe' necessarily implies some particular time when the
action of reading was done; in other words, the sense of the
sentence is not complete without the specification of some time.
We must add some such expression as * two years ago' or the
particular time must be understood from the context. But
when we say * I have read Sir Walter Scott's Ivanhoe/ there is
no such necessity. Secondly, the English Present Perfect, like
the Sanskrit can denote, if it denotes any specific time at al l ,
the past time of this day only. For, ' I have read the book
to-day' is good English ; but ' I have read the book yesterday '
or * a year ago' is not. And thi rdl y, the Present Perfect,
as is generally admitted, denotes recent time in English.
FROM T HE PREFACE TO T HE SECOND E DI T I ON (1870)
The observations made in the Preface to the last edition as to
the sense of the Aorist, have been confirmed by several passages
.1 have met wi th, in the Saihhitas of the Vedas and in Brahmanas
other than the Aitareya. But since this is hardly the place for
an elaborate essay on the subject, I forbear to make any
addition to what I have already said on the subject. I have only
re-cast the remarks contained in the Preface on the meaning of
the Sutras of Panini bearing on the question.
FROM T HE PREFACE TO T HE T HI R D E D I T I ON (1873)
Grammar was not an empiric study wi t h Panini and the
other ancient grammarians of Indi a. Those great sages observed
carefully the facts of their language, and endeavoured always to
oonnect them together by a law or rule, and to bring these
laws again under still more general laws. Sanskrit Grammar
SANSKRIT GRAMMAR AS A SCIENCE 421
has thus become a science at t hei r hands, and its study possesses
an educational value of the same k i n d as that of Eucl i d and
not much i nf er i or t o i t i n degree. For, t o make a particular
f or m, the mi n d of t he student has to go t hr ough a certain process
of synthesis. He has to mar k the mut ual connections of t he
rules he has learnt, and, in each gi ven case, to find out whi c h
of t hem, f r om t he condi t i ons i nvol ved, hol d good i n t hat case,
and t o appl y t hem i n regular succession, u n t i l he arrives at the
f or m requi red. A mere unscientific teaching of the forms as
such, and mi x i n g t hem up unconnect edl y i nt o a l i st , our
grammarians never resorted to, so l ong as they could trace a
resemblance even between t wo of t hem, i f not more.
Convi nced of t he u t i l i t y of t hi s system, I t r i ed i n t hi s book
to adhere to Pani ni so far as was convenient or practicable, and
t o give his general rules instead of spl i t t i ng t hem up i nt o the
part i cul ar cases t hey comprehend. In t hi s manner I was also
able to compress a great deal of mat t er i nt o comparat i vel y
smal l space. But the book necessarily became di ffi oul t , since
instead of pl aci ng a ready-made f or m before the student it gave
h i m onl y the rules, and requi red h i m t o constitute i t for
hi msel f. Experi ence, however, bot h as a learner and a teacher
has t aught me that Sanskrit Grammar learnt according to the
latter met hod i s more easily and longer remembered t han i f
l earnt empi r i cal l y.
*
*
ON BHAYABHUTI
BEING EXTRACTS FROM THE PREFACE TO THE SECOND
EDITION OF THE M A L A T T - M A D H A V A OF BHAVABHUTI ,
WI TH THE COMMENTARY OF JAGADDHARA.
BOMBAY SANSKRIT SERIES (1905)
[The Edition was by Sir R. G. Bhandakar " Dedicated to
the memory of E. I. Howard, Esq., Second Director of
Public Instruction, Bombay, but for whose enlightened
encouragement at
1
a time when Sanskrit did not form part of
the regular course of instruction imparted in our colleges, the
editor would, in all probability, never have studied the sacred
language of his country."] N. B. U.
I
After describing the Manuscript material and the mutual
relations of the MSS, Sir R. G. Bhandarkar proceeds :
Al l the nine MSS are independent of each other, and no two
are copies of the same original or closely connected wi t h each
other. Hence, when two or more agree, the reading acquires
a certain authoritativeness. * * * * * *
In a large number of cases, however, the agreeing MSS do
not form such groups, but one of them agrees wi t h one at one
time and wi t h any other at another at random. Looking to
the fact that the groups give readings which are intelligible
enough and often equally good, though a shade of difference
can be discovered, which renders one preferable to the other,
the conviction forced itself upon me that these changes were
made by the poet himself at different times, and some MSS
have preserved the earlier form and others the later. Of
course, some of the differences in individual MSS, or even in
CONJECTURAL EMENDATIONS 423
those agreeing wi t h each other at random, may have been
due to the mistakes of ignorant scribes or to the ingenuity of
learned readers. .
The Manuscript material for such a play as Malatl-Madhava
is so ample and so satisfactory, that the idea of restoring the
text by making conjectures, as if it were hopelessly corrupt,
which a certain critic has started, must be entirely condemned.
Even in the case of corrupt texts conjectural restoration ought
to be resorted to only in cases in which the conjecture is happy
and carries conviction wi t h it. European soholars, I am sorry
to say, indulge too frequently in it, especially in Vedic
literature, when often they are not in circumstances to make a
happy conjecture. It is not to be denied that some of the
conjectures are striking and hit at the truth ; but there are
others which are simply gratuitous and provoking.
I I
Bhavabhuti was descended from a fami l y of Brahmans
surnamed Udumbaras residing in Padmapura, in the country
of the Vidarbhas, the modern Berars. They were followers of
the Taittirlya SakhS of the Yajurveda, and belonged to the
Kasyapa gotra. They were pious Brahmans, regularly
worshipping Agni and sometimes performing the higher
sacrifices such as Vajapeya. Even at present, there are families
of Marathi and Tailanga Tai tti rl yi n Brahmans in and about the
country where the Udumbaras lived.
1
The name of BhavabhtHi's
father was Nllakantha, of his mother, JtUukarnl, and of his
grandfather, Bhatta Gopala. He was the fifth in descent
from one Mahakavi, who was a great sacrificer.
Bhavabhuti was a man of learning. He knew the Vedas, the
Upanisads, and the Samkhya and Yoga systems of philosophy.
He has given indications of his acquaintance wi t h the Yoga in
1 See explanatory notes on the play, Act I. line 31.
424
ON BHAVABHUTI
Malatl-Madhava and the Viraoarita,
1
and in the Uttararamacarita,
has, in two or three places, alluded to the chief doctrines of the
Aupanisada or Vedanta system, which appears to be somewhat
different from that elaborated by Samkaracarya.* The name
of his Guru or teacher was Jiiananidhi
8
, which looks like one
assumed by persons when they enter into the fourth or
Samnyasa order and devote themselves to the study and
contemplation of the Brahman, and that Jiiananidhi was the best
of Paramahaihsas or ascetics of the highest order, we are told
in the first half of the stanza in the Viraoarita. He probably
initiated our poet into the seorets of the Vedanta.
In the Introduction to his Edition of the Gaudavaho,
4
Mr. S.
P. Pandit states that in the colophon of the third Act in a MS.
of Malatl-Madhava, received from a friend, he found it
mentioned that the play was " composed by a pupil of Bhafta
Kumarila," and in that of the sixth, that it was " composed by
Srlmat Umvekacarya, who acquired his literary power
(Vagvaibhava) through the favour of Srl-Kumarilasvamin."
The conclusion drawn by him is, of course, that BhavabhQti
was a pupil of the great Kumarilabhafta. The statement in the
colophon is certainly curious, and chronologically does not
oonflict wi t h any known fact. But Kumarila was a great
Mlmamsaka, and Bhavabhuti does not, in the introduction to
his plays, speak of Mimamsa as a subject which he had studied,
though he makes mention of the other branches of knowledge
mentioned above. In his works he brings i n, as above
1 Malati-Madhava Act. V; Viraoarita, beginning of Act I I I .
2 Act I I . - &c ; Act VI ,
&c. See note on line 397 Act I. Creation according to fomkarXcXrya is a
Vivarta, while according to Bhavabhuti it is a ParinAma.
3 See introduction to the Viraoarita and the reading of N. O. Kl . in the
introduction (Bhavabhuti'g Prastavana) to the Malati-Madhava.
4 Page COVI (Intra). [ N. B. U. ]
WORKS OF BHAVABHUTI 425
remarked, his knowl edge of t he Vedanta and the Yoga, but there
is no al l usi on to any t hi ng t hat may be regarded as peculiar to t he
Mlinamsa. Agai n, i n the ni ne Manuscripts collated by me and
i n G. representing as t hey do the t ext prevalent i n different parts
of t he count r y f r om Kasmi r t o Mysore, some of t hem ver y ol d
and in others consulted by other editors, there is no trace of the
statement contained i n Mr . Pandit' s Manuscri pt . Bhavabhut i does
give the name of his Gur u Jnanani dhi ; and, if he real l y owed his
Vagvaibhava to Kumar i l a, it is wonder f ul that he should not
have ment i oned the fact hi msel f. St i l l I am not disposed to
reject the statement ent i rel y, but its verification must be left to
fut ure research.
Bhavabhut i is the author of three dramatic plays, the Vl r a-
carita, Malatl-Madhava and the Uttararamacarita. Sarnga-
dhara, i n his Paddhati, attributes t wo stanzas
1
t o h i m whi c h are
found in none of these three. But the first of these is gi ven by
Jalhana i n his Sukt i mukt aval i , as i f bel ongi ng t o an author
named Malatl-Madhava, f r om whose wor k six more stanzas are
quoted by h i m.
2
The reference is made at the end in the usual
way by the expression Malatl-Madhavasya. The second of the
t wo stanzas and another have been at t ri but ed to Bhavabhut i in
another anthology*. Anot her of the seven stanzas quoted by
Jalhana is gi ven by Sararigadhara, but not ascribed to anybody
4
.
426
ON BHAVABHUTI
Jalhana is the earliest compiler of an anthology known to us,'
since he lived in the time of Krsna of the Yadava dynasty of
Devagiri, who reigned from 1247 A. D. to 1260 A. D and con-
sequently the information derived from him is more reliable.
It appears, therefore, that there was a poet who was called Malatl-.
Madhava, probably from his having had something to do wi t h
Bhavabhuti's work of that name, just as some others were called
Nidradaridra, Utpreksavallabha, Sitkararatna, etc., from their
using certain modes of expression. In later times his existence
was forgotten, and when his name was found connected wi t h
certain stanzas, they were taken to be from the famous play
of Malatl-Madhava attributed to Bhavabhuti. So that the
occurrence in the later anthologies of the name of Bhavabhuti
after certain Slokas not found in his known works, is not a
just ground for inferring .that he must have written another.
The Vlracarita seems to have been Bhavabhuti's first attempt,
for it does not exhibit that power and felicity of expression and
insight into the human heart that the other two display, and is
often heavy and uncouth. Malatl-Madhava must have been his
second work, and the Uttararamacarita, the last. In the bene-
dictory stanza at the end of this, the play is represented as the
production of his mature intellect.
1
And this is confirmed by
internal evidence and the traditionary judgment of the Pandits,
among whom a verse declaratory of Bhavabhuti's " having in
the Uttararamacarita excelled " Kalidasa, has been current'.
These- two poets are frequently compared wi t h each other and
regarded as the leading dramatists in the language. The ordinary
belief among the Pandits is that they lived at the same time, and
a characteristic anecdote is told wi t h regard to them. Bhavabhuti
took his Uttararamacarita, after he had composed i t , to Kalidasa
BHAVABHUTI AND KALIDl SA 427
and asked hi m to give his j udgment on i t . Kalidasa was at
that t i me engaged in the game of Saras, and t ol d Bhavabhut i to
read out the pl ay for hi m. Bhavabhut i di d so. Al l the whi l e,
Kalidasa was deeply engaged in the game, and when Bhava-
bhut i had finished and asked hi m what he t hought about the
wor k, he said that " it was a very good product i on, better t han
his own works, and that the onl y fault ho could discover was a
superfluous dot or Anusvara in the last l i ne of one of the Slokas."
The l i ne meant was _ , Act I, and the
superiluous dot, that on Kalidasa t hi nki ng that it should
be as we fi nd it in our text. Undoubt edl y, is much
better t han the anecdote, however, can have no historical
foundat i on.
But t hough Kalidasa coul d not have l i ved l ong enough
to be thus consulted by Bhavabhut i , there can be l i t t l e doubt
that he was our poet's favourite author, and was admi red by
hi m. The loves of Sakuntala and Dusydnta and of the Apsaras
and Puriiravas, ment i oned by Kamandaki i n the second Act of
the present pl ay, may, very reasonably, be understood to be
allusions t o the Abhi j nana-Sakunt al a ' and Vi kramorvasl . An d
in the ni nt h Act , Madhava' s idea of using a cloud as a messenger
to his beloved, and even his mai mer and mode of addressing i t ,
seem to have beeii suggested by the Meghaduta. .
Bhavabhut i is a poet of great mer i t . He shows a j ust appreci-
at i on of the awf ul beauty and grandeur of Nat uro ent hroned i n
the solitudes of dense forests, cataracts, and l of t y mount ai ns.
He has an equal l y strong perception of stern grandeur in human
character, and is ver y successful in br i ngi ng out deep pathos and
tenderness. Ho i s s ki l f ul i n detecting beauty even i n or di nar y
things or actions and in di st i ngui shi ng the nicer shades of
feeling. He is a master of style and expression, and hi s
cleverness in adapt i ng his . words to the sentiment is
unsurpassed. .*
428
ON BHAVABHUTI
The genius of Bhavabhut i was, however, more of a l yr i c t han of a
dramatic nature. Not wi t hst andi ng the or i gi nal i t y of conception
i nvol ved i n t he pl ot of Malatl-Madhava, the poet does not show
such a s ki l l i n the arrangement of his i nci dent s and i n the
denouement as is displayed by the author of t he Mr cchakat i , or
even of the Mudraraksasa. The incidents subsequent to the
scene i n t he cemetery l ook l i ke cl umsy appendages and not l i ke
parts of a whol e. Kapalakundala is represented to have taken
away Mal at l , s i mpl y to give an oppor t uni t y to the poet to display
his power of depi ct i ng the feelings of a man in Vi raha ; and the
i nci dent appears by no means to harmoni ze wi t h , or to arise
nat ur al l y out of, the previous story. Nei t her is the poet ver y
s ki l f ul i n the port rai t ure of varied character. In t hi s also he i s
surpassed by Sudraka. Bhavabhut i had not the power of put t i ng
hi msel f ment al l y i nt o various situations, of forget t i ng one and
becoming qui t e a new man in another. But as the poet of
Nat ure and of human passion and feel i ng generally, he occupies
a ver y hi gh r ank among Sanskrit authors.
Kalidasa, as Prof. Wi l son remarks, has more fancy. He is a
greater artist t han Bhavabhut i . The former suggests or indicates
t he sent i ment whi ch the latter expresses i n forcible language.
The characters of the latter, overcome by the force of passion, often
weep bi t t er l y, whi l e those of the former si mpl y shed a few tears, if
t hey do so at al l . In the language of Sanskrit cri t i cs, Kalidasa's
Rasa is conveyed or Abhi vyakt a by the Laksya or Vyangya sense
hi words, whi l e Bhavabhuti' s is conveyed by the Vacya sense.
The excellences and shortcomings of Bhavabhuti' s genius are
f u l l y seen i n the Uttararamacarita. The incidents i n t hat pl ay are
but few. There i s very l i t t l e movement. But the descri pt i on of
the forest scenery of Janasthana in the second Act , and the
port rai t ure of the griefs of Sita and Rama i n the t hi r d, are
unr i val l ed. Uttararamacarita is more adopted for t he hal l t han
for the stage ; it is more a Sravya t han a Drsya Kavya, whi l e the
BHAVABHUTl' S GREATNESS AND DEFECTS 429
beauties of Sakuntala are more perceptible when acted t han
when read. The meri t s of the poet are also observable in
Malatl-Madhava, but not in such a developed f or m as in the other
pl ay ; whi l e to his usual faults, must be added the use of l ong
prose speeches cont ai ni ng bewi l der i ng compounds. Such a t hi ng
can never succeed on t he stage. Perhaps in t hi s as in several
other respects, Bhavabhut i was carried away by the con-
vent i onal i sm whi ch had begun t o prevai l , and the rules l ai d down
by the cri t i cs ; and the free pl ay of his genius was obstructed.
Long compounds constitute the poetic excellence called Ojas,
and t hi s Ojas is according to Dandi n the very soul of prose.
1
The scene of the drama is l ai d at PadmavatT situated at the
confluence of t wo rivers named the Para and the Si ndhu. Of
the i dent i fi cat i on and position of the t own and the rivers, I have
spoken i n another pl ace. '
Accordi ng to the Rajataranginl, Bhavabhut i was patronized by
Yasovarman ki ng of Kanauj . Thi s Yasovarman was subdued by
Lal i t adi t ya,
3
ki ng of Kasml r, who acquired by his conquests a
paramount supremacy over a large part of I ndi a. The ment i on
of this circumstance enables us to fix the date of Bhavabhut i .
But the exact date of Lal i t adi t ya or Mukt api da, as he was also
called, is st i l l a matter of dispute. Kalhana, the author of the
Rajataranginl, gives the durat i on of the reigns of the kings
noticed by hi m, and mentions the year 25 of the Lauki ka or
Saptarsi Era as the date of the compl et i on of his wor k. He
began the wor k in 24 Lauki ka, corresponding to 1070 Saka.
Accordi ng to the met hod of t ur ni ng a Lauki ka i nt o a Saka year,
gi ven in my Report on Manuscripts for 1883-84 (p. 84),
4
the
430
ON BHAVABHUTI
Lauki ka 25 corresponds to 1071 Saka passed and 24 to 1070 passed.
The sum of the durations of the reigns f r om Lal i t adi t ya t o
Jayasimha, who had been on t he t hrone for 22 years when
Kalhana finished his wor k, has been gi ven by Mr . S. P. Pandi t
as 455 years, 7 mont hs, and 11 days. Thi s bei ng subtracted
f r om 1071, we have Saka 615-4-19 as the date of Lal i t adi t ya' s
accession, corresponding t o 693 A. D. Cunni ngham i n his
or i gi nal calculation, gives the same; but Mr . Pandi t somehow
arrives at 625 A. D. , and t hi s i s the date gi ven by M. Tr oyer
also. But the t ot al of the durations gi ven above includes a
r ei gn of seven years (Sapta vatsaran) assigned to Samgramapida,
one of the successors of Lal i t adi t ya, in t wo of the Manuscri pt s
of the wor k, whi l e a t hi r d gives h i m a rei gn of seven days onl y
(Sapta vasaran). Thi s wi l l br i ng t he date of the accession of
Mukt api da, wi t h whom we are concerned, t o 700 A. D.
Considering the arguments urged on bot h sides, it is di ffi cul t
to decide whi c h of the t wo readings is cor r ect ; but I am
i ncl i ned f r om the context to regard Sapta vatsaran as the
correct reading. Lal i t adi t ya- Mukt apl da thus reigned f r om
693 A. D. to 729 A. D. or 700 A. D. to 736 A. D.
But a comparison wi t h Chinese chronol ogy t hrows a doubt
on the correctness of the date. The Chinese annals represent
Candrapida, brot her of Mukt api da, who rei gned before Tarapida,
another brot her and the i mmedi at e predecessor of Mukt api da,
to have sent an embassy to the Chinese court in the year 713
A. D. , and to have received the t i t l e of " ki ng " at his request
f r om the Chinese emperor i n 720 A. D. ; whi l e, according t o
Kal hana' schronol ogy, Candrapida di ed i n 689 A. D. As Chinese
ohronol ogy has always proved accurate, there must be a mistake
of about 31 years i n Kalhana' s chronol ogy of the peri od, sup-
posing Candrapida to have di ed soon after recei vi ng the t i t l e.
Lal i t adi t ya hi msel f is represented to have sent an embassy to
China some t i me after 736 A. D.
1
whi c h he coul d not have
1 Dr. Stein'a transl. of the Rajatar., Intr., p. G7.
THE DATE OF BHAVABHUTl 431
done if he died in 729 A. D. or in even 736 A. D. according to
Kalhana's chronology. If, therefore, we apply the correction of
31 years, Lalitaditya-Muktapida's date wi l l have to be understood
to be 724-760 A. D. or 731-767 A. D. Yasovarman, therefore, must
have been subdued by Lalitaditya after 724 A. D. or 731 A. D.
And a still closer approximation has been arrived at by Prof.
Jacobi. In stanzas 827-831 of Mr. Pandit's edition of the
Gaudavadha are given the portentous events which took place in
the world as mentioned in stanza 832 on the occasion " when
the corner of Yasovarinan's eye became twisted in consequence
of a momentary shaking of his (kingly) position." Prof. Jacobi
justly takes this to be a reference to Lalitaditya's invasion.
1
And certainly Yasovarinan's loss of his position was momentary,
for the Kasmlr prince does not appear to have annexed his
kingdom, but simply to have gone away after he had received
his submission and concluded an alliance. Among the portent-
ous occurrences, one was the assumption by the disk of the
sun, when " it was pierced through by Ketu, of the form of
an anklet as it were of the LaksmI (glory) of the three worlds,
dislocated from her foot when she thrust it forth violently in
anger." (Stanza 829.) Evidently what is alluded to here is an
annular eclipse of the sun ; and this, according to astronomical
calculations, occurred, as stated by Prof. Jacobi', and was visible
at Kanauj, on the 14th of August 733 A.D. It was in that year,
therefore, that Yasovarman was attacked by Lalitaditya. A king
of Central India of the name of I-cha-fon-mo is mentioned by
Chinese authors as having sent an embassy to China in 731 A.D.
S
This I-cha-fon-mo has, I think, been properly identified wi t h
Yasovarman, and here we have the date of Bhavabuhuti's patron
from another source.
1 Gott. gel. Anr., 1888, nr. 2, p. 67.
2 lb., p. 68.
3 Dr. Stein's tranal Rajatar., Intr., p. 89, and note on IV. 134.
432
ON BHAVABHUTI
The ambassador of Mukt apl da, who was sent to the
Chinese court some t i me after 736 A. D. , is represented to
have cl ai med t he ki ng of Cent ral I ndi a as his master' s al l y.
He i s i n al l l i kel i hood Yasovarman hi msel f; and, i f so, Dr . Stein
t hi nks t hat Lal i t adi t ya must have subdued Yasovarman after
the date of t he embassy, i.e., l ong after 736 A.D.
1
Thi s goes
against the date arri ved at f r om the annul ar eclipse, but the
fact appears to be t hat , as stated above, Mukt apfda di d not annex
the t er r i t or y of Yasovarman t o his ki ngdom, but kept h i m on
the t hrone and formed an alliance wi t h h i m ; and hence the
latter was represented as the al l y of the Kasml r pri nce.
Fr om Jaina sources, if t hey are to be t rust ed, we arri ve at an
approxi mat e date for t he death of Yasovarman, whi c h is
consistent wi t h those gi ven above. Rajasekhara, t he author of
the Prabandhakosa, tells us that a Jaina saint of the name of
Bappabhatti converted to Jai ni sm Amaraj a, the son and successor
of Yasovarman of Kanauj . Bappabhatti was i ni t i at ed as a monk
in 807 of the Vi kr ama era. Soon after that event he met
Amaraja, who l i ved as a vol unt ar y exile in Gujarat. Af t er he
had succeeded his father, Bappabhatti was, at his suggestion,
raised t o the di gni t y of Suri . Thi s occurred i n 811 A. V.
Between 807 A. V. and 811 A. V. , corresponding t o 751 A. D.
and 755 A. D. , i.e., about the year 753 A. D. , therefore, Yasovarman
di ed.
The Rajatarariginl mentions another poet of the name of
Vakpatiraja, who also was in the service of Yasovarman. ' The
Gaudavadha al l uded t o above i s the wor k of t hi s poet, and i n i t
also, he mentions the fact.
3
" There was," he says about hi m-
self, " not hi ng i nt erest i ng about h i m, but he deri ved his
i mport ance by resort i ng to the feet of Kamal ayudha. "
4
1 Transl. Rajatar., Intr., p. 89.
2 St. IV. 144, quoted before.
3 Stanza 797 of Pandit'a Edn.
4 lb. St. 798,
THE DATE OF BHAVABHUTI
433
Kamal ayudha was a poet, f r om whose wor k or wor ks quotations
are made by Jahlana and other anthologists. He was t hus a
cont emporary of Vakpat i raj a. Then he tells us how, " i n hi s
rugged compositions, there s t i l l shine certain excellences as if
t hey were the drops of the poetic nectar churned out of the
ocean in the shape of Bhavabhut i . "
1
Her ei n he speaks of his
indebtedness t o Bhavabhut i , f r om his connection wi t h whom
he derived some poetic conceptions or modes of expression.
Fr om the manner i n whi ch the statement i s made, Bhavabhut i
appears to have l i ved long before he wrot e this. Since
Vakpatirfija ment i ons the annular eclipse of August 14th, 733
A. D. , not as a recent event, he must have wr i t t en his wor k a
pr et t y l ong t i me after 733 A. D. , and before 753, the approximate
date of Yasovarman' s death. We may, in general terms, there-
fore, state t hat the poet flourished in the second quarter of the
ei ght h cent ury, and Bhavabhut i i n the fi rst .
The date thus det ermi ned agrees wi t h al l that i s known of
t he chronol ogi cal relations of BhavabhQti wi t h other wri t ers.
In the first place, Bana's omission of his name from the l ong
l i st gi ven by h i m at the begi nni ng of his Harsacarita is now
i nt el l i gi bl e. Bana flourished in the first hal f of the seventh
cent ury. A verse f r om Bhavabhnt i is quoted in Ksirasvamin' s
comment ary on the Amarakosa. ' Ksi rasvami n is ment i oned
434
ON BHAVABHUTI
in the Rajatarangini as the teacher of Jayapia,
1
the grandson
of Lalitaditya, who reigned from 752 A. D. , to 783 A. D. ,
according to Kalhana's Chronology. But as Ksirasvamin
notices Bhoja as a grammarian and lexicographer, it is highly
doubtful whether the author of the commentary was the same
as Jayaplda's teacher. Supposing the Bhoja referred to was the
same as the famous prince of Dhara of that name, Ksirasvamin
wi l l have to be placed between about 1040 A. D. , and 1141 A. D. ,
the latter being the year in which Vardhamana wrote his
Ganaratnamahodadhi, in which he mentions Ksirasvamin.'
Bhavabhuti is also quoted by Vamana in his Kavyalamkara-
vrt t i . Quotations from his work occur in the Kavyaprakasa
and in a work of Abhinavagupta, who wrote in the beginning
of the 11th century. He is, therefore, in all likelihood, the
same as Jayaplda's minister of that name. Bhavabhuti is quoted
by Rajasekhara, the dates of whose patron, Mahendrapala,
king of Kanauj, are 893, 899, 903 and 907 A. D. He is also
quoted by Somadeva, the author of the Yasastilaka, who wrote
the work in 881 Saka, corresponding to 959 A.D., in the reign
of the Rasfcrakuta prince Krsna I I I , by Dhanika, the author of
the DasarQpakavaloka, and brother of Dhanamjaya,. the author
of the Dasarupaka, who lived at the court of Munja of Malwa
( 974-995 A. D. ), and in the Sarasvatlkanthabharana attributed
to Bhoja of Dhara, who reigned in the first half of the
eleventh century. Bhavabhuti is also quoted by Vardhamana
mentioned above and by Mammata, the author of the Kavya-
prakasa. Verses from his work occur in Jalhana's anthology
noticed above, and in Sarngadhara's Paddhati and similar works
written in later times.
2 See Prof. Aufrecht's paper referred to above. The year of Vikrama in
which Vardhamana wrote is given as 1197.
ON J AGADDHARA 435
I I I
ON J AGADDHARA, T HE COMMENTATOR OF
MA L A T I - MA D H A V A
Jagaddhara, the aut hor of the comment ary on Bhavabhi i t i ' s
Malatl-Madhava was, as he hi msel f tells us, the son of Ratnadhara
and Damayant l . Ratnadhara was the son of Vi dyadhara, and
grandson of Gadadhara. Thi s last was the son of Ramesvara who
was the son of Devesa, son of Candesvara. Candesvara appears
to have obtained f r om some ki ng or chief the grant of a vi l l age
of t he name of Suragrama. Al l his ancestors, except perhaps
his father, were Mlmamsakas. He or his father appears to have
been a j udi ci al funct i onary to some chief. Hi s grandfather
resided, Dr . Ha l l states, probabl y on the aut hor i t y of Jagaddhara's
other works, at Videhanagara i n Mi t hi l a. Our scholiast gives
in some cases, vernacular equivalents for Sanskrit words, but
the reading is often so corrupt and uncert ai n t hat it is not
possible to find out f r om these what his own vernacular was.
But none of the facts ment i oned by h i m enables us to
det ermi ne the period when he l i ved. Al l that can be done is to
arri ve, i f possible, f r om the authors and works quoted or
ment i oned by hi m, at a date before whi ch he coul d not have
l i ved. In his present wor k, Jagaddhara refers t o Amara, the
Dhar ani , the Sasvata, the Haraval l , the UtpalinT, the Visva or
Visvaprakasa,
1
the Sabdaprakasa, the Sabdabheda,
2
the Ane-
kart ha, the Nanart ha, the Ratnakosa, the Medi ni , the Amara-
1 What is often called the Visva is really the Visvaprakasa of Maheavara.
I looked for some of the verses quoted by Jagaddhara from the Visva in the two
copies of the Visvaprakasa in Dr. Buhler's Collection, and found them in both.
2 The Sabdaprakasa and the Sabdabheda are one and the same work and
identical wi t h the Sabdabhedaprakasa which is an Appendix to the Visvaprakasa.
1 looked for the passages quoted by Jagaddhara in the copy in Dr. Buhler's Col-
lection and found them there.
436 ON BHAVABHUTI
mala, the Amaralata,
1
the Dhatusamgraha, the Dhat upradl pa,
the Nyasa, Bharata, Danglin, the Saras vat ikanthabharana, the
Meghaduta, Magha, and Naisadha.' Of the lexicons quoted by
h i m the date of the Visvaprakasa i s known. It was composed,
as the aut hor hi msel f i nf or ms us in a Sloka at the end of his
wor k, in Saka 1033 corresponding to 1111 A.D.
3
Jagaddhara
furnishes us wi t h another clue. At the begi nni ng of the seventh
Act , after expl ai ni ng t hat t he root wi t h signifies t o "t ake
one's leave finally," or to " bi d adieu " he tells us t hat t he same
root occurs i n the Meghaduta and i s expl ai ned by the comment -
ator in the same way. A great many commentaries on t hi s
poem, besides t hat of Mal l i nat ha, are ment i oned i n Prof.
Aufrecht ' s Catalogus Catalogorum none of whi ch, however, is
we l l known. An d since Jagaddhara speaks of one comment at or
onl y wi t hout gi vi ng his name, he must be understood to have
been aware of one comment ar y onl y, so wel l known as to
render a ment i on of the author' s name superfluous. I, therefore,
take i t he alludes t o Mal l i nat ha who, i n hi s scholia on the poem,
does expl ai n t he root in the same way as Jagaddhara. Mal l i nat ha,
therefore, l i ved before our scholiast. Now Mal l i nat ha
according t o Prof. Auf r echt , flourished after t he t hi r t eent h
century,
4
since he quotes f r om a wor k of Bopadeva in one of
his commentaries. Bopadeva was a cont emporary of Hemadr i
who was a counsellor to Mahadeva
5
and Ramadeva, ki ngs of
Devagi ri , and consequently flourished at the end of the t hi r t eent h
1 AmaramSla. and Amaralata appear to have been two names of the same
book, or the latter is a inflection.
2 Dr,. Hal l gives some more names from the other works of the scholiast:
the Gitagovinda, the Uttaratantra, RatnAvali, Vala and VindhyavXsin, and
Mattanftga.
3 See Prof. Aufrecht's Oxf. Oat. p. 188b. I do not, however, find the Sloka
in the Manuscripts in Dr. Bubler's Collection.
4 Oxf. Cat. p. 113a.
6 Early History of the Doccan, pp. 116 and 117.
JAGADDHARA' S DATE 437
century. Mallinatha wrote a commentary on the Ekavall, a
work on Poetics, and the prince, who is panegyrised in that
work, ruled over Orissa t i l l the first decade of the fourteenth
century. That is the date of the Ekavall, but the commentary
must be later by about fifty years if not more.
1
Another circum-
stance which indicates Mallinatha's priority to Jagaddhara is
that while the latter quotes from the Medini every now and
then, the lexicon is never referred to by Mallinatha.' If the
Medini were composed before Mallinatha, we might certainly
expect quotations from it somewhere in his vast commentaries.
Medinlkara, therefore, very probably lived after Mallinatha and
certainly before Jagaddhara.
We should make a further advance in the present inquiry if
we could determine the age of this lexicographer so often quoted
by our scholiast. In the introduction to his vocabulary,
Medinlkara mentions Madhava. If this Madhava is the same
as the great Minister of Bukka and Harihara, kings of Vijaya-
nagara, the Medini must have been written in or after the fourth
quarter of the fourteenth century.
3
In Rayamukuta's comment-
ary on the Amarakos'a, there are many quotations from this
lexicon. Rayamukuta wrote his work, as he himself incidentally
tells us, in 1353 Saka and in 4532 Kaliyuga,
4
correspond-
1 See my Report on Manuscripts for 1887-01, p. l xi x, and note in the Intro-
duction to Mr. Trivedi's Ed. of the Kkavali. [ = Ante. p. 333 ; the note on
Ekavlal is included in the Volume later.] N. B. U.
2 See Oxf. Cat. p. 113 and Appendices to Mr. Pandit's Ed. of Raghuvarasa.
Prof. Aufrecht has observed one quotation from the lexicon in the commentary on
Magha ; but it is a later interpolation. (See the Preface to his Ed. of Ujjvala-
datta, p. xi v. notes).
3 Sec Jour. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol . I V. , p. 107. The date of Madhava's grant is
1313 Saka, i. e., 1391 A. D.
438 ON BHAVABHUTI
ing to 1431 A. D. Medinlkara, therefore, lived after about 1375
A. D. and before 1431 A. D. But, if the Madhava alluded to by
him was another person, we must determine his date wi t h
reference to that of Mallinatha instead of Madhava, and
RSyamukuta, but the result is about the same, as Mallinatha
must have flourished, as stated above, after the middle of the
fourteenth century. Probably Medinlkara lived about the same
time as Mallinatha. Jagaddhara, therefore, lived after the
fourteenth century, but how long after, we have not the means
of determining. A Manuscript of his commentary on the present
play was written as we have seen in the year 1764 Vikrama,
corresponding to 1708 A. D. ; so that his latest l i mi t is the end
of the 17th century.
Jagaddhara's commentary is very valuable. His interpret-
ation of his author is generally correct and proper ; but after
having given an explanation which alone is plain and sensible,
he often attempts several others which are fanciful and far-
fetched, probably to show off his learning and acumen. In a
few places he is positively wrong. I have considered all these
cases in the explanatory notes. His quotations from Bharata
and other authors and the information that he gives on several
points are of very great use, especially to the University
student.
Besides the present commentary, Jagaddhara wrote others, on
the Venisaihhara, Vasavadatta, Meghaduta, Bhagavadglta, and
Devimahatmya.
*
*
A NOTE ON EKAVALI
(Originally published in the Late Rao Bahadur K. P. Trivedi's
Edition of the Ekilvall, Bombay Sanskrit Series, No. 63, 1903 ;
pp. XXXI I I XXXVI I ) . N. B. U.
In view of the Inscriptions brought to the notice of Mr. K. P.
Trivedi by Mr. K. B. Pathak, and others which Mr. Pathak
has not mentioned,
1
the remarks made by me on the date of the
Ekilvall, in my Report' on the Search for Manuscripts during
1887-91, require to be supplemented, though the conclusions
at which I arrived from the internal evidence, as to the
approximate time, when the author of the work flourished,
remains not only perfectly unshaken, but is remarkably
confirmed ; and the Inscriptions do not yield much in elucida-
tion of the point discussed that was not known before.
The list of the princes who ruled over Orissa given by Sir W.
W. Hunter and Mr. Sewell is based on the Chronicle of the
Jagannritha Temple, and like other productions of the kind,
contains a good deal that has no surer foundation than fancy
or imagination, mixed especially in the later portion wi t h
much that is historically true. It should, therefore, be accepted
wi t h caution, and confirmatory evidence of a more reliable
nature should be resorted to where available. Such evidence
we have in the case of the Ganga Dynasty which ruled over
the country, and wi t h which alone we are here concerned.
Seven Copper-plate Inscriptions of princes of this family have
1 For these Inscriptions, See Trivedi' s Introduction to Ekavali, p.p. XXVI
ff. [ N. B. U. ]
2 Ante, pp. 328-334. I t wi l l be seen that Manuscript belonged to the
1884-87 Collection, though the notice thereof was originally contained in the
1887-91 Report. [ N. B. U.]
440
A NOTE ON EKl VALl
hi t her t o been discovered, three of Codaganga, t wo of
Narasimha I I , and t wo of Narasi mha I V.
The year of Codaganga's accession is gi ven as 999 Saka, and
the dates of his three copper-plate grants are 1003 S., 1040 S,
and 1075 S. The dates of the grants of Narasi mha II are 1217 S. ,
whi c h was the regnal year represented by the fi gure 21, and
1218 S., and those of t he I nscr i pt i ons of Narasimha IV are
1305 S., whi c h as a regnal year, was represented by t he figure
8, and 1316 S, represented by the figure 22. In represent i ng
a regnal year by a figure, 1, 6, and a figure endi ng in
6, as wel l as a figure endi ng in zero except 10, were,
we are t ol d by Babu Manmohan i n another paper of hi s,
omi t t ed as inauspicious. Thus the figure 8 represented t he
s i xt h year of t he r ei gn of Narasi mha IV (1 and 6 bei ng
dropped), and the figure 22, the ei ght eent h year ( 1 , 6, 16, and
20 bei ng dropped). Thus 1305 S. was the s i xt h year of his
1
r ei gn, and 1316 S., the ei ght eent h. If 1305 S. was t he s i xt h
year, 1316 S., (ought to be t he seventeenth instead of t he
ei ght eent h. But t hi s difference is probabl y due to the fact
t hat a new number was gi ven t o the regnal year i n the mont h
of Bhadrapada, so t hat in Caitra, 1316 Saka was represented by
the number 17, as 1305 Saka was by 6, and in Margasirsa t he
mont h named i n the grant of 1314 S., by t he number 18. Thus,
1217 S., whi c h as a regnal year of Narasi mha I I , is represented
by t he figure 21, was the seventeenth year of hi s r ei gn.
The grants also give t he genealogy of t he dynast y wi t h t he
dur at i on of the reigns of the princes. Thi s i s gi ven by Babu
Manmohan Chakravart i i n hi s paper on t he grants of
Narasi mha I V, and need not here be repeated. The genealogy
i s cer t ai nl y rel i abl e, but t he years of t he dur at i on of t he rei gns
as cer t ai nl y not. For, in t he first place, in t he grants of 1217 S.,
1 Urya Inscriptions of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol LXI I , Part I , No. 1, 1893.
DATES OF GANGA KI NGS 441
of 1305 S., and 1316 S., t he year of accession of Kamarnava, t he
successor of Codaganga, is gi ven as 1064 S. If t he l at t er got
possession of t he t hrone in 999 S., and his son 1064 S., he coul d
not have rei gned for 70 years as he is represented to have done,
but only 65.
Agai n i f we calculate by addi ng t o Saka 1064, whi c h i s t he
date of the accession of Kamarnava, the number of years f or
whi c h the reigns of the succeeding princes lasted, we have t he
f ol l owi ng dates for t he accession of the last seven pri nces :
Narasi mha I ; 1174 S. Dur at i on 33 years.
Vi rabhanudeva I ; 1207 S. 17
Narasirhhadeva II ; 1224 S. 34
Vi rabhanudeva II ; 1258 S 24
Narasirhhadeva I I I ; 1282 S. 24
Bhanudeva I I I : 1306 8. 26
Narasimha IV ; 1332 S.
But f r om the cont emporary evidence of t hei r own plates,
1217 S was the seventeenth year of the rei gn of Narasiihha I I ,
and 1316 S, the ei ght eent h year of t he r ei gn of Narasi mha I V.
Therefore, ei t her the date of accession of Kamarnava, 1064 S.,
for whi c h we have no cont emporary evidence, is wr ong, or the
durat i ons of t he reigns or bot h.
Now, if 1316 S. was the eighteenth year of the rei gn of
Narasiihha I V, he must have come to the t hrone in 1299 S.
Cal cul at i ng backwards by subtracting the years of the dur at i on
of each r ei gn, we get the f ol l owi ng dates for the accession of
the seven princes :
Narasimhadeva I 1141 S.
Vi rabhanudeva I 1174 S.
Narasimhadeva I I 1191 S.
Vi rabhanudeva I I 1225 S.
Narasimhadeva I I I 1249 S.
Bhanudeva I I I 1273 S.
Narasimhadeva IV 1299 S.
66 [R. G. Bhandarkar'g Work a, Vol, I I ]
442
A NOTE ON EKAVALl
But according to one of the grants of Narasimhadeva I I ,
1217 S., was the seventeenth year of his reign, and he must
have come to the throne in 1201 S., while according to our
calculation, he got possession of it in 1292, i. e., eleven years
earlier. Now since we started from a date vouched for by a
contemporary document, and thus come to a conclusion,
opposed to another contemporary document, the years of the
duration of each reign given in the plates must be wrong. The
date of Narasimha II occurring in his earlier grant is found on
computation to correspond to Monday the 6th August, 1296
A.D., and those of Narasimha I V, Sunday, 6th March, 1384 A.D.,
and to Tuesday, 23rd November, 1395 A. D.
Now from all this, what we get for our present purpose, is
no more than what we got from Sir W. W. Hunter's list, viz.,
that about the end of the thirteenth century of the Christian Era,
which is the period in which, from the internal evidence the
Ekavall was composed and the king panegyrised lived, there
was a Narasimha who ruled over Orissa. The date of his
accession is 1201 S., i.e., 1279 or 1280 A.D., while in the list, he
is represented as having acceded to the throne in 1282 A. D.
There is a difference of two years only, which can be accounted
for in a variety of ways. If the period for which he is spoken
of as having reigned, is to be regarded as .correct, he held
power t i l l 1314 A.D., while according to the list, he ruled over
the country t i l l 1307 A.D.
That Narasimha II was the Narasimha of the Ekavall is
rendered highly probable, or I might say, certain by the fact
that in the Inscriptions of Narasimha I V, he is in one place
called "or favourite of poets" and in another,
: " the moon that made the night lilies in the shape
of poets expand." The description applies to the hero of the
Ekavall, both because he was chosen for his panegyric by
Vidyadhara, and because he must have patronized hi m and
others like him.
*
SOCIAL HISTORY OF INDIA
[ F ROM C. Y. CHI NT AMANI ' S I N D I A N SOCI AL REFORM,
1901, PART FI RST, PAGES 126.]
[ THI S WAS CONTRI BUTED AS AN ORI GI NAL PAPER
TO THE VOLUME ENTI TLED ' I NDI AN SOCIAL
REFORM, " EDI TED AND PUBLI SHED BY
Mr . C. Y. CHI NTAMANI I N 1901]. N. B. U.
I NTRODUCTORY
Before ent eri ng on the subject of this paper it is necessary to
give to the reader a general idea of the comparative ant i qui t y of
the different portions of Sanskrit l i t erat ure referred to t herei n.
The hymns contained in the Rgveda Samhita are the oldest ; but
t hey were composed at different times and some of t hem are
much later t han the others. The verses of these hymns when
used for sacrificial purposes are called Mantras. The Brahmanas
whi ch contain an expl anat i on of the sacrificial r i t ual come next ;
but there was a very l ong i nt er val between t hem and the hymns.
Then we have the Aranyakas whi c h cont ai n the Upanisads.
There are treatises of the latter name whi ch are very modern
and f or m by no means a part of the Vedic l i t erat ure t hough
sometimes t hey profess to do so. Later t han these are the
Srauta or Sacrificial Sutras, and contemporaneous wi t h t hem, or
somewhat later, are the Gr hya Satras. The Dharma Sutras
i n whi c h the rel i gi ous and sometimes a c i vi l l aw i s l ai d down
are s t i l l more modern.
The Samhita and Brahmana of the Black Yaj urveda contain
the Mant ra and Brahmana port i ons mi xed together. Some
of the Mantras may be as ol d as the later hymns of t he
IJgveda Samhi t a; but the Brahmana por t i on must be of about
the same age as the Brahmanas of the Rgveda. Some of
444 SOCIAL HISTORY OP INDIA
the hymns of the Atharva Veda may be as old as the later
ones of the Ilgveda ; but others are considerably more modern.
Buddhism rose in the later part of the sixth century
before Chri st; and the death of Buddha took place about 477
B. C. The genuine Upanisads must be earlier than Buddhism.
The Grammarian Patanjali lived about 150 B. C, and PSnini,
the author of the Sutras on Grammar, must have preceded
hi m by several centuries. Yaska the author of the Ni rukt a.
which contains an explanation of the difficult words in the
hymns, must have flourished before Panini.
From about the middle of the thi rd century before Christ, to
about the end of the thi rd after, Buddhism was the favourite
religion of the masses. Duri ng that time Brahmanic literary and
religious activity was a good deal impaired. In the fourth century
Buddhism declined and there was a Brahmanic revi val ; and the
Brahamans re-edited some of the books on the religious and the
civil law which had been wri tten in the form of prose sentences
called Sutras, -and gave a new and more popular shape to them.
Thus arose the Metrical Smrtis or Smrtis composed in Anustup
Slokas which now go by the name of Manu, Yajnavalkya and
other sages of the antiquity. They of course contained mostly
the same matter as the old Dharma Sutras ; but they brought
the law up to the time. This species of literature having come
into existence in this way, other numerous Smrtis of the like
nature came to be wri tten subsequently.
The old Puranas were also re-cast about the period, and a good
many new ones wri tten. The Mahabharata is mentioned by
Panini and in Asvalayana's Grhya Sutras ; but was consolidated
into something like its present shape probably three or four
centuries before Chri st; but passages were interpolated into it
from time to t i me; and it must have been retouched at the time
of the revival.
THE VEDIC ARYAS 445
CASTE
Mor e t han four thousand years before Chri st , according to the
latest researches, the Sanskri t speaking people called t he
Aryas penetrated i nt o I ndi a f r om the Nor t h West. They
were at first settled in Eastern Kabul i st an and along the upper
course of the I ndus ; and thence t hey gradual l y descended the
r i ver to the Sout h, and spread also to the east in the upper part
of the count r y watered by the fi ve ri vers of the Punj ab. Thei r
progress at every step was resisted by another race or races whi ch
in the Kgveda are designated by the name of Dasyu or Dasa.
The Dasyus are contrasted wi t h the Aryas and are represented
as people of a dark compl exi on who were unbelievers, i.e., di d
not worshi p the Gods of the Aryas and per f or m the sacrifices,
but fol l owed another l aw. The Ar ya n Gods I ndr a and Agni are
f r equent l y praised for havi ng dr i ven away the black people,
destroyed t hei r strongholds and gi ven t hei r possessions to the
Aryas. " Fr om day to day, " it is said in one h y mn , " he (Indra)
drove the people who were black, al l al i ke, f r om one habi t at i on
to another. " Those who submi t t ed were reduced to slavery,
and the rest were dr i ven to the fastnesses of mount ai ns. The
process was carried on in al l parts of the count r y to whi ch the
Ar yans penetrated. The ol d wor d Dasa came to denote a
** slave " general l y, and the wor d Dasyu acquired the significance
of a " robber, " as those aborigines who had taken themselves
to mount ai n fastnesses subsisted on robbery. The latter wor d
came also to si gni fy " one beyond the Ar ya n pal e" as these
tribes of robbers were.
Whi l e the Ar yans were i n the Punjab t hey were
di vi ded i nt o a good many tribes, each havi ng a ki ng of its
own, and a f ami l y or fami l i es of priests. There were
among t hem three social grades or ranks. To the first belonged
t he priests, who composed Brahmans ( wi t h the accent on t he
first syllable), i.e., songs or hymns to the Gods and knew how to
worship them, and were called Brahmans (with the accent on
the second syllable). The seoond grade was occupied by those
who acquired political eminence and fought battles and were
called Rajans. Al l the other Aryas were referred to the t hi rd
grade and were distinguished by the name. of Visas or people
generally. These three classes formed one community, and
such of the aborigines as had yielded to the Aryas, were tacked
on to it as a fourth grade under the name of Dasas, which word
had now come to signify slaves or servants. Such grades exist-
ed amongst ancient Persians also. In the course of time these
grades became hereditary and acquired the nature of castes, and
were called Brahmanas, Rajanyas and Vaisyas. The fourth class
came to be called Sadras, which probably was at first the name
of the aboriginal tribe which had acquired a distinct position
in the community, and was afterwards generalised.
These four castes are mentioned in one of the latest
hymns of the Rgveda. The first two formed definite
olasses wi t h a definite sphere of duties and were the
aristocracy of the community. Since the Vaisya class
inoluded all other Aryas, there was a tendency in it
towards the formation of sub-classes or communities and possibly
there were such sub-classes; which according to some, formed
independent castes. The Sadras being the aborigines, there
were in all likelihood several castes amongst them corresponding
to the several races which inhabited the oountry before the
invasion of the Aryas. These were of course denied the pri vi -
lege of keeping the sacred fire or performing the sacrifices ; and
were not allowed to read or study the Vedas. The two highest
castes do not seem, in the times to which the old religious
literature refers, to have split up into sub-castes. No suoh are
referred to in that literature, though they are supposed by some
scholars to have existed. There were tribes of Ksatriyas or
Rajanyas and Gotras of Brahmanas ; but not castes.
RESULTS OP THE SUDRA INCORPORATION 447
Wi t h t hi s social const i t ut i on the Aryas spread over the whol e
of Nor t her n I ndi a, and the Sudra popul at i on, incorporated wi t h
t hei r communi t y, became so large that it influenced the f ut ur e
development of the count r y. The Sanskrit language was
corrupt ed and the Vernaculars began to be formed.
THE ABORIGINES AND THE FORMATION OF THE PRAKRITS
The languages of Nor t her n I ndi a i ncl udi ng the Mar at hi are
offshoots of the Sanskrit ; and t hey were formed not by a
course of gradual cor r upt i on and si mpl i fi cat i on such as we
meet wi t h in the case of a language spoken t hroughout its
hi st ory by the same race, but by a wholesale cor r upt i on of
Sanskrit sounds, i.e., mi s-pronounci at i on of Sanskrit words by a
race, the vocal organs of whi ch were not habituated to ut t er
those sounds, and by a generalization of such grammat i cal forms
as were in common use, t hr ough ignorance of the special forms.
Thus arose i n very ancient times the Pr akr i t i ncl udi ng the Pal i
or the language of the sacred books of Sout hern Buddhi st s ;
and these have, in the course of t i me, become the modern
Vernaoulars. The phonetic difference between these and the ol d
Pr akr i t s i s but sl i ght when compared wi t h t hat between the
latter and the Sanskrit, whi ch shows that there was, when the
Pr akr i t was formed, a special cause in operation, vi z. , the
i ncorporat i on of al i en races; and t hi s cause has ceased to exist
i n later times. The Prakri t s and t hr ough t hem the Vernaculars
have got some special sounds and also words whi c h are forei gn to
Sanskri t ; and t hi s points to the same conclusion.
Thus t hen these dialects show that the new races that were
incorporated wi t h the Ar ya n communi t y had t o give up t hei r own
languages and learn those of t hei r Ar ya n conquerors.
The Prakri t s and the Vernaculars bear the same rel at i on to
Sanskrit that the Romance languages, I t al i an, French, etc., bear
to the La t i n ; and j ust as these were formed by communi t i es
composed of the old Romans and an overpoweringly large
element of the Celtic and the Germanic races, so -were the
languages of Northern India formed by mixed communities of
Aryans and aborigines. As a matter of fact, some of the
vocal peculiarities of the makers of Prakrits are displayed by
the people of different Indian provinces at the present
day. Thus like the former, the Gujarathis of the present day
cannot pronounce the Sanskrit sound but always make
of i t ; the Bengali cannot utter the conjunct consonant in
Isvara and other words and invariably changes it into a
double consonant, making of . the Desastha
Brahmans of Eastern Maharastra pronounce a dental nasal as a
cerebral, and the Sindhi and also the Bengali cannot utter
but must make of it. The Bengali shows also the
peculiarity of the old Magadhl speakers by his incapacity to
utter the three different sibilants and his giving them all a
palatal sound. This would show that among the speakers of
the Modern Vernaculars, there is such a large aboriginal
element that it has overpowered the Aryan element; and they
may as well be regarded as descendants of the aborigines as of
the Aryas.
Al l this preponderating influence of the aborigines is to be
accounted for not only by their large numbers but by the fact
that men from the Aryan community frequently married
Sudra wives though the marriages were considered inferior, and
sometimes Sudra men married Aryan women. The fact that
some of the Law-Books allow of the former and prohibit the
latter, shows that in practice there must have been many such
cases, since the law never deals wi t h imaginary circumstances
but always such as are actual. The origin of certain castes is
traced in those books to such marriages, and it is even
represented that under certain circumstances, and after the
lapse of a certain number of generations, the offspring of those
marriages can attain to the caste of the original progenitor. If
INTERMIXTURE OF RACES IN ANCIENT TIMES 419
t hen, the descendant in the fifth and si xt h generation of a chi l d
of a Sudra woman by a Brahmana, Ksat ri ya or Vaisya man, coul d
become a Brahmana, Ksat ri ya or Vaisya when such marriages
were permi t t ed, it must be understood that there is some
abori gi nal blood fl owi ng t hr ough the veins of the hi gh caste
Hi ndus of the present day.
To Southern I ndi a the Aryans penetrated at a
comparatively late peri od, when communi t i es and nations
of aboriginal races had already been formed. They di d
not settle there in large numbers and thus were unable
t hor oughl y to influence the latter, and incorporate t hem i nt o
t hei r communi t y. Hence t hey preserved t hei r own languages
and many of the peculiarities of t hei r ci vi l i zat i on ; and these
the Aryans themselves had to adopt in the course of t i me. The
Kanarese, the Tami l , the Tol gu and the Mal ayal am belong to an
ent i rel y non- Ar yan stock of languages.
THE CASTES AND THEIR OCCUPATIONS
It was not possible in the nature of things that the castes
shoul d always f ol l ow the profession or cal l i ng whi ch brought
t hem i nt o existence, and whi ch is l ai d down for t hem in the
ancient Law-Books. The Brahmans alone coul d officiate
as priests at sacrifices and in the domestic ceremonies; and a
great many devoted themselves to that occupation. There
were those who preferred pl ai n l i vi ng and hi gh t hi nki ng, and
t aki ng a vow of povert y devoted t hei r lives to study. But
there were st i l l others who took to agri cul t ure, trade, and other
much meaner occupations and also to pol i t i cs; and there was
in the olden times even a Brahmanic dynasty rei gni ng at
Pataliputra. But pol i t i cs and war were the special occupation
of the Ksatriyas. They also devoted themselves to Phi l osophy
and Li t erat ure ; and in the Upanisads t hey are several times
ment i oned as teachers of religious philosophy, and Brahmans
57 [ R, G. Bbamlarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
450
as learners. In one place it is said that Brahma Vidya" was
first cultivated by them.
1
It was on account of this philosophic culture that
religious reformers sprang from their ranks. Buddha
was a Ksatriya and so was Mahilvlra, the founder of
Jainism. Vasudeva whose name is closely connected wi t h the
Bhakti school, either as the name of the supreme being, or as
a teacher, was a Ksatriya of the Yadava Clan. A Brahmana
may, says Apastamba, study the Vedas under a Ksatriya or
Vaisya teacher when reduced to that necessity. The Vaisyas
followed the occupation of trade and agriculture. The Sudras
are condemned to bo the slaves or servants of the other castes
by Brahmanic Law Books. But as a matter of fact since by
that name several social groups or castes were designated, it
was impossible that that occupation should have been enough
for them or have satisfied them. They often pursued an
independent calling and became artizans. Patanjali mentions
carpenters and black-smiths as belonging to the Sudra class.
The lowest of them, the Candalas were in the same degradad
condition as they are now.
ENDOGAMY
Endogamy, i.e., marriage within and not without the limits
of a group, is a characteristic of castes. But as already stated,
a man from the higher castes could marry a Sudra woman
under the law, and generally, a marriage connection could bo
formed by a man belonging to any of the higher castes wi t h a
woman of any of the lower castes. The marriages, were, how-
ever, considered to be of an inferior nature, and the issue took
rank after that of the wife of the same caste. Marriages in the
reverse order, i.e., of a man belonging to a lower caste wi t h a
woman of a higher, were, like the marriage of a Sudra man
1 See Ante, p. 193 [N. B. U.]
ENDOGAMY GRADUALLY BECOMING THE RULE 451
wi t h an Ar ya n woman al l uded t o before, st r i ct l y pr ohi bi t ed
by the l aw books; but since t hey speak of the issue of such
marriages and give the law wi t h reference to t hem, there must
have been in practice many cases of the ki nd. Af t er a t i me
however, these became obsolete, and the marriage of a man of
a hi gher or Ar ya n caste wi t h a Sudra woman whi ch had been
al l owed by the law before and frequent l y practised, was also
prohi bi t ed by the later legislators. An d i n practice, al l
marriages between members of different castes gradual l y went
out of use.
The Brahmanic religious wri t ers ment i on a good many castes
whi ch t hey assert sprang f r om inter-marriages between
persons of different castes. The or i gi n thus assigned to
the castes is in a good many cases evi dent l y fanci ful . Some
of t hem such as Vaideha and Magadha must have arisen f r om
the l ocal i t y ; others such as -Kathakara or chariot-maker, f r om
tho occupation, and st i l l others such as Candala f r om the race.
But i t wi l l not do t o t hr ow discredit over t he whol e statement.
The I ndi an authors are always i ncl i ned to reduce everyt hi ng to
a preconceived system. The castes are four, and if we find
many more i n the real l i f e, they must have sprung by inter-
marriages f r om these four. Thi s is the t heory on whi ch t hey
have gone ; and cert ai nl y its application to al l cases must be
wr ong. But in order to render the conception of such a t heory
possible, there must have been a few cases actually of castes
spri ngi ng up f r om such marriages. But whi ch of the castes
ment i oned by t hem are mi xed castes of this nature it is not
possible to determine. A l l the so-called mi xed castes are
considered Sfidras, whi ch shows that some of t hem at least were
aboriginal tribes whi c h had become castes. Si mi l ar l y some
castes are named whi ch are said to have sprung from Vnl t yas
or persons who had set themselves free from the Brahamanic
ordinances about the orders, i.e., had in practice gi ven up the
452 SOCIAL HISTORY OF INDIA
Brahamanic religion. The same observation as that made above
is applicable to this case : viz., some castes must have arisen
from this cause, but which we cannot say.
COMMENSAL1TY
Commensality within and not without a group is in almost all
cases another characteristic of castes. But in the olden times
we see from the Mahabharata and other works that Br&hnianas,
Ksatriyas and Vaisyas could eat the food cooked by each other.
Manu lays down generally that a twice-born should not eat food
cooked by a Sadra (IV. 232) ; but he allows that prepared by a
Sndra, who has attached himself to one or is one's barber, milk-
man, slave, family friend, and co-sharer in the profits of
agriculture, to be partaken. (IV. 253). The implication that
lies here is that the three higher castes could dine wi t h each
other. Gautama, the author of a Dharma Sutra, permits a
Brahmana's dining wi t h a twice born (Ksatriya or Vaisya) who
observes his religious duties (17. 1). Apastamba, another
writer of the class having laid down that a Bnlhmana should eat
wi t h a Ksatriya and others, says that according to some, he may
do so with men of all Varnas who observe their proper religious
duties except wi t h the Sudras. But even here there is a counter-
exception, and as allowed by Manu, a Brahmana may dine wi t h
a Sudra who may have attached himself to him wi t h a holy
intent (1.18. 9, 13,14).
CONNUBIUM
In modern times it is of the essence of caste that there should
be connubium only wi t hi n its limits, and commensality also
except in the case of a few sub-castes. But if in ancient times
there could be inter-marriages between the three Arya castes,
and also, in times earlier, between all the four, and inter-
dining between the first three and some individuals of the
fourth, in what respect are they to be considered as castes ?
SIGNIFICANCE OF CASTE IN ANCIENT TIMES 453
Onl y in t hi s that a certain di gni t y of position was t ransmi t t ed
f r om father to son, and that marriage wi t h a woman f r om a f ami l y
of a l ower heredi t ary posi t i on, was considered to be of an
i nferi or nature.
FORMATION OF NEW CASTES
For a long t i me the four castes preserved t hei r or i gi nal
Vedic character as social grades t hough heredi t y had become
associated wi t h t hem. But we can pl ai nl y observe the
operation of strong tendencies to greater exclusiveness, in
the gradual contraction of the sphere of connubi um and com-
mensality whi ch we have noticed above. We can also discover
the operation of causes whi ch lead to the mul t i pl i cat i on of
castes.
The difference of l ocal i t y gave rise, as we have seen, to a
difference of caste in the case of Sudras. Brahmani c l aw-
givers represent several provinces such as Avant i , Magadha,
Saurastra and the Deccan as unhol y and consequently not fit -to
be i nhabi t ed by the Aryas (Baudhayana' s DharmaSQtra, 1. 2,
13, 14), and persons who have gone to others, such as Pundra
and Vanga are considered posi t i vel y to have lost castes, and
cannot be readmi t t ed except by the performance of certain
puri fi cat ory ri ght s. Thi s shows a tendency to the format i on of
separate castes among the Aryas, on account of change of
l ocal i t y. The Magadha Brahmans are spoken of even in
sacrificial Sutras as a degraded class. Udica (Nort hern)
Brahmanas are frequent l y ment i oned i n Budhi st Pal i Wor ks i n
a manner to show that t hey constituted an order or even a Jat i
(caste) of Brahmans. Thi s class or caste seems to have been
regarded as hi ghl y respectable.
The operation of race in the format i on of castes we have
already observed. The or i gi nal Sudra caste and a good many
others that afterwards came to be i ncl uded in i t , were due to t hi s
454
cause. As the Aryans spread far and wi de in the count r y,
these t wo causes came i nt o f u l l operation.
A t hi r d cause is the same as that whi ch br ought about
the f or mat i on of the Vnl t ya classes. Whon the ordinances
and usages of caste are violated by some members of
i t , the others excommuni cat e t hem, or regard t hem as havi ng
ceased to bel ong to t hei r castes. Thi s cause came i nt o
active operation -probably dur i ng the t i me when early
Buddhi sm enjoyed ascendancy and was f ol l owed by the Ksat ri ya
and Vaisya castes. An i ma l sacrifice was pr ohi bi t ed by the Great
Asoka i n the fi rst hal f of the t hi r d cent ur y before Christ ; and
along wi t h t hat some of the or di nar y usages were gi ven up.
The Brahmanas must have l ooked upon those who di d so as
havi ng lost caste ; and t hi s fact is probabl y at the bot t om
of the vi ew hel d by t hem that i n t hi s Ka l i ago there are onl y
t wo Varnas, t he Brahmanas and t he Sudras, the other t wo
havi ng disappeared. The prevalence of Jai ni sm and some of
the other religious systems must have cont r i but ed to the same
result. An d the l ayi ng down of certain sins l i abl e t o lead t o
excommuni cat i on i n the Law Books, shows t hat the
practice must have prevai l ed. A f our t h cause also came
i nt o operation i n t he early centuries of the Chri st i an era
or even before. It was the f or mat i on of Srenis or trade gui l ds.
They are ment i oned i n some of the Law Books and i n the Nasi k
and Kanher i Cave Inscri pt i ons. In these, we have an al l usi on
to a Tai l i ka Srenl and a Mal i ka Sreni, i.e., the gui l ds of oi l -
makers and gardeners. These gui l ds must have had a regular
organisation, since charitable persons deposited money wi t h
t hem for the benefit of Buddhi st monks, on whi c h t hey pai d
interest f r om generation t o generation. An d i n the course of t i me
the gui l ds of oi l - men and gardeners became the castes of Tel is
and Malis. Some or good manynot al l , as has been supposed
by some wr i t er s, of the moder n castes have got an organisation
CAUSES IN THE FORMATION OP CASTES 455
wi t h a headman or president, and this t hey owe to t hei r havi ng
sprung f r om such guilds or i mi t at ed t hei r practice. The
fol l owers of each occupation t hus formed a caste and the
numbers mul t i pl i ed.
A fifth cause has also been i n operation for some centuries.
Religious schools or sects have gi ven rise to different castes.
The fol l owers of the Madhyani di na Sakha or recension of
the Whi t e Yaj ur Veda f or m a different caste f r om that of
the followers of the Kanva recension, and those of Madhva
f r om that of the followers of Saihkara, t hough there is
eommensality between t hem except in some cases.
THE PRESENT POSITION'
These five causes have been in bri sk operation dur i ng more
t han t wo thousand years, unchecked by any influence of a
uni f yi ng nature ; and the pr i nci pl e of divisions has become
st rongl y i ngrai ned i n Hi ndu Society, and perhaps i n the
Hi n d u bl ood. Dur i ng al l t hi s peri od various religious and
phi l osophi cal sects have been founded. Rel i gi on has beem
developing and not qui t e on wr ong lines, and spreading elevat-
i ng ideas. But al l these sects, i ncl udi ng that of the Buddhists,
occupied themselves wi t h man' s eternal interest, and t hought
it no concern of theirs to promote his wor l dl y interest. The
Buddhists and also some schools of the Vaisnavas considered
caste to be of no value. Men f r om al l castes were admi t t ed
i nt o the frat erni t y of Buddhi st monks, and the Vaisnavas
disregarded caste restrictions in t hei r dealings wi t h each other.
But the re-format i on of the Hi ndu Society by rel axi ng the
bondage of castes, was not an object wi t h t hem.
Thus the result is that Hi n d u Society is now cut up i nt o
more t han three thousand castes. Each of t hem is a communi t y by
itself and havi ng no connubi um of, or eommensality wi t h another,
and has developed peculiar manners and tastes whi ch di st i ngui sh
it still further from the rest and renders social intercourse
impracticable. Thus, the two hundred and forty millions of
Hindus living in India, form about three thousand distinct
communities, each on an average composed of eighty thousand
people i.e., about two-thirds of the population of a single town
of ordinary size such as Poona.
SENART'S THEORY OF CASTES
The germs of the Caste System existed among some of the
principal races in the West. For a long period there was no
connubium between the Patricians and the Plebians in Rome;
and traces have been discovered, we are told, of the existence of
restrictions as to inter-marriage and eating together among the
Greeks, Germans and Russians. But those germs were trampled
under foot there, while here they have found a congenial soil
and grown into a huge bunyan tree, throwing its dark shadow
on the whole extent of this vast country. And what is the
reason ? This is what M. Senart, the groat French scholar
who has recently published an essay on Caste, is represented
to say about it.
" M. Senart shows how the growth of strong political and
national feeling constantly tended in the West, to weaken and
at last succeeded in removing, these (caste) restrictions. He
suggests that the absence of such feelings in India may be one
reason why the disabilities have not also there been gradually
softened away. It is, indeed, very suggestive for the right
understanding of Indian History, that they should, on the
contrary, have become so permanent a factor in Indian life. "
M. Senart's theory appears to be that the innumerable castes
of the present day existed even in very olden times and that
the four Varnas or grades belonged to pre-Vedic times, when
the ancestors of the Parsis and Hindus lived together and
were traditionally handed down to the Vedic times ; and these
SENART' S VI EW ON CASTE 457
t radi t i onal grades were fused together wi t h the numberless
castes that real l y existed so as to f or m what he calls a ' Hy b r i d '
system. The modern castes have not gr own out of the ol d
Varnas or grades. Hence he speaks of the caste restrictions as
' not havi ng been softened away.' But agreeing as I do wi t h
Oldenberg, a German scholar who has expressed his dissent
f r om M. Senart, and bel i evi ng that the vi ew I have put f or t h
above is alone sustained by the evidence available, I shoul d
say t hat " the ol d sl i ght restrictions have in the course of t i me
become very heavy fetters that render al l movement impossible. "
An d t hi s is the result of the entire absence of " Pol i t i cal and
Nat i onal feelings." Pri de and other feelings that di vi de man
f r om man have had f ul l swi ng i n the Hi st or y of I ndi a,
and sympat hy or fel l ow feel i ng has been confined to the
narrowest possible sphere.
MEAT AND DRI NK
Connected wi t h the question of Caste is that of the use of
meat and dr i nk. It is generally supposed t hat abstinence
f r om meat is an essential condi t i on of Brahmani sm. But accord-
i ng to al l authorities, the Brahmanas and other t wi ce-born used
meat in ancient times. The flesh of five species of five-clawed
animals is per mi t t ed to be eaten in the Dharma Sutras;
and even beef i s al l owed by Apastamba ( I . 17, 30, 37). Most
of the sacrifices of the ol d Vedic rel i gi on were ani mal sacrifices;
and t he animals ki l l e d by suffocation for the purpose were
goats, sheep, cows, or bul l s and horses. It is impossible
t hat t he idea of offering meat to Gods coul d have ori gi nat ed
unless men themselves l i ked i t and used i t . But the
influence of Buddhi sm, and later, of Jai ni sm t hrew discredit
on the pract i ce; and those who re-edited Hi ndu Law i n the
f our t h cent ury of the Chri st i an era and later i.e., the wri t ers of
t he Smrt i s of Manu and Yaj nyaval kya, lay down the ol d
permissive precept, but hedge i t r ound wi t h so many restrictions
that i t amounts almost t o pr ohi bi t i on.
But i n moder n times the Brahmans of Bengal, Mi t hi l a ,
Kashmi r and Si ndh do use meat ; whi l e i n countries whi c h
were for a l ong t i me under the influence of Buddhi sm and
Jai ni sm, such as Guj arat h, even the l ower castes abstain f r om
i t . But the k i l l i n g of cows or bul l s for any purposewhet her
for sacrifice or meat went out of use early ; and was pr ohi bi t ed
i n the books.
Si mi l ar l y i n the Vedi c t i mes the popular dr i nks were
Soma, a species of i nt oxi cat i ng l i qui d, and also Sura or
ferment ed l i quor . Thi s last however was soon gi ven up, and
we f i nd the use of it enumerated among the seven deadly
sins even in such an ol d wor k as Yaska's Ni r ukt a.
POSITION AND INFLUENCE OP WOMEN
In t he l i st of the ol d teachers or Acaryas of t he Pgveda,
gi ven i n Asvalayana' s Grhyasut ra, occur the names of three
women, Gargi Vacaknavi , Vadava Pr at i t heyl , and Sulabha
Mai t r eyi . The wor ks of some of the male teachers ment i oned
t her ei n have come down to us, and those of a few others are
al l uded t o i n other works ; wherefore i t must be admi t t ed t hat
t hey were act ual l y l i vi ng i ndi vi dual s. So these ladies were not
i magi nary persons but r eal l y existed and t aught . Gargl
Vacaknavi is ment i oned in t he Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as
havi ng been a member of a large assembly of learned Il si s hel d
at the court of Janaka, ki ng of Videhas, and t aki ng active part
in the debate on Brahman or the Uni versal Essence, t hat is
report ed to have t aken place.
Sulabha Mai t r eyi is i nt roduced in the Mahabharata as
discoursing on Brahman wi t h ki ng Janaka. I n anot her
part of the same Upanisad, Mai t r eyi , the wi f e of Yaj nyaval kya
is represented to have asked hi m when he expressed his
GREAT WOMEN OF ANCIENT TIME8 459
i nt ent i on t o ret i re f r om f ami l y l i f e and di vi de his
pr oper t y between her and another wi f e, whet her weal t h
coul d confer i mmor t al i t y on her. On Yajfiyavalkya' s denyi ng
i t , she said she di d not care for that whi c h woul d not make
her i mmor t al , and begged of Yaj nyaval kya to expl ai n to her
what he knew about Brahman. An d so Yaj nyaval kya discourses
on i t t o her and she i nt er r upt s h i m wi t h i nt el l i gent questions.
Thi s discourse is famous and often referred to in the Advai t a
Vedanta taught by Haihkaracarya.
Draupadi is represented as car r yi ng on a keen controversy
wi t h Yudhi st hi r a about God' s dealings wi t h men. The poet
woul d not have brought f or war d such a scene, unless in
his t i me there were women able to speak wi t h such
i nt el l i gence and knowl edge as Draupadi shows. Among
the Buddhi st s there was an order of nuns as of monks,
and there exist wor ks wr i t t en by the female rel i gi ous elders.
A l l t hi s shows that women i n those days were not condemned
t o ignorance but t ook part i n the discussion of rel i gi ous
and phi l osophi c questions, and even appeared in assemblies
of men.
THE IDEAL WIFE
A wi f e and husband became by t hei r marriage Dam pat i or
t wo masters of the house." The Gods gave her to h i m (the
bri degroom) for house-keepi ng; t hei r uni on was as permanent
and i nt i mat e as t hat of the Ear t h and the Heaven ; and she
became his fri end and compani on. Thi s is the substance of
the Vedi c Mantras repeated by the bri degroom at the marriage.
An d i n keepi ng wi t h the ideal here shadowed f or t h, the
Vedi c r i t ual makes her a partner in al l the religious duties.
The husband cannot keep the sacred l i re wi t hout her ; her
presence and co-operation., are necessary in al l the great
sao ifices. The l i r e ki ndl ed on the occasion of marriage had
460
SOCIAL HISTORY OP INDIA
t o be kept u p ; al l the domestic ceremonies concerni ng h i m,
her, and the chi l dr en were t o be performed on i t , and when
either di ed, he or she was to be burned by means of t hat tire.
The fire was thus a standing symbol of t hei r uni on.
Thi s ideal of the relations between the t wo was i n al l
l i kel i hood observed even i n wor l dl y matters i n the wel l conducted
families as the f ol l owi ng praise contained in the Mahabharata
indicates:"She is a wi f e who is di l i gent in household duties,she
is a wi f e who has chi l dr en, she is a wi f e to whom her husband
is the breath of l i f e, she is a wi f e who is devoted to her husband.
A wi f e is one-half of a man, a wi f e is the best of friends, a wi f e
is at the root of the accomplishment of the three objects of l i fe
(righteousness, wor l dl y prosperity and satisfaction of desi re);
a wi f e is at the root when fi nal deliverance is attained. Those
who have wives per f or m t hei r duties, those who have wives
become householders, those who have wives enjoy peace, those
who have wives are prosperous. In solitude t hey art; friends,
whose conversation is sweet, in rel i gi ous duties t hey are fathers
and in illness t hey are mothers. To a t ravel l er t hey are a repose
in the wilderness. He who has a wi f e is t r ust wor t hy ; therefore
wives are our highest resources." (Mahabharata I. 71. 39 If. ).
When Buddha was goi ng about preachi ng his gospel,
his great supporters were women, who gave h i m and his
numerous disciples many gifts and fed t hem at t hei r houses.
One such female devotee, f r equent l y ment i oned in the Pal i
Buddhi st i c books was a r i ch l ady of the name of Visaka who
resided at Sravastl, the capital of Kosala. She had many
heal t hy sons and grand-sons and was l ooked upon as an
auspicious person. A l l men i nvi t ed her t o di nner f i r st ,
whenever there was a sacrifice or any festive ceremoni al . Thi s
gives an idea of t he influence and popular esteem that a woman
could attain. Her husband is nowhere ment i oned and she is
represented as doi ng things of her own mot i on, as also those
POSITION OP WOMEN IN ANCIENT TIMES 461
females, who bel ongi ng to respectable families, gave up a wo r l d l y
l i f e and became nuns. Thi s shows that women enjoyed a good
deal of independence. In later times too, a great many
benefactors of the f r at er ni t y of Buddhi st i c monks were women,
and t hei r names are f ound inscribed on the monument s of
those times.
THE OTHER SIDE OF THE PICTURE
The pi ct ure has also another side. Though a wi fe was hi ghl y
respected, a woman as such was hel d in l i t t l e esteem. In the
Tai t t i r i ya Sam hi til it is stated that women are unsubstantial, and
consequently excluded from inheritance. Yilska gives t wo views,
one agreeing wi t h t hi s, and another to the effect that t hey can
i nher i t . Those who hol d the former, say that daughters on that
account are exposed, gi ven or sold but the others ret ort that sons
also are treated in the same way, and give the instance of
Sunahsepa who was sold by his father to Rohita, the son of
Hariscandra, ki ng of the Solar race, to be sacrificed to Varuna in
his place. Thus i t wi l l be seen that the general opi ni on of t he
Aryas was waver i ng and had not become defi ni t el y hostile to
females. In the Rgveda-times, gi rl s were tree and coul d choose
t hei r own husbands, and enjoyed a great deal of independence.
Hut a daughter is always a source of anxi et y to the father on
account on her di f f i cul t y of finding a suitable husband. Hence
even in such an ol d wor k as the Ai t areya Brahmana, whi l e t he
wi f e is called a f r i end or compani on, a daughter is spoken of as
(the source of) humi l i at i on.
In the Mahabharata, ' * women " it is said " whi l e enj oyi ng
themselves wi t h men, deceive t hem ; no man who has
once got i nt o t hei r hands, can be free. Al l the wi l es
of Sambara, Namuci , and Kumbhi nasa are to bo found in
women. They l augh when a man laughs, weep when he weeps;
even one t hey do not l i ke, t hey subdue by endearing wor ds.
462
Usanas or Brhaspati does not teach a device that women do not
know by their natural wi t . What is false they pronounce to
be true, what is true they make out to be false; how is it
possible for men, 0 brave one, to watch them ? There is nothing
more wicked than women ; women are burning lire ; they are
the illusive jugglery of Maya ; put the edge of a razor, poison,
serpent and fire i n one scale, and women i n the other." ( XI I I .
39 and 40).
In actual life the relations between man and woman
are so varied that it is quite possible that under certain
circumstances a man should speak thus about a woman. But
when the legislator Manu is equally hard on women, it must be
acknowledged that the estimate of the old Arya of womanly
nature, is not flattering to them generally. They are debarred
from reading the Vedas ; any religious rite in which they alone
are concerned is directed to be performed without Vedio
Mantras. Even the Bhagavadglta gives expression to the general
belief that it is only a sinful soul that is born as a woman,
Vaisya or Sudra.
Thus women began to suffer in the estimation of men
about the time of Yaska; and the downward movement
which then commenced, resulted in their being subjected to
definite disabilities by the fourth century of the Christian era,
when the Metrical Smrti of Manu was written, and tho
Mahabharata retouched ; and it has continued to this day and
rendered their condition st i l l more deplorable.
AGE OF MARRIAGE
(I) OF GIRLS
When the Mantras addressed by the bridegroom to the bride
at the time of marriage (the substance of some of which I have
given above
1
) were composed, there can be no question that the
Aute p. 459. [N.B.U.]
AGE OF MARBIAGE OF GIRLR
463
bride must have been a gi rl who had arrived at an age of
discretion and could understand what marriage meant. In the
time of Asvalayana, Apastamba and others who in their Grhya
Sntras give the details of the marriage ceremony and say.
nothing about the age of the bride, we have to suppose that then
too she was a grown-up gi rl , and this is confirmed by their
allowing intercourse on the fourth day after marriage.
Hiranyakesin and Jaimini prescribe in express terms that the
bride should be a mature girl who has been chaste ; while
Gobhila, Gobhilaputra and the Mfinava Grhya lay down that
a girl not having intercourse previously with a man should
be married. This also means that the girl should be
one who has reached womanhood. " But " , they add,
"i t is best to marry one who has not arrived at womanhood."
Manu and other writers of Metrical Smrtis require
that a girl should be married before she has arrived at
maturity.
In these various injunctions we observe a regular
downward course. Asvalayana is silent about the age of
the girls ; and the reason must be that late marriageswhich
the Mantras that were repeated, and the rule about the inter-
course on the fourth day, presupposemust have been a matter
of course and alone in practice. When, however, Hiranyakesin
expressly enjoins the marriage of mature girls only, the opinion
of the Aryas, about the time when he lived, must have begun to
become unsettled, and early marriages to be thought of as better.
But when Gobhila first of all lays down a precept which in
effect is the same as that of Hiranyakesin, and afterwards
recommends an immature bride as the best, the opinion in favour
of early marriage must have become more predominant. And
it went on acquiring still greater predominance, until when the
Metrical Smrtis were written, or the religions law was revised,
it had completely triumphed, and the other was driven out of
the field. Manu, however as the earliest of the writers of these
464
SOCIAL HISTORY OP INDIA
works, has not entirely forgotten late marriages, and allows under
certain circumstances a gi rl to remain unmarried for three
years after she has attained womanhood. And since his time,
late marriages have become entirely unknown, and in these
days girls are sometimes married even when they are a year or
two old.
(II) OF BOYS
The old law was that after Upanayana or the ceremony of
making a boy over to a Guru or preceptor, he should study the
Vedas for twelve, twenty-four, or even forty-eight years, and
then relinquish the Brahmacarya or student's vow ; or that he
should give up the vow after he had completed his studies
without reference to the number of years he took to do i t .
It was then that he was allowed to marry. The Upanayana
ceremony was performed in the case of a Brahmana
boy when he was at least eight years old, and in the
case of a Ksatriya or Vaisya boy, when he was eleven or twelve.
As the lowest period of twelve years for a student's life must
have been fixed, because the studies generally occupied so
much time, a young man was free to marry when he was at
least twenty years old. But as a rule he entered into that
relation at a later age, and Manu lays down t hi rt y or twenty-
four years as the proper age.
Now here the law upto the time of Manu was entirely
in favour of late marriages in the case of boys. But
gradually the duration of student life was curtailed ; unt i l
now in the Maratha country it lasts for three or four
days only, and the relinquishment ceremony (Samavartana)
is performed on the fourth or fifth day. The Upanayana
ceremony and the Vedic study have thus for a long time
become a solemn farce, and a boy is married when he is about
twelve years old. It is considered necessary for the reputation
of a family that the boys in it should be married at about that
BURNING OF WIDOWS 465
age, and the delay of marriage t i l l about sixteen is regarded as
t hr owi ng discredit on i t .
BURNING OP WIDOWS
The custom of bur yi ng or bur ni ng a wi dow wi t h the dead body
of her husband pre vailed among a good many ancient Ar ya n races
settled i n Europe. It was i n practice among the Teut oni c tribes
and also among the non- Ar yan Scythians. But i n the whol e of
the Rgveda there is no al l usi on to the practice. St i l l it must
have prevailed among the I ndi an Aryas before the t i me when
the hymns were composed. For there are t wo verses, one of
whi ch occurs i n the At har va- Veda Samhita and i n the Tai t t i r i va
Ar anyaka, and the other i n the latter and i n the Rgveda
Samhita ( At h. - Ve, X V I I I . . 3. 1 ; Tai t t . Ar . pp. 651 and 632, Ed.
Bi bl . I n d . ; Rgv. X. 18. 8) of whi ch the fi rst i s repeated when
the wi f e of an Agni hot r i n is made to l i e down by the side of
her dead husband on the funeral pi l e, and the other when she
i s raised f r om i t by her brot her-i n-l aw or her husband' s pupi l or
an ol d servant (Asvalayana Gr hya, I V. 2. 18). The sense of the
first is, " O mor t al , t hi s woman, desirous to go to the wor l d of
husbands, lies down by the side of thee who art dead, in accord-
ance wi t h ancient usage (Purana dharma); give her chi l dr en
and weal t h" ; and of the second, " Rise, O woman, for the
wor l d of the l i vi ng, t hou art l yi ng by the side of this dead
(man). The wi fehood of a second husband stares thee in the
face".
The whol e ceremony is a mi mi c r y of the once practised
custom of bur ni ng a wi dow ; and the fact of raising the woman
f r om the pi l e shows that i t was afterwards gi ven up. The wor d
Di dhi s u whi ch occurs i n the latter verse i s t aken i n an et ymo-
logical sense by European scholars and Sayana in his comment ary
on the ygveda, and made applicable to the dead husband ; but
i n the comment ary on the Tai t t i r l ya Aranyaka, Sayana takes i t
59 [ R G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
in the sense of "a second husband" ; and that is the usual sense
of the wor d and that alone is appropriate here. But I must not
go i nt o the reasons in this paper i nt ended for the general reader.
Thus the Vedi c Aryas had consciously gi ven up the custom of
bur ni ng wi dows ; and there is no trace of it in the older books
on the religious l aw. But i t must have prevai l ed among some
of the many Ar ya n tribes t hat mi grat ed t o I ndi a, or among the
abori gi nal Sudras ; and there i s an i ndi cat i on of i t i n the story
of Madr i , one of the t wo wi ves of Panda havi ng burned herself
wi t h her dead husband, and i n another part of the Mahabhilrata,
where a female dove is represented to have bur ned herself wi t h
her dead mate. She went l i ke a human wi dow to the " wor l d
of husbands " and becomi ng re-uni t ed wi t h h i m, l i ved happi l y
wi t h hi m.
But when the det eri orat i on of the Ar ya n mor al feel i ng
had established itself, the custom was general l y adopted
f r om the t ri bes among whom i t existed, and the precept about
the bur ni ng of wi dows was l ai d down i n some of the Met r i cal
Smrt i s, t hough, however, not wi t hout a protest f r om others.
But the later Panditas, i n t hei r exposition of the l aw, denied the
authoritativeness of the prot est i ng texts and decided that
the bur ni ng of wi dows was l awf ul . An d so i t became the
general practice, t hough i t was opt i onal , and looked upon by
some as an i r r at i onal act, as is shown by t he beaut i ful passage
against i t i n Bana's Kadambar i ; and was event ual l y pr ohi bi t ed
by the Br i t i s h Gover nment i n 1830.
WIDOW MARRIAGE
We have seen that the wi f e of the dead Agni hot r i n was raised
f r om t he funeral pi l e by a promise of re-marriage. The t ext
whi ch refers to t hi s is one of the i ndi cat i ons cont ai ned in the
Vedas as to t he existence of the practice of wi dow- mar r i age.
There i s another i n t he At har va Veda i n whi c h i t i s stated that
TEXTS ABOUT WIDOW RE-MARRIAGE 467
"when a woman, who has had a husband before, marries
another after his death, t hey are never separated f r om each
other i f t hey per f or i n the r i t e of Aj a Paficaudana". I n t he
Ai t ar eya Brahmana wo have a t hi r d passage i n whi c h i t i s said
t hat " one man may have many wives, but one woman cannot
have many husbands at one and the same t i me. " Thi s last
expression i mpl i es t hat she can have many at di fferent t i mes.
The re-marri ed woman was called a Punar bhn, and the wor d
occurs i n the At har va Veda and i n the Met ri cal Smrt i s. The
marriage of wi dows however is not al l owed by an express
precept i n the older wor ks on the religious law. Of the
Met r i cal Smrt i s, t wot hat of Parasara and Naradapermit it ;
but al l the rest are opposed.
The fact appears to be that in ancient times, the practice
of wi dow re-marriage di d exist and it cont i nued to be
f ol l owed up t o the t i me when the Met r i cal Smrt i s
were composed. But i n the meanwhi l e i t had come t o bo
considered not respectable or had fal l en i nt o disrepute. Hence
a controversy arose between the legislators. Some ran it down
ent i r el y ; but Manu argues wi t h those who held it to be legal,
and says that the gi vi ng of a wi dow in marriage is not
ment i oned in the l aw about marriage, and makes a compromise
by al l owi ng the re-marriage of a wi dowed gi r l who has not
ar r i ved at mat ur i t y. Others, however, represented by Parasara
and Narada st out l y defended the practice and l ai d down a di rect
precept to legalise i t . The wr i t er s on the other side admi t t ed
.the fact of the existence of re-marriages, in so far as t hey put
i nt o the l i st of sons a Paunarbhava or one bor n of a Punarbhu
or a re-marri ed woman. But t hey gave h i m a l ow rank ; and
al l owed hi m a r i ght to i nheri t ance on the fai l ure of those above
hi m, or a f our t h part of the estate if t hey existed. Yaj nyaval kya
even rules that the debts of a man who has deceased shoul d be
paid by h i m who marries his wi f e. Thus there i s no quest i on
468
t hat the practice di d exist at the t i me when these wor ks were
wr i t t en, that i s f r om about the f our t h t o about the si xt h cent ur y
of the Chri st i an era. It was not forgotten t i l l t he begi nni ng of
the eleventh cent ury. For i n a Jaina wor k wr i t t e n i n 1014
A. D. , t o discredit Brahmani sm and gl or i f y Jai ni sm, a certain
legend is narrated in whi ch a man is represented to have been
excluded f r om the table of his fellows because he had become a
recluse wi t hout goi ng t hr ough the previous order of a mar r i ed
house-holder. He was advised to mar r y, but as no one woul d
give his daughter to such an ol d man as he was, it was suggested
that he shoul d mar r y a wi dow, and i n support of the suggestion
the t ext f r om Parasara l egal i zi ng such a marriage was quot ed.
But t hough Partlsara legalized the practice, i t was not r ehabi l i -
tated, and cont i nued t o be hel d i n disrepute. Hence i t gr adual l y
f el l i nt o disuse and was ent i r el y forgot t on i n later times.
PRESENT CONDITION OF WOMEN
We have t hus seen how the di sabi l i t i es of women gr adual l y
mul t i pl i ed. But the tale does not end here. In s t i l l later times
t he disregard for the l i f e and happiness of the female creatures
grew unt i l it became almost abnormal ; and female i nfant s were
destroyed i n certain provinces and gi r l s t o t he number of a
hundr ed or t wo were mar r i ed t o one man i n another. The
fi rst practice has now been put an end t o by t he Br i t i s h
Gover nment ; but the second s t i l l nourishes. Agai n i n these
days a man marries a g i r l of t wel ve or t hi r t een after he has lost
hi s first wi f e ; she dies after a t i me, and another is br ought i nt o
the house ; t hi s also meets wi t h the same fate, and a f our t h is
mar r i ed when probabl y the man is past fifty and even ver gi ng
on si xt y ; and she is left a wi dow before she has ar r i ved at
womanhood or soon after. Sometimes negotiations for the new
connection are entered i nt o, i n the bur ni ng gr ound whi l e the dead
body of the ol d wi f e is bei ng consumed by fire. Now it is a fact
that a connection between a g i r l of t hi r t een or fourt een years
CAUSES OP THE PRESENT SOCIAL EVILS 469
and a man of t hi r t y- f i ve or above, proves fatal to the l i f e of t he
g i r l . A great many instances are now before my mi nd' s eye i n
whi c h when a man mar r i ed a second gi r l - wi f e, he had soon to
mar r y a t hi r d, and a f our t h. The husband t hus causes t he
death of the poor gi r l . An d s t i l l even hi ghl y educated men of
the present day do not scruple t o resort t o the practice. It i s i n
t hei r power t o mar r y a gr own- up wi dow and make an unf or t u-
nate female creature happy, and secure for themselves a sui t abl e
t
compani on, and to shun t he gui l t of causing t he death of an
i nnocent and helpless creature. But no, t hey have not t he
courage to wi t hst and the cr i t i ci sm of the caste-criticism, I say,
not persecution, for i n r eal i t y there i s ver y l i t t l e of t hat .
The downwar d course whi c h began many centuries ago has
landed us here. An d anxi ousl y t hi nki ng about the mat t er, one
asks hi msel f wh y shoul d t hi s degeneration have gone on con-
t i nuousl y for a l ong t i me wi t hout i mpedi ment . The reason
seems to be that the t yr anny under whi c h the Hi ndus have
l i ved f r om times i mmemor i al , have weakened t hei r mor al f i br e
i f not ent i r el y destroyed i t . We have been subject t o a three-
f ol d t yr anny ; pol i t i cal t yr anny, pr i est l y t yr anny, and a social
t yr anny or t yr anny of the caste. Crushed down by t hi s no man
has dared to stand and assert hi msel f. Even rel i gi ous reformers
have shunned t he l egi t i mat e consequences of t hei r doctrines to
avoi d comi ng i nt o conflict wi t h the established order of t hi ngs.
The pr ompt i ngs of his better nature or the pangs of conscience,
a Hi n d u has had to suppress for fear of t he three agencies,
and now t he better nat ure has almost ceased to pr ompt or the
conscience t o bi t e. At present, however, t hough we l i ve under
a forei gn Government , we enjoy a freedom of t hought and
action, such as we never enjoyed before under our own
Hi n d u princes. But have we shown a capacity to shake our-
selves free f r om pr i est l y and social t yr anny ? I am afrai d, not
much. But t hi s is cert ai n, t hat unless we rouse our conscience,
470
and cultivate the higher feelings of our nature, and, wi t h the
strength derived from these, stand erect against priests and caste,
there is no hope of our being able to t urn back the current of
deterioration and degradation, that has been flowing from the
very olden times and increasing in force as it advances.
*
*
THE INDIAN CASTE SYSTEM
[ From the Report of the Second Aryan Brotherhood
Conference, Bombay, 1915, pp. 1324.]
In the Volume on " Indian Social Reform " issued by Mr.
Chintamani in 1901, there is an article on the " Social History
of India"
1
contributed by me. This article contains a short
sketch of the development of caste among the Hindus, the
substance of which wi t h some variations, I must here reproduce.
During the early portion of the period, occupied by the com-
position of the Rgveda Samhitfi, two Varnas which word
afterwards came to signify a caste are alluded to : (1) The Arya
Varna i.e., Arya colour or group of men ; (2) The Dasyu Varna
i.e., Dasyu colour or group of men. Later on, there appears a
mention of Brahma, Ksatram and Visas which indicate three
occupations, viz., that of priests, rulers and politicians, and
the ordinary people. These occupations had not yet become
hereditary and anyone could assume them in accordance wi t h
his own circumstances. Devapi, who is represented by Yaska
as belonging to the Kuru race, is mentioned in X. 98. 5 as
having assumed the function of a sacrificial priest, and brought
down rain. The person for whom he acted as priest was his
brother Santanu, and since according to Yaska they belonged to
the Kuru race, they must both be considered to have followed
the occupation of rulers or politicians. This is an instance in
which a Ksatriya may be considered for a time to have become
a Bnlhmana.
There is a story related in the Aitareya Bralimana
that the old Rsis held a sacrificial session on the banks of the
1 Printed, Ante pp. 443 ff. [N.B.U.]
472
Sarasvati. There was among the sacrificers a man of the name
of Kavasa Ailusa, and being a non-Brahmana of a disrespectful
character, and thus not authorised to be a sacrificer, was driven
out to the dry sands that he might not drink the water of the
Sarasvati. There he became a seer or a Rsi and composed a
hymn in consequence of which the Sarasvati ran up to hi m and
enabled him to quench his thirst. Having thus composed a
hymn, he became, non-Brahmana as he was, a Brahmana.
And there are stories of Visvdmitra's having been originally a
Ksatriya, current in the Epic Period. Visvfimitra and his
descendants were the authors of the Thi rd Book of the l j k-
Samhita" and consequently Brahmanas pre-eminently. There
are no plain indications in the Samhita itself of his having been
once a Ksatriya, but according to a very old tradition, current in
the time of Aitareya Brahmana, and of Yaska, he was. The
latter in explaining the expression or the son of
Kusika, oocurring in one of Visvamitra's hymns, tells us that
Kusika was a king. In the Aitareya Brahmana, Sunabsepa
is represented to have addressed hi m as Rajaputra or the son of
a king, and Bharatarsabha or the great Bharata. Thus the epic
story seems to have been confirmed by a very old tradition, and
Visvamitra having been born as a Ksatriya, became a Bruhmana
and a 5si.
Thus originally, there were these three orders, and as
anybody was at liberty to take up any of them that suited his
circumstances, the orders were in no sense castes. In time,
however, they became hereditary, and no one could assume that
order into which he was not born. In one of the latest hymns
of the Samhita, that known as the Purusasukta, the four castes
Brahmana, Rajanya, Vaisya and Sudra are distinctly mentioned.
The first three belong to the Aryan stock and the last is clearly
distinguished from it. It has already been mentioned that
when the Aryans invaded India, they met wi t h hordes of indigen-
CASTES IN PROCESS OF FORMATION 473
ous tribes to whom t hey gave the general name of Dasyus.
In the course of t i me one or more of these tribes became
incorporated wi t h t he Ar ya n Society and t o t hem was assigned the
f unct i on of meni al service. Probabl y one of the mai n tribes
was called by the name of Siidra, and that t er m acquired a
comprehensive sense so as to render it applicable to al l non-
Ar ya n tribes.
But t hough these orders had become heredi t ary and acquired
to that extent the nature of castes, s t i l l , commensal i t y and
connubi um between the members of a certain group to the
exclusion of persons of another group, whi ch are the essential
characteristics of a caste at the present day, di d not exist for a
l ong t i me. The epics are f ul l of instances i n whi ch Brahmanas
di ned wi t h Ksatriyas and Vaisyas, and in some cases wi t h Sudras
also. And the members of a caste were al l owed to mar r y wi ves
f r om the l ower ones i n addi t i on t o one f r om t hei r own. Such
marriages are called Anul oma marriages, i.e., marriages in con-
f or mi t y wi t h the established gradation of castes. Marriages i n
the reverse order, i.e., of a woman of a superior cnste wi t h a man
of an i nf er i or one were pr ohi bi t ed by law but s t i l l were i n
practice. The authors of Dharmasiltras and the Met ri cal Smj t i s
give the names of the mi xed castes formed by these t wo ki nds
of marriages. Among the names ment i oned by t hem are such
ones as Vai dehi ka and Miigadha whi ch are clearly names deri ved
f r om the l ocal i t y in whi ch the people bel ongi ng to the castes
or i gi nal l y l i ved ; i.e., these were considered as separate castes
onl y because t hey l i ved i n the provinces of Vi deha and Magadha,
and were thus isolated f r om the rest, just as the Vadnagars and
Visnagars have become separate castes in consequence of the
l ocal i t y t o whi ch t hey belonged.
Candalas and Nisadas are also ment i oned among the mi xed
castes and were evi dent l y abori gi nal tribes. The authors
of t he Dharmasiltras f i ndi ng a number of castes preval ent
60 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, VoI. II ]
474 THE INDIAN CASTE SYSTEM
in Hindu Society endeavoured to account for them by
the theory of the mixed marriages we have mentioned.
Probably a few castes were formed by such marriages;
but it has been our mental practice to form a theory
based upon the instances falling wi t hi n our ordinary observation
and extending that theory to other instances also, in which the
origin is unknown. But the enumeration of these mixed castes
shows us this at least that there were some which owed their
origin to mixed marriages ; that there were others due to the
difference of locality and still others which properly were
original races.
Difference of race has been a very fruitful cause of the
difference of castes. Not only did the aboriginal races
form so many independent castes, but there were other races also
who made incursions into the country in historic times and
swelled the number. The Yavanas or Bactrian Greeks made
their appearance in the country, a few centuries before Christ
and were followed later on by Sakas. Though these held large
portions of the country, they entered it as conquerors and
remained there as rulers. When they lost power they were
probably absorbed in the existing castes. I may here mention
a colony of Persian priests called Magi who brought the
worship of Mihira or the Sun into the country about 200-300
A. D. These are known to Sanskrit literature as Magas and
are considered as Brahmanas. The Maga Brfihmanas exist as
an independent caste in Rajputana and elsewhere in
Northern India to this day.
But from about the first century after Christ to about the
sixth, large hordes of tribes of the name of Abhiras and
Gurjaras poured into the country and settled in i t . The
Abhiras occupied the country from the East of the Punjab
to about Mathura and southwards to Kathiawad and
Konkan. The Gurjaras followed afterwards. They came by way
FOREIGNERS ABSORBED INTO HINDU CASTES 475
of the Punj ab, to a provi nce of whi ch, t hey gave t hei r name now
known as Gujarat. Then t hey entered Rajputana and founded
a ki ngdom at Kanauj whi c h subsisted for a few centuries.
Subsequently t hey t ur ned to the south and established a
ki ngdom in Nor t her n Gujarat at Anahi l pat t ana and gave the name
of Gujarat t o the ol d provi nce of Lata whi ch i t s t i l l holds. The
Abhfras and Gurjaras formed separate castes and we have at
present Abhl r a and Gurj ara gol dsmi t hs, Abhi r a and Gurj ara
carpenters and even Abhi r a and Gurjara Brahmanas. Later on
came also a smal l horde of Huns called in Sanskrit Hunas. These
Hunas seem to have formed a caste and there are some people
i n the Punj ab whose Gotra i s known by the name of Hi i na.
In addi t i on to these three causes there were others also whi ch
cont r i but ed to the mul t i pl i cat i on of castes. We have epigraphic
evidence t hat there were i n the early centuries of the Chr i st i an
era a number of t rade-gui l ds such as Tai l i kasreni or the gui l d
of oi l men, Mal i kasreni or the gui l d of gardeners whi c h
had t hei r own const i t ut i on. Thi s enabled t hem t o receive i n
permanent deposit, sums of money, the interest of whi c h was
to be devoted for the benetit of Buddhi st mendicants. Gui l ds
such as these became exclusive castes in the course of t i me.
Then there arose a number of rel i gi ous sects whi c h too
hardened i nt o castes event ual l y.
But the most f r ui t f ul source for the mul t i pl i cat i on of
castes was the number of persons who were called Yrat yas.
Those whose Upanayana ceremony was not performed at
the t i me prescribed or not at al l , were called Vratyas
and al l communi cat i on wi t h t hem was pr ohi bi t ed. I n
general terms it may be stated that those who vi ol at ed t he
Brfdi mani c ordinances were excommuni cat ed and formed
separate castes. Thi s pr i nci pl e of excommuni cat i on went on,
bei ng largely resorted to in later times even when there was a
sl i ght departure f r om the or di nar y usages of castes. Fr om t he
47G THE INDIAN CASTE SYSTEM
operation of al l these causes the number of castes has now
swollen t o more t han about 3,000, and t he Hi n d u popul at i on of
I ndi a i s now di vi ded i nt o so many di st i nct communi t i es,
di f f er i ng i n manners and customs and often hostile t o each
other.
The germs of the caste system existed among the nations of
the West. There were no inter-marriages between the
Patricians and the Plebians of Anci ent Rome for a l ong t i me,
and there were traces even amongst the Greeks, Germans and
Russians of the same pr ohi bi t i on and of not eating together.
But these traces disappeared in t he course of t i me among those
nations, whi l e t hey have had a l uxur i ant gr owt h i n I ndi a
u n t i l t hey have developed i nt o a mi ght y and extensive banian
tree casting the dar k shadow of its branches over every
provi nce, ci t y and vi l l age of I ndi a ! An d what i s the reason ?
Thi s i s what M. Senart, a Fr ench scholar who has wr i t t en an
essay on "Cast e" says on the subj ect : " Th e gr owt h, of st rong
pol i t i cal and nat i onal feelings const ant l y tended i n the West t o
weaken, and at last succeeded in r emovi ng, these (caste)
rest ri ct i ons. " He suggests t hat the absence of such feelings in
I ndi a may be one reason wh y the disabilities have not also
there been gradual l y softened away. " Softened away "
indeed ! There is no t al k here of caste restrictions softening
away ; t hey have instead hardened i nt o a rock, in a manner to
challenge t he s ki l l and power of the greatest athlete among us
t o break i t .
Not onl y have pol i t i cal and nat i onal feelings not
gr own among us, but whatever r udi ment s of those feelings
existed at and before the t i me of Buddha, have on t he cont r ar y
softened away, and now there is no trace of t hem. But we
have received an Engl i sh education, and European ideas have
been grafted on our mi nds and they are filled wi t h new nat i onal
aspirations. As a result of the t er r i bl e war t hat is now bei ng
BUDDHTSTIC PROTESTS AGAINST CASTE SYSTEM 477
waged in Europe, there is a hope that some of these aspirations
wi l l be realized and the ai m of the Br i t i s h Government wi l l be,
as the Vi ceroy has recent l y declared, to make I ndi a a f r i end
of t he Empi r e and not a t rust ed dependent. To become t he
f r i end of the Empi r e, I ndi a must be one and one-hearted, and
t hi s can onl y be effected by the obl i t erat i on of caste di st i nct i ons
among the Hi ndus , and a good underst andi ng between t hem
and the Mahomedans. Our efforts therefore must now bo
di rect ed towards achi evi ng such a result.
But dur i ng al l t hi s t i me that I have been speaking of, was
there no gi ft ed soul to stem the t orrent of this caste
f or mat i on ? There wasand I may saythere were. Buddha
t aught the doct ri ne that al l the four castes were equal l y pure
and denied the cl ai m of the Bnlhrnanas to a superi ori t y in t hi s
respect over the rest. It is stated that whi l e he was st ayi ng
at Sravasti, the Brahmanas deputed a learned young man of t he
name of Assalayana (Asvalayana) to discuss the question wi t h
hi m. The questions that were put t o h i m by Buddha were
whet her there was any difference between the Brahmanas and
the other three castes as to the manner in whi c h persons
bel ongi ng t o t hem were conceived and developed i n t hei r
mother' s womb and afterwards were born ; whet her t hei r mor al
l i abi l i t i es and the consequences of the vi ol at i on of what is
r i ght and proper, were different, i.e., whet her a Sudra murderer,
was more si nf ul t han a Brahmana murderer ; whet her heaven
was the reward of a vi r t uous Bnl hmana onl y and not a vi rt uous
Sudra and so on. Asvalilyana di d not recognize any difference.
At last Buddha declared that the superi ori t y cl ai med by the
Brahmanas was a heresy propounded by some Rsis in con-
sequence of whi c h t hey lost t hei r spi r i t ual power. An d
Buddha admi t t ed t o his spi r i t ual dispensation members of al l
castes whatever, even Candalas and scavengers. The Brahmani c
dispensation was open to the three hi gher castes onl y, t hough
there was a difference even here, and the Sudrag were excl uded.
The Sudras are declared not to be qualified for the study of the
Vedanta, to attain Moksa or eternal bliss, and the way open to
them was to discharge their duty of service to the higher castes
faithfully and thus be born in future life as Vaisya, Ksatriya
or Brahmana when alone they could study the Vedanta and be
emancipated.
But Buddha was a religious reformer and not a
social or political reformer, and therefore he stopped after
admitting all castes to the benefit of his system of redemption,
and did not impose upon his followers the duty of neglecting
their castes in social relations and thus practically giving it up.
Similarly Vaisnavism was a religious reform intended to
supersede the old sacrificical religion and even the Aupanisada
religion of contemplation. But Bhagavad Vasudeva in the
Bhagavadglta, and all his subsequent followers, confined
themselves to admitting all castes to the new dispensation of
Bhakti or love and Karma or the performance of right actions,
and did not run down castes as such, or preach its abandonment,
though the Vaisnavas of later times such as Ramananda and
his followers, R a e d a s the currier, Kablr, the Mahomedan
weaver, etc., neglected it very perceptibly in their
ordinary relations. Even our Tukarama declares his
readiness to worship a Vaignava as such to whatever caste he
belonged.
But all these saints and Sadhus did not look upon
caste as a social evil, but disregarded it in their fellowship wi t h
each other as earnest devotees of God whom they loved; and I
may here remark that all the revolutions we have gone through
since the sacrificial religion came into disrepute, have been
Religious and Moral revolutions and not Social or Political
Revolutions. A revolution is a change that affects and moves
masses of men; and religious revolutions in India bad this
effect, but political revolutions were perhaps more frequent
THE PARAMAHA&SA SOCIETY
479
t han rel i gi ous rovol ut i ons, but t hey were s i mpl y contests
between r i val dynasties, and the masses of t he people remai ned
unaffected. They di d not care who r ul ed over t hem, and i f he
was f ound to be despotic and i nhuman, t hei r or di nar y remedy
was t o leave his ki ngdom and dwe l l i n a count r y governed by
another pri nce. Thus the absence of strong pol i t i cal and
nat i onal feel i ng t o whi c h M. Senert at t ri but es the non-efface-
ment of the or i gi nal caste di st i nct i ons, is i l l ust rat ed by t hi s our
st ol i d indifference t o pol i t i cal revol ut i ons.
But we can no more cont i nue to be st ol i dl y i ndi fferent as to
who governs us and how he governs us. Our Engl i sh education
has evoked in us a sense of nat i onal i t y, and we have been
t hi nki ng of the evils f r om whi ch our nat i on i s suffering, and
endeavouri ng t o remove t hem by the i nt r oduct i on of reforms,
pol i t i cal , social, mor al and rel i gi ous. These constitute a
national question and the elevation of the nat i on is what we have
been seeking. The education of our women attracted our
at t ent i on ver y early ; t hen the abol i t i on of early marriages,
and afterwards the marriage of wi dows.
The evils of caste came, about 1850, to be looked
upon as seriously obstructive to the f or mat i on of a nat i on,
and about that year, the late Rao Bahadur Dadoba Pandurang
impressed on his pupi l s of the Nor mal Class that he
taught, t he necessity of eradicating t hem and organised a
society, k n o wn by t he name of Paramahaihsa. The society
gradual l y increased i n numbers. When a new member was
admi t t ed, he was made to read a prayer and afterwards to eat a
piece of bread baked by I ndi an Christians as an i ndi cat i on that
he had gi ven up the caste requisites. Once a year or perhaps
oftener, al l the members who belonged to di fferent castes di ned
together. But al l t hi s was done wi t h closed doors, and the
members were afrai d of publ i ci t y. The pupi l s of t he Normal
Class l i ved on t he second fl oor of Dumete' s Chawl i n Phanasvadi
480
while they were in Bombay. A good many of them were after-
wards sent to Moffusil towns as vernacular school masters, and
there they acted as missionaries of their caste creed.
One of these was located at Ratnagiri where I was a pupil t i l l
the end of 1852. He succeeded in making several men
Paramahamsas. A class fellow of mine who had come under his
influence wanted to convert me to the new creed, and used to take
me for long walks in the afternoon when he discussed wi t h me
the absurdity of caste distinctions and their destructive effects on
national unity. I was of course intellectually convinced of all
this but was not admitted as a member of the body t i l l the
beginning of 1853 when I went to Bombay for the prosecution
of my studies in the Elphinstone College. About that time i. e.,
when I was in the 16th year of my age, the initiation ceremony
was performed in a room in Dumete's Chawl in my case, and I
was made to eat a piece of bread, which made my hairs stand
on end because of a vague feeling that I had done something
awful. The Paramahamsa society went on in the manner above
described t i l l about the early sixties, when the book i n which
the names of the members were written down was stolen, and
every body was afraid that he would be exposed to caste perse-
cutions, and the society naturally broke up and the caste question
was transferred to another sphere.
Some of the members of the Paramahamsa society felt that
Social Reform could not have a stable and healthy footing unless
based on Religious Reform. They, therefore, organised the
Theistic body of the Prarthana Samaja on the model of the
Brahmo Samaja of Calcutta. The guiding principle of this
reform was the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of man.
This last implies an obliteration of caste distinctions and much
mor . It implies also the levelling down of all social dis-
tinctions for which, however, many members of religious bodies
are not prepared. But the general attitude of these new re-
MODERN INFLUENCES WORKING AOAISST CASTE SYSTEM 481
formers towards castes is more hostile t han t hat of ol d reformers
l i ke Buddha and the Vaisnavas, and it may be said that these
new religious bodies have adopted al l the programme of the
social reformers. One pr omi nent body of these reformers that
of the New Dispensationhas not yet adopted the doct ri ne of
the doi ng away of the Purdah in the case of women.
But a st i l l more wi der sphere, whi ch the caste reform has
acquired, i s the gr owi ng publ i c opi ni on against i t , called i nt o bei ng
by considerations of self-interests. I f you have t o t ravel by mi l
you must lay aside some at least of the caste requirements. If
you want t o better your posi t i on i n l i f e by get t i ng i nt o the
I ndi an Ci vi l Service or the I ndi an Medical Service, or by
becomi ng a barrister, or an expert in any art or science, you must
go to Engl and and Europe or to Ameri ca. Thi s involves decided
vi ol at i on of caste rules, since even if you are supposed not to
resort to any f or bi dden food, you have to eat t he food cooked
by I ndi an Chri st i ans or by Europeans. The caste rules i n t hi s
respect are set aside wi t hout any compunct i on, and a large
number of men secure these practical advantages whi ch result
f r om the vi ol at i on. Caste is gi ven up by these persons not
because t hey t hereby cont ri but e to the consolidation of the
nat i on, but si mpl y because t hey wi sh t o i mpr ove t hei r wor l dl y
posi t i on.
The nat ural effect of this, as I have stated on several
previ ous occasions, is that a man, when he starts for Europe
or Amer i ca, leaves his caste at t he Apol l o or Bal l ard Pier, and
al l the whi l e t hat he remains in those forei gn countries, he
lives wi t hout it and resumes it at those Piers when he returns.
That is, these travellers go t hr ough a penance when t hey come
back t o pur i f y themselves f r om the sin whi ch t hey believe not
to have commi t t ed, or when t hey do not do so, t hey l i ve as
members of t hei r own previ ous castes. Thi s at the best may be
characterised as unconscious Caste Ref or m, and is hi ghl y pre-
judicial to the healthy growth of Hindu society since it involves
hypocrisy. There are, however, a few daring persons who
continue the practice of dining at forbidden places, which they
had to adopt in foreign countries, even after their return, and
there are still others, who, without going to foreign countries,
give up the caste-rule of not eating the food cooked by a man
belonging to a caste lower than his.
In the meanwhile a w;ive of reaction has been sweeping over
us for a good many years. I heard of the formation of a
Brahman Club in Bombay about 25 years ago, and since
that we have had Clubs and periodical Conferences called
Parisads of many castes-the Sarasvatas, the Kftyastha Prabhus,
the Daivajnas or goldsmiths, the Shimpis or tailors, the
Malis or gardeners and others. It is often urged in favour of
such conferences or Parisads, that they are the means of the
introduction of Social Reform in those communities. The object
of the Sarasvata Parisad is stated to be the union of all the sub-
castes. To that extent the Parisad does good no doubt ; but the
assertion of the exclusiveness of the community, involved in the
holding itself of the Parisads or the running of a Club, serves to
harden the caste distinctions instead of softening them. Hence
these Parisads and Clubs are retrogressive in my opinion.
Then again we often hear of the bitter relations between the
Marathas and the Brahmans in some of the Native States, the
Brahmans declining to perform domestic rites by the use of Vedic
Mantras in the houses of the Marathas, and the Marathas insisting
on their being so performed. The partiality of a man in high
position, using his patronage in favour of men of his own caste
only, has descended to us from very old times. It was thought
that English education would cure a man of this caste partiality,
but it is a matter of regret that it has not, and a doubt often creeps
into my mind as to whether after all, English education wi l l
instil into our minds that resoluteness, sincerity of purpose
SUGGESTIONS FOR UNIFYING OF CASTES 483
and energetic prosecution, t hat are necessary for br i ngi ng about
a conscious r ef or m on nat i onal grounds in the mat t er of caste, by
obl i t er at i ng the di st i nct i ons that i t involves.
But how is a conscious reform to be brought about ? We
violate caste when it suits us, and resume it when the necessity
has ceased. Thi s i nsi ncer i t y must be gi ven up, and we must set
ourselves to destroy caste consciously, for the consolidation of
our nat i on by openl y di ni ng together. But even this open
di ni ng may come to prevai l and the caste remai n strong. For
t hi s purpose it is necessary that there should be inter-marriages
between the different castes. Such inter-marriages are al l owed
by the ol d Hi n d u Law, and i t i s onl y Prat i l oma marriages that
are pr ohi bi t ed. But the law of the land at present as shaped by
our Engl i sh courts, is that even Anul oma marriages are i l l egal .
Thi s is an art i fi ci al obst ruct i on placed in the ways of those who
seek to r ef or m t he condi t i on of t hei r count r y by the Courts of
t hat Gover nment , whi c h by its system of education, has t aught
us to effect reforms. Therefore we shoul d al l j oi n in a protest
against t hi s, and seek the re-enactment of the ol d Hi n d u Law.
Then again it is stated t hat marriages between members of
di fferent castes wi l l result i n the degeneration of the race. But
we have seen t hat mi xed marriages were frequent in the olden
t i mes, and the progeny resul t i ng f r om t hem became incorporated
wi t h the other Hi n d u communi t i es showi ng no signs of de-
generation. The di st i nct i on between an Ar yan and a Negro
is ver y great, and the offspri ng of an i nt er-marri age between
t hem may prove to be i nf er i or . But the di st i nct i on is not so
great between a Citpavana, a Karhada, a Desastha, a Senavi, a
Prabhu, a Daivajna, as to make us fear that the progeny resul t i ng
f r om the inter-marriages between these castes wi l l be
degenerate.
There is however one obj ect i on to these inter-marriages.
Homo of the manners and customs, and even the mode of cooki ng
food, are di fferent in the case of di fferent castes, and an i nt er-
marriage wi l l cause a great deal of inconvenience to the wi f e
and husband. But these wi l l be passing inconveniences ; and
t o ensure our ul t i mat e freedom f r om t hem, i t i s necessary t hat
even before inter-marriages come i nt o vogue, we shoul d organise
an i nt i mat e intercourse between the respectable fami l i es of the
di fferent castes so as to br i ng about a close appr oxi mat i on to
each other. But whet her we shall have the courage to per f or m
such marriages on any large scale, is doubt f ul . St i l l if we place
the ideal const ant l y before our mi n d and wor k up t o i t sincerely,
there i s not hi ng t o prevent its realization i n the course of t i me.
But it may appear impossible to some, and t hey may propose t hat
the caste shoul d cont i nue to exist especially in matters of i nt er-
marriage, but that our or di nar y relations to each other must be
based on t he supposition that there is no caste di st i nct i on between
us. In our Meetings and our Conferences and Congresses
we shoul d accustom ourselves to be gui ded onl y by t he
feelings of a Uni t ed Nat i on. Yo u wi l l have t o consider whet her
t hi s is possible ; whet her if one of your leaders in such move-
ments attains t o real power, he wi l l not be gui ded by par t i al i t y
for his own caste in the exercise of that power. Caste feel i ng
is of the same k i n d as national feel i ng, but its mischievousness
consists in its bei ng confined to a smal l communi t y f ol l owi ng a
few occupations onl y ; whi l e the nat i onal feel i ng extends over a
vast communi t y, the members of whi ch f ol l ow different occu-
pations whi c h are complements of each other and constitute a
sol i d uni t . But i f t hi s nat i onal feel i ng bri ngs about an estrange-
ment between di fferent bodies of men, not wi t hst andi ng great
si mi l ari t i es between t hem i n times of peace, and, i n much
exaggerated f or m, in t i mes of war, as is t he case in Europe at
present, how can you expect its bastard ki ndr ed the caste
feel i ngt o br i ng about a greater har mony between t he different
castes ? The caste feel i ng dies even harder t han the nat i onal
feeling. It subsists among t he Goanese Christians to t hi s day.
HOPES OF A GROWTH OF INDIAN NATIONALITY 485
It s very narrowness and want of self-sufficiency constitute a
danger to the gr owt h of the hi gher or nat i onal feel i ng.
Fr om the preceding i t wi l l be seen that I propose that we
shoul d keep the ideal of the obl i t erat i on of caste di st i nct i ons
constantly before our mi nd' s eye. The question now is whet her
we shoul d si mi l ar l y ai m at the destruction of pr ovi nci al
di st i nct i ons: whet her i t i s desirable that Guj rat i s, Marathas,
Punjabis, Hi ndus t a ni s , Bengalis, the Telagus, the Tami l s, the
Kanarese, the Malayalams and others shoul d be fused together
i nt o one mass of humani t y. It may be desirable, but is it
possible ? I nnumer abl e languages are spoken by these people :
t hei r manners, customs, aims, aspirations, l i t erat ure and art
differ considerably. Is i t possible t o br i ng about t hei r uni -
fication ? These people are not onl y as different as, but more
different than the nations of Europe. Nat i onal i t y and race
assert themselves in spite of al l endeavours to efface t hem. What ,
therefore, we shoul d seek is to br i ng out Social Reform i ncl usi ve
of the obl i t erat i on of caste in each of the communi t i es or
provinces and not t o uni f y t hem. But the result of havi ng
many pr ovi nci al nationalities must be mut ual jealousies, and an
uncont rol l abl e desire in those that are enterprising, to subjugate
others, and fi nal l y a war of anni hi l at i on, such as the one now
being waged i n Europe. Wi l l our pr ovi nci al nationalities not
lead to si mi l ar result ?
Wi t h regard t o Europe, sober and t hought f ul men
have perceived the necessity of placing al l the nations
t herei n under one cent ral aut hor i t y, whose decisions and com-
mands shoul d be obeyed by al l . The confederation of European
nationalities is the ideal conceived by these t hi nker s, and if the
present War ends in a t hor ough discomfiture of the most
aggressive States, and a general weakeni ng of t hem al l , there wi l l
be attempts to realize such a confederation.
Here in I ndi a, however, we have already got a Cent ral
Aut hor i t y t o whi oh al l our pr ovi nci al nationalities wi l l be subject.
Under the guidance of this Central Authority, and in virtue of
the policy hitherto pursued and to be pursued by it in future,
our Provincial Nationalities wi l l combine together for the
promotion of Indian interests, as opposed to provincial interests;
and an Indian Nationality subordinating to itself the provincial
nationalities, wi l l grow up. The Indian National Congress and
the other National Conferences, as well as the Supreme and
Provincial Legislative Councils, have already given bi rt h to a
feeling of Indian Nationality. Things are everywhere tending
towards provincial autonomies, controlled and regulated by a
supreme power, exercising sway over the whole of India.
In social matters also our aim must be the same, and
we should seek provincial reform, regulated and controlled
by the necessities of a general Indian Social Reform.
Confederation here as well as in Politics should be our aim.
Lastly, whatever we are able to accomplish in the matter of
Social Reform, and even supposing that we do not succeed
at all, we should impress upon our minds the idea that we
have a duty to perform towards our province and our country,
and endeavour to discharge it without regard, in the words of
the Bhagavadglta, to the resulting fruit, i.e., not being depressed
by failure, or elated by success into a blind over-confidence
and carelessness.
1
1 The foregoing was the Address of Sir R. G. Bbandarkar, as President of
the Second Aryan Brotherhood Conference, held at Bombay on Thursday, the
4th of November 1915 and the following days. [N. B. U. ]
*
PRESIDENTAL ADDRESS AT THE
NINTH INDIAN SOCIAL CONFERENCE HELD IN 1895
[ From C. Y. Chintamani's " Indian Social Reform " 1901,
Part Thi rd, pp. 177-190.]
Ladies and GentlemenI must in accordance with the usual
practice begin by thanking you for having elected me your
Chairman. On the present occasion, however, this is not a mere
matter of routine and formality. Certain circumstances have
this year very widely evoked enthusiasm for the cause of Social
Reform, and have led to a sort of constitution being given to this
conference similar to that which the Political Congress possesses.
I have before me to-day a large number of my countrymen, who,
I believe, are sincere advocates of social reform, as calculated to
improve the fortunes of our country, and to place her in a
condition to enable her to maintain her position in the keen
competition and rivalry that is now going on between the
different countries and races of the world. To be the Chairman
of a body of such true lovers of their country is an honour that
cannot but be highly appreciated.
About sixty years ago, none among us had any idea of the
reform of our society, and a Conference such as this was out of
the question. But since that time we have come in closer
contact wi t h Western Civilisation, chiefly through the means of
English education ; and that has led us to take interest in the
concerns of Indian Society in general, and consider its good to
be our good, and has evoked in us feelings of justice and com-
passion for the various classes that compose our society. If then
you are animated by these sentiments, the task before us to-day
wi l l present no difficulties. For the end, aimed at by the pro-
positions that wi l l be laid before you, is justice and fair play to
all classes of persons, the alleviation of their sufferings and the
488
NINTH SOCIAL CONFERENCE ADDRESS
removal of obstacles in the free development of our individual
activities.
And first, a good many of the proposals have reference to
the condition of the female portion of our society. Gentlemen
one half of the intellectual, moral and spiritual resources of
our country is being wasted. If our women were educated as
they ought to be, they would be a powerful instrument fer
advancing the general condition of our country. They wi l l
bring up every new generation in a manner to perform its
duty efficiently, and wi l l shed the influence of the benign
virtues peculiar to them on men and, so to say, humanise them.
Al l the means of educating women, therefore, that have been
indicated i n the propositions, you wi l l , I feel sure, approve of.
You wi l l see that the opening of Hi gh Schools is one of them.
That necessarily implies that the study of English language
and literature is considered to be beneficial to our women.
Though there has been some difference of opinion as regards
this point, st i l l I believe the necessity of such education has
been recognised by the majority. But I t hi nk it still remains
an open question whether our ideal for the education of women
ought to be the same as that for the education of men,
whether after they finish their Hi gh School education, they
ought to be made to go through the whole University Course
upto the M. A. Degree. If bitter complaints have recently
been urged as to the great pressure which our University
Education imposes upon our men, much stronger grounds
there are for fear as regards women, whose constitution is more
delicate and certain incidents in whose life and whose domestic
duties tax them so heavily. Perhaps after finishing a Hi gh
School education, if further progress is desired, there should
be a selection of such subjects as are more calculated to develop
the peculiar aptitudes of womanly nature.
other points concerning our daughters and
I LL- AS S ORTED MARRI AGES 489
sisters have reference to the unjust and cruel sufferings
to whi ch our present social usages subject t hem, and
whi ch no mani n whom the sentiments of j ust i ce and
compassion are developedcan fi nd i t i n his heart t o
tolerate even for a moment . The misery of our wi dows has
been the subject of frequent r emar ks; I wi l l therefore not
detain you l ong by a f ul l exposition of i t . I wi l l onl y make a
general observation that that society whi ch allows men to
mar r y any number of times even upto the age of si xt y, whi l e
it st rongl y forbids even gi r l s of seven or eight to have another
husband after one is dead, whi ch gives l i ber t y to a man of
50 or GO to mar r y a gi r l of eleven or t wel ve, whi ch has no
wor d of condemnat i on for the man who marries another wi f e
wi t h i n fifteen days after the death of the first, is a society
whi ch sets ver y l i t t l e value upon the l i f e of a female human
bei ng, and places women on the same level wi t h cattle and is
t hus in an unsound condi t i on, di squal i fyi ng it for a successful
compet i t i on wi t h societies wi t h a more heal t hy const i t ut i on.
Oft en times the marriage of a gi r l under certain circumstances
proves her death warrant . Thi s mat t er has wi t hi n the last few
years forced i t sel f power f ul l y upon my observation. A young
man of t h i r t y or t hi r t y- f i ve loses his first wi fe ; st rai ght way he
proceeds to mar r y another, who is a gi r l of ten or t wel ve.
That gi r l dies by the t i me she reaches the age of t we nt y;
another takes her place: i mmedi at el y after, she too dies
s i mi l ar l y ; t hen comes a t h i r d who meets wi t h the same fate ;
and a f our t h is mar r i ed by the persevering man and is
event ual l y l eft a wi dow before she is out of her teens. A great
many such cases have occurred wi t hi n the last few years and
amongst our educated men. The medical men, whom I have
consulted, say t hat the results are due to the marriages bei ng
ill-assorted, i.e., to the great i nequal i t y between the age of the
g i r l and of the strong and vigorous man. I do not know
490 NINTH SOCIAL CONFERENCE ADDRESS
how else to characterise these cases except as cases of human
sacrifice. Surel y, i f t he men who have mar r i ed gi rl s
successively i n t hi s manner are educated men, t hei r
refined sentiments and feelings ought to make t hem spare poor
i nnocent gi rl s and mar r y gr own up wome n, wi dows, i f
unmar r i ed ones are not to be had. Gent l emen, t hi s case of
ill-assorted marriages deserves greater condemnat i on at our hands
t han the other, whi c h is the onl y one that seems to bo
contemplated i n one of t he resolutions t o be brought f or war d
and i n whi ch an ol d man of even fi ft y or si xt y marries a gi r l
of t en or t wel ve.
I wi l l next cal l your at t ent i on to those points i n the
resolutions whi c h concern the i ns t i t ut i on of castes. An d fi rst
of al l , al l ow me to observe that a very great r evol ut i on has been
effected in t hi s matter by t he mere fact t hat we are governed
by a people, amongst whom t he sense of equal j ust i ce for al l
classes of people, has received a hi gh development. A Sadra
at t he present day is not more heavi l y puni shed than a
Brahmana for t he same crimes. Manu, Yaj r i yaval kya and
others have been set aside in t hi s respect, and the privileges
whi c h i n the eye of the cr i mi nal l aw, men of the highest caste
enj oyed, have been t aken away f r om t hem. I remember about
45 years ago when a Brahman was hanged for commi t t i ng a
mur der at Rat nagi ri , it created a st i r among the people, since
such a puni shment for a Brahman was opposed to al l past
t radi t i ons of the count r y. But of course the change di d not
provoke active host i l i t y and has been acquiesced in on al l sides.
Si mi l ar l y a Sudra's tongue is not now cut off for repeat i ng the
letters of the Vedas. On the cont rary if a teacher in a
Government school refuses to teach the sacred Mantras to a
Sadra, he is apt to be dismissed f r om service. In our schools
and colleges we have to teach Sanskrit l i t erat ure i ncl udi ng the
Vedas to al l castes and classes. But it is ver y much to be
THE DEPRESSED CLASSES 491
regretted that the treasures of knowl edge whi ch has thus been
t hr own open to al l , is not availed of by the l ower castes to the
ext ent to whi ch t hey should. Thi s is to be accounted for in a
great measure by the fact of the ol d t radi t i onal feeling not
havi ng gone outeducation is not what the Sudras t hi nk of
first, nor are endeavours made by others to induce h i m to
educate hi msel f and sinoothen his path, to a Uni versi t y Degree.
Si mi l ar l y the rai l ways have been ej ect i ng a silent revol ut i on.
A hol y Brahman does not scruple to sit in a t hi r d class
carriage by the side of a Mahar, whose very shadow is an
abomi nat i on on or di nar y occassions.
The Mahars and Mangs on this side of the count ry and the
Pariahs on the other, who f or m the lowest classes, have been
ent i r el y neglected. They are the outcasts of Hi n d u Society,
and have been f r om the remotest times in a very degraded
condi t i on. The reference made to this fact by a Mahar
Haridasa in his prefatory remarks, whi l e performi ng a
Ki r t ana at my house a few years ago, was very t ouchi ng. He
said, ' The Vedas and Sastras have cast us aside, but the Santas or
saints of the mi ddl e ages have had compassion on us' . An d
be it said to the credit of the Santas of M aharastra headed by
t he Brahman Eknnatha, and to the Santas of other provinces,
t hat they had compassion for the outcasts of Hi n d u Society,
and admi t t ed t hei r claims to rel i gi ous i nst ruct i on and a better
treatment. If t hen i n those olden days, these pious men, wi t h
t hei r hearts elevated by fai t h and devot i on, admi t t ed the lowest
Sudra to rel i gi ous communi on and i nst ruct i on, shall we, upon
whom a greater vari et y of influences have been operating,
refuse to exert ourselves for br i ngi ng enl i ght enment in the dense
darkness i n whi ch his mi nd i s shrouded ? An d 1 believe f r om
the opport uni t i es 1 have had of observation, that the despised
Mahar possesses a good deal of nat ural intelligence and is
capable of being hi ghl y educated. So that to cont i nue to
keep hi m i n ignorance, i s t o depri ve the count r y of an
appreciable amount of i nt el l ect ual resources.
An d general l y al l ow me t o observe t hat the r i gi d system of
castes, whi c h prevails among us, wi l l ever act as a heavy drag on
our race t owards a br i ght er fut ure. To t i e men down to cert ai n
occupations, even when t hey have no apt i t ude for t hem,
renders those men less useful to the count r y. When al l men
bel ongi ng to a certain caste must f ol l ow a cert ai n occupation
onl y, t he fi el d i s overstocked and povert y i s the result. Yo u
can get a Br ahman school master f or five or six rupees a
mont h, but a good carpenter or stone-mason cannot be had
unless you pay f r om t went y t o t went y- f i ve rupees per mensem.
An d unless perfect freedom i s al l owed t o men i n t hi s respect,
and each al l owed to make the best possible use of his own
powers, the count r y cannot economi cal l y advance. Special
privileges enj oyed by cert ai n castes must keep the members of
others i n a disadvantageous posi t i on i n the r i val r y and
compet i t i on of l i f e. In order that a nat i on as a whol e must
put f or t h al l its power, i t i s necessary t hat there shoul d be no
special pri vi l eges and special restrictions.
Agai n the pr i nci pl e of caste has t hr oughout our hi st or y
operated in such a way that each caste has now come to f or m a
separate communi t y wi t h di st i nct usages, even as to the k i n d of
food that i s eaten and the manner i n whi c h i t i s cooked. An d
there is no social i nt er - communi cat i on bet ween t hem of a nat ure
t o bi nd t hem together i nt o one whol e. Henoe, instead of t here
bei ng a feel i ng of sympat hy between di fferent castes, t here is
oft en a feel i ng of ant i pat hy. As l ong as t hi s state of t hi ngs lasts,
1 shall feel great l y obl i ged t o any one who wi l l expl ai n t o me
how i t i s possible t o f or m a uni t ed Hi n d u nat i on. I f
therefore we feel at al l concerned as regards the f ut ur e of
our count ry i n t he great struggle t hat i s goi ng on i n the
wor l d, somet hi ng must be i mmedi at el y done to i nduce a
IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE PEASANTRY 493
feel i ng of uni t y among these di st i nct communi t i es, and to convert
active ant i pat hy i nt o active sympat hy.
An d I wi l l here make bol d to assert that the chronic povert y
of the agr i cul t ur al classes and the depredation of the proverbi al
Savakar or money-lender constitute a great social evi l . The
Government has been endeavouring to do a good deal by means
of mere special legislation ; but that does not seem to have
remedi ed the evi l , and the money-lender continues to charge
interest from 18 to 25 per cent on loans raised on the security of
lands, and t wo or four pice per rupee per mont h, i.e., Zl\ or 75
per cent on smaller sums lent for shorter peri ods; and there
are also enhancements of interest when the money is not paid
at the stipulated t i me. In t hi s manner, the poor peasant is
everywhero a prey to the rapacity of the money-lender and
is never al l owed to raise his head. Thi s is a pol i t i cal as wel l as
a social question. The Government has been on several
occasions urged to establish Agr i cul t ur al Banks, but it has not
yet seen the wi sdom of doi ng so, and we too, whose count r ymen
the agri cul t uri st s are, have not shown particular solicitude to
remedy the evi l by establishing banks of our own. I do not
t hi nk any special banki ng i nst i t ut i on wi t h elaborate machi nery,
such as lias been recent l y proposed, is wanted. An or di nar y
bank wi t h agencies at the Di st r i ct t owns, and sub-agencies for
circles wi t h a radius of about at 10 mi l es, wi l l , I t hi nk, f ul l y
answer the purpose. Money shoul d be l ent on the security of
l and at an interest f r om 0 to 12 per cent, payable about the
same t i me as the l and revenue. .Sympathetic, t hough f i r m,
t reat ment shoul d be accorded to the peasants, and the agents
empl oyed shoul d not be unscrupulous men exacting perqui -
sites for themselves. But I wi l l not trespass on the provi nce
of the man of business, and what ever be the scheme that may
be considered suitable and whatever its details, this I feel
certain aboutthat shrewed men ought not to be al l owed to
prey upon the ignorance and entire helplessness of the agri-
cultural classes, and perpetuate their wretched condition.
Then there are other points in the resolutions, the aim of
which is to remove positive obstacles of our healthy develop-
ment. The early marriage of boys and girls is of this nature,
since its effect is to undermine the strength of both, and bring
forth a progeny of weak children. The growth of the parents
themselves, intellectual as well as physical, is stunted ; and in the
course of evolution our race must become incapable of that
energy and stillness of application, which are so necessary,
under the conditions brought into existence by the rivalry and
competition of races. The prohibition of travel in foreign
countries I would put under the same head, since the same
acts as an obstacle to the free expansion of our energies and
capacities.
These are the principal points aimed at by the Social
Reformer. You wi l l see that what is necessary i n order that
these reforms may come into practice, is that there should
spring up in our hearts a sense of justice, a keen sympathy
for the sufferings of others, and a love for one's own country and
race, and an anxiety for their future well-being. If the
feelings have been awakened in us wi t h any degree of intensity,
they cannot fail to realise themselves in some sort of action,
and I believe that the contrary holds true that when no action
follows, the feelings are either not awakened at all, or if really
awakened, are very weak. It is this fact and also the general
conservatism of our nature as well as the fear of excommuni-
cation, that hold us back, and we devise a number of excuses for
our inaction.
Sometimes we are disposed to leave the whole matter
to the action of time, thinking that all that we desire
wi l l come into practice just as the rigidity of caste
rules is being gradually lessened by railway travelling and
CHANGES TO BE GUIDED BY REASON 495
such other circumstances. But t i me is not a forcei t is si mpl y
a conception of the mi nd to connect events togetherand cannot
wor k any changes. If therefore any changes have come on i n
the course of t i me, t hey must be brought about by the force in
t he human heart that leads to action. As a matter of fact,
such changes are often very extensive and i mport ant . For
instance, the practice of early marriage of gi rl s, and of female
i nfant i ci de and Kul i ni s m have come i nt o existence in compara-
t i vel y recent times. But i f yon examine t hei r or i gi n, you wi l l
fi nd that the first owes its i nt r oduct i on probably to the ci r cum-
stance that when the girls grew up, they went wr ong i n some
cases. In order to prevent such a result, t hey were t i ed down to
a husband before t hey were of an age to go wr ong. To avoi d
sin was of course a laudable object, but the desire was not under
the guidance of reason. Consequently the many evi l effects of
early marriages were overlooked, and the attainment of t hat one
object was excl usi vel y attended to. I f , however, the desire to
prevent the evi l had been under the guidance of reason, other
modes woul d have been devised for avoiding it than the one
act ual l y chosen.
Si mi l ar l y the practice of female i nfant i ci de and of
Kul i ni s m must i n the begi nni ng have arisen from f ami l y
pr i de. One's daughter should not be marri ed i nt o a f ami l y
possessing no i mport ance or di st i nct i on. To mar r y her i nt o a
hi gh f ami l y requires a heavy expenditure of money, whi ch the
father cannot afford, and in the case of Kul i ni s m, such a f ami l y
is not available. Hence rather t han suffer the disgrace of al l y-
i ng hi msel f wi t h a l ow f ami l y, he al l owed his daughter to be
destroyed, and in the other case to be marri ed to one who had
i nnumerabl e wives already. Here again you wi l l see that the
mot i ve of action was not under the guidance of the hi gher
feelings of love and tenderness for a human bei ng, and especially
for one's own chi l d.
Thus then what time brings about is very often not
under the guidance of reason or the higher feelings of our
nature, and consequently, very often, degradation is the result
and not elevation. It wi l l , therefore, not do to leave reform to
time or the slow or unconscious operation of causes. It must
be effected from a conscious intention, and the motive force
should be, as above remarked, a sense of justice, a keen
sympathy and an anxiety for the future of one's own country.
Unable to appreciate the feelings of the true reformer, we often
accuse hi m of being hasty in desiring to do everything at once,
we sometimes say that if he had adopted a particular way,
the reform he desires would have long come into practice. Com-
ments such as these I always suspect, especially when they
come from a man who has done little or nothing practical. I
am, however, not an advocate of headlong action. The motive
forces of reform should be powerful in our hearts, but they
must be tempered in a manner not to lead us to cut ourselves
from a vital connection wi t h the past. We should not adopt
the procedure of the French Revolution, but imitate the mode
of action of the English people, whose pupils we are. They
have realised as great changes as the French Revolution sought
to effect, but in a manner which connects them wi t h the past
history of the country. It wi l l not be impossible to devise such
a mode of action. One who has returned from foreign travels
should live like an ordinary Hi ndu. A remarried widow
should conduct herself just like an ordinary Hindu lady. And
even as regards caste, we should behave towards each other
in ordinary matters as if no such distinction existed between
us; while as to eating together and inter-marriage, they must
come in by and by, especially when the sharp distinctions as to
usages and customs between the several oaste3 are obliterated by
a closer intercommunication than that which exists at the
present day.
REVERTING TO ANCIENT CONDITIONS 497
But the great danger of delayed reform is t hat in a
short t i me the feeling whi c h dictated i t becomes cool, and
the necessity for i t i s ent i r el y forgotten. To prevent t hi s result
it is essential that the mot i ve springs of reform should always
be kept alive in our hearts. We should make an earnest effort
never to lose sight of the goal we have to reach. But t he
modest proposal that wi l l be laid before you as regards these
t wo matters, vi z. , i nt er-communi cat i on as regards eating, and
marriage-alliance between members of the sub-divisions of the
Same castes, involves no vi ol ent change whatever; consequently,
there is, I believe, no excuse for del ayi ng its realisation.
General l y it may be observed that what we have to avoid is the
f or mat i on of a separate caste cut off from al l social intercourse
wi t h any of the exi st i ng Hi ndu castes,that is to say, we shoul d
avoid such complete isolation, as for instance, conversion to
Chr i st i ani t y leads to. And most of the reforms we advocate
i nvol ve no break of cont i nui t y. Some of t hem wi l l be wel -
comed by the ort hodox people themselves, and as regards a
great many others, what we propose is merel y to go back to
t he more heal t hy condi t i on i n whi ch our society once existed.
In ancient times gi rl s were marri ed after they had attained
mat ur i t y, now t hey must be marri ed before; wi dow marriage
was in practice, now it has ent i rel y gone out, women were
often hi ghl y educated and taught even music and danci ng, now
t hey are condemned to ignorance and denied any accomplish-
ments. The castes were onl y four in number, now t hey are
i nnumerabl e. I nt er - di ni ng among those castes was not pro-
hi bi t ed, now the numberless castes that prevai l cannot have
i nt er - communi cat i on of that nat ure. Consistently wi t h the
maintenance of cont i nui t y in t hi s manner, there ought to be, I
t hi nk, as much action as possible. A strong publ i c opi ni on
must be created among the whol e body of educated natives
condemni ng any departure f r om the programme of r ef or m,
63 [ R. G. Bhaudarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
whi l e no mer cy shoul d be shown to one who does what even
the or t hodox disapprove, and at si xt y, marries a g i r l of t en or
t wel ve, or another wi f e i mmedi at el y after the death of t he fi rst .
The exhi bi t i on of any caste par t i al i t y must also be severely
condemned, as no rel i gi ous rules requi re i t . Unless we act in
t hi s manner, al l our advocacy of r ef or m wi l l si nk i nt o t he
merest sent i ment al i t y more demoral i si ng i n its effects t han
st ur dy or t hodoxy.
But even sent i ment al advocacy is an homage done to a r i ght
cause, and consequently is better t han st ol i d indifference or
active host i l i t y. Thi s, however, i s unf or t unat el y the ment al
at t i t ude of a great many educated natives in a l l parts of the
count r y. In Bengal , as was poi nt ed out by our f r i end the
Honourabl e Mr . Justice Ranade the other day, social r ef or m is
now confined t o Brahmos. The great body of educated
Bengalees, who are not Brahmos, are i ndi f f er ent or host i l e. The
late Ishvara Chandra Vidyasagara, who i naugurat ed the r ef or m
about wi dow- mar r i age, and fi rst ransacked our Smvt i l i t erat ure
to be able to make out t hat it was sanctioned by the Sastras, and
wor ked for a l i f e- t i me t o make i t popul ar, was i n hi s later
days fi l l ed wi t h despondency, and expressed his convi ct i on t o
vi si t ors f r om t hi s side of the count r y that Hi ndus as Hi ndus
woul d never accept Social Ref or m. It is cer t ai nl y a mat t er
of t he deepest regret t hat it shoul d be confi ned to a rel i gi ous
body. We on t hi s side have not come to t hi s pass yet, t hough
we have our f u l l share of i ndi fference and hos t i l i t y. The ai m
of the reformers here has al ways been to reform our society
our nat i on. I am happy to find t hat our Madras fri ends agree
wi t h us i n t hi s respect. Ref or m t hr ough the agency of caste,
whi c h i s at t empt ed i n some parts of the count r y, i s ver y un-
satisfactory. Ve r y l i t t l e can be effected i n t hi s way. The
reduct i on of marriage expenses and measures of t hi s nat ure
onl y can be carri ed out by i t s means, and t he great danger of
PRINCIPLES UNDERLYING SOCIAL REFORM 499
t hi s met hod is, that caste whi ch has corroded the vitals of t hi s
oount ry, wi l l be strengthened by i t .
Thus t hen we shoul d nur t ur e in our hearts the great forces
whi ch br i ng about the r ef or m of society, vi z. , t r ut h, j ust i ce
and sympat hy. Two of the greatest historians of Engl and have
t ol d us that the Mor al Law governs the atl'airs of the wor l d ; its
observance alone ensures national prosperity. One of these
I have quoted elsewhere, and wi l l now ask your at t ent i on to
the observations of the other. The strongest of the forces,
whi c h are steadily bearing nations onward to i mprovement or
decay are, according to Leeky, the moral ones. ' Thei r perma-
nent pol i t i cal wel l -bei ng, ' he says, ' is essentially the outcome
of t hei r moral state ' . The Moral Law seeks to pur i f y pri vat e
l i f e and to effect social justice, and t hrough these alone is the
pol i t i cal wel l -bei ng of a nat i on possible.
An d Evol ut i onar y Science is begi nni ng to teach us the same
lesson. Compet i t i on and r i val r y are the necessary condi t i ons of
progress towards a hi gher condi t i on among men as wel l as among
the l ower creatures. Thi s compet i t i on and this r i val r y t end t o
establish the supremacy of the stronger i ndi vi dual over the
weaker ; his race propagates itself and that of the other
disappears. It is this law that is l eadi ng or has led to the
ext i nct i on of the abori gi nal races in the presence of the stronger
European races in Amer i ca, Aust ral i a, New Zealand and other
islands. Thi s compet i t i on and r i val r y need not assume the f or m
of an actual war of ext er mi nat i on. It has been clearly ascertained
that even in the mi dst of profound peace, the pr i mi t i ve races
show a tendency t o disappear. If this law was i n operation i n
our count ry, our fut ure must be very gl oomy. But our climate
wi l l , I t hi nk, come to our rescue, as i t has been ascertained that
the stronger races of Western Europe cannot, if settled here,
exhi bi t the same energy and perseverance that t hey do in
temperate regions. Colonisation of I ndi a by the European races
is, therefore, an impracticability; but does not deliver us from
the dangers of competition and rivalry wi t h them. And again
that law must be in operation among us to ensure our own
progress. But to estimate its ful l effects we must understand
the conditions under which it acts in the case of man.
Man is a social animal, and the competition that comes
into operation in his case is a competition between societies.
The ancient history of the human race consists of
wars between such sooieties and the triumph of one
and subjugation of another. This competition and rivalry
between different societies is going on st i l l , and in order
that a sooiety may carry on the contest to a successful
issue, it is necessary that it should be so organised, that the
individuals composing it, should not be borne down by artificial
restrictions, but be able to put forth their best powers and
capacities.
The history of England, for example, shows a gradual
emancipation of the classes that were once in a condition
of little better than slavery, and a renunciation of their
privileges by the dominant classes. The elfect of this has been
to place the individual in a more advantageous position to
conduct the battle of life, and thus to render the society, of
which he is a member, fitter for competition and rivalry wi t h
other societies. But it is the development of sympathetic or
altruistic feelings only amongst the privileged classes and the
society generally, that can lead to the removal of the disabili-
ties of others and the redress of their grievances. Without sueli
feelings, internal dissensions and eventual degradation must be
the rules. And these feelings are now leading the
English people to devise means for relieving the chronic
poverty of the lower classes, to readjust the relations
between labour and capital, and undertake a variety
of schemes to relieve distress and misery. It is a patent
NATIONAL GREATNESS DEPENDENT ON SOCIAL EFFICIENCY 501
fact acknowledged by al l disinterested persons t hat , the
Engl i sh people have developed the al t rui st i c feelings in a hi gher
degree t han any other European nat i on, and by the way, t hi s
constitutes the basis of our hopes in a fut ure for our count r y.
Just as Engl and has been endeavouring to remove the disabilities
and sufferings; of the l ower classes of her popul at i on, so shall
efforts not be want i ng on her part to remove our disabilities
and sufferings, but the l aw of social evol ut i on cannot cease to
operate, and in order that our society may bo able to hol d its
own i n the compet i t i on and r i val r y wi t h other societies, whi ch
is i nevi t abl e, we must abide by the conditions of that l aw.
That l aw is thus stated by the latest wr i t er on the subject,
whose book has created a great st i r : " That the moral l aw is the
unchangi ng law of progress in human society is the lesson
whi ch appears to be wr i t t en over al l things. No school of
Theol ogy has ever sought to enforce t hi s teaching wi t h the
directness and emphasis, wi t h whi ch i t appears that evol ut i onary
science wi l l i n the fut ure be j ust i fi ed i n doi ng. I n the si l ent
and strenuous r i val r y, in whi ch every section of the race is of
necessity cont i nual l y engaged, permanent success appears to be
i nvar i abl y associated wi t h certain ethical and moral conditions
favourable to the maintenance of a hi gh standard of social
efficiency, and wi t h those conditions onl y. "
If t hen social efficiency and consequent success are what we
desire in our contest wi t h other races, we must , because
the l aw is i mmut abl e, endeavour to realise those ethical and
moral conditions. We must cultivate a sense of justice and a love
and sympat hy for others, relieve the poor wi dow of her
sufferings, remove the disabilities of womanki nd and of the
l ower classes, and al l ow free play to the energies and capacities
of al l . An d the necessity for our doi ng so becomes the more
i mperat i ve f r om our. pol i t i cal condi t i on. I f we ask Engl and
to remove our disabilities, we must as a necessary pr el i mi nar y,
show that we are worthy of the favour by removing the
disabilities of the oppressed classes of our society. Thus and
thus alone wi l l our country prosper. Every scheme for
bettering our condition is destined to fail, if it does not make
provision for the growth of these sympathetic virtues, and
through them, for the realisation of Social Reform.
Let us then invigorate and elevate our souls by ever placing
before our mind's eye the precept of the Great Indian Reformer
of the sixth century before Christ, the lion of the Sakya race,
Gautama, the enlightened ; " Cultivate a mind boundless (as
sympathy) for all beings as is that of the mother who protects
her only son by sacrificing her own l i f e " ; and wi t h hi m
proclaim from the Social Conference Hal l , " May all living
beings, feeble or strong, long, great, middle-sized or short, small
or large, seen or unseen, living far or near, born or to be
born, be happy ".
*
*
SOCIAL REFORM AND THE PROGRAMME OF THE
MADRAS HI NDU SOCIAL REFORM ASSOCIATION
[ Fr o m " Th e I ndi an Social Re f or m" , Edited By G. Y.
Chi nt amani , 1901 ; Part Four t h, pp. 218-229.]
Dr . R. G. Bhandarkar delivered the f ol l owi ng Address as
President of the Second Anni versary Meet i ng of the Madras
Hi n d u Social Keform Association, hel d on the 27th of December
1894:
I have been al l my l i f e a schoolmaster and as such it has
been my dut y t o castigate boys and young men. In the
observations I am going to make, therefore, you may find a
good deal not f l at t er i ng to you nor to your taste; but I assure
you i t wi l l be said wi t h a pure and unmi xed desire t o promot e
the real good of my count ry. The Hi n d u Social Reform
Association has done me very great honour by i nvi t i ng me to
preside at its annual meet i ng. But great as the honour is, it
had not a sufficiently attractive power to drag me about seven
hundr ed mi l es away f r om my closet in Poona. What I come
for, is to encourage the Members of the Association, and
congratulate t hem on havi ng begun real practical wor k i n
mat t ers of social r ef or m by t aki ng pledges, and on t hei r
det ermi nat i on to wi t hst and al l the inconveniences or persecution
t hat may result t herefrom, for the sake of t r ut h and t hei r
count ry' s good. They have thus shown rare moral courage,
and gi ven evidence of the possession of what I call mor al
force. By moral force I mean in the present case strong
i ndi gnat i on against the evils, injustice, and even the cruelties
that at present disgrace our society, and an earnest dessire to
eradicate t hem. Mor al forces of t hi s sort our race has not
504 MADRAS REFORM ASSOCIATION ADDRESS
shown wi t h i n t he last t went y centuries, and wo have al l owed
ourselves, wi t hout any t hought and feel i ng, t o be dr i f t ed i nt o
our present deplorable condi t i on.
The Social Ideal was much hi gher and more rat i onal i n
ancient t i mes t han i t i s now. I wi l l , therefore, go i nt o the
hi st or y of the several i nst i t ut i ons and practices whi c h your
pledges refer t o. For t hi s purpose, I propose to glance at what
mi ght be called the several layers of Sanskrit l i t erat ure. The
oldest l ayer is t hat of the Mantras of the Vedas. Next in
ant i qui t y come the Brilhmanas and Aranyakas or forest-
chapters i ncl udi ng the Upanisads. Then we have the so-called
Sutras whi c h deal wi t h sacri fi ci al mat t ers and the rel i gi ous
concerns of dai l y l i f e of t he first three castes. Next we have
t he epic poems, t he Mahabharata and t he Ramayana, and last
of al l , the Met r i cal Smrt i s or law-books and the Puranas. The
poi nt of vi ew f r om whi c h I shal l consider t hi s ext ent of
l i t erat ure is t hat of t he cr i t i cal scholar, whose object is to trace
out hi st or y, and not of t he Pandi t , accordi ng t o whom sequence
of t i me ei t her does not exist or is uni mpor t ant .
EDUCATION OF WOMEN
No w wi t h reference t o t he fi rst poi nt about the education of
woment here i s no question that i n t he ver y ol den times,
t hey were not debarred f r om the highest education. In the
l i st of teachers whi c h a Pgvedi Brahman has to repeat in
connection wi t h a dai l y ceremony called the Brahma Yaj na,
there are t he names of three women Gargi Vacakneyi ,
Sulabha Mai t r eyi , and Vadava Pr at i t heyi . The wor ks of some
of the male teachers t herei n named have come down to us,
wherefore, t hey were hi st ori cal persons. Hence the three
women, ment i oned al ong wi t h t hem, were also hi st ori cal
persons, and were teachers t hough there are now no wor ks
whi c h go by t hei r names. The first of these is also ment i oned
STATE OF THTNGS I N ANCI ENT TI MES 505
in an Upanisad, as f or mi ng a member of an assemblage of
learned Rsis i n whi ch the highest problems about the wor l d
and the supreme and i ndi vi dual soul were discussed, and as
t aki ng part i n the debate. In the epic poems gi rl s are
represented as goi ng t hr ough a regular course of education of
whi ch dancing, dr awi ng and music formed part s; t hey are
represented as mi xi ng freely wi t h men and t aki ng part i n
conversation on the highest subjects. Buddhistic l i t erat ure also
represents women as act i vel y assisting the reform whi ch
Buddha had inaugurated, and as discussing wi t h hi m poi nt s
about, vi r t ue, dut y and absolution. Gradual l y, however, t hei r
i mport ance lessened and about the t i me when the dramatic
l i t erat ure arose, we find that as a class they were not t aught
Sanskri t , t hough t hey coul d read and wr i t e i n the popular
languages and even compose poetry in t hem. Even so late as
the eleventh cent ury, women were not condemned to
excl usi on, and were taught scientific music, as fol l ows f r om a
copper-plate I nscr i pt i on (recent l y edited and translated by me
1
)
in whi c h a queen, one of the wi ves of a ki ng of the Deccan,
is represented to have sung a beautiful song in an assembly
composed of the highest officers of that and the surroundi ng
ki ngdoms, and to have obtained as a reward the consent of her
husband to give land in chari t y to Brahmans. The seclusion
of women and t hei r ignorance is, therefore, a custom that was
i nt roduced in later times, and the Mussalnian domi nat i on
cont r i but ed t o render i t very r i gi d.
AGE OF MARRIAGE
Now as to early marriages, it admits of no question whatever
t hat gi r l s were marri ed after t hey came of age. The religious
formul as that are repeated on the occasion of marriage
ceremonies even at the present day can be understood onl y by
1 Published in Volume I I I of this Edition, pp. 340 ff. [ X. B. U.]
mature girls. The bridegroom has to say to his bride that she
has become his friend and companion and that together they
would bring up a family. It is impossible that a gi rl below
the age of twelve can understand such expressions addressed
to her. When the formulas were composed, therefore, girls
had already arrived at maturity. Then again, in some of the
Sutras, the bride and the bridegroom are directed to live apart
from each other for a certain number of days, and in some cases
for a year. It is not possible that such a direction should
be given, if the gi rl was of an age when she could not cohabit
wi t h her husband. In some of the Sutras there is an actual
direction for their being brought together on the fourth day
after the marriage ceremony. Al l this necessarily implies that
the gi rl had arrived at maturity before the marriage ceremony
was performed.
In profane literature also, we have the clearest indications
that girls were married after they attained maturity. But early
marriages began soon to come into practice. Asvalayana,
Apastamba and others say nothing specific about the
age of the gi rl at the time of marriage, leaving it to be under-
stood from the nature of the ceremonies, that they were to be
of a mature age. Hiranyakesin and Jaimini expressly prohibit
a man's marrying a gi rl before she has arrived at puberty.
After the completion of his study, the student, they direct,
shall marry a gi rl who is Anagnika, i.e., not immature.
Evidently when these Rsis wrote, the practice of early marriages
was coming i n; but they set their face against it as irrational.
The authors of later Sutras, such as Gobhila, and Manu, after
giving general directions as regards marriage, lay down that
it is best to marry a gi rl who is Nagnika, i.e., one who has not
arrived at puberty. They only thus recommend early
marriages. This shows that when they lived and wrote, the
feeling against late marriages had grown strong. Of the writers
STATE OF THINGS IN ANCIENT TIMES 507
of Met ri cal Smrt i s, Mann is not quite decidedly opposed to late
marriages, but other wr i t er s prescribe early marriages onl y,
under religious penalties.
In this manner late marriages gradual l y went out
of use and early marriages became general. When the
custom of such marriages became established, the evils
ari si ng f r om t hem were not perceived by anybody, and
gradual l y i n t hi s part of the count ry i n particular, the age
at whi c h boys and gi rl s were marri ed became lower and l ower,
unt i l now a female i nfant ni ne months ol d i s t i ed i n hol y wed-
l ock to a male i nf ant about a year ol d. Here there is an i n-
stance of the fact that our people t hrough the influence of custom
lost al l sense of the utter absurdi t y of the practice.
REMARRIAGE OF WOMEN
The practice of re-marriage of women also prevailed in the
ol den times. The Ai t ereya Brahmana contains a statement
whi ch may be t hus translated. ' Therefore one man may have
several wi ves, but one woman cannot have se\eral husbands
si mul t aneousl y' . Thi s shows that pol ygamy was in practice,
but not pol yandr y. And to exclude that onl y- and not a
woman' s havi ng several husbands at different timesthe wr i t er
uses the wor d ' si mul t aneousl y' . Thus a woman can have several
husbands at different times.
In the performance of the funeral ceremonies of the
keeper of (he sacred fire, the practice prevailed of
maki ng his wi f e l i e down wi t h
t
his dead body, but before
set t i ng fire to the latter, the wi f e was made to rise and a
verse was repeated the sense of whi ch is ' Rise Up, 0 woman,
t o j oi n the wor l d of the l i vi ng. Thou best down wi t h t hi s man
who is dead ; come away, and mayest t hou become the wi f e of
t hi s second husband, who is to take hol d of t hy hand*. Thi s
verse occurs i n the Rgveda Samhita and i n the Tai t t i r i ya
Aranyaka. In the latter it is explained by Sftyana in accordance
with my translation, but in the former he explains the word
Didhisu, which occurs in it, not as a second husband as he does
here, but ' as one who impregnates,' and makes it applicable to
the first husband. European scholars of what might be called
the ' Etymological school' also explain the word in the latter
sense, but the word Didhisu acquired by usage the sense of a
' second husband,' and it is not proper to set aside that sense
and explain it etymologically as 'one who impregnates'. And
another School of Vedic scholars, who attend more to usage, is
growing up in Germany, and I feel confident that they would
explain the word and verse in the manner in which Sayana
explains it in the Taittirfya Aranyaka. This verse is in the
Atharva Veda preceded by another, the sense of which is ' this
woman wishing to be in the same world wi t h her husband lies
down by thy side, 0 mortal who art dead, following the ancient
practice; grant her in this world children as well as wealth.'
If he is asked to give her children after his death, they must be
children from another husband. In another place in the
Atharva Veda, it is stated that ' she, who after having had one
husband before, gets another afterwards, wi l l not be separated
from him if she and he perform the rite called Aja-Paii-
caudana'. Here you have a clear statement about the re-
marriage of a widow.
In later times the practice began to get out of use,
and in the time of Manu it was restricted to a child-widow.
But the condition of remarried women was considered
lower than that of the wife of a first husband. St i l l , however, in
two other Metrical Smrtis occurs a text, in which women under
certain circumstances are allowed to marry a second husband,
and the death of the first husband is one of these circumstances.
This shows that even in later times, the practice of widow
marriages prevailed in some parts of the country, while the
NO SATl AMONG INDO-ARYANS 509
existence of texts pr ohi bi t or y of i t i n t he Puranas and some
Smrt i s, shows t hat it had gone out of use in others.
Wi dow-marri age was a t hi ng by no means unknown even at
such a late peri od as t he begi nni ng of the t wel f t h cent ury of t he
Chri st i an Era, for, i n a wor k wr i t t en by a Jai n i n 1170 of t he
Vi kr ama Era, corresponding to 1114 of the Chri st i an era, a st ory
is t ol d of a certain ascetic si t t i ng down to di nner along wi t h
other ascetics. The other ascetics rose up when he sat down and
l eft t hei r seats. He asked t hem wh y t hey had done so, upon
whi ch t hey t ol d h i m that he had commi t t ed an i rrel i gi ous deed
i n havi ng t aken the vow of an ascetic, before goi ng t hr ough
the previous condi t i on of a marri ed l i f e. They t hen directed
h i m to go away and mar r y a wi f e. He went away and de-
manded the daughters of men bel ongi ng to his caste in marriage.
But as he had become an ol d man, nobody woul d give hi s
daughter to h i m, whereupon he went back to the ascetics and
t ol d t hem of what had occurred. Then t hey advised h i m t o
mar r y a wi dow, and he went away and di d accordingly. In
connection wi t h this, the same t ext about the re-marriage of
women, whi ch I have quoted above, is gi ven as occur r i ng in
t hei r Sastras. But in s t i l l later times the practice became
ent i r el y obsolete.
THE PRACTICE OF SATl
There prevai l ed among us, you know, the practice of bur ni ng
wi dows on the funeral piles of t hei r dead husbands, t i l l i t was
put a stop t o i n 1830 by the Br i t i s h Government . Now i n the
Rgveda Samhita there is no trace whatever of the existence of
t hi s practice, and it is supposed by a Germai n scholar that it
was adopted by I ndi an Aryas f r om another Ar yan race, wi t h
whi ch t hey afterwards came i n contact ; for i t di d generally
prevai l amongst some of the cognate European race such as t he
Thracians. But the Vedic Aryas had gi ven i t u p ; and that i t
once prevailed amongst t hem and was afterwards gi ven up is
indicated by the second of the t wo texts whi ch I have quoted
f r om the At har va Veda i n whi c h i t i s said ; " Thi s woman
f ol l owi ng the ancient custom lies down by thee, 0 mor t al ".
Thus you wi l l see t hat the custom, whi ch had gone out of use
amongst the Vedi c Aryas was r evi ved later on about the t i me,
when the Met r i cal Smrt i s were wr i t t en, t hr ough the influence of
the practice of other races.
CAUSES OF DETERIORATION
The corrupt i ons whi c h the more rat i onal practices of ol den
times underwent must have been due to such forei gn influence
and also to other causes. A few centuries before the Chri st i an Era
and a few after i t , I ndi a was exposed to the inroads of f or ei gn
races f r om the West some of whi ch afterwards settled in the
count ry. The l ower i ng of the status of women generally must
have been due to t he influence of these new settlers. But other
causes also may have been in operation ; for instance, the fact
t hat when gi rl s remai n unmar r i ed for several years after
puber t y, a f ew some t i mes went wr ong, must have cont r i but ed
a good deal to the i nt r oduct i on of the practice of earl y marriages.
But the great poi nt to be noticed is t hat the excesses, to whi c h
even a good mot i ve l ed, di d not st ri ke our people. Thus t he
later practices of female i nfant i ci de and Ku l i n marriages i n
Bengal must have been due t o t he feel i ng nat ur al i n parents t o
mar r y t hei r daughters i nt o a respectable f ami l y. But i t i s not
everybody t hat can get a husband for his daughter in a r i ch or
respectable f ami l y, and to mar r y her to a man in a l ower con-
di t i on of l i f e, or bel ongi ng to a l ow f ami l y was considered
disgraceful; and rat her t han suffer such a disgrace, the Rajputs
destroyed t hei r female i nfant s, and the Bengal i Brahmans gave
their daughters to a man even t hough he had wi ves already ;
and he came to have a number of t hem, often so many as 125.
NO SATl AMONG INDO-ARYANS 511
Here you wi l l f i nd the i nabi l i t y of our people t o perceive the
cr uel t y or the absurdi t y of a practice, when t hey are under t he
influence of an idea, sanctioned by custom, t han whi c h not hi ng
is more sacred.
THE CABTE SYSTEM
One social i nst i t ut i on, and that perhaps, the most i mport ant ,
remains to be not i ced. In the ver y early times the system of
castes di d not prevai l , and it seems to have developed about the
end of the Vedi c peri od. It arose f r om a difference of avoca-
tions or professions. The feel i ng of a father that a son should
f ol l ow his trade or cal l i ng i s nat ural , and i t i s this whi ch i n the
begi nni ng, at least when unchecked by other influences, gives
rise to separate castes. The wor d Brahman signifies in the older
por t i on of the Veda a h y mn composed in praise of a dei t y. There
were some men, who were ski l l ed i n the composition of such
songs. In r et ur n for these songs the Gods, to whom t hey were
addressed, were believed to confer favours on the singers, and
on those ki ngs and princes for whose sake t hey were composed.
Singers such as these were therefore always in requi si t i on,
whenever a God had to be propi t i at ed, and it became a lucrative
trade. An d fathers br i ngi ng up t hei r sons in that trade, there
came to be in course of t i me a cert ai n number of families devot-
ed to the avocation of composing these songs and si ngi ng t hem
in the wor shi p of Gods. The members of these families became
' Brflhmanas' , and thus t hey came to be recognised as a separate
caste.
Si mi l ar l y the descendants of princes, chiefs and soldiers
f ol l owed the avocations of t hei r ancestors, and came to f or m a
caste of warri ors. The cul t i vat ors of soil constituted the Vaisya
caste. When the Ar ya n race l eft the Punjab and spread over
Nor t her n I ndi a some of the abori gi nal races were i ncorporat ed
wi t h t hei r society, and formed the caste of Sudras. Thus there
four castes, but the rules about these were by no means so r i gi d
as t hey afterwards became. Even in the t i me of t he Epics the
Brahmanas di ned wi t h the Ksatriyas and Vaisyas, as we see f r om
the Brahmani c sage Durvasa, havi ng shared the hospi t al i t y
of Draupadi , the wi f e of t he Pandavas. A member of hi gher
caste coul d mar r y a woman bel ongi ng to any of t he l ower
castes ; there were also many instances in whi c h a man belong-
i ng to a l ower caste mar r i ed a woman f r om the hi gher castes,
Amongst the composers of the Vedi c hymns there were some
such as Kavasa Ai l usa, who di d not belong to the Brahman
caste, but was st i l l admi t t ed i nt o it on account of the facul t y
t hey possessed.
What caste has become in the course of t i me you
need not be t ol d. The smallest difference as regards l ocal i t y,
trade, or profession and practice, was enough to constitute a
separate caste, and thus the four or i gi nal castes have gr own to
four thousand, and there are no inter-marriages or i nt er - di ni ng
between any t wo of these. These four thousand castes f or m
so many di fferent communi t i es and the phrase ' Hi n d u
communi t y ' is but a geographical expression. The evi l results
of such a system on the social, religious and pol i t i cal condi t i on
of a count r y cannot be overstated.
THE TYRANNY OP CUSTOM
Thus t hen you wi l l see that our social i nst i t ut i ons and
practices were heal t hy and rat i onal i n the ol den times, and t hey
have l at t erl y become corrupt and i r r at i onal t hr ough some cause
or other. But the most wonder f ul t hi ng about the matter is that
the excess whi ch in t he downwar d course our race was led t o,
di d not attract at t ent i on and rouse the moral sentiments or
excite mor al i ndi gnat i on; and women were commi t t ed t o the
fl ames, cr yi ng chi l d- wi dows were f or ci bl y disfigured and
condemned to a solitary and unhappy l i f e, l i t t l e gi rl s were
sacrificed at the hymenal altar in numbers, female infants were
EMANCIPATION PROM SOCIAL TYRANNY 513
were murderedand there was no body to protest against these
cruelties as Hi ranyakesi n and Jai mi ni once di d against early
marriages. On the other hand, these later practices acqui red
the force of custom. Custom is a god whom our race devout l y
worships, and religious sanction was accorded to these practices
by the insertion, of texts in the later books. The moral
sentiments were not strong enough to burst t hr ough the t hi ck
vei l of custom, and assert the claim of t r ut h, justice and
humani t y.
The question now is, whet her wi t h our mi nds liberalised
by Engl i sh Educat i on and contact wi t h European Ci vi l i sat i on,
we shall st i l l continue to worshi p custom and be its
slaves, and al l ow our moral sentiments to remai n dead and
unj ust , and cruel social practices t o flourish. If our education
does not lead us to protest against t hem, that education must be
considered to be merel y superficial. Gent l emen, we have in
the course of our hi st ory not emancipated ourselves from the
t yr anny of our pol i t i cal potentates and f r om the t yr anny of
custom, our social potentate. Fort unat el y, now, the Br i t i sh
Government has freed us from the former, and granted us rights
and al l owed us a large measure of freedom ; but not satisfied
wi t h that we are seeking for greater freedom. Shall we t hen
wi t h the spi r i t of freedom thus awakened stoop slavishly to the
t yr ant custom, and bear al l the cruel t y that it inflicts upon us ?
If we do, the spi ri t of freedom that we t hi nk i s awakened i n us,
i s i l l usi ve and delusive. No ! i f we have t o march on along
wi t h the progressive races of the West, wi t h whom we are now
i ndi ssol ubl y uni t ed, our social i nst i t ut i ons must i mprove and
become mor al , rat i onal , and j ust . There can be no advancement
pol i t i cal l y, I firmly assert, wi t hout social and moral advancement.
And by seeking the several reforms that we have i n vi ew, we
cert ai nl y shall not be t aki ng a leap in the dark, for the condi t i on
of our society once was what we are now endeavouring to make
65 [ R. G, Bhandarkar's Works. Vol. II ]
it. This is the spirit in which we should approach the question
of sweeping away from our institutions the corruptions of
later ages.
It has often been suggested that on the strength of the texts
in the old books, we should convince the orthodox leaders of
our society of the reforms we seek being sanctioned by the
Sastras, and endeavour to introduce them with their aid and
consent. But such a thing to my mind is an impossibility.
Our old books do not constitute the real authority in religious
matters that we obey. Custom has been and is our authority,
custom is our religion. Texts creep into our religious books,
as I have already observed, sanctioning current customs and
even when they do not do so, our Pandits, who in later days
have developed a great deal of logical acumen, prove, by means
of their subtle arguments, customary practice to be the only
one sanctioned by our religious books. The later development
of the Hindu religious law has proceeded just on these lines.
We must therefore begin the work of reform in spite of the
orthodox leaders, trusting simply to our awakened moral
consciousness, and to the fact that it is not an entirely new
thing that we are going to introduce.
EXHORTATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS
I am therefore glad that you have begun the work in earnest
and taken certain pledges. These pledges are good as a first
instalment, though that about caste does not signify much in
accordance with the standard prevailing in my part of the
country. No one can excommunicate us in Western India for
eating food prepared by Brahmans in the presence of members
of most of the lower castes. I do not wish you, however, to
obliterate all distinctions at once. Caste has become so
inveterate in Hindu Society that the endeavour to do so, wi l l
LAUDABLE POINTS IN THE PROGRAMME 515
onl y result i n the format i on of new castes. But the end
must steadily be kept in vi ew. We must remember that caste
is the greatest monster we have to k i l l . Even education and
intercourse as regards food does not destroy i t . The feeling that
we belong to a certain caste, and are different f r om those
const i t ut i ng another caste, returns again and again in a vari et y
of shapes, even when we have broken t hr ough the restraints
imposed by caste as regards eating and dr i nki ng, and if not
st udi ousl y dr i ven away, wi l l ever keep us apart f r om each other,
and prevent the format i on of a homogeneous nat i onal i t y. I
wi l l ask you to consider whet her a pledge not to be guided by
caste considerations in the disposal of your patronage, if you
happen to be placed in a posi t i on of influence, and in the whol e
of your or di nar y practical l i f e, and to act in al l matters except
i nt er-marri age and i nt er - di ni ng as if you belonged to one
communi t y, wi l l not be a more effective pledge. You mi ght
also gradual l y pledge yoursel f to dine wi t h members of sub-
castes.
Your pledges about concubines and naut ch-women are also
hi ghl y commendable in my eyes. They show a correct
appreciation of one of the problems before us. One who takes
liberties in these matters, cannot cl ai m that he has respect
for his wife' s personality or for womanki nd generally. Our
aims about the elevation of woman and the assignment to
her of her proper posi t i on in society, f r om whi ch she may
exeroise a humani si ng influence over us al l , cannot be
realised, unless respect for her becomes a part of our
nature. Agai n, looseness in these matters deteriorates the
character of a man and t hi s det eri orat i on must produce evi l
effects in other respects also. Your det ermi ned attitude in this
matter, therefore, and the earnest efforts you have been maki ng
dur i ng the last t wo years, to propagate your views, have been to
me the source of the deepest gratification, and deserve al l the
commendation that is possible for me to bestow. Mor al rect i -
tude here as elsewhere is the essential condi t i on of progress al l
along the l i ne.
As to your pledge to br i ng about wi dow-marri ages and to
admi t the re-marri ed wi dow and her husband t o your table
that indeed is a bol d step that you have t aken. You wi l l for a
t i me be subjected to persecution, but I hope you have prepared
yoursel f for i t , and i f your educated count r y- men who have
not had the courage t o j oi n you, wi l l but sympathise wi t h you
and not ai d the ort hodox, I have l i t t l e doubt t hat t hi s r ef or m i t -
self wi l l gradual l y become a custom, and cease to be l ooked
down upon. The great t hi ng we have t o remember i s t hat we
shoul d go on practising what we consider to be good, wi t hout
maki ng much ado about i t . I t wi l l t hen come i nt o general
practice, and gr owi ng i nt o a custom, wi l l become sanctified.
For our previous hi st or y has, I again affi rm, shown to my
mi nd that custom is the spi ri t ual potentate that sanctifiesand
sanctifies even hor r i d deeds.
The association you have started renders me hopeful . There
is not hi ng l i ke it on our side ; and everywhere among eduoated
natives, there is lukewarmness about social r ef or m. The mi nds
of some are not liberalised at a l l ; others t hi nk that the reforms
we have in vi ew are good, but flatly refuse to do anyt hi ng to ai d
t hem ; whi l e there are a great many who are supremel y i n -
di fferent . I agree wi t h my f r i end the Honourabl e Mr . Justice
Ranade in t hi nki ng that there has been an awakeni ng. But he
has al l owed us t he opt i on of bei ng satisfied wi t h i t . I exercise
the opt i on and declare that I am dissatisfied. The l amp has
been l i ght ed; but the l i ght i s fl i ckeri ng, and i n vi ew of the
at t i t ude of even of our educated bret hren, it is j ust as l i ke l y to
my mi nd that i t wi l l be bl own out as t hat i t wi l l blaze. I n
these circumstances, the endeavours that you are maki ng are a
HOPES FOR THE FUTURE
517
great source of comfort and encouragement, and I earnestly
hope you wi l l continue your work as boldly as you have begun
it, and that you wi l l find imitators both in your Presidency and
in other parts of India, and our country's cause wi l l make a
real advance.
*
*
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS AT THE BOMBAY
PROVINCIAL SOCIAL CONFERENCE
HELD IN 1902
[ From the " Dnyan Prakash " of Poona, Dated Thursday, 30th
October 1902. ]
The Provincial Social Conference was held at Sholapur on the
26th and 27th of October 1902. Dr. Bhandarkar was in the
chair. The following is his speech :
Hitherto India has lived an individual life and not a corporate
or national life. The advancement of the individual was the
object of thought and endeavour wi t h the Hindus; and as
spiritual good is superior to temporal, attention was especially
devoted to the former. Profound religious conceptions were
developed in the minds of the gifted ones of the race, and the
Sumum Bonum was found in union wi t h God, and a con-
dition of perfect purity and holiness which did not admit of the
ordinary distinctions between right and wrong which pre-
supposed an imperfect moral condition. But these gifted Hindus
had in all likelihood, no conception of a national existence,
and therefore did not concern themselves wi t h questions about
the national weal. We have an extensive religious, poetical, and
legendary literature, but no work on politics or History. What-
ever happened in the political world, the people generally
followed the even course of their occupation undisturbed by i t .
The great grammarian Patanjali and his pupils quietly pursued
the studies of grammar while a town, very near the place where
they lived, was besieged by a Yavana (who was probably
Meneandar, a prince belonging to the Greeco-Bactrian dynasty)
as if they were totally unconcerned wi t h i t . Similarly in later
times other Princes of that dynasty and foreign tribes of the
EARLY WANT OP CORPORATE CONSCIOUSNESS 519
names of Sakas, Kusanas, Abhi ras and Gurjaras, established
themselves i n the count r y. But the I ndi an popul at i on at large
does not seem to have ever t r oubl ed itself wi t h the matter, and
t ook no part i n the pol i t i cal revol ut i ons. Thi s por t i on of our
Hi s t or y wo have ent i r el y forgot t en, because the forei gn races
that settled i n the count ry became i n course of t i me Hi ndus,
and were relegated to the Ksat ri ya or Sudra caste. The various
tribes i n Central Asia, t hat poured i nt o the count ry had no
specific r el i gi on of t hei r own, and became worshippers of Siva
or Vi snu when t hey came here. In later times Mahomed gave
t hem a r el i gi on, and since that period, invaders of I ndi a formed
a. distinct communi t y when t hey settled i n the count ry. The
incursions of the Mahomet ans were not a new event in the
Hi st or y of I ndi a. They were a cont i nuat i on of those of si mi l ar
races of the pre-Mahomedan peri od. The people at large di d
not care who governed t hem; and al l that the conqueror had to
do, was to subjugate the mi l i t ar y classes; and t hi s disregard for
corporate interest shows itself in t r i f l i ng matters also. Most of
our t owns i n the Maratha and Guj arat hi count r y, had, and
even have, t hei r water closets wi t h t hei r hi nder parts t ur ned
towards the streets. They kept the i nt er i or of t hei r houses
clean, and considered the street as the proper reposi t ory for al l
sorts of filth, and it was nobody' s interest to see whet her the
streets were kept clean.
The effect of t hi s indifference to corporate or national
interests was that, f r om t i me to t i me, th'e count r y was
governed by foreigners. In social matters, some of our
good customssuch as marriage of gi rl s at a mature age
and the practice of widow-marriagebecame obsolete. The
bur ni ng of wi dows on the funeral piles of t hei r husbands whi c h
had been di scont i nued i n Vedi c times was renewed, i nfant i ci de
and the marriage of a great many gi rl s wi t h one man, came i nt o
use, and these evils di d not attract t he at t ent i on of any body
520 SHOLAPUR SOCIAL CONFERENCE ADDRESS
and were al l owed to go. The number of castes increased a
thousand-fold. The germs of the caste-system existed among
the European Aryas also. The Patricians i n Rome' formed at
first a separate caste havi ng no connubi um wi t h the Plebians, but
the Romans and modern races were actuated by intense national
spi r i t and hence the di st i nct i on had to gi ve way. Ignorance and
povert y gradual l y increased i n our count r y, and i t was reduced
to an abject condi t i on.
But now wi t h our mi nds enl i ght ened by our contact
wi t h the Western nations, we cannot afford to be i ndi fferent
to our nat i onal and corporate interests. We are on al l
sides pushed by forei gn nations seeking to profi t themselves
at t he expense of our count r y; and i n the keen compet i t i on
whi ch has already set i n , we must suffer and be reduced to a
miserable condi t i on. It is, therefore, hi gh t i me t o set our
houses i n order, so t hat the energies of our people may have f u l l
scope, and al l obstacles towards development i n al l departments
may be removed, and this is the object of the social r ef or m.
The pol i t i cal agitation that has been goi ng on for so many years,
has for i t s object the redress of certain grievances and the
acqui si t i on of new pol i t i cal powers. But the object of social
r e f or mwi t h whi c h I woul d associate mor al reformi s t o render
us fit for the exercise of these powers. The sooial r ef or m move-
ment therefore is of greater importance t han the other in so far
as it seeks to render the nat i on vigorous and free f r om social
obstructions and restrictions. Those of us t hat have seen its
i mport ance, have been endeavouring for more t han 60 years to
i nt roduce certain reforms i nt o our society. An d I wi l l devote
a short t i me to the consideration of t he hi st ory of social r ef or m,
in order t hat the experience of these years may serve us as gui de
i n our fut ure endeavours.
Female education began to be pract i cal l y undert aken about
the year 1848, and sohools for teaching gi rl s established in
SKETCH OF MODERN REFORM MOVEMENT 521
the pr i nci pal towns. At fi rst i t was i n the hands of pri vat e
i ndi vi dual s onl y, and l at t er l y the Government has taken i t
up. But after al l the result i s very i mpercept i bl e. The
custom of early marriages necessitates the premature removal
of gi rl s f r om schools, and thus the education that is gi ven
is of a very elementary character. As regards early marriage there
has been a perceptible i mprovement in the case of boys, who,
in rare cases, are at present marri ed before the age of eighteen,
at least in those classes that have come under the influence
of new ideas. But the i mpr ovement in the case of the gi rl s is
very l i t t l e. I n some cases, they are kept unmarri ed t i l l t wel ve,
but even that I consider to be a very early age. As regards wi dow-
marriage the first on t hi s side was solemnised in the year 1869.
An d there have been a good many more since t hen. But the
number is far f r om satisfactory, and this r ef or m, I may wi t hout
oontradiction say, has not penetrated very wi del y i nt o our
society. Even hi ghl y educated natives, wi t hout the slightest
compul si on, when they become widowers, even when t hey
are themselves fort y-fi ve or more, mar r y a gi r l of ten or t wel ve
instead of a gr own up wi dow. A good many are afraid openl y
to enter i nt o social relations wi t h a re-married wi dow and her
husband. In connection wi t h this I may say that the heartless
custom of sacrificing l i t t l e gi rl s by being mated wi t h ol d
men between fifty and si xt y years of age, s t i l l continues to
flourish, and it grieves my heart to say, even among educated men
alumni of the Deccan and the El phi nst one Colleges. The
plague whi c h has been commi t t i ng di re ravages in our count ry,
has t hr own many a female chi l d i nt o the condi t i on of wi dow-
hood, but there has been no educated man dur i ng these five
years to rescue any one these helpless creatures, from her
pi t i abl e state. So that, wi dow-marri age, upon the whol e, seems
to have made very l i t t l e progress.
But i n another respect we are di st i nct l y going backward
66 [ R. G. Bhandarkars Works, Vol. II ]
since we began to speak about reform. About 1850, a secret
society called Paramahamsa Mandali was formed in Bombay for
abolition of caste. Since it was composed of men who had not
the courage to face opposition, the society became defunct when
the doings of the members began to be talked about out-side.
In my early days I remember, whenever there was any public
movement, all classes, Hindus, Parsis and Mahomedans joined
in it, and a feeling of brother-hood existed among them. But
in these days we find these classes conducting such public
movements independently of each other, and even the separate
castes of Hindus following suit. There is as great or even
greater estrangement between these large classes and Hindu
castes than there existed before Sooial Reform was thought of.
There are separate clubs of Brahmans, Sarasvatas or Senvis,
Candrasenlya Kayasthas and Daivajnas. What can be more
discouraging to the heart of a sincere reformer than this
condition of things ? Not only has no progress been made towards
the union of these classes and castes, but the differences between
them have become accentuated. " Where are we going ? " is
the question that constantly troubles my heart.
I may here make a passing allusion to the rather bitter
disputes between the Marathas and the Brahmans going on at
Kolhapur and Baroda, which sets this back-sliding of ours in a
lurid light. I have already referred to the fact that during the
Pre-Mahomedan Period, the foreigners who settled in the country
became Hindus. The dynasty that ruled over Kanouj in the
8th and 9th centuries belonged originally, as has recently been
proved to a foreign racethat of the Gurjara; and Mahendrapala,
one of the princes of that dynasty, is spoken of by the celebrated
poet Rajasekhara, who was his Guru and calls himself Maha-
rastriya in one place, as having sprung from the solar race.
Similarly, we have reason to believe that the Chahuwans,
Parmars and Solankis belonged to the same race. But they
KSATRIYA CLAIMS OF MODERN CHIEFS 523
have i n the course of t i me become Rajputs. If foreigners
coul d become Ksatriyas in t hi s way, there is no reason wh y
Maharastra Brahmans of t hi s presidency should not s i mi l ar l y
declare the Rajas of Kol hapur and Baroda to be Ksatriyas, even
supposing that they have not descended f r om a Pauranic l i ne,
when a Maratha Brahman of great l earni ng, Gagabhatta, decided
that the founder of the Maratha empire was a Ksat ri ya ; and on
the other hand one is at a loss to see why such an importance
should be attached to the performance of domestic ceremonies
according to the Vedic r i t ual . But certainly it is devout l y to be
wi shed that in one way or the other this unseemly quarrel
shoul d come to an end.
One of the social reforms advocated by us viz., t r avel l i ng
to forei gn countries, has been progressing recently at a
rapi d rate. It appears to me that every one who has
come more or less under the influence of the new ideas,
is ready to go to Engl and, Japan or other countries, and the
onl y obstacle in the way is the want of sufficient funds. What
the advocates of t hi s reform look to, is that the men who t ravel
to foreign countries should on their r et ur n be received back i nt o
t hei r castes. Thi s is good as a t emporary measure, but if t r ut h
must be fol l owed, it wi l l not do to ignore the fact that most of
those who go to Engl and and other countries are not able to
adhere to the rules of castes whi l e in these countries. The
caste is thus, in almost al l cases, pract i cal l y gi ven up. An d to
assume i t again on comi ng back t o t hi s count r y i s i n my eyes
going backwards, and points to the inveterate nature of the
i nst i t ut i on, by means of whi ch, t hough real l y gi vi ng up caste,
we ostensibly or out war dl y stick t o i t .
Fr om al l I have said, and a good deal more that falls under
our observation, it appears as if the germs of castes formed an
essential i ngredi ent of our bl ood. To eradicate t hem is perhaps
as hopeless as dr yi ng up the I ndi an Ocean. The races of
Europe destroyed those germs i n t hei r i nfancy by usi ng the
antidote of t he spi ri t of nat i onal i t y. In the absence of that
antidote, the germs of the disease have had an extensive
development and have become ext remel y strong i n I ndi a, and'
rendered the format i on of an I ndi an nat i onal i t y an i mpossi bi l i t y.
I f , however, you t hi nk we can f or m a nat i on wi t h caste, let us
t r y. But at least, caste jealousies must be forgot t en in practical
matters, not opposed to caste rules, and we shoul d act towards
each other as if no caste differences existed between us. But
we should also endeavour to br i ng about a fusion of sub-castes,
and this is what one of the propositions before us contemplates.
Thi s appears to me to be a pr omi si ng matter : but even here it
wi l l not do t o be too opt i mi st i c.
I have thus bri efl y gone over the pr i nci pal planks in the
pl at form of the social reformer. In what I have observed, there
is a good deal to discourage an earnest reformer who hear t i l y
wishes that his count r y shoul d progress, and one feels i ncl i ned
t o t hi nk wi t h the late Isvaracandra Vidyasagara that the Hi ndus
woul d never adopt social r ef or m. But there is no cause for
despair. Sir Auckl and Col vi n describes, I believe, our posi t i on
correct l y i n his article on I ndi a i n the new Vol umes of the
Encycl opedi a Bri t anni ca, where he says *' Torpor is shaken off
and a nervous act i vi t y takes the place of silence and i nact i on.
The Princess has arisen and moves f or war d, t hough wi t h dazzied\
eyes and uncert ai n steps, encumbered by the folds of her
ol d wor l d garments." Havi ng slept so l ong, our eyes are
dazzled by the new l i ght we see, we do not see our way
clearly before us, our steps are uncert ai n and we are
encumbered by the folds of our former garments. But
our steps, shoul d cert ai nl y become more certain and endeavours
must be made to cast off the encumberi ng folds. For t hi s
reason, it appears to me that the proposal you have made for
establishing a Central Reform Association at Bombay and branch
associations in the districts, is very good.
EDUCATING PUBLIC OPINION .525
We must, by means of lectures, pamphlets and leaflets, educate
the publ i c opi ni on of our people and br i ng t hem to perceive
the justice and reasonableness of the reforms we advocate
and the dangers ahead whi ch wi l l overtake us i f we reject t hem.
At the same t i me we must f or m a strong body of reformed publ i c
opi ni on amongst 6urselve3, whi ch men of si xt y, mar r yi ng a gi r l of
t wel ve, or fathers mar r yi ng t hei r boys and gi rl s when t hey are
l i t t l e chi l dr en, wi l l be afraid of. At the same t i me those who
are conduct i ng t hi s agitation for social reform, should t hem-
selves be persons who have shown t hei r sincerity by i nt r oduci ng
one or other of these reforms in t hei r f ami l y. The met hod
often spoken of of wi nni ng over the spi ri t ual heads of the
di fferent communi t i es and i nt r oduci ng reforms wi t h t hei r hel p
i s, I am afraid, not destined to be successful. At the same t i me
to i nt erpret or rather to mi s-i nt erpret the Sastras so as to make
t hem agree wi t h our views, is a met hod whi ch also is ext remel y
unpr omi si ng. My vi ew of our people is that the great Sastra
or spi ri t ual adviser whom t hey obey is custom, and if the Gura
or Hastra goes against t hi s, t hey wi l l be disobeyed and set aside.
The feasible pl an, therefore, appears to me to si l ent l y but
sincerely introduce the reforms we advocate, so that in the
course of t i me, t hey may themselves become the prevai l i ng
customs.
But the great question is whether our conscience has
been sufficiently aroused to enable us to wi t hst and whatever
opposition or persecution we may meet wi t h i n our course. If
it is not, it must be, if we are to progress and not si nk l ower and
l ower unt i l we are wi ped off the face of the earth. An d there
is another question ; wi l l the ideal of social r ef or m in itself
inspire us wi t h the necessary enthusiasm ? In Bengal social
r ef or m is almost gi ven up by persons who are not members of
t he Brahi no Samaj. An d i t i s the latter i nst i t ut i on that
advocates both religious and social reform. Thi ngs have not
come to this pass here as the present conference shows. But
the very slow progress we have made, and the steps backward
that we take, as well as the fact that a social reformer, more or
less by his own acts, sets aside the Hindu religion as it is, make
one think that the only efficient way is to devise a radical course
of reform based upon the reform of Hindu Religion. Religious
belief is calculated to invigorate the conscience, and social
reform wi l l then beoome an imperative duty. But for obvious
reasons, I must not go into the question further, and leave you
to decide the whole matter for yourselves.
*
*
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS AT THE NATIONAL
SOCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT
AHMADABAD IN 1902
[From the "Dnyan Prakash", of Poona, dated 1st January
1903]
The Session of the National Social Conference was held in
the last week of December 1902, and Mr. Lalshankar Umiya-
shankar and the Hon'ble Justice Mr. N. G. Chandawarkar,
the Chairman of the Reception Committee and the General
Secretary of Conference, respectively, had delivered their
addresses on the day previous to Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's
Presidential Address, given below. [ N. B. U. ] .
LADI ES ANE GENTLEMEN
Yesterday you had a glowing and attractive picture placed
before you. To-day it is our business to see whether the canvas
on which the picture is to be painted is torn and tattered and
cannot hold i t , or of a weak texture and cannot retain it for
long. If it be of either nature we have to see how it can be
repaired and strengthened so that it may answer our purpose.
Dropping all metaphor, I may say that the object of Social
Reform is to eradicate such evil customs as have undermined
the energies of the Indian people and prevent the free ex-
pansion of their powers and capacities. The three hundred
millions of the population of India are divided into about
5000 different communities which are called castes and between
which there is no intimate social intercourse. The spirit of
caste pride has come into free play, and jealousies and dis-
cussions are the result. No sincere co-operation can be
expected under the circumstances. Some of the communities
are so small that it is difficult to secure husbands for women
and wives for men. And often unsuitable matches have to be
528 AHMADABAD CONFERENCE ADDRESS
formed. An d t hi s is, i n too many instances, the case i n the
provi nce of Gujarat where stories of gi rl s of i nf er i or castes
being br ought f r om Kat hi awad and pal med off on i nt endi ng
bri degrooms as bel ongi ng to t hei r caste are not uncommon.
The l ower castes are in a ver y depressed condi t i on; no
education is available to t hem. Even t hei r t ouch is considered
abomi nat i on and t o i mpr ove t hei r social condi t i on t hey often
change t hei r r el i gi on and become Chri st i ans. The women of
t he count r y are, as a r ul e, not educated, t hus leading t o, what
may be called, a waste of hal f the mor al and i nt el l ect ual
resources of t he count r y, a waste for whi c h there can be no
compensation anywhere. Boys and gi r l s, especially the l at t er,
are mar r i ed at a ver y early age ; and t hi s must necessarily lead
t o the degeneration of the race; and the education of g i r l
stops when t hey arri ve at about the age of t wel ve. Gi r l -
wi dows are condemned to a l i f e of mi sery and often
i mmo r a l i t y ; and a society t hat connives at t hi s condi t i on of
t hi ngs must become demoralised to a cert ai n ext ent . Tr avel l i ng
to f or ei gn countries is pr ohi bi t ed ; and t hus there is no scope
for the devel opment of the ent erpri si ng spi r i t of t he people.
I f , therefore, i n the present keen compet et i on between t he
nations, our people are to have a fresh start, a strong fight wi l l
have to be made against these and such other customs.
SOCIAL REFORM, A NATIONAL MOVEMENT
Thi s has been my creed since t he year 1853; I gave
expression t o i t at Shol apur by l ayi ng stress on t he nat i onal
significance of social r ef or m, and I t hought it was t he creed of
al l social reformers. I was not aware t hat I was ut t er i ng
anyt hi ng new and was surpri sed to f i nd t hat I was so regarded
in some quarters. I can have not hi ng to say to those who
expressed an appr oval ; but t here were some people, I am t ol d,
who regarded wi dow- mar r i age, for instance, as cal l ed for onl y
SOCIAL REFORM A NATIONAL REFORM 529
for t he removal of t he mi ser y of the wi dow gi r l s and had no
connect i on whatever wi t h nat i onal interests. Accor di ng t o
these men the removal of mi ser y of certain creatures is t he
object of social r ef or m. The acqui si t i on of social faci l i t i es for
forei gn t ravel is sought for by the social reformer, but t he
removal of exi st i ng mi sery cannot be its object. So also in a
ver y large number of cases, caste di st i nct i ons do not create
mi ser y, yet the social reformer seeks to obliterate t hem.
The ol d Buddhi st s, especially of Nor t her n I ndi a, const i t ut ed
benevolence as one of the cardi nal pri nci pl es of t hei r conduct.
They even sacrificed t hei r lives to promot e the good of others ;
but t hey di d not seek syst emat i cal l y to abolish caste, t hough
amongst themselves the Buddhist monks paid no heed whatever
to i t . 1, however, do not mean to say that sympat hy for the
sufferings of others is not a mot i ve in itself. In fact, it is the
highest mot i ve, and the wor l d has now begun to move
towards its real i sat i on, t hough, 1 am afrai d, there is more t al k
about i t t han actual wor k, as i s shown by the manner i n whi c h
President Roosevelt' s attempts to be j ust and i mpar t i al to the
Negroes i n t he Uni t ed States have been received. But i f mere
sympat hy for the sufferings of others is t he object of social
r ef or m, wh y shoul d we confine our efforts t o the Indi ans and
wh y not ext end t hem to the Chinese or Europeans ?
Pr act i cal l y, therefore we have to rest ri ct the operations of
t hi s hi gh mot i ve to the people of I ndi a, so that, f r om t hi s
poi nt of vi ew even social r ef or m becomes a nat i onal
movement .
TIME IS NO FORCE
Now, some people there are who believe in the nat ural
operation of the causes whi ch have come i nt o existence and
declare deliberate social r ef or m not onl y unnecessary but
har mf ul , and agi t at i on such as is conducted by t hi s Conference
and Sooial Reform Associations to be mischievous. The causes
67 [ R. G. Bhandarkar'g Works, Vol. I I ]
t hat have come i nt o operation are our contact wi t h West ern
nations, the Engl i sh education we receive at Schools and
Colleges, Engl i sh l aw and pol i cy whi c h make no di st i nct i on
between a Brahman and Sudra, rai l ways whi c h compel a hol y
Brahman t o sit side by side wi t h a l ow caste man i n a t h i r d
class compart ment , the increase of popul at i on consequent on
Pax Bri t ani ca whi c h is dr i vi ng even Brahmans to resort to the
profession of stone-masons, tailors, weavers and so f or t h. These
have no doubt been changing our manners, but t hei r operat i on
must cease wi t h the satisfaction of the i mmedi at e need, and i t
cannot give us systematic r ef or m. Besides, if social r ef or m
were l eft to the nat ural operation of these causes, you cannot
t rust to the process always yi el di ng rat i onal results. The
changes that our present circumstances are calculated to
produce may be good or may be bad. The expression t hat is
often used i n connection wi t h t hi s vi ew i s that t i me wi l l wor k
out t he necessary changes. But t i me is no force, it is s i mpl y
a category of t he underst andi ng to di st i ngui sh one event f r om
another. The real force comes f r om human mot i ves whi c h
are i nvoked by t he circumstances i n whi c h men f i nd t hem-
selves. I f , therefore, t i me wor ks out changes, i t must be by
t he force of human mot i ves. An d as t he l ower mot i ves are
always more power f ul t han t he hi gher ones t hough these are
nobl er i n t hei r nat ure, when you leave t hi ngs t o take t hei r
own course, t he changes t hat wi l l be effected wi l l be such as
t he l ower mot i ves of man br i ng about ; t hat i s t o say, t he
changes wi l l not al ways be good or r at i onal . I n order,
t herefore, t hat the changes whi c h our present circumstances or
t he causes i ndi cat ed above are l i k e l y to produce, may be good
or rat i onal i t is necessary to discuss and decide whi c h [ we ] w i l l
have and whi c h not . In ot her words, social changes must not be
l eft t o wor k themselves out , but shoul d always be under t he
guidance of our reason and mor al sense.
CHANGES IN THE WRONG DIRECTIONS 531
WITHOUT THE CONTROL OF REASON
Our previous hi st ory i s f u l l of examples i n whi c h, when
t hi ngs were left to themselves the changes t hat were effected
were i r r at i onal and i mmor al . Home of you know that the
authors of our Smrt i s or l aw books enumerate t wel ve ki nds of
sons who succeed t hei r father. One of these is Kanl na or the
son of a vi r gi n that was begotten before a gi r l was mar r i ed
and who in some cases was regarded as the son of her father
and by some as the son of the husband whom she subsequently
marri ed. Thi s shows that when the practice of mar r yi ng gi rl s
at a mat ure age prevailed some of t hem went wr ong. An d in
al l l i kel i hood it was to serve t hi s evi l that the practice of
mar r yi ng gi rl s at an early age came i nt o existence. Some of
t he ol d tJsis lay down the r i t ual of marriage on the supposition
that the bri de was a gr own- up gi r l , others after l ayi ng down the
general r ul e add " it woul d be better to mar r y a g i r l before
mat ur i t y. " There are s t i l l others who di d not approve of t hi s
new practice t hat was comi ng i n , and l ai d down i n express
terms t hat onl y a mat ure gi r l should be marri ed. So far t he
new change was not beyond the cont rol of reason. But t hat
cont r ol was soon l ost ; and it went on spreading over a wi der
area. The possi bi l i t y of a gi r l goi ng wr ong before mat ur i t y
was alone looked to and gradual l y early marriage became a
stereotyped custom wi t hout reference to the reason that ushered
it in ; and the l i mi t of age became l ower and l ower unt i l now a
chi l d even a few mont hs ol d is sometimes marri ed. Thus, t hen,
t hi s change was not under the guidance and cont rol of reason
and was l eft to wor k itself out, The manifest evils of early
marriage were ent i r el y lost sight of, and early marriage came
to be f i r ml y rooted.
Si mi l ar l y the or i gi nal mot i ve that event ual l y led t o female
i nfant i ci de and the marriage of about a hundr ed gi rl s or more
to one man was not bad. That mot i ve was the anxi et y of
parents t o mar r y t hei r gi r l s i nt o respectable fami l i es. But t hi s
was not under the guidance of reason ; and parents ki l l e d t hei r
daughters t o avoi d the disgrace of ma r r yi ng t hem i nt o l ow
fami l i es or wedded t hem to husbands t hat saw t hem onl y once
i n t hei r l i f e. Si mi l ar l y a too nice regard for female chastity
not of the mor al but physi cal ki nd, l ed t o t he pr oscr i pt i on of
wi dow-marri age, and no regard whatever was pai d to the evi l
consequences whi c h have come so gl ar i ngl y under our
observation. An d the i nnumer abl e castes t hat we find at
present owe t hei r existence to the feel i ng of excliisiveness
wor ki ng i t sel f out unchecked by nat i onal considerations. Thi s
i s the result, t hen, when we al l ow certain influences t o wor k
themselves out and do not subject t hem to cr i t i ci sm at each
step, and arrest t hei r operation when i t oversteps the bounds
of reason. I t wi l l , therefore, not do to t rust to the new
circumstances i n whi c h we fi nd ourselves now, t o eradicate the
pr evai l i ng evi l customs. There must be discussion and decision
and del i berat e plans for the i nt r oduct i on of such changes onl y
as are good and r at i onal .
TWO-FOLD OBJECT OF SOCIAL REFORM
The r ef or m movement s that are goi ng on have a t wo- f ol d
object, vi z. , deliberate eradication of the pr evai l i ng evils and
the pr event i on of others t hat t he new causes whi c h have come
i nt o operat i on may br i ng about i f l eft t o wor k si l ent l y. For
t he present the first object is more i mpor t a nt ; but , as I stated
at Sholapur, we have not been able to do ver y much towards
its accompl i shment . A European f r i end recent l y wrot e to me
that f r om al l he had observed, i t appeared t o h i m that there
was no strong force at the back of the Ref or m Movement ; and
we must acknowl edge t hat t hi s is t rue, l ooki ng to the persever-
i ng and energetic efforts and exert i ons made by Europeans
whenever t hey have to i nt roduce a r ef or m. Most of us have
read Mor l ey' s Li f e of Cobden. Can we say that our exertions
REFORM MOVEMENT SHOULD BE BROAD-BASED 533
can at al l be compared wi t h those whi c h t hat great man and
hi s co-adjutor Mr . Br i ght , went t hr ough, t o convince people of
the injustice of the Cor n Laws. An d the number of our people
is so large and t hey are so i mpervi ous to or di nar y i nfl uence,
and the social practices we have to eradicate are so many, t hat
more persistent efforts t han those of Cobden and Br i ght must
be made by resolute men i n al l parts of the count r y t o br i ng
oven a smal l mi nor i t y of the people to the convi ct i on that these
practices are baneful . Since l i ke the Corn Laws our agi t at i on
i s not t o cul mi nat e i n legislation that wi l l compel act i on, we
must begi n by i nt r oduci ng our doctrines i nt o practice ourselves.
Oftentimes the reproach has been cast at the Social Con-
ference that there is any amount of t al ki ng there but ver y
l i t t l e act i on; and a danger whi ch is l i kel y to arise f r om
i nact i on i s that i t wi l l become a si mpl e matter of r out i ne wi t h
us to speak of matters of Social Reform, and for others to hear
us, and becoming callous, we shall cease to be real l y enthusiastic
about i t ourselves. A l l t hi s you wi l l , 1 hope, bear seriously i n
mi nd. As I stated at Sholapur, we shoul d f or m associations
wherever we can; there should be lectures, discussions,
pamphlets and leaflets; and we should have a public opi ni on
amongst ourselves whi ch wi l l prevent back-sliding. A large
amount of money wi l l also be wanted. But the question is
" Ar e there such resolute men amongst us who wi l l wor k i n
the manner i n whi ch Cobden and Br i ght wor ked t o br i ng
about a r ef or m in the Corn Laws ? " If we have, or if we shal l
have, i f not now, t hen onl y, i n my opi ni on, the fut ure interests
of our count r y are safe ; and if no such men arise our fut ure
must indeed be gl oomy.
As to the second object of Social Reform movement vi z. ,
keepi ng the influences now at wor k under the guidance and
cont r ol of reason, a spi r i t of fair cri t i ci sm prompt ed solely by
the love of our count r y must be developed by us. Whenever
any evi l pr i nci pl e fi nds i nt r oduct i on i nt o society or a good
pr i nci pl e is carried to excess, cr i t i ci sm ought to be br ought
to bear on i t . For instance, it cannot be denied t hat the spread
of the vice of drunkenness amongst t he hi gher castes is duo
t o t he circumstances i n whi c h we f i nd ourselves. The Social
Conference and social reformers general l y ought to condemn
the practice i n no measured terms. Agai n, there are persons
amongst us who secretly violate the rules of castes as regards
eating and d r i n k i n g but out war dl y pose as ort hodox persons.
If the number of such men goes on increasing, demoral i sat i on
of I ndi a n society must i nevi t abl y be the result. Thi s also
must be fearlessly cri t i ci sed, if we have any regard for our
fut ure good. In t hi s manner, as we go on, other evils hi t her t o
unheard of may come i nt o existence, and the onl y r emedy
I can t hi nk of is that a regard for nat i onal i nt erest must grow
up amongst us and we shoul d endeavour to do al l t hat is
possible t o prevent the gr owt h of any evi l ari si ng f r om these
circumstances.
IS THIS PESSIMISM?
I am afrai d in consequence of t he remarks I have now made
some of you wi l l again cal l me a pessimist or at least say that
a pessimistic tone pervades my observations. I am mysel f
unable to see the j ust i f i cat i on of t hi s t i t l e or of t hi s vi ew. I
have never said t hat there is not hi ng good in us Hi ndus , or
t hat we are not capable of r i s i ng ; nor have I said t hat we
have done not hi ng i n matters of r ef or m. Though at Shol apur
I stated t hat in our hi st or y wo Hi ndus as a whol e have shown
no concern for nat i onal or corporate interests, or were not
actuated by the nat i onal spi r i t or sent i ment , and consequent l y
al l owed ourselves to be conquered by foreigners, s t i l l I di d
not say that the spi r i t of our mi l i t a r y classes was ever
per manent l y crushed, or t hat the learned, pr i est l y, mercant i l e
and other classes lost t hei r pecul i ar excellences. Af t er
ANCIENT INDIAN REPUBLICS 535
the Sakas, Yavanas, Pahlavas and Kushans had governed
a large por t i on of t he count r y for three or four
centuries, a Hi n d u dynast y of Guptas rose to power and
established itself over the whol e of Nor t her n I ndi a. The
foreigners were dr i ven out by Candragupta otherwise called
Vi kr ami l di t ya, the most famous prince of the dynasty. The
occasion was seized by the Brahmans to regain the power over
the people whi ch they had lost t hrough the influence of
early Buddhi sm, and according to t hei r l i ght s, put the social
system i n order by r emodel l i ng t hei r laws and i nst i t ut i ons.
The Hunas or Huns who hel d power for some t i me in the
count r y were put down by a prince of the name Yasodharman
who rul ed over Nort h-West ern Mal wa and Rajpntanu. In
modern times, Hi ndu domi nat i on was restored by the Sikhs
i n the Nor t h, and the Marathas i n the South. In very early
times, when the Aryans spread over the different parts of
Nor t her n I ndi a t hey appear to have had an aristocratic f or m
of Government in some instances at least. In the t i me of
Buddha, whi l e Magadha was governed by a pri nce and was
an absolute monarchy, the Vaj j i s or Vr j j i s , Ksat ri ya inhabitants
of a nei ghbour i ng provi nce formed a Republic. Such other
republics are also spoken of. And the system of gi vi ng to
the provinces i n whi ch certain Ksat ri ya tribes had settled,
t he name of the t ri be i t sel f must have ori gi nat ed f r om the
fact of t hei r being j oi nt owners of the provinces, i . e., havi ng
a Republ i can f or m of government . Thus the count r y i n whi ch
Pancalas l i ved was called Pancala, and that in whi ch Kuravas
l i ved Kuravas. In West ern countries these aristocratic
republ i cs became democracies and existed as such for a l ong
t i me and pol i t i cal ideas and i nst i t ut i ons were hi ghl y developed.
In I ndi a t hey soon became absolute monarchies and ever
remai ned as such and the pol i t i cal gr owt h of the count r y was
arrested. To t hi s resul t ecclesiastical absolutism that was
established at the same t i me also cont r i but ed since it checked
freedom of t hought and act i on.
You wi l l t hus see t hat I do not and cannot deny us t he
capacity for assi mi l at i ng the nat i onal sent i ment and wor ki ng
for the pr omot i on of nat i onal interests. But the progress
we have made dur i ng t he last si xt y years since we became
subject t o the new influences, and i n Bengal dur i ng the last
150 years, has not been considerable, as I have shown in the
Sholapur address. One cannot hel p comi ng to t hi s concl usi on
when one careful l y observes what i s goi ng on about one. If
for decl ari ng t hi s openl y, one is to be called a pessimist,
ver i l y t r ut h i t sel f i s pessimistic and I believe i t wi l l do us
good i f r ough pessimistic t r ut h were di nned i nt o one's ears
instead of smoot h opt i mi st i c falsehood. The f or mer wi l l
rouse us t o action, the latter wi l l send us to sleep again, t hough
there is no question t he new causes t hat come i nt o operat i on
have awakened us. Consider for a moment how the Japanese
have compl et el y t ransformed themselves wi t h i n t he short
space of 35 years. A Japanese scholar whom I met in Poona
a few days ago t ol d me t hat before t he t r ansf or mat i on t ook
place, i.e., 35 years ago, there was no connubi um or i nt er-
marriages between t he mi l i t a r y and mercant i l e classes but now
t hi s di st i nct i on has been obl i t erat ed. The Japanese are a
uni que people, and I do not t h i n k it is possible for us to make
progress at t hei r rate ; but s t i l l dur i ng t he t wi ce and fi ve
t i mes as many years t hat we have been under the same influences
as t heynot t he same I shoul d say, but under far stronger
and bet t er influences, since we have been posi t i vel y recei vi ng
education at t he hands of a European nat i on, we mi ght be
expected t o dr op the connubi al di st i nct i on bet ween at least
t he mi nor sub-di vi si ons of t he same caste. But we have not
done i t . No w, gent l emen, believe me when I say t hat I do not
feel offended in the least when a pessimistic tone is discovered
MI SLEADI NG PRAI SE 537
in my remarks, but what I want to drive out by referring
to this matter is that our people have somehow become fond
of praise. They even allow themselves to be misled by
certain foreigners who indulge them lavishly wi t h i t . For
progress what is wanted is discontent wi t h the present
conditionand praise bestowed upon us and believed in by
us is calculated to make us self-satisfied and unwilling to
make an effort to rise. It is to warn my hearers of this
weakness that I have alluded to the matter.
In conclusion, allow me to remind you that the great
discovery of the nineteenth-centurythe law of evolutionis
receiving confirmation from every side. The law implies
that there has been throughout the universe a progress in
the material as well as the spiritual world from the simple to
the complex, from the dead to the living, from good to better,
from the irrational to the rational. This is the law of God, and
if instead of obstinately changing to what is bad and irrational,
we move forwards to what is good and rational, we shall bo
obeying the law of the Universe and co-operating wi t h God.
I f , however, we continue to go down from what is bad to
what is worse, from good to bad and from the rational to
irrational, as we have been doing for so many centuries, we
shall have to seek another universe to live i n.
68 [ R. G. Miandarkar's Works, Vol. II ]
*
A NOTE ON THE AGE OF MARRIAGE AND ITS
CONSUMMATION ACCORDING TO HINDU
RELIGIOUS LAW
This essay wi t h its Appendices was originally published by
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar himself in a pamphlet form in the year
1891, in connection wi t h the controversy on the Age of Consent
Bi l l , then before the Indian Legislative Council. [ N. B. U. ]
I
The question is whether intercourse immediately after
maturity
1
is necessary according to the Hindu religious law.
(i) Manu says:
Chap. I X. Verse 89.
" The maiden may even remain t i l l death i n the [father's]
house after maturity; but he should never give her to one who
has no merits."
On this the oldest commentator Medhatithi observes: " A
maiden is not to be given [ i n marriage] before puberty, and she
is not to be given even after puberty, as long as a meritorious
bridegroom is not to be had " ; _
(ii) Again :
~ - , - -J
Manu I X. 90.
1 The expressions maturity, puberty, and grown up are in t hi s note used to
denote that stage in the growth of a gi r l in which a certain physical phenomenon
has begun to appear.
NAGNiKA AND ANAGNI Kl GIRLS 539
" Aft er mat ur i t y she shoul d wait for three years ; and after
t hat mar r y a suitable husband herself."
( i i i ) Iteudhilyana also says the same t hi ng ;
I V. 1. 14.
" For three years after pubert y she should wai t for her
father' s order ; and t hen in the f our t h year mar r y a suitable
husband herself."
(i v) Vasistha's Sutras, X V I I . 67 and 68 are to the same effect.
( v ) Gobhilaputra in the Grhyasamgraha says :
^v v r _ .
Gobhilfya Gr. Su., Ed. Hi bl . Indi ca, p. 839.
" A gi r l is called Nagni ka (naked) as long as she has not
ar r i ved at mat ur i t y. Af t er mat ur i t y she is Anagni ka (not
naked), l i e shoul d give that Anagni ka gi r l " [ i n marri age].
(vi ) I l i r anyakesi n lays down in his Grhya Sutra that a
young man shoul d, after fi ni shi ng his education, mar r y, wi t h
the consent of his parents, an Anagni ka or gr own up gi r l who
is chaste and of the same caste wi t h hi m ; '
^ (another reading).
~ is the reading of my Manuscript, of another, dated 1706
Saka, found by rae in the Ci t y of Poona, and of the Poona Hiranyakesia
Braimans generally. It is also the reading of three of Dr. Kirate'a six Manuscripts.
The compound cannot. be dissolved into and
as in thai cast: it, would be ' by I' anini VI . 3. 34.
Besides if were the correct realing, the following adjective
540 AGE OP MARRI AGE AND I TS CONSUMMATI ON
These texts show that the principal Hindu legislators allow
of a gi rl remaining unmarried t i l l after she has arrived at a
certain stage of growth, and three of them l i mi t the period for
which she may so remain to three years. She may thus have
no connection with a man for three years after puberty.
(vii) And Manu specifically allows a gi rl to remain unmarried
t i l l the age of twelve. For, says he
I X. 94.
" A man thirty years old should marry a gi rl pleasing to him,
of the age of twelve years."
Taken in connecion wi t h the texts already quoted, this means
that he should marry her even if she has already become mature,
i. e., she can remain without connection t i l l the age of twelve.
I I
But these texts do not show that the legislators allow of a
grown up gi rl remaining without connection With a man after
marriage. The following bear on that point.
Asvalayana Grhyasutra, I. 8.1011.
' chaste ' ' who has had no intercourse ' ' would be useless; for a "or one
who has not arrived at the particular physical stage is necessarily chaste. The
commentator Matrdatta, in Dr. Kirste'a Edition at least, takes
as the reading, which is also the reading of three of Dr. Kirste' s Manuscripts;
but curiously enough he explains the word as " who is about' to
arrive at the physical stage, " arid " who is fit to be denuded,"
and _ " fit to have intercourse." Evidently he had a conception of the
sense that the context requires, but had a bad reading before hi m. There can
be no reasonable doubt that is the correct reading.
TIME OP CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGE 541
[ Af t e r the bri de has been taken to the house of the bride-
gr oom] , the t wo should not eat corn of certain species, nor
taste salt, should be chaste, i. e., have no intercourse, adorn
themselves and sleep on the floor for three nights, or t wel ve
ni ght s, or for a year, since thus the . wi fe comes to have, the
Gotra of her husband (leaving that of her father).
Paraskara, Grhya Sutra I. 8. 1.
" For one year [after the day of marriage] they should not
have conjugal intercourse, or for twelve nights, or six ; or at
least three.
( i i i ) Sankhayana, Apastamba, Hi ranyakesi n, KhAdi ra, and
Gobhi l a impose Brahmacarya or abstinence onl y for three nights,
after the day of marriage in some cases or after the bri de is
taken home i n others.
Now the very fact of the i mposi t i on of abstinence f r om i nt er-
course by al l these authors of Grhyasutras, shows the existence
of a possi bi l i t y of the intercourse. And since it cannot be
contended that there is such a possi bi l i t y when the marri ed
g i r l is in a condi t i on in whi ch the physical occurrence has not
yet taken place, it must be concluded that the marriage
r i t ual prescribed by these authors presupposes the gi r l to be in
a condi t i on of pubert y. And the rul e expressly l ai d down by
Gobhi l aput ra and Hi ranyakesi n, and the observation of Medhat i -
t h i quoted above confi rm t hi s vi ew. And even a l i vi ng Bengal
PanoUt, Candrakanta Tarkal amkara, in his comment on the
passage in Gobhi l a whi ch imposes abstinence observes :
Ed. i n Bi bl . I nd. p. 327.
i. e., "Under a system i mpl i ed by such texts as 'A man thirty
542 AGE OP MARRIAGE AND ITS CONSUMMATION
years ol d shoul d mar r y a g i r l t wel ve years ol d that is pleasing
to hi m, ' intercourse is not impossible.
, ,
The authors of the Sutras proceed next to prescribe inter -
course after the compl et i on of the peri od of abstinence together
wi t h the r i t ual to be observed at the t i me. ' Apastamba
( I I I . 8. 10) rules t hat i t shoul d take place i n t he latter part of
the f our t h ni ght ; and prescribes t he r epet i t i on of certain other
Mantras ( I I I . 8. 10) on the occasion of another intercourse
i mmedi at el y after a mont hl y course,
1
whi c h por t i on of the
ceremony corresponds to the GarbhadhSna or conception cere-
mony of the present day. Hi ranyakesi n' s directions are
precisely the same. Sankhayana ( I . 19. 1) allows of i t i m-
medi at el y after a mont hl y course onl y wi t h the
Garbhadhana ceremonies ; and Khadi r a (p. 385, S. B. E. , Vol .
X X I X , p. 385, ' and Paraskara ( I . 11. 7 . J " . . . do
the same. Gobhi l a notices the first r ul e whi ch we fi nd i n
Apastamba and Hi r anyakesi n by saying " according to some
there shoul d be intercourse after the first three ni ght s "
i and t hen lays down his own r ul e that
" t he t i me for intercourse is i mmedi at el y after a mont hl y
course" _ p. 346, Ed.
Bi bl . I nd) .
I t wi l l thus be seen that the authors of the Grhyasiitras, whose
rules presuppose marriage after puber t y, prescribe abstinence
for the first t hree ni ght s after marriage or after the br i de is
taken away to the bri degroom' s house; some provi de for i nt er-
course on the f our t h ni ght , but the maj or i t y on the occasion
of a mont hl y course. Whet her the mont hl y course meant is
the one i mmedi at el y after marriage is doubt f ul ; but there is a
1 The time meant when intercourse is prescribed by the use of the expression
which I have translated by " on the occasion of or immediately
after a monthly course" is from the fourth, or according to some, the fifth night
after the beginning of the monthly course to the sixteenth" inclusive.
CONSUMMATION IMMEDIATELY AFTER PUBERTY ? 543
strong reason, as wi l l be shown hereafter, to believe that t hey
meant any mont hl y course generally, even l ong after marriage.
In any case, there is no gr ound for saying that t hey prescribe
intercourse at the first mont hl y course after marriage. But
Asvalayana and Pfiraskara extend the period of abstinence
expressly to one year as the most righteous course, wherefore
it fol l ows that the postponement of the consummation of a
marriage that has already taken place, tor one year at least after
puber t y is not opposed to the Hi ndu religious l aw.
I l l
But marriages after pubert y have now become unknown
among the hi gher castes, and are considered to be opposed to
the Dharmasastra. A gi r l is mar r i ed before she has gr own u p ;
and it is contended that the religious books render it obl i gat ory
to consummate the marriage i mmedi at el y after pubert y or the
first mont hl y course, t hough i n practice i t i s not done i n many
cases in various parts of the count ry. It is therefore necessary
to examine the texts rel i ed upon. They are of t hi s nature :
Vasistha.
"A father shoul d give his gi r l i n marriage whi l e i n the
i mmat ur e condi t i on, bei ng afraid of her at t ai ni ng puber t y;
for i f she remains wi t h hi m i n a condi t i on of pubert y, the
father i ncurs si n. "
But t hi s is felt to be too tame. Hence another t ext is quoted
f r om Yama by recent wr i t er s on the domestic ceremonies,
whi ch is as fol l ows :
" The father of the g i r l who remains i n the house unmar r i ed
incurs the si n of mur der i ng a Brahman. The gi r l shoul d choose
for herself. Therefore he should get his gi r l marri ed before
ghe arrives at mat ur i t y. "
But t hi s must have been regarded as extravagant even by
those who bel i eve i n i nf ant marriages onl y as l egal ; for t hey
prescribe no heavier penance for the offendi ng father t han
feeding a few Brahmans, and gi vi ng t hem presents ; or s i mpl y
gi vi ng one cow. If the father is r i ch, however, he has to give
away as many cows as the courses passed by the gi r l wi t hout
marriage.See Samskarakaustubha on the marriage ceremony.
But the pecul i ar i t y of our rel i gi ous law is that a t ext is always
f ound to j us t i f y any new custom that obtains currency ; and
often t i mes i t happens t hat the texts quoted by the wr i t er s of
Digests are not f ound i n the extant copies of the wor ks f r om
whi ch t hey profess to quot e t hem. In those cases where a t ext
is not available, our theologians t wi s t the senses of those whi ch
exist in a manner to serve the purpose. But of course t hi s
argument cannot be used at present. St i l l in the face of the
texts quoted by me f r om Manu, Gobhi l aput ra, Hi r anyakesi n,
Vasisfcha and Baudhayana, the texts declaratory of the obl i gat ory
nature of i nf ant marriages, cannot, even according to the
ort hodox rules of i nt er pr et at i on, be al l owed f u l l swi ng. The
aut hor of the Ni r nayasi ndhu attempts a reconci l i at i on, and says
t hat marriage after t he age of t en is pr ohi bi t ed ; but in con-
sideration of the texts of Manu, Baudhayana, and others,
marriages at t wel ve and sixteen, even if the at t ai nment of
mat ur i t y becomes known, are allowable i n those cases i n whi c h
the legal gi ver of the gi r l does not exist.
1
But there is no reason whatsoever wh y the late marriages
should be restricted to those cases. Manu and others do not ,
i n prescri bi ng t hem, speak of the non-existence of t he father
MARRTAGE AFTER PUBERTY ALLOWED 545
or other givers. The onl y fai r way in to regard bot h as equal l y
legal, according t o the wel l known ort hodox r ul e, that when
cont radi ct ory precepts such as that " he should offer oblations
after sunrise " and " he should offer oblations before sunrise "
exist, one is at l i ber t y to f ol l ow whi chever he chooses. Thus
t hen marriages after pubert y are allowable and not opposed to
the Hi n d u religious l aw.
I V
The texts as regards the other poi nt are of t hi s nature :
~ > - - , (Brhaspati quoted by Nanda Pandita
i n the SamskJlranirnaya).
" He should perform the conception ceremony i mmedi at el y
after a mont hl y course."
(Gautama as quoted by
Candracuda and Kamalakara).
" He shoul d have intercourse i mmedi at el y after a mont hl y
course, or on any day except those whi ch are pr ohi bi t ed. "
Text s such as these provi de onl y for the ceremony being
performed and intercourse being had i mmedi at el y after a
course; but do not requi re that the t hi ng should take place
after t he first course. An d no t ext has been brought forward
by the authors of the seven or eight Nibandhas or Digests
I have consulted, whi ch expressly enjoins the conception
ceremony or intercourse on the occasion of the first course.
But t here are others of the nature of the f ol l owi ng:
Parasara.
1 ; (another reading).
69 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol 11]
546 AGE OE MARRIAGE AND ITS CONSUMMATION
" He who, t hough l i vi ng i n the same place wi t h his wi f e, does
not cohabit wi t h her on t he occasion of a mont hl y course i ncurs
the deadly si n of k i l l i n g an embr yo; there i s no doubt about
t hi s. "
Thi s t ext is quot ed as f r om Parasara by Nanda Panclita,
Kamalakara, Anantadeva, and Candracuda. Nanda Pam.lita
observeswi t h reference t o a text of Mann ( I I I . 45) whi c h
inculcates t hat " a man shall always cohabit wi t h his wi f e on
the occasion of her courses, being devoted to her, and go to her
with the vow of generating a son, except on certain hol y days,"
t hat t hi s precept is mandat ory and he must go ; for it is l ai d
down t hat he commi t s a sin i f he does not ; and i n proof of t hi s
he quotes the above t ext f r om Parasara. The obl i gat i on to have
intercourse on the occasion of courses rests upon precepts l i ke
t hi s whi ch threaten a man wi t h sinfulness ; and since t he
statement is general, it admi t s apparent l y of bei ng made
applicable to al l courses, even the first; and the vi ew that the
consummat i on of marriage must be effected at the first course,
can, i f at al l , be based onl y on these precepts. At any rate no
other t ext beari ng on t he poi nt has been brought f or war d by
the authors I have consul t ed; and it is not l i ke l y that the
Bengal author, Raghunandana, whose Samskaratattva is not
available here, shoul d have said anyt hi ng di fferent f r om what
Nanda Pandita and the rest have said.
No w t hough t hi s precept of Parasara and others l i ke i t
render intercourse compul sory on the occasion of mont hl y courses,
s t i l l i t can come i nt o operat i on onl y when the door i s opened
for i t ; and t hat door can be opened onl y by the Garbhadhana or
conception ceremony, whi c h is indispensable. For a t ext ,
quoted f r om a Smr t i at t ri but ed to Asvalayana by Nanda Panc.lita
and Kamalakara, says :
THE GARBHADHANA AND ITS TWO PARTS 547
" If the Garbhadhana ceremony is not done,, he (a son) who
is bor n of her becomes unclean or s i nf ul . "
But we are not t ol d by the authors of the Digests that i t
shoul d be performed on the occasion of the first course, as the
texts adduced onl y requi re its being performed i mmedi at el y
after a course. An d we have seen that the authors of the
Grhyasutras, Sankhayana, Khadi ra, Paraskara, and Gobhila
leave the mat t er equally i ndefi ni t e. The Parisista or appendix of
Asvaiayana Grhya, whi c h takes up points omi t t ed i n the Sutra
i t sel f and is mani fest l y later t han the latter, gives however a
more definite i ndi cat i on of what is meant. The Garbhadhana
ceremony according to Narayanabhatta, the author of a r i t ual
for the Rgvedins, consists of t wo parts; (1) the ki ndl i ng and
consecration of the fire and t hr owi ng oblations i nt o it of cooked
ri ce and ghee in honour of certain deities; and (2) the rites pre-
parat ory to t he actual intercourse, whi ch are directed to be
per f or med at ni ght , when bot h the husband and wi f e we l l
dressed have seated themselves on a bedstead. These, however,
since priests are want ed to repeat the sacred formulas, are gono
t hr ough, as a matter of fact, dur i ng day t i me along wi t h the first
part of the ceremony, the physical por t i on intended to be con-
secrated by those rites, being made to stand over t i l l the ni ght .
No w wi t h reference t o the t i me, when these t wo parts, whi ch
in the Parisista are ment i oned one after the other, and called
Prajapatya and Garbhalabhana respectively, should be per-
f or med, the aut hor of the wor k lays down the f ol l owi ng
rules :
" Now for the Prajapatya ceremony of a woman after a course.
On t he occasion of the first course, on an auspicious day he
shoul d &c. "
548 AGE OF MARRI AGE AND I TS CONSUMMATI ON
" Now for the Garbhalabhana. On the occasion of a course,
on an auspicious night" &c. &c.
Here, evidently, the author of the Parisista looks upon these
ceremonies as distinct from each other, and directs that the
first, consisting of the consecration of the fire and the oblations,
should be performed on the occasion of the first course; but
the second, which must be followed by intercourse, on the
occasion of a course. The omission here of the word JTCW or
" first" is evidently intentional, and shows that the ceremony
introductory to intercourse need not be performed on the
occasion of the first course, but may be delayed to any
subsequent
1
one. The general statements of the authors of the
Sutras and the indefinite texts quoted above should, in the light,
of this, be understood to mean the same thing.
Now, if the ceremony introductory to intercourse and intend-
ed to consecrate it may thus be delayed, surely the operation of
Parasara's command to cohabit wi t h one's wife on the occasion
of a course on pain of the deadly sin of ki l l i ng an embryo,
must be delayed also ; and the text cannot be considered as
over-riding the Sutras or Parisistas and rendering the liberty.
allowed by these entirely nugatory. But supposing it is render-
ed nugatory and the rule of Parasara is in undisputed possession
of the field, its province must be determined, according to the
usual orthodox principle, as what remains after assigning to
whatever exceptions it may have, their own proper place. And
the rule has many exceptions.
(1) One of them is contained in the text itself. According to
Nanda Pandita, because the word i. e., " l i vi ng in the
1 The omission of the word in the case of leaving
only, is construed by some as signifying that the ceremony should be repeated on
the occasion of each course. But in such a case wo should expect
as we have ( p . 301, Ed. Bibl. I n d . ) , p . 306 Ax.
EXCEPTIONS TO RULE ABOUT COHABITATION 549
same place " is used, a husband does not render hi msel f si nf ul ,
if he does not have intercourse in consequence of his bei ng at
a distance f r om her
Agai n VySsa says :
(2)
' * If a man is suffering f r om a disease, or is i mpri soned, or
away in a forei gn count r y, he is free from the sin of ki l l i ng
an embr yo, [ i f he has no intercourse] on the occasion of
a course of women, and also when he abstains on certain
j unct ur es. "
(3) The f ol l owi ng verse f r om Vyasa in quoted by Kamalakara,
Anantadeva, and Candracuda.
" He should avoi d intercourse wi t h his wi f e when she i s ol d,
barren, or i l l -behaved, or when her chi l dren die, or when she
has not yet arri ved at the peculiar stage of l i f e, <> when she
gives bi r t h to daughters onl y or has many sons."
(4) Accordi ng to Anantadeva and also N a Pandita, the
Vedi c basis of Parasara's precept is the statement that a man is
born wi t h t hree sorts of l i abi l i t i es. He owes to the gods a
sacrifice, to the manes, offspring, and to the Rsis, the chaste l i fe
of a student. Hi s l i abi l i t y to the manes he discharges when he
begets a son ; so that Parasara's precept is bi ndi ng on hi m onl y
t i l l the bi r t h of his eldest son. Hi s other sons are the results
of his own appetencies, and there is no religious obligation as
t o t hei r being begotten. Nanda Pandita quotes Manu I X.
106,7 i n support of this.
The provi nce of the r ul e i s thus l i mi t ed i n these various
respects according to the wr i t er s of the Digests I have consulted.
550 AGE OF MARRIAGE AND ITS CONSUMMATION
But the following also must be regarded as other exceptions :
(5) The precept of Aivalayana and Paraskara in their Grhya
Sutras that the married couple should observe abstinence for
one year as explained above. This, however, is given by
Vijfianesvara in the Mitaksara" under I. 81, as a reason for
interpreting the texts enjoining intercourse' as permissive ;
(see below).
(6) The following text from Baudhayana :
" He who does not cohabit wi t h his wife for three years
after she attains puberty incurs sin equal to that of the ki l l i ng
of an embryo. There is no doubt about this."
Parasara denounces one who docs not resort to his wife after
she attains puberty generally; Baudhayana denounces one who
does not do so for three years ; i. e., according to hi m, he who
observes abstinence for less than three years incurs no sin. If
Parasara's rule is allowed ful l scope, Baudhayana's wi l l have to
be set aside ; while if the latter is followed, the former is not -
set aside but obtainr the scope left uncovered by the latter. In
this way of corizAtling them both arc allowed scope ; and this
is the usual way of settling such points in the Hindu Sastras.
Thus the Hindu religious law allows the consummation of
marriage being deferred for three years after a gi rl attains
puberty.
This is the conclusion one can fairly come to, in my opinion,
taking the precepts of Brhaspati, Gautama, Manu, and Parasara
quoted or translated at the beginning of this section, as
mandatory or binding. But this nature is denied to them by
iSridhara, the commentator on-the Bhagavata. In his comment
on XL 5. 11, he says in substance that there can be no
S RI DHARA' S V I E W 551
command in a sacred book about a t hi ng whi c h one does f r om his
own nat ural desire. It woul d be absurd t o t h i n k t hat a sacred
precept was want ed to t el l a man to d r i n k water when he was
t hi r st y. When, therefore, not wi t hst andi ng t hi s, there are
precepts such as t hat "a man should eat the flesh of five species
of five-clawed ani mal s" what is meant
is that the flesh of no other species of five-clawed animals is to
l)e eaten but of these five. An d even t hen the eating of
the flesh of the five is not enj oi ned as necessary; for it depends
upon one's own desire. So the sense of the precept i s : " I f
one wishes to eat the flesh of five-clawed animals at al l , he
shoul d eat that of these five and not of others ; i. e., a man is
al l owed to eat the flesh of the five but not compel l ed. " Pre-
cisely si mi l ar is the case wi t h the precept " one should have
intercourse wi t h his wi f e on the occasion of a mont hl y course."
Thi s is a t hi ng whi ch no sacred books are want ed to di rect a
man t o d o ; for his passions lead hi m t o i t . What i s meant
t hen by the precept is that one shoul d not satisfy his passion
at any other t i me or elsewhere but on that occasion and wi t h
his wi f e onl y. The act is not enj oi ned as necessary, but onl y
the occasion and the subject are defined ; for the act depends
upon the desire. So t hen the precept comes to t hi s that if one
desires t o have intercourse, he shoul d have i t wi t h his wi f e
onl y and on a part i cul ar occasion onl y; but he is not compel l ed
t o have i t on t hat occasion. The precept therefore i s s i mpl y
permi ssi ve. If i t i s permissive and a man may have intercourse
or not as he l i kes, why is it that Parftsara accuses one, who
abstains, of the " deadly sin of k i l l i n g an embryo ?" What
Parasara means is that that man onl y is gui l t y of sin who
desi ri ng to have intercourse abstains f r om i t , si mpl y because
he does not l i ke his wi f e or hates her.
1
Thi s is Sridhara' s vi ew, and Kasmatha Upadhyaya, the
aut hor of t he Dhar masi ndhu, agrees wi t h i t . Vi j i i anesvara i n the
Mitaksara gives the same under I . 81, but remarks t hat "Bhar uci ,
VisvarQpa and others do not approve of i t " and proceeds t o
give t hei r reasons. He does not say deci dedl y what hi s own
opi ni on is ; whi c h shows at any rate that he sees the force of
the vi ew whi ch makes the precept permissive onl y. He must
therefore be considered as al l owi ng hi s fol l owers to choose
ei t her of the t wo vi ews.
Thus the points I have endeavoured to make out in t hi s
Section are these :
1. That the texts prescri bi ng the Garbhadhana ceremony and
intercourse do not provi de t hat t hey should come of! on t he
occasion of the first mont hl y course, but leave the mat t er
i ndefi ni t e.
2. That i f those i ndefi ni t e texts are understood i n connection
wi t h the statement i n the Asvalayana Grhyaparisista, t hey must
be regarded as l eavi ng it to the opt i on of t he person concerned
when t o per f or m the ceremony.
3. That since Parasara's t ext and others of t hat nat ure can-
not overri de the Parisisfca, t hey must be regarded as comi ng
i nt o force after t he Garbhadhana ceremony whenever i t may be
performed.
4. That there are many exceptions to Parasara's precept,
one of these being t hat contained i n a t ext of Baudhayana, i n
vi r t ue of whi c h a man may abstain f r om intercourse for less
t han three years.
MEDICAL AUTHORITIES ON PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT 553
5. That t ho authors of some of the Grhyasatras enj oi n
abstinence for one year after pubert y.
6. That the precepts enj oi ni ng intercourse are permissive
onl y according to the views of authors of great repute.
V.
I t wi l l be seen that Mai m i n his text I I I . 45 as i nt erpret ed
by Nanda Pandita, and i n I X. 10G-7, as also Yaj ri yaval kya i n
I. 80, mean to enj oi n on a man the dut y of begetting a son.
Nanda Pandi t a and Anantadeva t aki ng t hei r stand on a Vedi c
t ext i nt erpret the precept of Parasara as havi ng force onl y u n t i l
a man has got a son. Other texts inculcate abstinence when the
wi f e has become ol d or has not arri ved at the peculiar stage of
gr owt h. Fr om al l t hi s and much more that one may fi nd i n
t he rel i gi ous books, i t i s evident that i n prescribing intercourse,
the law-givers have no other object in vi ew t han to provi de for
the bi r t h of a son. An d even the j unct ures at whi c h one-
shoul d have intercourse in order that a good son may be
born are careful l y ment i oned. Tin* son plays an i mpor t ant
part in the rel i gi ous and domestic l i f e of a Hi ndu. The
l aw-gi vers must , therefore, be supposed to have harmoni zed
t hei r precepts wi t h the teachings of the great Hi n d u medical
aut hori t i es. Susruta tells us that a man reaches the f ul l
devel opment of his physical capacities at the age of
t went y- f i ve, and a woman at the age of sixteen,
1
t hough
t he courses of the latter begi n according t o h i m at t wel ve/
An d later on i n descri bi ng the t reat ment necessary, i f a
gi r l suffers f r om a peculiar disease previous to t he
establishment of intercourse, he uses the wor d whi c h
the commentator Dalvana i nt erpret s as a gi r l who has reached
the age of sixteen.'' Si mi l ar l y Viigbhata says in the AstSnga-
samgraha, that " a man t went y- f i ve years ol d shoul d act wi t h
the vi ew of beget t i ng a son when she [ hi s wi f e ] is sixteen
years ol d. For it is t hen, that being themselves vi gorous,
t hey generate a vigorous chi l d; whi l e a fcetus placed by one
who is less t han t went y- f i ve years ol d in a gi r l who is less t han
sixteen, either dies in t he womb or becomes a shor t - l i ved,
weak, unheal t hy, i nsi gni fi cant chi l d, or a deformed chi l d. "
?
Accor di ng to Vagbhata also, the peculiar physi cal condi t i on is
reached at t wel ve. Hence Manu enjoins marriage at t wel ve
i . e., about the t i me of or i mmedi at el y after puber t y, and he
and others al l ow of a gi r l r emai ni ng unmar r i ed for three years
after puber t y, i . e., t i l l she arrives at the age of sixteen. I n a
t ext quot ed f r om t he Mahabhftrata i n t he Ni r nayasi ndhu "a
man t h i r t y years ol d i s directed t o mar r y a gi r l sixteen years
ol d. "
3
An d hence also does Baudhayana al l ow abstinence f r om
intercourse wi t h a wi f e for three years after mat ur i t y i . e., t i l l
becomi ng sixteen years ol d, when she is able to bear a heal t hy
and st rong chi l d. These are i ndi cat i ons that the sacred wr i t er s
is the reading in the two copies of the Nirnayasindhu that
I have consulted. But a woman sixteen years old cannot be a Nagnika
according to the ordinary state of things; wherefore
must be the correct reading.
HARMONY BETWEEN LEGAL AND MEDICAL AUTHORITIES 555
had t hei r eye on the teachings of Hi ndu medical science. If
so, al l the other i ndefi ni t e texts must be i nt erpret ed so as to
harmoni ze wi t h these teachings.
The f ol l owi ng passage in Susruta has the same sense as t hat
quoted f r om Vagbhata :
X. 13.
" When a man before he has reached the age of t went y- f i ve,
places an embryo in a gi r l less than sixteen years ol d, it dies
whi l e i n the womb. Or i f a chi l d i s born at al l , i t wi l l not
l i ve l ong ; and i f i t lives, i t wi l l be weak. Therefore one
shoul d not cause a man to place an embryo in an undeveloped
gi r l . "
When a wr i t er such as Susruta who is considered i nspi r ed,
says t hi s so di st i nct l y, it is t reat i ng the Rsis most i rreverent l y
to assert that t hey command " the placing of an embryo " in a
gi r l eleven or t wel ve years ol d. I t wi l l be t ant amount to
accusing t hem of ignorance.
But apart from this consideration, if the sole object of the
legislators is to provi de for the bi r t h of a son possessed of
capacity, i n order t o carry out t hei r i nst ruct i ons i n the spi r i t
in whi ch t hey are conveyed, we must see at what age a gi r l is
able t o bear a heal t hy chi l d. And the ol d Hi ndu medical
authors t el l us t hat it is sixteen. Modern science also teaches
t hat if a g i r l is vi ol at ed before she roaches f ul l devel opment ,
she often becomes incapable of bearing a chi l d ; and when she
does give bi r t h to one, it. is weak and unheal t hy. Thi s f ul l
development is not reached before the age of t went y. Hut it
556 AGE OF MAREIAGE AND ITS CONSUMMATION
is certain that before the age of fourt een a g i r l is not in a
condi t i on to give bi r t h to a heal t hy chi l d. These are not matters
of speculation but of practical experience. By per f or mi ng the
Garbhadhana ceremony, therefore, when a g i r l is t en, . eleven,
or t hi rt een years of age, t he*Hi ndus most i r r ever ent l y defeat
the object of the Rsis under the pretence of f ol l owi ng t hei r
commands. The endeavour, therefore, to compel t hem to keep
a gi r l unt ouched before the age of t wel ve shoul d be wel comed
by t hem as being conceived qui t e i n t he spi r i t of the ol d Rsis.
I f i t succeeds, i t wi l l make t hem more f ai t hf ul fol l owers of
those sages, and more essentially rel i gi ous Hi ndus , than in
these corrupt t i mes t hey are.
Thus the general results we arri ve at as regards consumma-
t i on of marriage are these :
1. That no t ext has been brought f or war d by Vijnanesvara,
Kamalakara, Nanda Pandita, Anantadeva, Mahesabhatta, Candra-
cuda, and Kasmatha Upadhyaya enj oi ni ng the Garbhadhana or
consummat i on ceremony on the occasion of the first or any
specific course, and that the Asvalayana Grhyaparisista al l ows
t he l i ber t y of per f or mi ng i t at any t i me.
2. That the texts whi c h by some are construed as cont ai ni ng
mandat ory precepts as to intercourse on the occasion of a
course have been i nt erpret ed by others as i nvol vi ng permissive
precepts onl y.
3. That even if t he precepts are regarded as mandat ory,
t hei r operation must be delayed for one year after puber t y in
accordance wi t h some Grhyasutras, and for three years i n
accordance wi t h a t ext of Baudhayana.
4. That t hi s delay i s qui t e what one mi ght expect i n vi ew
of the tacts that marriage can according to the Dhannasiistra be
deferred for three years after pubert y, and t hat the ri t ual s con-
THE POSITION SUMMED UP 557
tained in the Orhyasutras, especially that of Apastamba
and Hi ranyakosi n presuppose a gi rl ' s havi ng ar r i ved at mat ur i t y.
5. That t hi s conclusion as regards delay in the consum-
mat i on of marriage is confi rmed by the circumstance t hat t he
sacred wr i t er s seem to have t hei r eye on the doct ri ne of Hi n d u
modi cal science that a gi r l is not in a condi t i on to give bi r t h to
a heal t hy chi l d before the age of sixteen.
6. That the consummat i on of marriage onl y when the gi r l
has f ul l y developed i s qui t e i n keeping wi t h the spi r i t of the
Rsi legislators, as the begetting of a son able to do credi t to the
father is t hei r sole object, and its early consummation is ent i r el y
opposed to t hei r spi ri t as the result of it is barrenness or weak
and si ckl y chi l dr en.
A D D I T I O N A L NOTE
I have also found in Sir Raja Radhakantadeva' s Sabda-
kal padruma an extract f r om Raghunandana' s Samskartattva on
t he Garbhadhana ceremony. Raghunandana quotes Gobhila' s
Sutra gi ven by me above at p. 512 &c. ) and
observes:
" Rt u is the t i me fitted for generating offspri ng. That is the
condi t i on, and he shoul d go [ to his wi f e ] when that condi t i on
exists. If he does not, he i ncurs sin ; therefore t hi s is a manda-
t or y precept. For i t i s said i n a Si nr t i : ' That dul l fel l ow who
does not go to his wi f e on the occasion of a mont hl y course,
t hough she is at hand, i ncurs [ the sin of ] k i l l i n g an embr yo
at each mont hl y course' ."
It wi l l be seen that he does not t el l us i n express terms to
perform the ceremony on the first occasion, but says the same
thing as Nanda Pandita and the rest; so that I need not repeat
in detail what I have said in connection with that point. If it
is a mandatory precept, its operation must be delayed for the
three years allowed by BaudhSyana, or the one year allowed by
some of the authors of the Grhyasatras. But it is not mandatory
but permissive according to other authors.
In this extract, Raghunandana refutes, the view of Bhava-
devabhatta on a certain poi nt ; while Raghunandana's view on
that point is again refuted by Candrakanta Tarkalarhkara ( see
p. 541), the editor of the GobhilasQtra ( p. 347). Thus, as
already pointed out by Mr. Justice Telang, Raghunandana is
not regarded as infallible in Bengal, nor, it may be added, any
other author of a Digest.
*
APPENDIX A: GARBHlDHANA NOT COMPULSORY 559
AP P E NDI X A
( ON MR. TARKACUDAMANrs PAMPHLET )
My at t ent i on has been called to a pamphl et publ i shed by Mr .
Sasadhara Tarkacudamani , a Bengali gentleman, on the rites of
Garbhadhana. Mr . Tarkacudamani devotes a large por t i on of it
to the explanation of the ceremony wi t h whi c h I am not
concerned.
Though I have on the st rengt h of the l i t t l e penance prescribed
for the omission of the Garbhadhana considered the ceremony
as necessary, st i l l Mr . Tarkaci l damani makes such an awf ul
t hi ng of i t , that i t i s desirable t o go i nt o the mat t er furt her.
" In al l rel i gi ous books " says he, " whet her t hey be Vedas,
Smrt i s, Puranas, ri t ual s or commentaries, t hi s ceremony has
been emphat i cal l y insisted on We may therefore safely
conclude that Garbhadhana has ever been an essential part of
our r el i gi on ; " pp. 11, 12.
But Asvalayana does not prescribe i t i n his Grhyasut ra whi ch
is i nt ended for the fol l owers of the Kgveda, and therefore
Narayana the aut hor of t he comment ary says:
" Home are of opi ni on that Garbhadhana shoul d not be per-
f or med, since i t i s not prescribed by the Acarya ( t eacher ) .
Others hol d t hat i t shoul d be performed i n the manner shown
by Saunaka. "
Thus t hen not onl y i s i t not " emphat i cal l y insisted o n "
but not even prescribed ; and t hi s ''essential part of our
r el i gi on " may not be per f or med at al l .
Agai n, he Bays, ' ' Nay, there are so many observances to be
gone t hr ough t hat t hey woul d take up the whol e day and a few
hours of the ni ght i n the bargain. Garbhadhana i s t hus not an
or di nar y or common cer emony, " p. 14.
No, the ceremony does not take more t han about t wo, some-
times three hours ; whi l e at ni ght , it is al l an affair of women
and rel i gi ous formal i t i es are not gone t hr ough. Garbhadhana
is a most or di nar y ceremony, at least in t hi s part of the count r y.
A good many ort hodox people even do not per f or m i t ; and I
learn i t i s not gone t hr ough i n Gujarat.
But Mr . Tarkacudamani reaches the cl i max i n the
f ol l owi ng: " The harms ari si ng f r om the sins and crimes, such
as chi l d- mur der , in the opi ni on of the Hi ndus are less serious
t han those of not per f or mi ng Garbhadhana at the proper
t i me , " p. 21.
I must protest against t hi s wholesale vi l i f i cat i on of the
Hi n d u race. At any rate whatever i t may be i n Bengal ,
the Hi ndus on t hi s side of the count r y do not consider the
har m ari si ng f r om crimes such as chi l d- mur der to be Ions
serious t han t hat ari si ng f r om the omission of Garbhadhana.
Nei t her i s the reason gi ven by Mr . Tarkacfldamani at al l t rue.
He says " sins and crimes l i ke chi l d- mur der can be atoned by
penances, but to neglect per f or mi ng a Samskara makes our l i f e
unhol y for bot h t hi s l i f e and the next and no penances can save
us. " But a penance, r i di cul ousl y l i ght , can save us. For t he
penance for the omi ssi on of Garbhadhana i s:
" If t he Garbhadhana ceremony i s not performed, he who i s
born [ o f t he woman ] i s pol l ut ed; the husband shoul d, i f he
has not done i t , gi ve a cow to a Brahman and per f or m
Pumsavana ( t he next sacrament )".
APPENDIX A : SO-CALLED "MANTRAS" 561
Thi s is a t ext quoted as f r om Asvalayana by Nanda Pandita
and Kamalakara ; and we nee f r om it that the penance for t he
omission of Garbhadhana is the gi vi ng to a Brahman of one cow
the price of whi c h is about a Rupee and a hal f; whi l e t he
penance for chi l d- mur der is a l i f e of the most abject and
' humi l i at i ng sel f-mort i fi cat i on for t wel ve years (see Yaj fi yaval kya,
111. 251). An d s t i l l t hi s Hi n d u gentleman does not scruple t o
say that his count r ymen consider the harms ari si ng f r om
chi l d- mur der to be less serious t han those ari si ng f r om the
omission of Garbhadhana !
Passing over other such t hi ngs that I find in the pamphl et ,
I wi l l notice the texts that Mr . Tarkacudamani bri ngs f or war d
to show that the Garbhadhana must be performed on the occasion
of the. first course and cannot be delayed. He quotes what he
calls Mantras i n connect i on wi t h t hi s ceremony, one of whi c h
onl y I wi l l give here.
" O l amp of the heavens, a bow to thee ; 0 t hou, who givest
war mt h to the Universe, a bow to thee ; do accept, 0 sun, t hi s
offering ( of water, ilowers &c , ) on the occasion of the feast in
celebration of the new event or flowers. "
Ther e are three more verses j ust of t hi s stamp ; and these are
quot ed f r om Bhavadeva a wr i t er on the domestic ceremonies of
t he Samavedins of Bengal. Now i n the fi rst place, Mr .
Cudamani tells us ( p. 5 ) t hat " all the Mantras in t hi s con-
nect i on are taken f r om Rgveda. " Ar e these five verses taken
f r om the Rgveda ? Do t hey occur there ? They cert ai nl y do
not i n the Rgveda known t o the wor l d. Does not t hei r
language show that t hey bel ong qui t e to a profane age ? At t he
most you may call t hem Paurani ka Mantras or Mantras t aken
f r om the Puranas. An d t hey are not used i n connect i on wi t h
71 [R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol I I ]
the Garbhadhana ceremony on t hi s side of the count r y, and are
not gi ven by Narayanabhatta, Anantadeva, Mahesabhafta, or
Candracuda. An d such a t hi ng must be expected wi t h reference
to the so called Paurani ka Mantras ; for any one can compose
t hem and put t hem i n . They do not occur even i n the Mant ra
Brahmana of the Samaveda, cont ai ni ng, as it does, al l t he
Mantras used by the Sflmavedins. For these reasons t hough
t hey are gi ven by Bhavadeva, t hey possess no authoritativeness
whatever.
Agai n f r om the sense, it appears that the verses refer to
a feast to celebrate new Puspa. Now it is qui t e possible
that t he new blossom of trees in spri ng is meant to be al l uded
to ; for there is not hi ng in the verses whi c h necessitates our
underst andi ng t hem as cont ai ni ng an al l usi on to the celebration
of the part i cul ar physical event. An d even i f t hey are so
understood, t hey have not hi ng t o do wi t h the Garbhadhana
ceremony whi c h is not a ceremony for celebrating t he new
physi cal event, but a ceremony whi ch consists in the " pl aci ng
of an embryo i n a gi r l " i n the language of the medical wr i t er s.
The next t ext adduced by Mr . TarkacQdamani is that quot ed *
by me f r om Gobhila.
l
In t hi s there i s no wor d whi c h means
" first ". The aut hor of the pamphl et acknowledges t ha t ; but
contends that t he sense he wants is to be i nf er r ed f r om t he
expression t he event " after marriage. " But t here is not hi ng
i n t he or i gi nal whi c h has the sense of that expression. The
mere fact t hat the rules about Garbhadhana on t he occasion
of a course f ol l ow those about marriage, cannot necessitate the
coarse meant bei ng t aken as the first course. For Paraskara
speaks of the Garbhadhana s i mi l ar l y, but at t he same t i me
enjoins abstinence for one year. Here evi dent l y the performance
of the Garbhadhana cannot be understood as bei ng enj oi ned by
1 See above p. 542. [N. B. U.]
APPENDIX A: PBAJAPATYA AND GARBHALABHANA 563
Pftraskara on the occasion of t he first course. And Gobhi l a, l i ke
other authors of GrhyasQtras, supposes a gi r l to have ar r i ved at
mat ur i t y before marriage, as he imposes abstinence for three
days after marriage. An d t hi s is admi t t ed even by the recent
Bengal i comment at or on Gobhi l a. So that, even if the t ext is
understood as havi ng reference to the first course after marriage,
i t cannot mean the ver y fi rst course. It is, therefore, not appl i -
cable to the first course after an early marriage ; (see Section II
of t he present Not e) .
The t hi r d t ext brought f or war d by the author i s that quoted
by me at p. 547 of my Not e. Mr . Tarkaciidamani misunderstands
t he whol e matter here. What is here enjoined on the occasion
of the first course is not Garbhfidhana or Garbhalambhana as it
is called, but Prajapatya whi ch I have explained above, p. 548.
On t he cont r ar y the absence of the wor d or ' * first " when
the Garbhfidhana is described, is to be construed, as I have
done, i nt o a permission to per f or m it when one chooses. Thi s
t ext , therefore, is ent i r el y opposed to Mr . Tarkaeudftmani' s vi ew.
Mr . B. G. Ti l ak of Poona has pronounced my way
of underst andi ng t hi s passage to be wr ong. But his onl y
reason is based on his not knowi ng that the practice of
per f or mi ng the second ceremony wi t hout the first is enjoined
by the highest aut hori t i es. By t aki ng the t wo as inseparable
parts of each other, he sets aside grammar and propri et y ; for
he thus makes the words " a course, " and
" auspicious " occur r i ng at the begi nni ng of the second passage
ent i r el y useless and unmeani ng, and supplies the demonstrative
before against al l rules of syntax. The whol e style and
manner of the passages requi re the t wo to be understood as
separate ceremonies, t hough t hey are sometimes performed
together.
In the next three quotations the author hi msel f acknowledges
t hat the wor d " first" does not occur ; but ho t hi nks, it is
implied, because the " event" mentioned is " the event after
marriage." But there is nothing whatever about marriage here,
and it is a mere gratuitous assumption of the writer.
Now our author proceeds to quote from digests. Vacaspati
does not say that the Garbhadhana must necessarily be perform
ed on the occasion of the first course, as Mr. Tarkacudamani
thinks ; but only that that time is better or more prosperous
than any other. He does
not pronounce any sontence upon one who does not perform it
on that occasion ; but recommends i t , and must evidently be
supposed to allow of the ceremony being delayed.
The next passage is the one I have quoted above from Raghu-
nandana \ There is nothing in it which can bear the interpret-
ation " at the time of the first... Garbhadhana is indispensably
necessary, " as one wi l l see from the translation I have given
above. There is nothing corresponding to the word " first. "
Thus not a single one of the texts adduced by Mr. Cuda-
mani contains an indication that the Garbhadhana should be
performed on the occasion of the first course ; but on the other
hand, that from Asvalayana Parisista points quite in the
opposite way.
And no other text has been brought forward by any body
except the one from the spurious Asvalayana Smrti.
Vijnanesvara, Madhava, Madanapala, Kamalakara, Renukacarya,
Raghunandana, Nanda Panolita, Nilakantha Narayanabhatta,
and Candracuda have not adduced any such t ext ; nor have I
seen it in any Smrti. And those authors of Nibandhas do not
even on their own responsibility lay down in specific terms
that the Garbhadhana should be performed on the occasion of
the first course, though what they state might be held to imply
l Ante, p. 667, [N. B U.]
APPENDIX A: CONCLUSION 565
t hat . But t hi s i mpl i ed sense I have already dealt wi t h i n the
Not e. Onl y one author, so far as I have seen, of a manual of
ri t ual s i nt ended for the Madhyai hdi nas says t hat i n speoific
terms ; but he gives no aut hor i t y. An d even if such aut hori t at i ve
texts f r om t he Smrt i s were brought forward, - wi t hout another
t ext i mposi ng a rel i gi ous penal t y i f the t hi ng were not done on
the first occasion, t hey woul d not be bi ndi ng, but woul d have
to be construed as permissive onl y. For the authors of the
Ni bandhas at t ri but e an obl i gat ory nature to the precepts as to
intercourse after courses, onl y in consequence of other precepts
whi ch attach a penal t y to abstinence. The same pr i nci pl e
woul d have to be appl i ed in the case of the supposed texts.
An d again Baudhilyana' s t ext al l owi ng the consummat i on t o be
delayed for less t han three years woul d have to be set against
t hem al l .
The aut hor notices the t ext of Parasara and another of the
same sense, whi c h I have quot ed above f r om Raghunandana.
These i t wi l l be remembered enj oi n intercourse on the occasion
of a course on pai n of the deadly si n of k i l l i n g an embryo. He
also speaks about the mandat ory nature of the precepts about
i nt ercourse. I have discussed these poi nt s f ul l y in the Not e ;
and there i s not hi ng new brought forward by Mr . Tarkacrnjamani
whi c h requires at t ent i on. I wi l l therefore not repeat what
I have said already.
*
AP P E NDI X B
(ON THE ARGUMENTS OF MR. B. G. TILAK AND
ANOTHER WRITER IN THE MARATHA)
Mr . B. G. Ti l ak and a wr i t er i n the Maratha cl ai m t o have
" destroyed the fabric " raised by me. But he or t hey have
evi dent l y not t aken t he t r oubl e of underst andi ng my argument ,
and excuse themselves a detailed exami nat i on of it by saying
that " the ver y f oundat i on of my t heory bei ng destroyed, i t i s
needless to exami ne my other statements,"an excellent plea,
indeed, for a man who wishes to destroy an opponent, but
cannot do so. I f Mr . Ti l ak or the wr i t er i n the Maratha wi l l
careful l y read Section IV of my Not e, a copy of whi c h he wi l l
get for the mere aski ng at Mr . Shi ral kar' s shop i n Poona Ci t y,
he wi l l see t hat what I say in that section is bri efl y t hi s:
(1) Texts di r ect l y enj oi ni ng intercourse or the performance of
the Garbhadhana ceremony on the occasion of the first course
have not been produced by the authors of the Ni bandhas or
Di gest s: but t hey r el y on others whi ch denounce one who has no-
intercourse on the occasion of courses general l y, f r om whi ch
the inference is l egi t i mat e that the first course also must be
availed of. But these texts can come i nt o operat i on onl y after
t he Garbhadhana ceremony.
(2) We fi nd an i ndi cat i on i n the Asvalayana Grhyaparisista
t hat t he Garbhadhana may be performed on the occasion
of any course. The operat i on of t he obl i gat ory precepts,
therefore, must be delayed t i l l t hat t i me.
(3) It must be delayed also for three years in vi r t ue of a
precept of Baudhayana, who attaches the same penal t y t hat
those precepts attach to abstinence general l y, to onl y cont i nuous
abstinence for throe years ;
APPENDIX B: A SPURIOUS AS VAL AYANA SMRTI 567
and (4) It must bo delayed for one year in consequence
of a provi si on in the Grhyasutras of Asvalayana and Paraskara
and even Baudhftyana.
Mr . Ti l ak or the Maratha attacks the first t wo positions onl y,
and has got not hi ng to say against the last t wo ; and st i l l he
says he has destroyed my fabric. Thi s can deceive onl y one
who wishes to be deceived.
As to the fifth posi t i on, vi z. , that the precepts are permissive,
Mr . Ti l ak disposes of it in a most general way, and evi dent l y
does not seem to know anyt hi ng about the matter, as I shall
show hereafter.
Now as to Mr . Ti l ak' s or the Maratha'a arguments. He
bri ngs f or war d a t ext quoted as f r om the Asvalayana Smr t i by
Anantadeva, in whi ch is enj oi ned the performance of the
Garbluldhflna on the occasion of the first course. I possess a copy
of a Smr t i at t r i but ed to Asvalayana, in whi ch I had f ound
t hi s text ; but I rejected it on these grounds: Nanda Pandita
Narilyanabhatta, and Kamalakara quote a verse
1
f r om Asvalayana
Smr t i , and another
2
is cited by Kamalakara and Candracuda.
Agai n, the first of these and six more descri bi ng the actual
Garbhadhilna are quoted f r om the Smr t i by the commentator
on Asvalayana Grhyakarikas. ' ' None of these eight occurs in
my Manuscr i pt . An d the verse enj oi ni ng the performance of the
Garbhadhana on the occasion of the first course whi c h occurs in
the Manuscri pt , does not occur i n any of the many Nibandhas
examined by me, except in t he Samskarakaustubha ; nor does
i t occur i n those exami ned by Mr . TarkacQdamani and
Mr . Ti l ak wi t h that except i on. For i f i t had occurred, t hey
woul d of course have stated the fact. The Smr t i , therefore,
i n whi ch i t occurs was unknown t o al l except Anantadeva,
who is but a recent aut hor. It must , therefore, be condemned
as spurious, and so too consequently the t ext ci t ed by
Mr . Ti l ak or the Maratha. An d this is the only explicit
Smrti text occurring in the whole range of the literature
exami ned by Tarkacudamani , Ti l ak, Tel ang, and mysel f, whi c h
enjoins Garbhadhana on the occasion of t he first course.
Next as to the Parisista. Mr . Ti l ak wonders how it has
" escaped my cr i t i cal eye that Prajapatya is onl y one part of the
Garbhadhana ceremony, and as one part cannot be performed
on one day and the other on another, the whol e passage must
be i nt erpret ed to mean that t he Garbhadhana ceremony must
be performed on t he fi rst occurrence of the physi cal condi t i on. "
We l l , I am compel l ed to say it has escaped my eye, because it
is a " cri t i cal eye." Mr . Ti l a k t hi nks that our present practice
prevails in al l parts of the count r y, and has descended to us'
f r om very ol den t i mes; t hat there are or have been no
variations ; that that alone is what the Sastras sanction ; and
he twists a passage in an ol d wor k so as to harmoni se it wi t h
t hat practice, i n spite of grammar and pr opr i et y. He t hus
belongs t o t he school of those who f i nd t he steam engi ne and
t he electric t el egraph in t he Vedas. The Maratha has no
doubt what ever t hat " my first mi st ake is to suppose t hat the
passage in the Parisista describes t wo di fferent ceremonies
Prajapatya and Garbhadhana." I do not suppose t hat at al l .
I come to it f r om grammar, pr opr i et y, and ol d usage as report ed
by several authors, as we l l as the practice sanctioned by t he
Sastras accordi ng even to recent wr i t er s. That our present
practice has not escaped me, Mr . Ti l ak would have seen if he
APP. B: PRAJ APATYA & GARBHALAMBHANA CEREMONI ES 569
had more careful l y read my Note, wher ei n I state that the
Garbhadhana ceremony consists of t wo parts ; (1) the ki ndl i ng
etc.; and (2) the rites preparatory etc. An d supposing t hey
are parts of the same ceremony, is it necessary that t hey shoul d
be performed on the same day ? Is the whol e marriage ceremony
performed in it single day ? Is not the last part of it to
be performed if Asvalayana' s rul e about abstinence for one
year is f ol l owed, a year after the i ni t i al rites ?
Now my t ransl at i on of the passage
1
we are concerned wi t h
is(a) (Fi rst Ceremony). " No w for the Pnljapatya ceremony of
a woman after a course. On the occasion of the first course, on
an auspicious day, he shoul d, etc. (b) (Second Ceremony).
" Now for the Garbhalambhana. On the occasion of a course,
on an auspicious night,*' etc. etc. Mr . Ti l ak or the Maratha
translates (a) almost as I do, onl y usi ng the wor d " favourabl e"
instead of "aus pi ci ous ; " but in (b) he puts in Me for my a,
and says that the second ceremony is to be performed on the
ni ght of the day on whi ch t he first i s performed. But the wor d
Rt u or course is used wi t hout any qual i f yi ng expression, and
Mr . Ti l ak is not j ust i fi ed in i nser t i ng the si mpl y because our
present practice is to perform the t wo ceremonies on the same
day. An d if practice is his onl y gui de, he ought to go a l i t t l e
f ur t her and make the wor d Ni s i , whi ch means " ni ght " to mean
" day " ; for real l y that ceremony also, except the physical
por t i on, is, as I have said in my Note, performed dur i ng the
day al ong wi t h the other. An d even Anantadeva, whom
Mr . Ti l a k quotes, says that Rt u here means Rtusamanya, i.e.,
"a course general l y " and not a specific course, showi ng that
the force of grammar prevails over hi m. Agai n, i f the aut hor
of the Parisista had meant that the t wo rites shoul d be
performed on the same day, he woul d not have used the wor d
I See p. 547 f. of the Note. _i s printed in accordance wi t h the
Ed. in Bi bl . I nd. ; but perhapa it ought to be.
72 [R. G. Bhandarkar'a Works, Vol . I I ]
Rt u i n speaking of the second ceremony, since i t had al ready
been used in t he case of the first. To take t he i l l us t r at i on
gi ven by Mr . Ti l ak or t he Maratha hi msel f, we say " A t r ai n
leaves Poona on Wednesday mor ni ng ; reaches Bombay in t he
eveni ng ;" and we do not general l y say " a t r ai n leaves Poona
on Wednesday mor ni ng and reaches Bombay on Wednesday
eveni ng, i f the day we mean i s the same. An d yet what we
or di nar y people i n or di nar y conversation do not say, Mr . Ti l ak
makes the aut hor of the Parisi^ta t o say, t hough Hi n d u wr i t er s
of his school are uni ver sal l y known not to use a superfluous
wor d. Agai n, he woul d not have used the wor d ** favourable "
or " auspicious " i n speaking of the ni ght . If the ni ght meant
is the ni ght of that part i cul ar day on whi c h the first ceremony
is performed, we have no choice, but must take t hat ni ght
whet her favourable or unfavourabl e. An d i f the ni ght of t he
day that is favourable is to be considered favourable as a mat t er
of course, the use of that wor d in the case of t he ni ght is
superflous, as t he aut hor has already used it in speaking of the
day. Thus Mr . Ti l ak has made the author to use t wo
superfluous words, and has brought i n the defi ni t e ar t ui e ' t he'
not wi t hst andi ng that no grammat i cal r ul e nor pr opr i et y wi l l
have i t . I t hought al l t hi s was perfect l y pl ai n, and had no
idea t hat a man l i ke Mr . Ti l ak woul d set aside gr ammar
and pr opr i et y i n order t o support his pet t heory that t he
Garbhadhana must be performed on the occasion of the first
course.
Now as to the practice that has made Mr . Ti l ak sacrifice
grammar and pr opr i et y. In the fi rst place I wi l l say t hat ,
accordi ng to the Parisista these are t wo ceremonies, since t he
aut hor gives t wo separate names to t hem, says that t he first has
to do wi t h "a woman who has a course " , that is to
say, l ooki ng t o t he wor d " f i r s t " that i s used, t o a woman who
has begun to have courses; and calls the second onl y
Garbhalambhana, whi ch Narayanabhatha takes as equi val ent to
APPENDIX B: OPTIONAL NATURE OP PRAJAPATYA 571
Garbhadhana. An d grammar and pr opr i et y requi re that we
shoul d underst and t hem as t wo as I have already shown.
Mr . Ti l ak knows onl y one k i n d of practice. But several are
report ed and al l owed i n the commentaries and Nibandhas.
Si ddhant i p, as quot ed by Anantadeva, says that the " Homa
general l y, or the ki ndl i ng of the fire and offering of oblations,
shoul d bo done according to some ; but , according to others,
he shoul d pour the j ui ce of a certain pl ant i nt o his wi fe' s
r i ght nost r i l ; and t hi s t hey call Garbhalambhana." Anantadeva
proceeds to say t hat Jayanta. has adopted the vi ew that
Garbhalambhana as prescribed in the Sutra is si mpl y the
pour i ng of the j ui ce i nt o the nost r i l wi t hout the Homa. He
quotes ot her aut hori t i es also, and lays down the doct ri ne, to be
f ol l owed even at the present day in spite of Mr . Ti l ak, that
Homa is opt i onal .
1
The author of the Karikas also gives
onl y the ceremony prescribed by Jayanta as Garbhadhana
wi t hout the Homa. So, t hen, the Garbhadhana is
onl y t hat whi c h corresponds to the second ceremony ment i oned
in the Parisista, and the Prajapatya tire-oblations are another
whi ch is sometimes tacked on to i t . But it is by no means an
essential part of the Garbhadhana as Mr . Ti l ak t hi nks. Some
people may do the t wo together, whi l e others may neglect the
first. Hence t hey are separately ment i oned in the Parisista.
If t hey had been gi ven as const i t ut i ng one whol e, i t woul d not
have been possible to dispense wi t h the first. Thus the onl y
gr ound for Mr . Ti l ak' s sacrifice of grammar and pr opr i et y i s
removed. An d the por t i on of my "fabri c" against whi ch he or
the Maratha di rect ed hi s attack is safe and sound, and there
are no "express texts of Grhyaparisista and Smr t i s" ( mar k, t he
one spurious Smr t i has become Smrt i s here) so far as so many
of us have exami ned t hem, whi c h war r ant the Hi n d u di vi nes
or any body else to conclude that the Garbhiidhana must be
performed after the first course, t hough t hi s may be deduced
as an inference.
There i s anot her gl ar i ng instance of t he manner i n whi ch Mr .
Ti l ak or the Maratha sacrifices cont ext , pr opr i et y, and al l rules
of scholarship, in order to make a t ext mean what he wishes it
to mean. Thus the Maratha says that a " host of we l l - known
aut hori t i es begi n the descri pt i on of the Garbhadhana ceremony"
by some such remark as t hat whi ch he quotes f r om the
Madanaparijata, and translates, " We first describe the t i me of
the first course as it is needed for the Garbhadhana." Now,
i f the wr i t er had j ust read the next l i ne he woul d have seen
that what Madanapala describes in this section is the ni ght s
after a course that are el i gi bl e and i nel i gi bl e ; and the first t ext
quot ed is the we l l - known verse of Yaj nyaval kya about the
si xt een ni ght s, &c. Therefore, what is described is not the
" t i me of the first course, " but the el i gi bl e and i nel i gi bl e
ni ght s of al l courses. There is not hi ng about the first course
i n what fol l ows. The t hi ng is, t he Maratha has tacked the
wor d Prathama whi ch occurs in the passage to I-ttukala and
made t he whol e a compound, and translated it as " the first
course." But he ought to have seen t hat the cont ext of what
f ol l ows wi l l not and cannot agree wi t h t hi s. Therefore, even
i f he' had the wor d i n his Manuscri pt j ust as he has pr i nt ed i t ,
he ought to have suspected the readi ng and compared that
Manuscri pt wi t h another. But that wi l l not suit the purpose ;
and, therefore, he set the cont ext at defiance. In my Manuscr i pt
the wor d Prathama i s not compounded wi t h Rt ukal a, but has
the f or m of Prat hamam, i. e., it is an adverb ; so that t he
t ransl at i on is, " we describe first the Rt ukal a or ni ght s after a
APPENDIX B: "MANDATORY" AND "PERMISSIVE" PRECEPTS 573
course, because that is of use for the Garbhadhana ceremony" ;
wherefore first is not an adjective of "course." The Maratlui
has got the wor d " first " t wi ce ; whi l e his own as wel l as my
reading has it once onl y. Instead of Upayukt a, I have
Upayuktatyena.
1
I f , t hen, t hi s i s the way i n whi ch " the host
of wel l - known aut hor i t i es" begin t hei r descri pt i on, i t i s al l
r i ght , t hough, however, a good many begin by describing the
good and evi l conj unct i ons on the occasion of the first course
and the pacificatory ceremonies wi t hout al l udi ng t o the
Garbhiidhilna. But i f Mr . Ti l ak means that any one of t hem
begins by saying that t hey wi l l describe the t i me of the fi rst
course because it is needed for Garbhadhana, it is absolutely
i ncorrect and mi sl eadi ng.
Mr . Ti l ak is perfect l y at sea as regards what Mr . Telang
calls obl i gat ory and recommendat ory precepts, and what I call
mandat ory and permissive precepts. He t hi nks that t hey are
the translations of the words Ni t ya and Kamya, and appears
never t o have heard of Vi d h i , Ni yama and Pari samkhyi l . He
explains Ki l ni ya as a certain act whi ch " has not purel y
spi r i t ual benefit in vi ew, but serves the purpose of regul at i ng
the rel at i on between man and man. " Where di d Mr . Ti l ak or
the Maratha get t hi s def i ni t i on ? If he had read an or di nar y
Sanskrit treatise on phi l osophy or religious l aw, he woul d
have seen that Kamya rites are those that enable a man to
obt ai n heaven and such other desired objects, such as
Jyot i st oma and others. No w does Jyot i st oma or a Soma sacri-
fice regulate the relations between man and man ? But apart
f r om t hi s, let us see if the permissive precepts have a bearing
on the present quest i on. If i t i s made out t hat the Hi ndu
Siistra onl y permi t s a man, if he wishes, to have intercourse,
and does not command, the legislator can prevent hi m
from having that intercourse and in doing so does not
set himself in opposition against the Hindu Sastra;
while if the Sastra commands, he does assume that
attitude. The illustrations given by Mr. Tilak are not
at all applicable in the present case. For though idolatory
is optional and not necessary, the legislator ought not to
prevent i t , because it is not a crime. But the violation of a
gi rl before 12 in a manner sometimes to injure her health
permanently, or even to cause her death, is a crime, and the
legislator must prevent i t . If it were such a heavy crime as
Suttee, it would be his duty to prevent it at once whether the
Hi ndu Sastra commands it or not. This is not so heavy, nor
does the violation produce bad results in all cases ; and, there-
fore, he may desist, if by preventing he goes against the Hindu
religion. But if we can show that he does not, and the
Hindu religion does not command the violation of a gi r l ,
there is no reason whatever why he should desist.
Again, the Maratha concludes by saying that " the reformers
have been ill-advised to take their stand on these strained
interpretations of Sanskrit texts." Whom he means by " re-
formers " I do not know ; but I may reply by saying that the
reformers have been obliged to publish to the world, what the
true Hi ndu Sastra is on the point, by men like Sir Roinesh,
Mr. Tarkacuglamani, Mr. Tilak, and others, some of whom have
been setting grammar, context, propriety, and all rules of
scholarship aside, in order to make out that the Hindu
Sastras do command the performance of the Garbhadhana on
the occasion of the first course, and to frighten Government.
Tarkacuglamani actually goes the length of saying that " the
harms arising from sins and crimes, such as child-murder, in
the opinion of the Hindus, are less serious than those of not
performing Garbhadhana at the proper time," and that "sins
and crimes like child-murder can be atoned by penances ; '
?
but, " no penance can save us, " if we neglect to perform a
APP. B: GARBHl DHl NA NOT PRESCRIBED BY ASVALlYANA 575
Saihskara. Whi l e the fact is that the penance for the omission
of Garbhadhana is giving one cow to a Brahman, i. e., about a
Rupee and a half, while that for child-murder is an abject and
humiliating self-mortification for twelve years. And according
to Narayana, the commentator on the Grhyasutra of Asvalayana,
the ceremony may safely be omitted without even being
obliged to give a cow to a Brahman. For, says he, " some are
of opinion that Garbhadhana should not be performed since
Asvalayana has not prescribed i t ; while others hold that it
should be performed in the manner shown by Saunaka."
(Ed. , Bi bl . I nd. , p. 59.)
*
AP P E NDI X C
(ON MR. TILAK'S REPLY )
As Mr . Ti l ak' s r epl y t o my challenge has not appeared i n the
Times of I ndi a, I di d not i nt end to say anyt hi ng wi t h regard to
i t . But the Manager of the " Nat i ve Opi ni on " had been good
enough to send me a copy of t he issue of that paper cont ai ni ng
Mr . Ti l ak' s r epl y and i t wi l l har dl y be courteous t o hi m and t o
Mr . Ti l ak hi msel f not t o notice i t . I wi l l , however, be as br i ef
as possible, as it was br evi t y that I want ed when I gave t he
challenge.
The fi rst t ext f r om Smr t i s i s that f r om the Asvalayana Smr t i ,
whi c h i s u n k n o wn t o the authors of the many Ni bandhas I have
seen, except Anantadeva, and whi c h is not t he same as t he Asva-
layana Smr t i k n o wn t o t hem. To say t hat t he one i s Laghu and
t he other Br hat does not mend matters ; for the Asvalayana
Smr t i known t o the authors of Nibandhas i s not called Brhat by
t hem ; nor is t he spurious Asvalayana Smr t i called Laghu at al l
i n t he t wo Manuscri pt s of i t that I possess, and even by Anant a-
deva who quotes i t . Whenever there are t wo Smrt i s ascribed *
to t he same aut hor and distinguished* f r om each other by the
words Brhat or Vr ddha and Laghu, the authors of the Nibandhas
use those epithets in r ef er r i ng to t hem. Sometimes the second
is omi t t ed ; but not t he first. Agai n that whi c h is called Brhat
or Vr ddha is a larger wor k t han t hat whi c h is called Laghu ;
but in t he present case bot h are of about the same size. Besides
one of the t wo Manuscri pt s of Anantadeva' s wor k exi st i ng i n
t he Deccan College Col l ect i on does not cont ai n the quot at i on
f r om Asvalayana at a l l ; so t hat unt i l several Manuscri pt s of t he
Samskarakaustubha are procured and compared, i t must r emai n
doubt f ul whet her Anantadeva hi msel f quotes the spurious
Smr t i .
The second t ext adduced by Mr . Ti l ak i s that f r om the t rue
APPENDIX C: SMRTT-TEXTS ABOUT GARBHl DHl NA 577
Ai val ayana Smr t i . But any reader who knows Sanskri t wi l l see
t hat al l that the author says is that one shoul d per f or m t he Gar-
bhadhana when his wi f e has a course. There is not t he wor d
fi rst , and s t i l l Mr . Ti l ak calls i t an express t ext . Then he has
recourse to an inference whi c h I want ed hi m to avoi d. But one
wi l l see that the inference too is ut t er l y unfounded. For he
t hi nks , when the aut hor of the Smr t i prescribes the performance
of Abhyudaya or Nandi sraddha and Punyahavacana dur i ng the
day, that it is the Prajapatya that he prescribes. But Prajapatya
is not here prescribed, but onl y such ceremonies as one has to
go t hr ough when an auspicious ri t e such as even the dedication
of a publ i c wor k for publ i c use in to be performed. An d the
Garbhadhana ceremony prescribed by the author is the same as
t hat l ai d' down by Saunaka, i . e., wi t hout the Prajapatya Homa.
Hence al l Mr . Ti l ak' s inference, based as it is on t hi s mistake, is
groundless.
The t h i r d t ext is an express t ext . But I must here quote
what I have stated i n an art i cl e publ i shed i n the Subodhapatrika
of the 8t h i nst ant : " An d even i f such aut hori t at i ve toxts f r om
the Smrt i s were brought f or war d, wi t hout another t ext i mposi ng
a rel i gi ous penal t y i f the t hi ng were not done on the fi rst
occasion, t hey woul d not be bi ndi ng, but woul d have to be
construed as permissive onl y. " Thi s therefore is not a t ext whi ch
enj oi ns; but one whi ch permi t s. (As to this see, below, the observa-
t i on on Gopinatha). If Parasara's t ext is to be considered as the
penal t ext val i d i n t hi s case, its exceptions and the case i n whi c h
alone i t holds according t o Srldhara, have been gi ven i n the Not e.
Agai n t hi s t ext i s f r om a compi l at i on of the views of t went y-
f our Rsis and not f r om an actual Smr t i . It has, therefore, the
value of a statement occur r i ng in a Ni bandha, and not t he
val ue of a Smr t i . An d as to Ni bandhas, I asked for express
Statements f r om the wr i t i ngs of t en authors who mi ght be
considered as l ayi ng down the l aw for al l I ndi a. I mysel f i n
my art i cl e publ i shed i n the Subodhapatrika stated t hat one
73 [R. G. Bhandwkar's Worka, VoL I I ]
Prayoga di d cont ai n an express statement, but no aut hor i t y i s
gi ven for i t .
Thus t hen my challenge i n t hi s part has not been met .
For I asked for texts f r om Smrt i s other t han t he Asvalayana
Smr t i whi ch i s unknown t o the authors of the Ni bandhas and
is di fferent f r om that kn own to t hem ; and no such t ext has
been brought f or war d. No w as to Ni bandhas:
Prayogaparijata i s not i ncl uded i n my challenge. But even
here there is no express statement but an inference based on the
eternal Prajapatya, wht c h Mr . Ti l ak s t i l l persists i n consi deri ng
an essential part of the Garbhadhana in spite of Saunaka,
Jayanta, the aut hor of the Kari kas, Ananfradeva and others.
Thi s i nference too is groundless. For the Priljapatya is a
ceremony consequent on the at t ai nment of puber t y and not
a part of Garbhadhana, and consequently t hough the fit occasion
is the first course, s t i l l l i ke the Santi or pacificatory ceremonies
consequent on the first occurrence of t he physi cal event at an
inauspicious j unct ur e, i t i s performed at the same t i me wi t h t he
Garbhadhana. Agai n, i t ought not t o be supposed s i mpl y f r om
t he fact that a cert ai n t i me is prescribed in the Sutras or
Parisians t hat that same t i me must be meant by t he authors of
t he Prayogas when t hey gi ve the details of t he ceremonies.
Asvalayana' s Grhyasut ra, for instance, prescribes t he t h i r d
mont h of pregnancy for the Pumsavana ceremony ; but Nara-
yanabhatta gives ot her t i mes also.
The next statement i s f r om Narayanabhatta. Mr . Ti l ak, i n
t he first quot at i on, connects _ wi t h (see ex-
tract i n t he Kesari of 17t h February), s i mpl y because he want s
to do so in order to make t hi s out as a statement in hi s favour.
But i t i s ut t er l y ungrammat i cal t o ski p over t he i nt ermedi at e
words _ The connect i on is
I i . e., i f t he mont h and the others are inauspicious on t he
occasion of t he first course. As to Garbhadhana, when Naraya
APPENDIX C: NIBANDHA TEXTS FOR GARBHADHlNA 579
nabhafta speaks of i t , he uses the words onl y, not
showi ng that according t o h i m also i t may be
performed on the occasion of any course.
As t o the other quot at i on, Mr . Ti l ak ent i r el y misses t he
poi nt I have been i nsi st i ng on f r om the begi nni ng. A l l I
have been cont endi ng for is that the Sastra does not declare t hat
Grabhadhana must necessarily be performed on the occasion of
t he first course; it may be performed on the first or any occasion.
The quot at i on prohi bi t s intercourse on the occasion of the first
course if the days and the stars are unfavourable ; but it does not
command i t i f t hey are favourable. An d as t o t hi s very quot at i on
Gopl nat ha says t hat what is i mpl i ed in it is a simple permission ;
( see bel ow ). I t wi l l thus be seen that no " statement declaring
in express t erms that the Garbhadhana should be necessarily
performed on the first occasi on" has been adduced f r om
NarayanabhaUa.
In connect i on wi t h Mahesabhatta, Mr . Ti l ak places before us
an excellent speoimen of logic. Because Mahesabhatta says t hat
i n the mor ni ng Punyahavacana &c, shoul d be performed and i n
t he eveni ng the Garbhadhana, therefore it fol l ows that he says
t hey shoul d be performed on the occasion of the first course!
Si mi l ar logic wo have i n connection wi t h Gopinathabhatta,
Nanda Pandita, Kamalakara, and others.
Now as to GoplnathabhaUa. Hi s name was not i ncl uded by
me i n the challenge. St i l l I am glad Mr . Ti l ak has brought
h i m f or war d. He, at least, I hope, wi l l teach Mr . Ti l ak t o
di rect his at t ent i on to a broad di st i nct i on to whi ch I have, in
spite of al l my efforts, fai l ed t o di rect i t . Gopl nat ha says the
performance of the Garbhadhana dur i ng that course is permi t t ed
. Permi t t ed Sir, not enjoined.
Thus, Mr . Ti l ak has not brought f or war d a single statement
f r om any Ni bandha or Prayoga wi t h the exception of the
Caturvimsatimata. Even if the rank of a Smrti be assigned to
this last, the text cannot be mandatory. If he had looked into
my Article in the Subhodhapatrika, he would have found one
Prayoga at least in his favour. But no such writer of a ritual,
who makes a statement without authority, can come up to the
rank of Vijiianesvara, Madanapala, Madhava,' Narayanabhaâ,
Nilakantha, Kamalakara, Raghunandana and others who were
included in my challenge. And from these Mr. Tilak has not
produced a single statement. He has only taken advantage of
my challenge to prepare a long article, the effect of which
unfortunately must be to delude the ignorant.
One point more and I have done. I have been carrying on
literary controversies since 1864 ; but never did I hitherto
meet wi t h an opponent who treated me wi t h such studied
discourtesy as Mr. Tilak has been doing. My task has become
disagreeable and even painful, and I should have much
preferred to remain silent now, were it not for the fact that
the silence was likely to be misconstrued.
*
APPENDIX D: VI DHI , NIYAMA, PARISAMKHYA 581
AP P ENDI X D
[ON VIJNANESVARA'S VIEW.]
I have stated in the Not e that Vijnanesvara does not say
decidedly what his own opi ni on is as regards the mandat ory or
permissive nature of the precept about intercourse on the
occasion of a course. Thi s has been denied by some of my
critics. For t hey say Vijnanesvara begins his comments on I. 81
wi t h the remark, " havi ng l ai d down a Ni yama as regards
intercourse on the el i gi bl e ni ght s after a course, he now gives a
Ni yama i n regard t o the others." Thi s i s wi t h reference t o the
verse 81 itself. Af t er the comment ary on it is finished,
Vijnanesvara t urns back t o I. 79, and discusses, i ndependent l y
of I. 81, the question as t o whet her the precept about i nt er-
course t herei n contained is a Vi d h i , Ni yama or Pari samkhyi l .
Ho says t hat learned ex egotists have regarded it as a Ni yama.
Now, i f that were his own decided opi ni on, he cert ai nl y woul d
not speak of learned exegetists generally here as hol di ng t hat
vi ew, according to the usual style of Sanskrit wr i t er s. Then
again, ho explains the nature of these three ki nds of precepts,
and gives at l engt h the reasons why it should be considered a
Parisamkhya endi ng wi t h the expression
"Therefore i t i s proper t hat this shoul d
be regarded as Pari samkhya to the effect that he shoul d resort
to her ( i f at all) on the occasion of courses alone and not at
other times. "
Then he proceeds to say that Bharuci , Visvarupa and others do
not approve of this vi ew ; and goes on gi vi ng t hei r arguments
and decisions up to the end of the section, or the begi nni ng of
the comment ary on the next verse, I. 82. There i s not hi ng
of his own i n al l t hi s. My Poona opponent considers
Vi j n e s v a r a ' s own observation t o begi n wi t h
^ " Therefore Pari samkhya
whi ch involves three faults i s not pr oper . "
If t hi s i s Vijnanesvara' s observation, wh y i s t he one quot ed
above not his ? Bot h are wor ded in the same way. He must
therefore be considered as advocating Pari smkhya also. But t hi s
wi l l not do. Pr opr i et y requires that bot h should be regarded as
conclusions deduced f r om the respective arguments by the
advocates of the t wo views. Agai n, if Vijnanesvara is to be
regarded as havi ng decidedly accepted the vi ew of BhSruci and
others, he woul d have used at the close of t hei r arguments
some such expression as ** t hi s alone is proper"
" t hi s alone is good " &c. But there is not hi ng of
the sort i n the course of the whol e discussion.
If t hen the author does not state his own vi ew deci dedl y here,
what is to be understood by the wor d Ni yani a occurri ng in the
i nt r oduct i on t o the comments on I . 81 ? I t must be underst ood
in the most general sense of the wor d as i nvol vi ng
"he shoul d go on the occasion of a course onl y " i. e., a
Parisamkhya, and " he should necessarily go on the
occasion of a course" i.e., a Ni yama. An d these t wo that it i nvol ves,
are evolved in the subsequent discussion, when the aut hor gives
the t echni cal defi ni t i ons. An d that, Ni yama general l y means
bot h, is pl ai n to every one who has some knowl edge of the
Sastras; and Srldharasvamin' s beaut i ful comment ary on
Bhagavata X I . 5. 11 wi l l make i t pl ai n t o any body. Madhava
too speaks of the t wo as Ni yamas;
I wi l l notice one other poi nt onl y. My Poona opponent
quotes the f ol l owi ng verse whi ch occurs i n Baudhayana
i mmedi at el y after t hat i n whi ch abstinence for three years onl y
is declared as rel i gi ousl y penal :
APPENDIX D: VI DHI , NIYAMA, PARISAMKHYA 583
The ancestors of hi m who does not resort t o his wi f e who
has bathed after a course and who is at hand wal l ow in the
part i cul ar fluid for t hat mont h. "
Here, he argues, is a penalty l ai d down for hi m who abstains
generally, i. e., even for one mont h after pubert y ; whi l e the
above verse prescribes a higher penalty for a cont i nuous
abstinence for three years. But is any penal t y at al l l ai d down
in t hi s verse for the man who abstains ? The penalty at the
end of the t hi r d year, the si n of t oxi ci de, is cert ai nl y prescribed
for hi m in the above verse. He incurs this sin t hen ; but he
i ncurs no sin of any sort nor docs he hi msel f wal l ow in the
fl ui d according to t hi s verse. What then is the bearing of the
verso ? It is si mpl y this.Nanda Pandita, Knl l fi kabhat t a,
Mildhava, and others account for the penalty of the si n of
foeticide prescribed by the authors of the Smrtis by the
circumstance that a man owes a l i abi l i t y to the manes or
ancestors, and when he does not resort to his wi f e for beget t i ng
a son, he sets at naught t hi s l i abi l i t y. Baudhayana prescribes
puni shment i n the first verse, and i n the second he explains t he
same basis of the puni shment in the f or m of a certain bad
condi t i on in whi ch the manes are, and the dut y he owes to
t hem to del i ver t hem f r om that condi t i on. But as the
puni shment accrues onl y at the end of the t hi r d year, the bad
condi t i on of the ancestors whi ch brings t hi s puni shment on
h i m must be understood as comi ng i nt o existence l i kewi se at
the end of the t hi r d year. To make the t wo verses harmoni ze
wi t h each other, the general statement contained in the second
must be considered as t rue for al l t i me after the end of the
t hi r d year, and not as havi ng any reference to the previous
t i me dur i ng whi ch no puni shment i s i ncurred.
*
HI STORY OF CHI LD MARRI AGE
[FROM THE "ZEITSCHRIFT DER DEUTSCHEN MORGENLANDISCHEN
GESELLSCHAFT, VOL. XLVII, 1893, PP. 143-156.]
In his article on the Hi st or y of Chi l d Marriage, published i n
Vol . X L V I of t hi s Journal (pp. 413-420), Prof. J ol l y discusses
from the historical standpoint the question whi ch agitated Hi n d u
society in the begi nni ng of 1891, and was discussed by us in
I ndi a f r om the legal poi nt of vi ew. In the course of his treat-
ment of the subject he expresses his disagreement wi t h my
views on some of the points sought to be made out by me in
my " Not e on the Age of Marriage".
1
I deem it necessary in the
interests of the hi st ory of the i nst i t ut i on to notice his remarks
on those points. I have read and understood Prof. Jol l y' s
article ; but as I have had no practice whatever in speaking and
wr i t i ng German, I beg t he permission of the Edi t or of t hi s
Journal t o wr i t e my r epl y i n Engl i sh.
As t o the Smr t i texts adduced by Prof. J ol l y, whi c h prescribe
marriage before puber t y and l ay down the l i mi t s of the age of
the gi r l , between whi ch the ceremony shoul d be solemnized, I
have not hi ng t o say. But he takes the t ext f r om Manu I X . 89,
to be i nt ended s i mpl y for emphasizing the choice of a good
bri degroom. If i t were so and the t ext had no significance
whatever as to the l aw and usage on the poi nt , and it was con-
sidered a sin at the t i me when the t ext was wr i t t en to delay
marriage t i l l after puber i t y, Manu' s language woul d cert ai nl y
not be so strong as it i s : " Better that she should remai n un-
marri ed i n a state of pubert y t i l l her death t han that she shoul d
be wedded to an unwor t hy husband." Agai n the force of Ap i
in the preceding verse ( I X. 88) shoul d not be lost sight of.
1
Printed in this Volume immediately before this article. [N.B.U.]
MANU' S TEXTS 585
"When a good husband is to be had one should give away the
gi r l even ( Api ) if she has not arri ved Aprapta [at the condi t i on. ]
Thi s shows that usually a gi r l should not be gi ven away unless
she has arri ved [at the condi t i on] , but this rule may be broken
when a gojod bridegroom is available. The wor d Aprapt a is
vague and variously i nt erpret ed ; but if it is vague, it must bo
so for the reason that the i mpl i ed accusative pointed to an event
or di nar i l y wel l known. There is therefore no objection in.
t aki ng the i mpl i ed condi t i on to be that of mat ur i t y ; so that the
sense wi l l be that the rul e, that a gi r l should be marri ed alter
she becomes mature, may be violated if a good husband is to be
had. Agai n verse I X. 1)0, allows of the gi r l remaining unmarri ed
for three years after pubert y. Fr om al l this, one woul d not, I
t hi nk, be far wr ong in i nf er r i ng that at the t i me when the
Manu-Samhita was wr i t t en, delaying marriage t i l l after pubert y
was not considered such a sin as it was afterwards. The
di rect i on to wai t for three years occurs in Vasistha and
Baudhayana also.
In gi vi ng the views of the commentators, Prof. Jol l y assures
us as regards Mandl i k' s edi t i on and the Manuscripts of
Medhat i t hi ' s Manubhasya, that they are hi ghl y unt rust wort hy,
and that in the sentence from Medhat i t hi quoted
by me _ must be a mistake for some such
expression as . , Why it should be considered a
mistake, I f ai l to see. makes no sense whatever
here. Medhat i t hi is here comment i ng on verse I X. 89 whi ch I
have translated above. Hi s interpretation of ,is
"She should not be gi ven
away, even when she is in a condi t i on of pubert y as long as a
good husband has not become available." Now this expression
" even wh e n " (Skr. Api ) presupposes another condi t i on i n whi ch
she is cert ai nl y not to be gi ven away ; and that is the condi t i on
before pubert y. Hence is appropriate ;
for the sense is, "as l ong as a wor t hy bridegroom is not avail-
74 [R. G. fchandarkar' s Worka, Vol. I I ]
586 HISTORY OF CHILD MARRIAGE
able she should of course be not gi ven away before pubert y, but
she should not be gi ven away even after puber t y. " Here " she
should be gi ven before pubert y as l ong as a wor t hy bri degroom
is not available " whi ch is the translation of Prof. Jol l y' s pro-
posed reading wi l l cert ai nl y not do. In the translation of the
passage gi ven by me in my Not e
1
whi ch is " A mai den is not to
be gi ven [ i n marri age] before pubert y, and she is not to be
gi ven even after pubert y, as l ong as a meri t ori ous bri degroom is
not to be had, " the semi-colon after "puber t y, " whi c h was put
in before mature consideration, is misleading. I have therefore
corrected i t ( i n the * Addi t i ons and Correct i ons" gi ven i n
the ori gi nal Note) to a comma and added a comma after the
' pubert y' in the next l i ne, in order to connect "as l ong as a
meritorious etc.," wi t h bot h the clauses. There is therefore no
mistake whatever here; the sentence is appropriate and
Prof. Jol l y' s emendation spoils the sense ent i rel y.
1
I t wi l l be seen f r om t hi s that Medhat i t hi interprets Manu
I X . 89 not as si mpl y emphasizing the choice of a good
husbandwhi ch is the sense put on it by Raghavananda
and accepted by Prof. Jol l y, but as posi t i vel y enj oi ni ng
that a gi r l should not be marri ed before pubert y so l ong
as a good husband is not to be had. Medhat i t hi therefore
is not such an enemy of late marriages as Prof. J ol l y supposes.
In his comment on I X. 93, he onl y fol l ows Manu, and the case
t hey speak of i s different f r om that ment i oned i n I X . 89. As
to the comment on I X . 88, I wi l l not discuss i t on account of
the hopelessly corrupt readi ng, t hough I t hi nk Medhat i t hi there
also takes Aprapt a in the sense of one who has not ar r i ved at
mat ur i t y.
The next poi nt I am concerned wi t h is the t i me of t he
Garbhadhana deremony. That it should be performed on the
occasion of t he first course is l ai d down in a Smr t i at t r i but ed to
1 "On the Age of Marriage." [N.B.U.]
TEXTS ABOUT THE GARBHlDHANA 587
Asvahlyana, whi ch however is not the Smr t i that is quoted by
the authors of the Nibandhas under that name. In the last
the t ext does not occur and is quoted by none but Anantadeva.
In one Manuscri pt of Anantadeva' s wor k, however i t does not
occur. St i l l Prof. J ol l y t hi nks the i nj unct i on contained i n i t
is confirmed by Karikha's precept
;
and Visuu' s Now even t aki ng Garbha
in the sense of Rt u, the meani ng is "after the clear observation
of Rtu the Garbhadhana shoul d be performed. " Thi s prescribes
t hat the ceremony shoul d be performed on the occasion of a
course f r om the f i f t h to the sixteenth ni ght after the occurrence.
We have got not hi ng corresponding to the wor d " first " here.
Nandapandita quotes in his comment on the latter passage, as the
Professor observes, the passage f r om Asvalayana Grhyaparisista,
But this Rtau prathame or "on the
occasion of the first cour se" refers onl y to the Prajapatya
ceremony whi ch is i nt ended, as remarked by Nandapandita
also, for the consecration of the woman. The Garbhadhana
ceremony is ment i oned furt her on in the Parisisfca in the words
etc., where the wor d Prathame
does not occur and we have generally. So that we have
no aut hor i t y here for the necessary performance of the ceremony
on the first occasion.
Prof. J ol l y admits that in other Sinrtis we have the
wor d Rtau generally. But he says that the texts in whi ch
it occurs may refer to the repet i t i on of the ceremony every
mont h. They may, and t hey may also si mpl y show that the cere-
mony shoul d be performed dur i ng the Rt ukal a(5t h16t h nights)
and not on a later day; and consequently t hey i nvol ve no i mp l i -
cation as to its being gone t hr ough necessarily on the occasion
of the first course. Agai n some later wri t ers reject the doctrine
of the repet i t i on of Garbhadhana, and according to these, Prof.
J ol l y t hi nks, the t i me for its performance is the first course ;
and even according to the others, the first of the repeated
ceremonies must take place dur i ng the first Kt u. The reason
given by Prof. J ol l y for the first statement is the observation of
Nandapandita quoted above. But I have shown that what the
Parisista directs to be done at the first Kt u is the Prajapatya and
not GarbhMhftna. Agai n, in this matter what one scholar says
ought not to be considered as the vi ew of a l l . ' In support of
the second statement Prof. J ol l y refers to the doct ri ne of the sin
i ncur r ed at each Kt u of the daughter when her marriage is
delayed. Bat t hi s sin is i ncur r ed by the father according to the
t ext , and once he gives his daughter in marriage the provi si on
ceases to be operative on hi m, and cannot operate on any other.
It s onl y object is to compel the father to mar r y lie fore pubert y,
and evi dent l y not to compel the husband to begin intercourse
on the first occasion ; and it is j ust on t hi s account that the t ext
is nowhere quoted in support of Garbhadhana at the first Kt u.
If in the Smrtis we have got the wor d FUau general l y, we ought
t o understand Kt u generally i.e., any I l t u and not Kt u
specifically, i.e., t he first.
I f , however, we discuss the poi nt f r om the legal and
scholastic and not scholarly poi nt of vi ew, we have to go
t hr ough al l that I have stated in my Note. And of the fourteen
or fifteen Nibandhas and Prayogas that I consulted on the
occasion of the controversy, a great many, f ol l owi ng the Smrt i s
prescribe Rtu generally for the Garbhadh.fi.na ceremony, one
states that the first Kt u is better t han any other, one, t hat it is
allowable to perform it at the first Rtu and one or t wo onl y that
it should be performed on the first occasion
1
. Nandapandita
in his wor k on the Samskaras does not prescribe the first Rtu
onl y as the proper t i me, and it is doubt f ul whet her he does so
in the passage referred to by Prof. Jol l y. He quotes the Pari -
sista, onl y to show that the Garbhadhana is i nt ended to conse-
crate the woman. And supposing even that he does so, s t i l l
1. See the preceding article. [N.B.U.]
A TEXT FROM MA DANA PAL A 580
to draw a general conclusion from what one or t wo say i s\ not
warrantable. So that the first Rtu is not and cannot \ be
compul sory. \
Prof. J ol l y brings in here an argument used by one of my
opponents: The. opponent quot i ng f r om Madanapala,
and translating it as " we
now expl ai n the t i me of the first Rtu as it is of use for the
Garbhadhana" sought to make out that Madanapala lays down
the first Rtu as the t i me of the Garbhadhana; and stated generally
that " a host of wel l known authorities begin the description of
the Garbhadhana ceremony " in that way. I pointed out that
the reading was absolutely wrong, because it di d not
occur in the Manuscripts I consulted, and the context was
ent i r el y opposed to i t . What Madanapala gives in the section
so i nt roduced is the Rt ukal a general l y, i.e., the sixteen nights; and
not hi ng special wi t h reference to the first Rt u. So that what
according to h i m is of use for the Garbhadhana is the Kt ukal a
and not the first Rt u. The t rue reading is _ I
i.e., " We first expl ai n the Kt ukal a". And as to " t he host of
wel l known aut hori t i es, " whi c h he spoke of, I said that some
began the section on Garbhadhana as Madanapala di d by expl ai n-
i ng the Rtukala consisting of the sixteen nights, whi l e others
di d so by gi vi ng the good and evi l conj unct i on of stars on the
occasion of the first occurrence of the physical event and the
pacificatory ceremonies, i f i t took place i n an evi l conj unct ure.
Hi s quot at i on was not as Prof.
J ol l y takes i t .
The argument of the opponent based as it was on the
mi sreadi ng wi l l thus be seen to have no bearing
whatever on the question whet her the Garbhadhana must be
performed on the occasion of the first Rtu or course. St i l l
Prof. J ol l y takes i t up wi t hout showi ng the connection, wi t hout
gi vi ng any reason, and wi t hout even knowi ng what his quot-
590 HISTORY OF CHTLD MARRIAGE
at i on was. The quot at i on however at t r i but ed to my opponent,
Prof. Jol l y brings f or war d f r om the Ni r nayasi ndhu. But what
is the connection ? Does the mere occurrence of the expression
wi t hout context, wi t hout connection, show that
the Garbhadhana must be performed on the first occasion? What
we have in the Ni r nayasi ndhu is t hi s: _ I
" Among Samskaras we have first Garbha-
dhana. The effect of the first appearance of the physi cal
phenomenon i n an inauspicious mont h, and on the occasion of
an eclipse or the sun's transit, and the pacificatory ceremonies
consequent on that, should be known f r om the Prayogaratna
composed by my father and the Bhatta i.e., NarayanabhaUa."
Now Kainalakara hefe speaks of the evi l effects of the first
appearance of the physical phenomenon at an inauspicious
j unct ure and of the pacificatory ceremonies in consequence of
i t . What possible bearing can the words " first appearance "
have on the question whet her the Garbhadhana shoul d be
perfbrmed on the occasion of the first appearance ? Yet Professor
J ol l y t hi nks that the expression does support the vi ew that i t
shoul d be performed on t hat occasion. As a matter of fact, the
Santis on account of the first occurrence at an inauspicious
j unct ur e are i ndependent ceremonies i ndependent l y performed
and are omi t t ed when the j unct ur e is not inauspicious.
An d what the Smrt i s and the authors of the Nibandhas and
Prayogas say is confi rmed by the actual practice. Garbhadhana
is unknown in Gujarat and some other parts of I ndi a. Professor
J ol l y i s mi si nf or med when he says that i t i s r egul ar l y performed
i n the whol e of Bengal. I n a pamphl et publ i shed i n the course
of the controversy, Mr . Mohi ni Mohan Chat t erj i , M.A., B. L. ,
says, " b u t it is a matter of publ i c not ori et y that the
highest class among the Brahmans of Bengalthe Kul i ns
disregard the obl i gat i on (of per f or mi ng Garbhadhana) every-
day wi t hout i ncur r i ng any social penal t y. " Anot her wr i t er
PRESENT PRACTICE ABOUT GARBHADHANA 591
says, " We find that the ceremony is not performed by t he
great maj or i t y of the Hi ndus of I ndi a. In hal f of Bengal i t i s
unknown. " But i n Maharastra i t i s generally performed ; but
nobody considers i t obl i gat ory t o perform i t on the fi rst
ocoasion, and often, especially when the gi r l ' s health is not
good or the husband a mere boy, it is delayed for a year or
longer after the first appearance of the physical phenomenon,
and no Prayascitta or atonement is done for the delay. Thus
we practically act as if the Smrtis and the Nibandhas whi ch
have the expression Rtau generally mean by it any Rt u that
suits our convenience. In the face of this to say that t hey
al l mean to prescribe the first Rt u as obligatory is hazardous.
An d there i s an i nherent i mpr obabi l i t y i n the circumstance
that the authors of the older Smrtis should mean this when
we find (as is acknowledged by Professor J ol l y) that
Vatsyayana the author of the Kamsutra speaks of late marriages,
and the medical authorities i ncl udi ng Vagbhata pr ohi bi t
intercourse t i l l the gi r l is sixteen years ol d. The Smrtis when
t hey give new rules, i.e., rules, inconsistent wi t h those l ai d down
in older books, must be supposed to have an eye at or to sanctify
the prevai l i ng usage or opi ni on, and if Vatsyayana, the medical
aut hori t i es, and even poets represent the prevai l i ng opi ni on to
be unfavourable to early intercourse, t hough not qui t e to early
marriage, we must suppose the older Smr t i wri t ers to represent
or sanction the same opi ni on.
The last poi nt I shall notice is about t he age of marriage
i ndi cat ed i n the Gr hya Sutras. Professor J ol l y says:
" Al t hough the Gr hya l i t erat ure has the r ul e about Nagni ka
i n common wi t h the Smrt i s, s t i l l di st i nct i ndi cat i ons that the
ceremonies of Vi vaha have reference rather to a gr own up
bri de are not want i ng. " One of these i ndi cat i ons and the rules
concerning i t , noticed by me i n my Note, are not appropriate,
he says, in the case of a Nagni ka. Now if the marri age
ceremonies have reference to a gr own up bri de, how is it
possible that the Grhya l i t erat ure in whi ch those ceremonies
are gi ven should l ay down the rul e about the marriage of a
gi r l when she is Nagni ka or i mmat ure ?
He says: " I n those few passages i n the Grhyasutras whi c h have
reference to the age of marriage, a Nagni ka onl y is spoken of. "
Here too Professor J ol l y seems to have generalized the statement
in some of the Sutras and made it applicable to al l , j ust as he has
generalized that about the performance of the Garbhadhana at
the first Rt u. But in the case of these Sutras whi ch give the
ceremonies that befit gr own up gi r l s onl y and are silent as
regards the age, ought not one to suppose that t hey mean that
gr own up gi rl s onl y should be marri ed, and t hat t hei r silence
is due to the fact that there was in t hei r t i me no question about
mar r yi ng i mmat ur e gi rl s ? The marriage of gr own up gi rl s
was the prevai l i ng custom and therefore it was not necessary
to say anyt hi ng about the mat ure or i mmat ur e age of the gi rl s.
But let us examine the Sutras i n whi c h the marriage of
a Nagni ka is enjoined. Gobhi l a (3. 4) has whi ch
means "but a Nagni ka is the best." The wor d Tu " but " shows a
qualification of the previous statement whi ch is " He shoul d
after being permi t t ed, mar r y a wi f e, who is not of the same
Gotra wi t h h i m and i s not a ki nswoman of his mot her. " The
previous statement is general havi ng reference to bot h, a gr own
up and an i mmat ur e g i r l ; but t hi s qualifies i t and i s t o the
effect that " an i mmat ur e gi r l is the best." Professor J ol l y
t hi nks the or i gi nal reading was
k
and observes that
the object of the Sutra is not to recommend Nagni ka as "t he
best" but to direct that he should mar r y a Nagni ka and the
best. Even supposing the reading was as he takes i t , the onl y
difference is t hat we have an accusative in the place of a
nomi nat i ve; and consequently instead of our havi ng an
independent statement, we have t o br i ng on Kur vi t a and
Daran f r om Sutra 3 [a process known to grammarians by the
A TEXT OF GOBHI LA AND HIS VI EWS 593
name of An u v r t t i ] . But the sense is exactly the same, and the
process of Anuvr t t i does not and cannot depri ve Tu of its sense
of " b u t " and confer upon i t the sense of " and. " When there
is Anuvr t t i of the t wo words, the sentence means, " but he
shoul d mar r y a Nagnika" as the best." The wor d Tu is fatal to
Professor . l ol l y' s i nt erpret at i on. Besides he seems to connect
the words Sresthan wi t h Daran t aki ng it away from Nagnika, as
i f i t had no connection wi t h i t , and t o understand the whol e
to mean "he should mar r y a wi f e who is the best and Nagni ka. "
But what i s the propri et y of the comparison i nvol ved i n the
wor d Srestlia ? " A wi f e who is the best." The best of whom ?
Of womanki nd generally ? If so, the comparison is purposeless,
unless Gobhila were a poet ; "a good woma n" woul d have qui t e
served the purpose. But when you say "but mar r y a Nagni ka as
the best," i.e., when the wor d Srestha is connected wi t h Nagni ki i
the " but " shows t hi syou have t ol d a man before to mar r y one of
several ki nds but one of the Nagni ka ki nd is the best of al l those."
Here the wor d Srestha as i nvol vi ng comparison is proper. So that
it appears to me that the pl ai n, direct and appropriate sense of
the Sutra is " he should mar r y a Nagni ka as the best" or
"a Nagni ka is the best. " An d hence Gobhila does not
pr ohi bi t marriage wi t h a gr own up gi r l but recommends
an i mmat ur e one as the best, i.e., he first goes on in
the same manner as the authors of other Sutras, ment i on-
i ng no age and thus leaving the ol d custom of mar r yi ng gr own
up gi rl s undi st urbed, but afterwards adds something new, vi z. ,
t hat i t i s best t o mar r y an i mmat ur e gi r l . Here he does i n
effect what he does more f or mal l y in his precepts about i nt er -
course after marriage, i.e., gives the views of others first and
afterwards his own, wi t h the difference however that i n the
latter case, he teaches his own doct ri ne in supersession of that
of others, whi l e in the other, he does not supersede the other
doct ri ne but recommends his own as the best. It thus appears
t o me that Gobhi l a wrot e his Sutra when the ol d custom of
76 [R, G. Bhaudarkar's Works, Vol. I I ]
504
HITSTORY OF CHILD MARRIAGE
mar r yi ng gr own up gi rl s was f al l i ng i nt o disrepute but had not
become obsolete, and the new one- of mar r yi ng i mmat ur e
gi rl s whi ch we fi nd general l y prevalent i n the t i mes of the
metrical Smi/tis was comi ng i n .
The next passage to be examined is that in the Gi/hyasamgraha
of Gobhi l aput ra i n whi ch he directs the marriage of Anagni ki l
or a grown up gi r l I I . 17). Prof. J ol l y
conjectures that the t rue reading here must be
"he should give a Nagni ka in marriage": i.e., changes
to And one of the t wo reasons he gives is that thus onl y
can the passage be rendered consistent wi t h I I . -20 in. whi ch the
author directs the gi vi ng away i n marriage of an i mmat ur e g i r l ;
and the other is that in this way, the inconsistency between the
teaching of the father and of the son is removed. Now t hi s
last inconsistency is due to Prof. Jol l y' s havi ng neglected the
sense of Tu i n Gobhi l a' s
;
and depri ved of its
comparative sense, as we have seen; and now to expl ai n away
the inconsistency thus created, he proposes to change the read-
i ng of the son's t ext . The first inconsistency also is due to
Prof. Jol l y' s havi ng changed the to
and i n my opi ni on does not exist. I n I I . 20 Gobhi l aput ra
does not command the gi vi ng away of an i mmat ur e gi r l , but
si mpl y says it is to be commended , and in
I I . 17 he gives the general rul e that a gr own up gi r l shoul d be
gi ven i n marriage. There i s thus no inconsistency between the
t wo texts, and i t wi l l be seen t hat t hi s is what the father says
also. For we have seen that Gobhi l a, in onl y says
that the best course is to mar r y an i mmat ur e gi r l , and the
i mpl i cat i on in the three preceding Sotras is that a gr own up
gi r l shoul d be marri ed according to custom, since the marriage-
ceremonies are such as to befit a gr own up g i r l onl y. The
son by his I I . 17 onl y develops what i s i nvol ved i n t he father' s
Satras. Thus t hen there is no inconsistency anywher e; Gobhi l a-
putra must be regarded as enj oi ni ng the marriage of a gr own up
GOBHILAPUTRA'S VIEWS
595
gi r l , t hough according to hi m as to his alleged father, an
i mmat ur e g i r l is to be preferred.
Now ' violates the rules of grammar and makes
no sense. It is on t hat account t hat Prof. Jol l y, instead of t hat
reading, adopts that whi ch' he fi nds i n his ol d Nepalese Manu-
scripts of the Narada Smr t i where also this text occurs ; and
that is Now if this Sloka is found elsewhere
it must be common propert y ; it must be one of those floating
texts or verses of whi ch we have so many in Sanskrit but the
ori gi nal authorship of whi ch is unknown and whi ch are appro-
priated by any wr i t er . It i s qui t e possible that Gobhilaputra i n
appropri at i ng it for hi msel f, meant to change the reading so
as to br i ng out the sense that such a gi r l is to be commended.
Hence we have Prasasyate in the t ext as we f i nd it in his book.
Now the accusative must be changed to the nomi nat i ve and
we ought to have _ Probabl y it was so
changed and somebody afterwards knowi ng what the words in
other books were, restored the ori gi nal wi t hout l ooki ng to the
grammar. Or Gobhi l aput ra means t hi s to be a quotation up to
the wor d Kanyakam, and t hen wi t hout compl et i ng the verse
by gi vi ng the r emai ni ng words, puts in his own to express that
what is stated in the verse so quoted is commendable. Such a
supposition, howsoever unusual it may appear, is not improba-
ble in the varied fate to whi ch our old l i t erat ure has been
subject. At any rate t hi s supposition or any other t hat wi l l
meet the case is better than that we should reject the reading of
a whol e Pada, and wi t h it the peculiar sense " i s commendabl o
, ,
i nt ended to be conveyed, and adopt that found in another book
and havi ng a di fferent sense, and to remove the inconsistency
thus caused between I I . 20 and I I . 17, change the negative
i nt o the positive Thi s is a very responsible
proceeding and no scholar ought to resort to it unless there is
t he clearest evidence for it and no other recourse is to be had.
I must here eater my humbl e protest in the interest of t ruo
scholarship against the practice whi oh has recent l y come i nt o
vogue of changing the readings of or i gi nal texts in a light-
hearted manner. Such changes onl y are allowable, as at once
f ul l y satisfy one's sense of pr opr i et y and admi t of expl anat i on
on the nat ural or hi st ori cal processes of t ransi t i on f r om one
f or m t o another.
The t hi r d passage to be discussed is that in Hi ranyakesi n' s
Gr hya Sutra whi ch is I
Anot her reading whi c h i s f ound i n three of the six
Manuscripts collated by Br . Ki rst e for hi s edi t i on i s
Thi s Prof. J ol l y accepts as t he correct readi ng ; whi l e
I accepted i n my Not e the first. My grounds are that i t i s the
reading of three of Dr . Kirste' s Manuscripts; and now it appears
it is the reading of a Grantha Manuscri pt also whi ch he has
got since. It is the reading of t wo more Manuscri pt s consulted
by me here in Poona, and it is the reading of the Poona
Hi ranyakesi n Brahmans ; that is to say, those who as a rel i gi ous
dut y have got the whol e of the Tai t t i r i ya Samhitfi and
Brahmana and Hi ranyakesi n' s Sutra by heart, repeat
this particular Sfitra wi t h as the readi ng.
Agai n, I have stated that t hi s is the correct reading, because,
we have in the Sutra the epithet and as
a NagnikS or i mmat ur e gi r l is necessarily a
it is not necessary to add t hi s condi t i on ; and since it is added,
must be the correct readi ng. As to t hi s Prof. J ol l y has
in t he first place got Prof. Ki r st e to gi ve his reasons for choos-
i ng Prof. Ki r st e says he was guided by t he
analogy of the f ol l owi ng Sutra f r om Manavagrhya :
That anology "speaks for the separation of and
;
and
allows no scope for the choice of a maiden not naked any l onger. "
Hi s r emai ni ng reason is t hat it is the reading of Matrdatta.
As to t hi s I have to observe that, because you have got
Nagni ka i n another book wi t h certain epithets, therefore
THE TEXT OF HIRANYAKESIN 597
you must have Nagni ka in this book also cont ai ni ng as it does
si mi l ar epithets ; and because you are t ol d to mar r y a Nagni ka
there therefore you are t ol d to mar r y a Nagni ka here also,
this is no good reasoning. If we f ol l ow a reasoning of t hi s
nature we shal l have to give up al l idea of a hi st ori cal develop-
ment. An d as against the evidence of so many Manuscripts
and of t he Veda-repeating Brahmans of Poona, and the i m-
pr opr i et y of the use of the epithet Brahi nacari ni m, t hi s reason-
i ng has no value whatever. As to Matrdatta, I have already
said in my Not e that he gives the sense that the context requires,
but had a bad readi ng before hi m. Prof. J ol l y also adopts
Prof. Ki rst e' s reasoning against al l evidence to the cont rary
when he says " the above passages speak decidedly for the
latter r eadi ng" , and adds "especi al l y as the
epithet in Manavagrhya stands by the side of
as , does in Hi r anyakesi n" ,that is Prof.
J ol l y accounts for one i mpr opr i et y by br i ngi ng forward another
of the l i ke nature. But t wo i mpropri et i es cannot const i t ut e
one pr opr i e t y; bot h are i mpr opr i et i es and must be removed
i n bot h t he places. An d I cannot here refrai n f r om expressing
my surprise that whi l e Prof. J ol l y woul d alter t o
and t o i . e., t ur n the negative i nt o positive,
and make such other changes in the readings of texts wi t hout
any aut hor i t y f r om Manuscripts, t o remove fancied i mpr opr i e-
ties, he should not accept a reading occurri ng in good Manu-
scripts and in the mouths of Vai di ka Brahmans to remove an
i mpr opr i et y admi t t ed to be so by himself.
But the i mpr opr i et y i n Hi ranyakesi n i s removed by adopting
the reading ; and the way to remove it in the Manava-
grhya is as fol l ows :The passage quoted as one Sutra must
be di vi ded i nt o three or at least t wo Sutras. The first ends wi t h
and means : " He shoul d mar r y a vi r gi n who
has brothers and has had no intercourse wi t h a man, who is of t he
same caste but of different Pravaras and is younger. " Here
598
HISTORY OP CHILD MARRIAGE
what the author requires is t hat she shoul d not have had i nt er-
course wi t h a man, whi ch i mpl i es its possi bi l i t y i.e., her being
a gr own up g i r l ; so that his command here is that he shoul d
mar r y a gr own up gi r l . The next Sutra i s î n whi oh
he adds that " one shoul d mar r y a Nagni ka as the best." In
this Sutra An u v r t t i should be made of the verb Now
the i mpr opr i et y disappears ; is not an adjective of
but of , and t hi s result we arri ve at si mpl y by a
di vi si on of t he Sutra different f r om that whi c h has been made
i n Prof. Jol l y' s quot at i on by somebody whom I do not k n o w;
and not by vi ol ent changes of reading. An d t hi s di vi si on of
mi ne bears a close analogy to the Sutras ot' Gobhi l a discussed
above, the last of whi ch is onl y we have not got
Tuher e, but si mpl y the superlative degree of comparison. The
evidence of analogy havi ng thus disappeared, there is no
question that i s the t rue reading i n Hi ranyakesi n.
And the t ransl at i on of this expression to is a matter
that admits of any easy expl anat i on, since it is a question of the
addi t i on of a mere dot, and since later readers of the Sutra
among whom chi l d marriages onl y prevailed woul d consider
the dot as proper. Thus t hen Hi ranyakesi n requires one to
mar r y a gr own up g i r l expressly as probably in his t i me the
practice of chi l d marriages was comi ng i-nto vogue, because he
is going to prescribe intercourse on the f our t h ni ght . Apas-
tainba and the rest go upon the supposition of the bri de being
a gr own up gi r l , as t hey enj oi n intercourse after marriage ;
and it was not necessary to name Anagni ka t hen, because chi l d-
marriages were not t hought of or were rare when t hey wrot e.
Prof. Jol l y' s change of Rata to Raka in Apastamba is of a piece
wi t h his other chauges ; and the sense of Rata gi ven by t he
commentator shows t hat that author also contemplates
a gr own up gi r l .
I have said enough to show the nature of the evidence brought
forward and of the urgumonts used by Prof. J ol l y to prove
CHRONOLOGICAL ARRANGEMENT OF THE EARLY WRITERS 599
that the Smrt i s contain not hi ng that is favourable to late
marriages, that the Garbhadhana ceremony Bhould be performed
on the occasion of the first appearance of the signs of pubert y,
and that the Nagni ka rul e is common to the Sutra l i t erat ure
wi t h the Smrt i s. My own view as regards the hi st ory of chi l d-
marriages as gathered f r om the religious l i t erat ure begi nni ng
wi t h the GrhyasQtras is, i t wi l l have been seen from the
foregoi ng pages, t hi s : I n the t i me of Asvalayana and many
ot her authors of Grhyasutras marriages after pubert y were a
matter of course, the evidence being the nature of the cere-
monies prescribed and t hei r silenee about the age of the bride.
In the t i me of Hi ranyakesi n chi l d marriages were comi ng i nt o
practice, and therefore he tells Ins followers that t hey are absurd
since the ceremonies requi red the bri de to be in a condi t i on of
mat ur i t y. When Gobhi l a and the author of the Manavagrhya
flourished, late marriages were f al l i ng i nt o disrepute t hough
t hey were in practice, and hence t hey lay down marriage before
pubert y as the best course. When the Smrtis of Manu and
Baudhayana were wr i t t en, child-marriages were i n f ul l vogue
but late marriages were not rare. And in the time of the
authors of the later Smrt i s the custom of late marriage became
ent i rel y obsolete as it is at the present day. St i l l however it
was not the custom, when the latter flourished, to begin inter-
course necessarily on the first appearance of signs of pubert y
as it is not now. It was ent i rel y opt i onal , some people fol l ow-
i ng the practice, others not. I woul d therefore arrange these
authors chronol ogi cal l y t hus: 1. Asvalayana and ot hers;
2. Hi ranyakesi n ; 3. Gobhila, Gobhilaputra and the author of
Manavagrhya; 4. Manu-Samhita, Vasistha; Baudhayana; 5. the rest.
N O T E I
Since I wrot e and despatched my article on Prof. Jol l y' s
paper I met K. Rangacharya the Panditaratna in the service of
t he Maharaja of Mysore who is one of those empl oyed to f or m
a l i br ar y for the Maharaja, and had conversation wi t h h i m on
600 HI STORY OF CHI LD MARRTAOE
this as on many other subjects. He told me that he had seen a
passage in the Jaimini-GrhyasQtra in which marriage wi t h an
Anagnika" was enjoined and that the commentator had taken
that as the correct reading. I told him to send me a copy of
the passage after his return to Mysore ; and this he has done.
The passage is as follows :
No. 7 of the Maharaja's LibraryJaimini-Grhyasutra wi t h a
commentory entitled Subodhinl.
Fol. 7
Trans(Sutra) He should marry a wife of the same caste wi t h
himself who is not a Nagnika.
Com. " Not a Nagnika" i.e., of that ago at which through
bashfulness she wears a piece of cloth of her own accord.
Now I think this text wi l l amply corroborate the arguments
which I contend are in themselves conclusive for regarding
' as the true reading of Hiranyakesin. It wi l l show
that the Nagnika rule is certainly not common to the Sutras
with the Smi'tis as is laid down so positively by Prof. Jolly, and
when taken in conjunction wi t h Hiranyakesin's precept, it wi l l
indicate the existence of a condition of society in which its
religious leaders found it necessary to direct their followers
expressly not to marry little undeveloped girls; while there
was another when the leaders did not find it necessary to do so,
as nobody did it against the spirit of the ceremonies, which
required that the bride should be a grown up woman. And all
this wi l l necessitate our giving to the words and i n
Gobhila, ; in the Manavagrhya, and in Gobhilaputra
their proper legitimate sense whioh the Professor has entirely
neglected, and to infer the existence of the third condition of
society in which the religious leaders recommended, not en-
joined, marriage with an undeveloped gi rl . These three
HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION OP GRHYASUTRAS 601
conditions mi ght be synchronous if we supposed the countries
i n whi ch the legislators l i ved were different and far distant
f r om each other, or the sects for whi ch t hey legislated were
unamenable to each other' s influence ; whi l e t hey wi l l have to
be regarded as exi st i ng at different periods of t i me if we do not
make these suppositions. Thi s last vi ew is the onl y one that is
reasonable.
An d thus the Grhyasutras, when properl y understood and
compared wi t h each other, place before us vi vi dl y the different
stages by whi ch late marriages fal l i nt o disrepute and
present to our vi ew the new custom of early marriages in the
very process as it were of format i on. In early times girls were
marri ed onl y when they were f ul l y developed; but after some
t i me marriage before puber t y began to fi nd favour. St i l l the
feel i ng against it was strong; and hence Hi ranyakesi n and
Jai mi ni expressly pr ohi bi t i t . But the downwar d movement
gradual l y became more power f ul ; and we find the authors of
some Grhyasutras recommendi ng ohild-marriage as the best
course. But they do not pr ohi bi t late marriages. That was
reserved for the Met ri cal Smrtis to do. But even among these
we may discover different stages. Manu' s at t i t ude towards late
marriages is not so decidedly hostile as that of some later
wri t ers. He allows gi rl s t o remai n unmarri ed t i l l the age of
t wel ve, or for three years after pubert y, i f not gi ven away t i l l
t hen, and permits marriage being deferred it' a good bride-groom
is not to be had. An d i n al l t hi s, we f i nd, i t wi l l be seen, fresh
evidence Cor the vi ew t hat al l Met ri cal Smrtis are later t han
the Grhyasutras.
Thi s, I humbl y contend is the way to arri ve at the t rue
social hi st ory of past times, and not by resorting to objec-
tionable processes and reducing al l texts to a dul l uni f or mi t y
so as to br i ng out one sense onl y whi ch no Grhya t ext
hi t hert o discovered can bear, vi z. , a positive and uncondi t i onal
command to mar r y a Nagni ka or an undeveloped gi r l . Thi s
76 [R. G. Bhandavkar's Works, Vol. I I ]
procedure of making all Grhyas and all Smrtis tell the same
tale forcibly reminds me of the Ekavakyata of the Pandits who
in all cases make the texts of the Vedas, the Sutras, the Smrtis,
and the Puranas mean the same thing, viz. that; which is in
keeping wi t h the custom of the day. If it is not the mission of
European and especially German Critical Scholarship to check
this spirit of Ekavakyata, I have greatly misunderstood i t .
NOTE I I
When in December 1892 I worte the above article, I had no
idea that I had two Manuscripts of the Manavagrhya close to
my writing table. The title they bear on the wrapper is
Maitrayanlya-Grhyasutra. They form Nos. 94 and 95 of our
Collection of 1880-81. Now the Sutras which are joined into
one, in Prof. Jolly's quotation are thus given in No. 95 :
5 I
< No. 94 joins the second and the third of these into
one, and after has no stop in about three lines. Thus
it is perfectly evident that < is an adjective of
occurring in the first Sutra, or understood, if that Sutra
is to be independently interpreted as the verb would
show, and the sense is complete with '; while ;
is an independent Sutra. The author thus does not bring
together two inconsistent conditions, viz., that she should be an
undeveloped or immature gi rl , and that she should at the
same time have had no intercourse wi t h a man; but lays down
that one should marry a girl (fully developed) who has had no
intercourse ; but it is best to marry an undeveloped gi rl .
*
*
BASIS OF THEI S M, AND ITS RELATI ON TO THE
SO- CALLED REVEALED RELI GI ONS
[ Bei ng the substance of a lecture delivered by Sir R. G.
Bhandarkar at the anniversary of the Prathana Samaj ; or i gi n-
al l y published i n 1883 by the Cheap Li t erat ure Committee of
the Theistic Association of Bombay. N. B. U. ]
Gent l emenI have been asked by the Secretary to del i ver
an Engl i sh address to you. Those to whom t hi s dut y was
first assigned have been prevented by other engagements f r om
being present to-day. Since, therefore, no other person is
available and the t hi ng must be done, I appear before you
to do i t .
An d wh y must it be done ? What is the necessity of an
Engl i sh address ? Wh y is a day assigned to it in the programme
of our Anni ver sar y ceremonies ? Our usual service is conducted
i n Mar at hi , we pray t o our Al mi ght y father i n Mar at hi , we
discuss theological questions in Marat hi , we do not expect, at
least for a l ong t i me, to find converts to our views among those
whose mother tongue is Engl i sh. Wh y t hen shoul d we have
an Engl i sh address ?
I wi l l answer this question, i n part, by r ef er r i ng to some-
t hi ng that I have said in my evidence before the Educat i on
Commission. In r epl y to one of the questions of the Com-
mission I have stated my belief that there are some sceptics and
atheists among educated natives but that t hi s fact is not due to
the i nst ruct i on i mpart ed i n Government Colleges. I n Engl i sh
t hought , the agnostic and athestic side has at present acquired
a prominence, and as I ndi a is now i nt el l ect ual l y affiliated to
Engl and as it is pol i t i cal l y, that side of t hought must be ex-
pected to cast its reflection here. To this i ni l uence the students
604 THEISM AND THE REVEALED RELIGIONS
of Missionary as well as Government Institutions are equally
open, and the result in both cases is the same. My idea there-
fore is that the religious views of a good many of our brethren
are influenced by those of some of the leading authors of
England. Their mode of thought is European and English
and hence can best be dealt with in English.
And there is another reason. The prevailing Hindu Religion
is a religion in which we find various shades of belief and
modes of action confused together. We cannot say it is not
monotheism, we cannot say it is not polytheism or even feti-
shism. It is neither simply a religion of external observances
nor is it a religion enjoining purity of heart only. We are dis-
satisfied with this state of things and have been seeking a more
consistent and rational system of religious faith and action. A
foreign religion has for some time been knocking at our door
and claiming admission. If we have deliberately refused to
admit it we must give our reasons. And this can only be
properly done in the language in which its claims are
enforced.
And the first thing that I wish to say to both these classes
of my hearers is that our religious basis is that supplied to
us by the critical method. This method of comparison and
criticism has been successfully applied to the determination
of historical and literary truth. It has brought about in
the short space of about twenty-five years a complete and
remarkable revolution in philology. The favourite theories of
centuries have been entirely exploded, and the true relations
between the many languages spoken by civilized man have
been ascertained, and the principles that determine the origin
and growth of human speech have been discovered. We expect
similar results from the application of this method to "religion,
to find out how it is that God reveals himself to man, to de-
termine what is essential and necessary in religion and what is
RELIGION A UNIVERSAL FACT 605
purely accidental, to separate the truth that God himself has
taught to man, from the error, wi th which, in his mental and
moral weakness, man has mixed it up.
The fact that we have all of us to face in the beginning is
that religion is not confined to one people or one country, but
that human beings in all ages and all countries, whether
savage or civilized, have had some religion. Religion is i n-
separable from humanity. Man has always believed in some
Invisible Power from which all that is visible has sprung, in
something Infinite on which all that is finite rests, in a Power
on which he is dependent and which is beneficial and has felt
reverence for that power and worshipped it. The belief may
be found to have assumed a distinct shape in some conditions
of society and to have remained indistinct in others; it may
have led to a variety of superstitions and absurdities; but if
you endeavour to find the inmost principle of all religions you
wi l l I believe find it to be as I have stated it. Along wi th a
belief in one's own existence and in the reality of the world,
we find a belief in an Invisible Power and in something greater
than the finite and beyond the finite, existing everywhere.
Is it proper that as philosophers and thinkers we should make
light of this fact ? Should we not recognize it as ful l y as any other
fact and make it the subject of serious thought ? And what are
we to conclude from it ?That poor weak humanity is every
where subject to hallucinations and that this is a remarkable
instance of its gullibility? Why then is the belief in the
existence of the external world not to be considered a hallucin-
ation similarly ? Al l our knowledge is phenomenalwe can
perceive nothing but appearances. These appearances depend
upon certain motions of the nerves. These motions may be
produced by certain laws of our bodily nature and to these
may be due the appearances which we attribute to something
outside of us. As in certain conditions or diseases of
the brain, a man sees before him things that really do not
exist, so may the appearance of things outside himself be due to
man's physical conditions. But men have ever believed in the
existence of the external world though there have not been
wanting philosophers to tell them that this belief is groundless.
Similarly they have believed and wi l l continue to believe in an
Infinite and Invisible Power upon which they depend and
which exacts their reverence, though there have been philoso-
phers to tell them that they are the victims of a delusion.
And in every branch of that most certain department of human
knowledge, physical science, do we not believe in things that
do not fall within the range of our senses ? We see that under
certain conditions fire burns our fingers, and immediately come
to believe that under those conditions fire wi l l burn not only
here but there, not only in this country but in that, not only
now but hereafter. Do we in such cases stop where our senses
cease to operatedo we not naturally go far beyond ? The so-
called general laws in science are all beliefs of this nature.
Are these beliefs, or that general one in the constancy of nature
on which these may be said to depend, a delusion then ? If it is
not, why should the belief in God, which the grand aspect of
nature forces upon man, be a delusion ?
And the function of religious belief in the development of
man is higher than that of physical knowledge. The use of
this last is to satisfy the wants of his bodily nature, to enable
him to live comfortably. But purity of heart, the elevation of
the feelings, the depth of the soul, a firm adherence to truth
without regard to practical effects, equanimity in the midst of
the severest troubles of lifethese and such other virtues it is
religion alone that can induce. Man can attain to the ful l
measure of his capabilities only through the instrumentality of
religious belief. Without i t he wi l l be a superior kind of beast
with aims and aspirations low and stunted. But as he is, he is
THE COSMOS AS THE BASIS OP RELIGION 607
a chi l d of the I nf i ni t e wi t h his aspirations ever increasing, ever
wi deni ng. Ar e we t hen to believe that that bel i ef whi c h is at
the root of the man' s hi gher development is to be considered to
have not hi ng corresponding t o i t i n the wor l d of r eal i t y, whi l e
that whi ch satisfies his l ower nature onl y is alone real and
certain ?
The t r ut h i s that this uni versal i t y of belief i n the I nf i ni t e
and I nvi si bl e is as much necessitated by man's apprehensive
powers as the belief in an ext ernal wor l d and in the constancy
of nature. At the very dawni ng of human intelligence, when
the heavens above and the earth below excited the wonder and
admi rat i on of man, when practically his eyes apprehended no
l i mi t to the scene by whi ch he was surrounded, when he saw
the pl ay of powers about hi m, whi ch acted i ndependent l y of
h i m, and on whi ch depended his happiness, the I nvi si bl e and
the I nf i ni t e forced itself upon h i m and evoked his reverence
and love, and he f el l down and worshi pped. And. does not the
whol e aspect of nature, the vaul t of heaven, wi t h the Sun, Moon
and countless myri ads of stars, and the earth wi t h the mountains,
the ri vers, the wi de ocean and the extensive plains, continue
to make as sol emn and deep an impression on us as they di d on
our early ancestors ? When we take our stand on a hi gh
mount ai n and behol d a succession of hi l l s one behi nd another,
st ret chi ng as far as our eyes can reach, and the dales and valleys
at our feet smi l i ng wi t h vegetation, or the bol d and deep gorges
bel ow; or when standing on a pl ai n we behold darkness j ust
begi nni ng to disappear before dawni ng l i ght , or at ni ght the
rays of the Moon steeping everyt hi ng in soft and serene lustre,
when I say we meditate on scenery, do we not feel a vista i nt o
I nf i ni t y opened up before us, are we not conscious of something
unspeakably grand, does not our heart become di l at ed wi t h
ineffable j oy and is not our spi ri t filled wi t h reverence and
love?
A sympathetic chord in our own hearts does t he poet touch
when he says ? :
I have fel t
A presence that disturbs me wi t h the j oy
Of elevated t hought s; a sense subl i me
Of somet hi ng far more deeply interfused
Whose dwel l i ng is the l i ght of set t i ng suns,
An d the r ound ocean and the l i vi ng air,
An d the bl ue sky, and i n the mi nd of man ;
A mot i on and a spi r i t , that i mpel s
A l l t hi nki ng t hi ngs, al l objects of al l t hought s
And rol l s t hr ough al l things.
Yes, man has ever been seeing his God in the Universethe
Tr ue, the Good and the Beaut i ful has ever manifested Hi msel f
t o h i m, and love and j oy ever greeted h i m, i n the vast scene i n
whi c h he fi nds hi msel f.
My answer to the second class of persons spoken of before
who have placed before us a r el i gi on whi ch t hey say was alone
revealed by God in al l its parts at a certain peri od in the hi st ory
of man, and who call upon us to accept in on that ground, also
rests s i mi l ar l y on the basis suppl i ed to us by the cri t i cal
met hod. Chri st i ani t y i s not the onl y r el i gi on professed by
man. Hi ndui s m, Buddhi sm, Mohammedani sm and a vari et y
of other rel i gi ons have flourished in the wor l d and are
flourishing. Ar e these the wor k of self-deception ? If we say
so, we shall s i mpl y be pl ayi ng i nt o the hands of the
opponents of al l religions. What are the special claims
of one of these rel i gi ons to be considered as the onl y
Revel at i on? There i s t r ut h i n al l , and al l have somet hi ng
objectionable whi ch the l i ght deri ved f r om the others shoul d
enable us to discover and cast aside. A l l have been revealed
by God, but man f r om the ver y weakness of his apprehension,
has mi xed a great deal of falsehood wi t h the t r ut h communi -
CLAI MS OP " RE VE AL E D" RELI GI ONS CONSIDERED 609
cated to him by his Father. It certainly is not consistent with
our ideas of God's love for man to think Hi m to have communi-
cated that truth which it is so important for men to know, only
at a late period in the history of the world and only to a
certain people. If religion is of supreme importance to man,
we must expect that it should have been revealed to him in the
very beginning, being implanted by God in his very nature so
that wherever he went he might carry it with him like his
shadow. And this is what we actually find. Man has been
carrying religious belief like his shadow wherever he goes ;
religion is as widely spread as humanity itself.
Thus then God's Revelation to man was made not only at a
certain period in the world's history, but it began wi t h the
dawning of human intelligence and went on progressing through
all ages and i t is going on still and wi l l go on. God is ever wi t h
us communicating more and more of his truth to us as our
powers of apprehension become purer and keener. The latest
phase of His Revelation to man is that embodied in the
movement which we here represent. It is therefore turning a
deaf ear to this appeal from the High to accept one religion
only as exclusively revealed by Hi m. It is disregarding the
grand fact that God has ever been the Father of man and has
ever been educating him into a knowledge of Himself.
And not only does the comparison of the different religions
that prevail or have prevailed in the world enable us to
determine the significance of eachthe idea or ideas which it
elaborates and to distinguish the essence of religion from its
accidentsbut the study of the development of religious
thought and action in one and the same country serves the same
purpose. No country in the world has undergone such
Strange and wonderful religious revolutions as ours and no
where wi l l the faithful servant of God be able to trace more
clearly the manner in which He gradually unfolds His truth to
77 [R, G. Bl wi darkar' s Works, Vol. I I ]
man. I wi l l therefore devote the remaining portion of the
time at my disposal to the consideration, necessarily very brief,
of what our religious history has to teach us.
It was in the phenomena of Nature that the ancient
Aryans first discovered their God or rather God discovered
Himself to them. The heavens above, and the earth below, the
Sun that traversed the sky from day to day and fructified the
earth, the rising Dawn, before which the darkness of the night
gradually disappeared and which gave a lovely appearance to
the universe about them, the waters that periodically fell from
heaven and cooled and refreshed the earth, parched by the
summer heat of the Punjab,these and such other phenomena
excited the wonder and admiration of our remote ancestors,
and in the visible they saw the Invisible, and found in these
phenomena the Gods Dyaus, Prthi vi , Surya, Savitr, Usas, Indra
and others and even Adi ti or the Il l i mi tabl e, the mother of
them al l . The happiness of man depended upon the operations
of nature, that is, on the powers of these Gods, and they were
invoked to protect and bestow blessings. Observing the
regularity wi th which some of these phenomena repeated'
themselves they elaborated the idea of order. The outside
order was likened to the order wi thi n, the violation of which
constituted sin ; and Varuna, Savitr and others who were the
guardians of Order were invoked to rescue them from sin and
not to visit them wi t h the severe punishment which their
transgression of the Order deserved. To most of these Gods, the
creation of heaven and earth and supreme power which none
could transgress, were ascribed. In the course of time men
found that each of the Gods possessed the attributes of the
Supreme Godhead, and since the Supreme can be but One, they
came to regard Indra, Mi tra, Varuna and Agni as but several
names of the One Supreme and declared that "the creator of
heaven and earth was but one God".
HISTORY OF INDIAN THEISM : RITUALISM 611
Af t er t hey had arri ved at t hi s stage there was a halt. As in
the hi st ory of the physical, social and pol i t i cal advancement of
man there are periods when the human spi ri t after havi ng
wor ked act i vel y for sometime becomes dormant and there is no
furt her progross, so are there in the hi st ory of man' s religious
advancement. Al ong wi t h the development of the rel i gi ous
ideas whi ch I have sketched, grew a worshi p of the gods. Thi s
worshi p gradual l y became complicated and acquired such an
importance that every mi nut e poi nt i n connection wi t h i t
became the subject of an i nvi ol abl e rul e. Cold and dead
formal i t i es took the place of war m and l i vi ng devotion and the
very verses and hymns whi ch contained the fervent prayers of
the ol d Rsis, were repeated mechanically in the course of the
f or mal worshi p, wi t hout even an attempt to apprehend the
sense. Not onl y were there certain kinds of sacrificial
performances to be gone t hr ough, mor ni ng and evening, and
on the new and f u l l moon days as we l l as dur i ng the four r ai ny
mont hs, but there were grand Soma sacrifices to be performed
whenever there was oppor t uni t y. Of these there were seven
ki nds each of whi ch occupied six days; and on the fifth day
the pr i nci pal ceremonies, whi ch col l ect i vel y were called Sutya,
or ext ract i ng the j ui ce of Soma and offering it to the Gods
were performed. Then there were Sattras or sacrificial
sessions the shortest of whi ch lasted for t wel ve days, the SutyS
bei ng performed on each occasion, and the longest for
t wel ve years. Longer sessions even are heard of. Thi s
sacrificial r el i gi on becamo so t hor oughl y mechanical
that the f r ui t arising f r om its exercise was considered
to be due not to the favour of the deities worshi pped
but to some miraculous or magic charm in the rites
themselves. The deities lost al l importance, and in the course
of t i me the theologians of t hi s r el i gi on denied God and pro-
claimed sacrificial rites as the saviour of manki nd.
But error by its very excesses rouses the dormant human spi r i t
and brings on its own destruction. The reaction was on the one
hand led by the authors of the Upanisads, and on the other, by
the Philosophers, principally of the Samkhya school, and by
Buddhism. The Upanisads declared that " sacrificial rites were
but frail boats", and enjoined contemplation of the "Omniscient
Soul whose greatness we observe in the worldthe author, source
and pervader of the universe, the lord of all, the unborn, the
unchangeable and the pure or holy," and when a man saw hi m
in his heart and everywhere else, he was free from death and
attained eternal happiness. This contemplation and the result-
ing perception of Hi m were not possible to one "who did not
refrain from evil deeds, who had not subdued his passions, and
whose soul was not serene". In some of the Upanisads this
perception of the Lord of all is spoken of as the perception of
one's own self. The individual souls are considered as forms
of the Supreme and are related to the Supreme as the sparks of
fire to the fire, or as earthen jars to the earth of which they are
made; or like rivers they have an independent existence at first
and lose their individuality when united wi th the Supreme
Spirit as rivers do when united wi th the ocean.
The Philosophers taught that eternal happiness was to be
attained by rooting out the cause of all misery which consisted
in a union between the individual soul and a certain inanimate
principle called Prakrti. This Prakrti was the cause of all the
finite or definite thought and developed in the form of the
world. A perception or feeling of the distinctness of one's soul
from the Prakrti freed the soul from its effects viz., all definite
thought and consequently from all misery. God was not
recognized as either the Creator or the Saviour and friend of
man.
The Buddhists adopted this mode of thought, and equally wi th
the others declared that the sacrificial rites were inefficacious, and
denied the authority of the Vedas on which it was contended
HISTORY OF INDIAN THEISM : EARLIER STAGES 613
t hey were based. Et er nal happiness was according to t hem to
be attained by a st ri ct course of moral di sci pl i ne, by rest rai ni ng
the passions and pur i f yi ng and ennobl i ng the heart. Buddhi sm
was also a protest against the exclusiveness of the Brahmani cal
r el i gi on of sacrifices whi ch coul d be exercised onl y by the three
regenerate classes and of whi ch Brahmans alone coul d be priests.
It was not onl y a r el i gi on for al l classes of the I ndi an com-
muni t y but for the whol e wor l d, the Mlecchas or barbarians
i ncl uded.
But how was the standard of moral pur i t y whi ch Buddhi sm
set up, to be pract i cal l y attained by f r ai l humani t y ? It is al l
ver y we l l t o t al k of cur bi ng the passions and pur i f yi ng
t he heart. Si n is a very subtle enemy of the human soul.
It contaminates at the very core of what man considers his
most exalted and generous actions; and no one is more alive
to his helplessness against his enemy t han the man who honest l y
endeavours to at t ai n pur i t y and has already made some progress.
In his despair man nat ur al l y cries for hel p. It was here that
Buddhi sm was f ound want i ng. By denyi ng God i t depri ved
man of his f r i end and saviour. Even the theistic Upanitfads
trusted too much to man' s powers. Though t hey placed
the highest happiness in the cont empl at i on of God and in be-
hol di ng Hi s face, and represented mor al pur i t y as indispensable,
t hey l eft al l t hi s to be done by the unassisted efforts of man.
To suppl y this defect the doct ri ne of Bhakt i arose, and the
wor k i n whi c h i t was di st i nct l y enunciated was the Bhagavad-
glta. The Glta derives its t hei sm f r om the Upanisads, equal l y
wi t h t hem i t enjoins moral pur i t y and the cont empl at i on of
God, but i n addi t i on, i t teaches man t o love God and not hi m-
self, to l i ve for Him and not for hi msel f, and to place unl i mi t ed
f ai t h i n Hi m.
The idea of a rel i gi on for al l and not for certain classes onl y,
whi ch Buddhi sm first realized was t aken up by the Bhakt i
school and its method of salvation was open to all. But the
purity of religion it was difficult to maintain in a country, the
population of which was composed of various elements. The
doctrine of Bhakti was first set forth in connection wi t h the
worship of Visnu, to whom all the attributes of Godhead as
laid down in the Upanisads were ascribed. Then came in the
worship of Siva and various other gods and goddesses, who
must originally have been the objects of adoration wi t h the
aborigines of the country. Ceremonial religion of another ki nd
than that which prevailed before, came to be practised, and
vows, fasts, and observances were multiplied. Puranas were
written to heighten the glories of particular gods and to i n-
culcate the practice of the various observances. Amidst all this
confusion, however, the monotheism of the Upanisads and the
Bhagavadglta was not entirely lost. It became curiously blended
with popular polytheism. The votaries of each one of the
various gods claimed the attributes of Supreme Godhead for
their deity, and Rama, Krsna, Vithoba, Siva, Mahakala,
Bbairava, Khandoba and others were in turns the one supreme
God. And even at the present day, every one of the innumer-
able ceremonies performed by the Brahmans in honour of i n-
numerable gods, begins wi t h a declaration that it is going to be
performed for the propitiation of Paramesvara or the Supreme
Lord of all, and ends wi t h the expression of a hope that the
performance wi l l please the Supreme god. But all this was a
drop in the ocean and failed to correct the popular tendencies,
and religion again came to be as mechanical as the sacrificial
religion was before. Al l religious merit was again thought to
lie in the practice of those observances, and internal purity and
spiritual worship were neglected.
Then there arose the Sadhus or the pious men of the mediaeval
period, who protested against this artificial religion, re-asserted
the doctrine of Bhakti wi t h vigour and inculcated purity of
HISTORY OP INDIAN THEISM : MEDIAEVAL PERIOD 615
heart; and the last Groat Sadhu in this part of the country was
our own Tukilrilma of Dehu. What the mission of these men
was generally, may best be seen from an Abhanga of Tukarama
in which he states the purpose of his coming into the world.
I translate it as follows :
I am a denizen of Vaikuntha and have come for this
purpose viz., to bring into practice that which was taught by
the Ris: we wi l l s\veep clean the ways of (constructed by)
the sages ; the world is over-grown with weeds: we wi l l
accept the portion that has remained.
Trut h has disappeared in consequence of the Punlnas, ruin
has been effected by word knowledge.
The heart is addicted to pleasures : and the way (to God) is
destroyed.
We wi l l beat the drum of Bhakti, the terror of the Kal i age,
says Tuka,raise shouts of victory through joy.
And this is our mission also. The Indian world still remains
over-grown wi th the weeds of falsehood notwithstanding the
efforts of those great men. The truth taught by the R$is of the
Upanisads still remains neglected, and ceremonial practices
have still usurped the place of spiritual worship. Though the
mediaeval Sadhus taught a purer form of faith, they did not as
a general rule set their face against the popular beliefs and
modes of worship with, sufficient firmness and decision. This
appears to me to be the principal reason why their mission was
not completely successful. Let us therefore while endeavouring
to realize their humi l i ty and single-hearted devotion, attempt
to supply this defect.
Let us like Tukarama exert ourselves to bring into practice
the teaching of the old Rsis, and learn from all the sources
now available to us, indigenous .as wel l as foreign. Let us
learn from the Vedic hymns that the temple in which we
should find God and worship hi m is the universe and the
heart of man; from the sacrificial religion which once
prevailed, that we should not over-grow and destroy the tender
plant of spiritual worship; from the rise of Buddhism, that
religion is not a privilege of a favoured class, and that without
high moral feeling and action it is an empty nothing ; and from
its failure, that mere morality will not exalt the spirit and
satisfy the religious craving of the heart and cannot be attained ;
from the Upanisads, that purity of heart is the way of arriving
at God, and contemplation brings us face to face with Him and
elevates the soul; and from the Glta and the Bhakti school, that
man by his own efforts cannot effect his salvation, that God
alone is our Father, Friend and Saviour, and that we should lay
our souls at His feet, live in Him, and for Him, and not for
ourselves. If in all humility we learn this, and learn whatever
else is to be learnt from the other sources, that God in His
mercy has laid open to us, and follow our guide fearlessly and
faithfully, we need not be afraid of our future.
*
*
T HE POSITION OF THE PRARTHANA SAMAJ
I N THE RELI GI OUS WORLD
[ Bei ng the substance of a lecture delivered by Sir. R. G.
Bhandarkar on the occasion of the 32nd Anni versary of the
Poona Prarthana Samaj in 1903 : Ori gi nal l y published as No. 5
of the Mahnrastra Brahmo Postal Mission "Li ber al Religious
series".N. B. U. ]
The subject of to-night' s discourse is the position of the
Prarthana Samaj in the religious wor l d. We are surrounded
by men who profess Mohamedanism, Chri st ani t y, Hi ndui s m i n
its various forms and phases, Buddhi sm and Jai ni sm. What
rel at i on does the r el i gi on of the Samaj bear to these, is the
question to be discussed. To arri ve at something l i ke a
satisfactory conclusion, we must cast a glance at the hi st ory
and evol ut i on of r el i gi on f r om the earliest times to the present.
The l eadi ng t hi nkers of Europe have recently formul at ed what
is called by t hem the Science of Rel i gi on. The object of t hi s
science is to collect i nf or mat i on about al l religions that have
prevailed and do prevai l , and to trace the evol ut i on of r el i gi on
f r om the pr i mi t i ve f or m i n whi ch i t was professed by savages
to the highest that has been presented to us by Chri st i ani t yor
I may say, by the r el i gi on of the Upanisads and the Bhagavad-
glta. The conclusion arri ved at is that one same pri nci pl e l i ke
a seed has been devel opi ng in a variety of forms corresponding
to the branches of the tree whi ch spri ng up f r om the seed. The
essence of r el i gi on has been considered to consist in a belief in
some hi gher Power, whi ch may be benevolent or malevolent to
man. In both cases, however, the belief is that the Power can
be made favourable to man' s purposes, if but the proper
methods are f ol l owed, whi ch methods are believed to be
78 [R. G. Bhandarkar's Works, Vol I I ]
618 POSITION OF THE PRARTHANA-SAMAJ
communicated by the Power itself. Revelation thus comes i n,
even in the very earliest form of religion.
The constituents of religion have been given by Professor
Tiele as emotions, conceptions, sentiments, words, and deeds.
Emotion is that which moves a man towards that spiritual
condition which we call religious. It may be man's feeling of
dependence upon an external power, or a perception of the
grandeur of nature or the transitoriness of the world. When
man's mind is, by any such emotion, directed towards religion,
he necessarily forms some conception of the nature of the
higher Power which he worships. The Power may be conceived
as a spirit dwelling in a natural object or a spirit free to move
about, or a spirit presiding over a phenomenon of nature such
as thunder, rain, or wind, or an all-pervading Spirit which is
the ripest conception of the nature of God. Next we have
sentiments, and they may be reverence, love or the like. In
keeping wi t h such a sentiment, there are certain words used to
propitiate the Deity and bring it into man's power, such as
prayers or charms, and associated with these words there are
deeds, such as the offering of sacrifices and various other modes
of conducting worship. In every one of the various forms of
religion that have existed, we can discover these five
constituents.
The question is asked why is' | t that man's spirit thinks at all
of religion. Professor Max -Muller as well as Professor Tiele
say that there is a vague sense of the Infinite in man. He is not
content wi t h things as they are, but always looks for something
beyond. Looking for something beyond, therefore, whenever
he observes any operation in the external world, he traces it to
such a power as he himself is conscious of, in his nature, viz.,
the power of Wi l l . Thus behind the external operation he
discovers a Wi l l , that is, a Wi l l i ng Spirit. This is the rudiment
of religion which develops in the course of man's history. In
RELIGIOUS BELIEF THEORETICALLY CONSIDERED 619
the earliest f or m t hi s spi r i t i s believed t o dwel l i n such object
as a tree or a rock. A furt her step in the progress is to believe
that the spi r i t is not confined to a particular object but free to
move. Sometimes such a spi r i t is looked upon as being forced
to l i ve in a certain object, and that object is believed to afford
prot ect i on and wor k miracles. It t hen becomes a fetish. The
various phenomena of nature are personified and believed to
proceed f r om the wi l l of certain spirits such as Agni , Vayu,
I ndr a, Usas, etc. These personified deities assume definite
character and t hen t hey are believed to be gods, and afterwards
are located in a certain happy place called heaven. The Vedic
conception of the deities or the Greek or the Roman conception
presents t hi s stage of progress. In the course of t i me, as we see
in the Vedas, these different gods are considered to be but mere
names. The various phenomena over whi ch they are considered
to preside come to be at t ri but ed to one Power, and thus dawns
the conception of One Supreme Spi ri t Who has created the
heaven and the earth.
Even f r om the begi nni ng a sort of mor al i t y becomes connected
wi t h r el i gi on. Savages have certain customs whi ch i f t hey
violate, wi l l , t hey believe, br i ng upon t hem the wr at h of the
spi ri t s whom they worshi p. Then as man's knowledge of the
wor l d develops and he progresses i n ci vi l i zat i on, higher moral
conceptions are developed, and these ' are considered as
representing the wi l l of t hei r gods. I n the course of man' s
hi st or y certain religions came to be deliberately founded wi t h
the object of br i ngi ng about a moral revol ut i on such as
Buddhi sm and Chri st i ani t y.
Some times the development takes different directions
amongst different races. Thus the mi ght y and inscrutable
natures of God are emphasized in the Semitic rel i gi ons.
Names are gi ven to God whi ch are significant of
Hi s Lor dshi p or Soverei gnt y and wi t h reference t o whi c h
his human worshippers are called servants or slaves. Amongst
the Aryans the name that we prominently find is Dyauspitar
amongst the Vedic Indians, Zeus-Pater amongst the Greeks and
Jupiter among the Romans. It means " Father in Heaven".
Even from this and the various other modes in which the deity
is named and addressed, the idea most emphasized by the Aryans
appears to be that God is our Father and men are His children.
Amongst both races these ideas have become corrupt, the
former having led men to the propagation of their religion by
the shedding of blood, and the latter to the attributing of the
lowest human qualities to God. Various other characteristics
are presented by this evolution of religion, but we must not
stop to go over them. It would be sufficient to say that the
evolution is towards a clearer and clearer realization of the
Idea of the Infinite that was implicit in the beginning, leading
men to find God everywhere and to form a conception of
perfect holiness.
Now the conceptions and the other constituents of religion
that I have mentioned, the Prarthana Samaj adopts from the
most developed forms of religion as contained in the Upanisads
and the Bhagavadglta, in the Bible, or in the literature of the
progressive religious thought of the day. We believe God to be
immanent in the world directing the process of physical and
spiritual evolution that has ever been going on. This is an idea
adopted by the advanced religious philosophy of the day and
there is a shade of it in the Upanisads :" That soul who is
awake, while all the rest are asleep, creating as He wills, is the
light, is Brahma ; that alone is called the Immortal. Al l worlds
(or beings) find their support in Hi m ; none can transgrace hi m".
" The great soul, the Lord, brings forth good ". " He evolves
righteousness and drives away sin." We believe that God's
Dwelling is the light of setting suns,
And the round ocean and living air,
And the blue sky and in the mind of man.
THE PRINCIPLES OF THE SAMAJ 621
And He is
A mot i on and a spi ri t , that i mpel s,
Al l t hi nki ng t hi ngs, al l objects of al l t hought s,
An d rol l s t hr ough al l things.
And th,e Brhadaranyaka tells us:"He is the i nwar d cont r ol l i ng
Soul , who dwel l i ng i n t he earth, the waters, fi re, ether, air, t he
sun, the moon, the stars, the quarters, l i ght eni ng, t hunder, al l
worl ds, al l Vedas, al l sacrifices, al l beings, the breath, speech,
t he eye, the ear, the mi nd, the ski n, l i ght , darkness, seminal
f l ui d, and the soul (of i ndi vi dual ) i s different f r om t hem,
Whom these do not know, Whose body al l these are, and Who
controls these f r om the i nsi de, " Si mi l ar l y the Bhagavadglta
says : "God dwel l s in t he hearts of al l beings, and placing t hem
as on a wheel moves t hem by Hi s wonder f ul power ".
Anot her constituent of rel i gi ont he sentimentsare wi t h us ;
those of reverence and love ; and our words and deeds whi ch
together make up our worship are fervent prayers, an attitude
of humi l i t y, an unquest i oni ng fai t h, self-surrender, a readiness
to f ol l ow where God leads, cont empl at i on, mut ual converse, love
of man and l ovi ng acts, and fi del i t y t o t r ut h. Al l these have
been taught to us by the Bhagavadglta, by Christ, and in an
impressive manner by our own Tukarama.
I have already observed in the begi nni ng that it is of the
essence of religious belief that rel i gi on should be regarded as
revealed by the hi gher Power that is worshi pped. Thi s belief can,
I believe, stand the test of reason. If Lor d Ke l vi n has recently
t ol d us that evol ut i on in external nature is under the di rect i on
of a hi gher Power, should we not consider the evol ut i on of
r el i gi on also to be under the di rect i on of that Power ? Hence
t hen our doctrine and- belief is that God has been leading men,
f r om the times when t hey were i n the pr i mi t i ve condi t i on
to the present day, towards the realization of hi gher and
hi gher religious t r ut h. The evol ut i on of r el i gi on therefore
means a continuous Revelation.
And there is also another sense in whi ch rel i gi ous evol ut i on
must be considered a Revelation. Just as in the case of a poet
or an artist, there are flashes of l i ght whi c h he gives expressions
to, by means of words or colour, i n the same way; f r om t i me t o
t i me, in the cases of certain i ndi vi dual s, there are flashes of
religious t r ut h whi c h those i ndi vi dual s convey to others less
gi ft ed. Our own TukarSma says i n one place, "What possi bi l i t y
is there that an i nsi gni fi cant person l i ke mysel f shoul d speak
such words ? It is the Sustainer of the universe t hat made me
speak ; " and i n another "I have broken open the treasure, the
t hi ngs belong to the Lor d; I am si mpl y a porter to carry
t hem t o you". An d i n the Abhanga sung by us on the mor ni ng
of the fi rst day, he said "I have been sent t o communicate the
message". When Tukar i l ma gives expressions to such ideas as
these, are we to consider that he is t el l i ng lies ? Cert ai nl y not.
He says so because he real l y di d see flashes of l i ght of whi c h
ordi nary men have no experience. It i s i n t hi s special sense,
therefore, that the rel i gi ous evol ut i on is under the di rect i on
of God.
I f , therefore, the doctrines adopted by the Prart hana Samaj
are those f ound in the most developed forms of r el i gi on, be
sure our r el i gi on is a revealed r el i gi on. It is also a revealed
r el i gi on i n t wo other special senses. For i t i s the onl y r el i gi on
that acknowledges the influence and hand-work of God i n al l
the religions t hat existed or now exist ; and therefore imposes
upon us an at t i t ude of sympat hy towards al l rel i gi ous beliefs whi l e
hi t hert o ant i pat hy between different religions has been the
general rul e. An d the st udy of al l these rel i gi ons has had the
effect of clearing the rel i gi ous vi si on so as to enable the leaders
of the Samaj to di st i ngui sh between t r ut h and falsehood, and
has l ed t hem to adopt the highest f or m of t r ut h t hat has hi t her t o
dawned upon the human mi nd. It i s i n these t wo special
senses that the dispensation fol l owed by the Prarthana Samaj
may be considered a New Dispensation.
THE SAMAJ AS A NEW DISPENSATION 623
Thus t hen here is a r el i gi on whi ch God hi msel f has placed
before us in the fullness of t i me, when al l the races of the wor l d
have come together and have been as it were compari ng notes.
The question i s whether you wi l l adopt this new Revelation,
the main- doctrines of whi ch, however are those of the most
hi ghl y developed religions, whi ch for this count ry may be con-
sidered to be those of the Upanisads and the Bhagavadgita, and
of the teachings of Saints and Prophets l i ke Tukanl ma. Wi l l
you t hen accept the best portions of the Upanisads, the Bhagavad-
gita, and of the teachings of the mediaeval saints, supplemented
by certain ideas f r om Buddhi sm or f r om the Bible ; or wi l l you
adhere to al l the religions that go under the name of ordi nary
Hi ndui s m, the religions whi ch represent al l the stages of evolu-
t i on begi nni ng f r om the most pr i mi t i ve such as the worshi p of
trees and stones, serpents and cows, and of fetishes ? Wi l l you
accept merel y mechanical ceremonials whi ch can have no con-
nect i on wi t h your moral advancement as your worshi p of God,
or take up the spi r i t ual mode chosen by the Prarthana Samaj,
whi ch alone is calculated to pur i f y the heart and elevate i t , and
prepare you to perform your duties in life ? The existing forms
of r el i gi on bel ongi ng as they do to earlier stages of ci vi l i zat i on
are destined, if I ndi a is to advance, to disappear, and along
wi t h t hei r disappearance, al l that i s good i n the higher religious
t hought of the count r y is also in danger of disappearing, unless
wo deliberately choose i t and make i t alone our rel i gi on. An d
the exi st i ng mechanical modes of worshi p must be ent i rel y
t hr own away and the spi ri t ual mode substituted, to br i ng about
the mor al reformat i on of the count ry whi ch is so urgent l y
needed.
*
*
THE INCORPORATION OP PRE-MAHOMEDAN
FOREIGNERS INTO THE HINDU SOCIAL
ORGANISATION
FROM THE DNYAN PRAKASH OF POONA, DATED, WEDNESDAY
1ST. SEPTEMBER 1909
[ The following was originally delivered as a lecture at
Poona by Sir R. 6. Bhandarkar in Marathi, and was printed in
the Poona paper, referred to above. It is here translated by me.
N.B.U.]
As already announced Dr. Bhandarkar delivered a lecture
under the auspicies of the Deccan Sabha on the subject referred
to in the above heading, wi t h Prof. Kashinath Bapuji Pathak in
the chair. Dr. Bhandarkar, in mentioning at the outset tho reason
which led him to choose this subject for his lecture, said :
On the day on which Mr. Gopalrao Gokhale delivered a lecture
at this Sabha on the subject of "The Hindu-Muslim Question''
I incidentally remarked that all those foreigners who came into
India before the Mahomedans, became included in the Hindu
Society. Had not the Mahomedan religion come into existence,
the present Hindu-Muslim Question would not have arisen at
all. Like the foreigners before them, they too would have been
incorporated wi t hi n our society. As soon as I remarked thus,
Mr. Gokhale said: " Do please then speak on this subject", and
thus left me no alternative but to take up that subject for this
lecture. The subject of to-day's lecture is to show how the
foreigners, that come to India before the Mahomedans, became
absorbed in the Hindu Society. To-day's lecture is not of the
nature of merely popular commonplaces; every statement
therein must be substantiated by proofs. Owing to my failing
eyesight this work of finding out the references was done by
THE YAVANAS 625
[ Mr . ] Devadatta [ Bkandarkar ], and dur i ng the course of
to-day' s lecture he woul d read out the references as requi red.
EVIDENCE .OF THE PURANAS
The Maurya Dynast y is one of the r oyal Dynasties
ment i oned in the Puranas. Candragupta founded the Maurya
Dynast y soon after the invasion of Al exander the Great. The
Empi r e of the Mauryas was then extended over the whol e of
Nor t her n I ndi a, i . e., f r om Ganjam t o Kat hi awad. Af t er t he
dynast y of the Mauryas, the Puranas ment i on the Suriga,
Andhr abhr t ya, Kanvayana and some other dynasties. The
Satavahana or the Salivahana l i ne of kings at Paithan is also
ment i oned in the Puranas. The Puranas prophet i cal l y describe
these ki ngl y lines as r ul i ng i n the fut ure. Among such lines, i t
is ment i oned there that the Saka, Yavana and other ki ngl y lines
woul d rei gn. Such in general are the statements in the Puranas,
but the (det ai l s of t he) dynasties themselves have to be
established f r om the evidence of Inscri pt i ons and Coins.
WHO WERE CALLED THE YAVANAS ?
Yavanas are ment i oned in the Vayu Purana. It is necessary
t o det ermi ne fi rst who the Yavanas were. In an I nscr i pt i on of
Asoka reference is made in one place to
The name Ant i ochus is wel l known to students of European
Hi s t or y. Al exander died soon after his invasion of I ndi a.
Af t er h i m Seleucus established his sovereignty f r om Syria to
I ndi a. Ant i ochus is the grandson of Seleucus. He has been
f r equent l y ment i oned i n connection wi t h the Mauryas. The
Ant i ochus whom Asoka, the Emperor of Pataliputra refers to
i n his I nscr i pt i on i s Ant i ochus I I who rul ed f r om B.C. 261 t o
241. They were Macedonian Greek kings and so Asoka calls
t hem Yona or Yavana. The wor d Yavana denotes a Macedonian
Greek. The earliest allusion to t hei r having founded a ki ngdom
i n I ndi a i s t o be had i n the Mahabhasya of Pataujali. There
626 INCORPORATION OP FOREIGNERS INTO HINDU ORGANISATION
i s a Var t i ka i n the Mahabhasya i n connection wi t h the usage
of the Past Tense, t echni cal l y called Lang, the Var t i ka being
1
Thi s Var t i ka means that the
Lang is to be used in speaking ab6ut a t hi ng whi c h the speaker
has not seen, but whi ch is wel l known to the people and
whi ch, if he had a desire, he could see. The instance that is
gi ven i n i l l ust rat i on of this Vart i ka i s
It therefore fol l ows f r om t hi s that the event of the
Yavanas havi ng l ai d a siege to Sfiketa occurred in Patanjali' s
t i me. The eastern part of Persia was f or mer l y called Bactria,
where the Greeks re-established t hei r ki ngdom. These Bactrians
had, at one t i me, come over to and established t hei r power in
I ndi a.
THE YAVANA KINGS
The Yavana ment i oned by Pataujali is probabl y Menander,
the Bactrian Greek. It appears f r om what the Roman
historians have wr i t t en that his date is circa 142 B.C. There
is also another evidence to prove that Patailjali l i ved at t hat
t i me, whi ch however it is not necessary to al l ude to here. Thi s
Menander had established his ki ngdom over the provinces of
Panjab and Afghani st an, bot h of whi ch were at that t i me
i ncl uded in I ndi a. The fact that Menander had established his
ki ngdom in I ndi a can be proved f r om his coins as we l l .
It was the practice to ment i on on the coins of those t i mes, the
name of the ki ng as wel l his epithet. The name and the
epithet were wr i t t en i n Pal i . The Pal i i s the earliest Pr akr i t
f or m of Sanskrit. It was current i n Ceyl on, and the Buddhi st
works are wr i t t e n in Pal i . The letters on Menander' s coins are
engraved i n Pal i , wherefore t he conclusion i s not unwar r ant ed
that the subjects of Menander were also a Pali-speaking people.
Hi s coins bear i n Pal i the legend ( l i t e r a l l y, the wor ds ) :
There is a wor k called Mi ni ndr a-
Panho. It contains an account of the discourse between
ki ng Mi l i ndr a and Nagasena, the Buddhi st . The capital of
YAVANAS EMBRACING BUDDHISM 627
Mi l i ndr a was at the t own of Sakala in the Pan jab. The
Menander referred to above and Mi l i ndr a are one and the
same person. It is also stated that Mi l i ndr a in the end became
a Buddhi st . So much t hen wi t h regard to Yavana ki ngs. We
may now proceed to the consideration of the Yavana subjects.
COMMON PEOPLE OF THE YAVANA CASTE
In the Karl a caves,there is a stone Inscri pt i on, whi ch contains
the f ol l owi ng :
(i)
(2)
(3)
The t own Dhenukakal.a was on the banks of the Sapta-
Godavarf. Dhenukakata, and Dhanakataka, the Capital of
Satavahana, are probably identical. A Yavana of t hi s place
seems to have taken the name of Sihadhayana, and led a
Hi n d u rel i gi ous l i f e.
The name of the second Yavana in this Inscri pt i on is given as
Dhamma (Dharma) whi ch is cert ai nl y a Sanskrit name.
It is said in extract (3) above that Harapharana, the son of
Setapharana made a gi ft of the Mandapa (the Hal l ) . Thi s
Harapharana should be probably Hal l ophuri i us. There does
not appear anyt hi ng l i ke Hi ndu about this name ; s t i l l he made
a gi ft and is called an Upasaka (devotee). There is therefore
a very good ground to hol d that he had embraced a rel i gi on
of t hi s count ry.
There is an I nscr i pt i on at Jumi ar whi ch is as fol l ows:
Thi s I nscr i pt i on mentions that a Yavana named Iri l asa (had)
628 INCORPORATION OF FOREIGNERS INTO HINDU ORGANISATION
constructed t wo tanks. Fr om t hi s it appears that these Yavanas
had become the fol l owers of the Buddha and that i n t hei r
ways of maki ng religious gifts, t hey f ol l owed the Hi ndus.
The name Ci t ra (Citasa) the Yavana, who is spoken of in the
I nscr i pt i on here referred t o as havi ng gi ven the Di ni ng Ha l l
is also a Hi ndu name.
The name Candra (Candanam) i n t hi s I nscr i pt i on i s a Hi n d u
name.
I n the Nasik Inscri pt i ons occurs t he f ol l owi ng:
The wor d Otaraha (Auttaraha) here shows that the Yavana
referred t o i n t hi s I nscr i pt i on belonged t o the Nor t h.
Thi s I nscr i pt i on mentions the Yavana Indragni dat t a, son of
Dharmadeva of the t own of Dat t ami t ra ( Da t t a mi t i ) i n the
provi nce of Sauvlra, near Si nd (Sidha) i n the Nor t h. The names
Dharmadeva and Indragni dat t a show t hat the names of the
Yavanas were not l i ke modern Shai kh Wal l ad, Shai kh Mahomed,
(&c.) but were compl et el y Hi ndui sed. Fr om t hi s i t must be
concluded that after t hey (the Yavanas) came here, they f ul l y
became Hi ndus.
THE SAKA KINGS
The Saka ki ngs came after the Yavanas. They are known by
the name of Ksatrapas. An I nscr i pt i on i n connection wi t h
t hem too has been found at Nasik, whi ch contains the
fol l owi ng. *
THE SAKAS 629
The name Usavadata in t hi s may perhaps be a Hi n d u name,
since it coul d be either f r om Vrsabhadatta or Rsabhadatta. But
Di nl ka, Nahapana and Ksaharata are not Hi ndu names. Usavadata
was a Saka and was the son-in-law of a Ksatrapa of the name
of Nahapana. Some t went y- t our thousand coins bearing the
name of Nahapana have recent l y been found. Thi s Nahapana
di d not or i gi nal l y belong t o I ndi a, but belonged t o outside ( or ,
Nahapana was not an I ndi an, but a foreigner). He di d establish
a ki ngdom, but it lasted for onl y fifty years ; and Gautamiputra
soon defeated and extirpated his dynasty, and founded the
Satavahana Dynasty. Some coins of the t i me of Nahapana are
found in the Nasik Di st ri ct , and they bear the stamps of both
Nahapana and Gautamiputra. The Inscri pt i on just now referred
to mentions that Usavadata, the son of Di nl ka and the son-iii' law
of t hi s Nahapana gave three lacs of cows to Brahmans and fed
annual l y a lac of Brahmans.
Thi s same Inscri pt i on also speaks of hi m as
In the t own of Prabhasa, i. e., Somanatha-
Pa^tana, he gave the wherewi t hal of marriages to eight
Brahmans. He constructed a cave at Nasik for the residence of
the Bhiksus. He made a provision for a permanent income by
way of interest for meeting the expense tor the new clothes &c., of
the Bhiksus. The maxi mum interest at that t i me was from five
to seven-and-a-half per cent. It was not t went y-fi ve per cent as
at present. I t wi l l be seen f r om the above-mentioned evidence
that the mode of maki ng religious gifts of the Ksatrapas was
exactly l i ke that of the Hi ndus.
There was another Ksatrapa or Mahfiksatrapa Dynasty at
Uj j a yi nl , compri si ng nineteen or t went y kings, and they i n al l
r ul ed for 200 or 225 years. Thei r rule lasted from about the
begi nni ng of the Ohristan era to 389 Saka.
If at al l we wanted to give a derivation to the wor d Ksatrapa,
we could show that it is a Sanskrit wor d, but such a wor d ( as
630 INCORPORATION OP FOREIGNERS INTO HINDU ORGANISATION
Ksatrapa ) is nowhere to be met wi th in the Sanskrit Literature.
The word Ksatrapa or Khatrapa and the word " Satrap "
occurring in the Persian history seem to be identical. This last
means the officer or the Viceroy of the Emperor. The Ksatrapas
at once took up Hi ndu customs and manners.
The geographer Ptolemy says that a king of the name
of Tiastenes was ruling at Ujjayi ni . He also says that Pul umayi
ruled at Paithan. In some of the Inscriptions and coins on
our side, occurs the name Cast ana, which is the same as
Tiastenes. He is the founder of the Uj j ayi ni Ksatrapas.
His name Cabana looks foreign but the first part in the names
of his son and grandson, .Jaya-daraa and Rudra-dama, is Hi ndu,
and the names Rudra-simha &c, of the subsequent kings in this
Dynasty are all Hi ndu names.
In the Kanneri Caves near Bombay occurs the following:
The name SStakarni here is the name of a king of the
Satavahana Dynasty. The present Inscription says that his
wife came from the Ksatrapa Dynasty, and proves beyond the
possibility of doubt that a Hi ndu king had married a Saka
woman.
On a stone-Inscription at Junagad, the MahSksatrapa
Rudradaman is, in one place, spoken of as
1
That is, this Inscription describes hi m as having mastered the art
of Musio, Logic and other sciences. Rudradaman was the
grandson of Castana.
In one of the caves at Nasik, there is an Inscription to the
following effect:
THE SAKAS 631 '
Of t hi s, Damacika may be the name of a place. Vudhi ka
may either he a name, or if it be not a name, it means a money
lender. As he (the donor) is called a Lekhaka, ( i . e., a wr i t er ) ,
his profession seems to have been that of a wr i t er ; Visnudatta
is the name gi ven of his father, and he is called a Saka.
Visnudatta was also a name borne by the Marathas; since in
an I nscr i pt i on on a cistern at Bhaja, there occurs the f ol l owi ng: -
Thi s I nscr i pt i on shows that this Visnudatta, the son of Kausi ki ,
was a Maratha. That is, it fol l ows that, there was, generally
speaking, no difference whatever in those days, between the
Sakas and the Marathas.
The f ol l owi ng occurs i n another I nscr i pt i on at Nasi k:
The substance of t hi s I nscr i pt i on is that the l ady " Vi snu-
datta ", the daughter of Agni var man and mot her of Visvavar-
man l ai d at deposit bearing interest an " Aksaya n l v l " ,
i. e., a large amount for charitable purposes, for t reat ment of
sick persons. Vi snudat t a was a Hakanikft, i. e., a Saka woman
( Ma r a t hi : Sakina). The t er mi nat i on Varman i s suffixed t o the
names of Ksatriyas. It therefore fol l ows f r om t hi s that t he
Sakas got incorporated wi t h the Ksatriyas. The I nscr i pt i on
ment i ons t he era of the Abhi r a Ki ngs, whence i t fol l ows t hat
the Abhi ras were the rul ers of the count r y at that t i me. The
met hod of r eckoni ng t i me i n those days was not based on t he
mont h but f ol l owed the seasons; and hence t he statement i n
t hi s I ns cr i pt i on t o t he effect t hat ( t he event t ook place ) i n t he
summer i n t he n i n t h year of Isvarasena.
MEN OF THE ABHIRA TRIBE
The Abhi ras f ol l owed t he Sakas. They may possibly bel ong
to Cent ral Asia. A ment i on is made of t hei r name in t he
[ Maha- ] Bharata and the Vi snupurana. They are t here called
Mle(n)cchas. Varahami hi ra, i n t he Hloka [ &c ,
i ncl udes t he Yavanas among the Mlecchas.
The Abhi r as are t hus referred t o i n an I ns cr i pt i on at Gunda
i n Kat hi awad:
There is hi st ori cal evidence to show that t hi s Rudr abhut i
made many rel i gi ous gifts. The I nscr i pt i on belongs t o the t i me
of Rudrasimha, who r ul ed i n 102 Saka. The Abhi ras were
free-booters, and later t hey established t hei r ki ngdom here.
When, after the demise of Sri -Krsna, Ar j una was escorting the
wi ves of Krsna, t hey were pl undered on the way by robbers.
These robbers were the Abhi ras themselves, who are there
called Mlecchas. Wi t h regard to the Mlecchas it is said in
one place:
THE ABHIRAS ARE THE PRESENT-DAY AHIRS.
The people t hat are now known t o bel ong t o t he Ah i r caste
were or gi nal l y Abhi r as. The Ahi r s are t o be f ound among
gol dsmi t hs, carpenters, cowherds and even among Brahmans.
The Ah i r gol dsmi t hs of Poona wear the sacred t hread ( Mar at hi :
Janavem ), those of khandesh do not wear i t . There arose
recent l y a di sput e between those t wo Ah i r Sects. As t he Poona
Ah i r gol dsmi t hs put on the sacred t hread, t hey were
excommuni cat ed by the Khandesh Ahi r s . The Poona Ahi r s
THE TURUSKAS AND THE MAGAS 633
had come t o me ( i n t hi s connection ) when I t ol d t hem t o the
' f ol l owi ng ef f ect : " Al l these your classes were or i gi nal l y
Abhl r a ones. The Abhi ras had no sacred thread. The Khandesh
Ahi r s have preserved t hei r or i gi nal practice, and i t i s l i ke l y
enough for that reason t hat t hey have excommunicated you. "
THE TURUSKAS OR THE TURKISH KINGS
The Rajataranginl calls the ki ngs who rul ed i n the Nor t h
about this t i me as "Turuskas" or "Kusanas." These Turuskas
belonged to the Tur ki s h stock. Hi ma Kadphises, one of the
ki ngs of t hi s dynasty, is described on his coins as
The name of this ki ng is by no
means Hi n d u , but f r om the description gi ven of hi m, i t appears
t
that he had become a staunch Saivite. The date of this ki ng
may possibly be the second or the t hi r d century after Christ.
On one side of his coins there is an effigy of hi m wi t h the
Tur ki s h hat, the Fez. On the other side of his coins there is an
image of Nandi n ( = the bul l of Siva), and near it the image
of a person, havi ng a t r i dent ( t he Tr i sul a) in his hand ;
wherefore it fol l ows that the image must be of Siva hi msel f.
It t hus cl earl y fol l ows t hat t hi s ki ng was undoubt edl y a
devotee of Siva.
THE MAGAS BECOME BRAHMANS
There are also other instances to show that the foreigners
comi ng f r om outside became Brahmans. The "Magas" are one
of such people. They fi rst established colonies i n Rajputana,
Mar war , Agr a and Bengal. There is an I nscr i pt i on of Saka
1028 concerni ng the Magas, whi ch contains the f ol l owi ng
account of t hem :
There was a tribe called Maga in the Sakadvlpa, whom
Samba or Samba brought over here. Six men of this family
became famous poets. The Bhavisya Purana contains an
account of Samba who brought the family to India. Samba
constructed a temple on the bank of the Candrabhaga. The
river of Chenab was formerly called Candrabhaga. The Brahmans
of that time looked wi t h disfavour upon becoming the
worshippers of gods, and so Samba could not secure any
worshipper. He was then asked by the preceptor of Ugrasena
to bring over from Sakadvlpa the Magas and to make them the
worshippers. Accordingly Samba brought the Magas and
assigned to them the duty of worshipping the god. There was
formerly at Multan a golden temple of the Sun. This was the
same temple that was destroyed by the Mahomedans in the
last but one century (l i t . in the century preceding the
last century).
Varahamihira lays down the rule that the Bhagavatas should
set up (the worship &c. of) Visnu, the Magas that of the Sun &c.
(He says:)
From this it clearly follows that the Magas had a colony ( or
settlement) here at the time of Varahamihira. The date of
Varahamihira is 509 Saka. From the Sloka given above, it
appears that the practice of consecrating (t he temples of) the
Sun at the hands of the Magas was in vogue to about that time.
We may now consider for a while who these Magas were.
The priests of the Persians are known under the name of the
Magi in the history of Persia. The ' Magi ' and the ' Magas'
are probably identical. The language of the Avesta, the
THE MAGAS AND THE HUNAS 635
sacred wor k of the Persians and t hat of our Vedas are ver y
nearl y si mi l ar . Though the Persians regard some of our
deities as evi l spi ri t s, s t i l l the dei t y' Mi t r a ' i s common t o bot h.
The wor shi p of t hi s god had even extended to Syri a, Asi a
Mi nor , Rome and ot her places; and i t must have extended t o
I ndi a in t he east, as it had spread to Rome in the west. The
Magi of the Persians are our I ndi an Magas.
The Magas came to be regarded as Brahmans after t hey
came over to I ndi a. They wore r ound t hei r necks a sacred
t hread known as Avyanga, whi c h was a cord made of the cast-
off s ki n of serpents. The Bhavi sya Purana contains an account
of t hi s ( Avyanga) , whi c h also says that t hi s cord was to be
t i ed r ound the mi ddl e part of the Sun' s image. The Magas
aft erwards gave up the Avyari ga-cord and began to wear t he
Hi n d u sacred thread ( Ma r a t hi : Janavem ).
THE HUNAS
About the t i me of t he downf al l of the Gupta Empi r e - i . e.,
about t he end of the fi ft h cent ur y A. D. , - the Hunas penetrated
i nt o I ndi a. Two ki ngs of t hi s l i ne are ver y we l l known f r om
I nscr i pt i ons, vi z. , Toramana and Mi hi r akul a. Karnadeva, the
r ul er of Cedi (Chat t i sgad) had marri ed the Huna princess
Aval l adevi . Among t he various Rajput Gotras, there is one
called Hana. Fr om these t wo facts i t fol l ows that the Hunas
got i ncorporat ed wi t h the Hi ndus . One t r i be of these Hunas
went over t o Hungar y and established i t sel f there where i t
s t i l l f l our i s he s .
INCLUSION OF THE GURJARA KINGS AMONG THE KSATRIYAS
It now remains t o consider the Gurjars, who were the last
of t he foreigners t o come over i nt o I ndi a. The wor d Guj j ara
was Sanskritised i nt o Gurj ara, and t hei r count r y was called
Guj arat h f r om t he t we l f t h cent ur y. Before t hat , t hat count r y
was k n o wn as the Lata count r y. The " Lat i R i t i " i s referred
to in the Kavyaprakasa also. There is a Di s t r i ct k n o wn as
' Guj ar at h' i n t he Panjab, whi c h was t he or i gi nal place of t he
Gurjaras. A copper-plate I ns cr i pt i on and a stone one were
f ound at Diciwana and Gbafciyala bearing date Vi kr ama Saka 9. In
these I nscr i pt i ons the provi nce of Guj arat h is called Gurj a-
rat ra ( i . e., the l and t hat gives shelter t o t he Gurj aras). The
provi nce of Lata acqui red t hat name when these people be-
l ongi ng t o t he Gurj ara t r i be moved down t o t he Sout h. They
established t hei r r ul e i n Mar war , and i n t hat dynast y t here
were si x ki ngs, vi z. , Devasakt i , Nagabhat a, Ramabhadra, Bhoja-
raja, Mahendrapala and Mahi pal a. Bhoj a established hi s
power over Kanauj , and his descendants Mahendrapala and
Mahi pal a had t hei r capi t al at Kanauj i t sel f. The Rastrakutas of
Maharastra and t he Gurj ara ki ngs of Mar war and Kanauj were
const ant l y at war wi t h each other. A Mahomedan hi st or i an
says t hat t he t wo Ki ngdoms of t he " J u r j a " and " Ba l ha r a "
adj oi ned each ot her. " J u r j a " i s Gur j ar a, and Balhara i s t he
Rastrakufa dynast y. An I ns cr i pt i on says about these [ Gur j ar a]
Ki ngs t hat t hey belonged t o the Pr at i han Dynast y. The Poet
Rajasekhara was t he preceptor of Ki n g Mahendrapal a of
Kanauj . The poet i n his Bala-Ramayana i ncl udes t hi s k i n g i n "
t he f a mi l y of Raghu and describes h i m as Raghukul acudamani ,
( i . e., t he crest-jewel of t he f a mi l y of Raghu ). A t r i be known
as Guzr is f ound, even to t hi s day, to have spread i t sel f to t he
sea of. Azab i n Russia. Fr om t hi s i t f ol l ows t hat after these
t ri bes of cowherds or shepherds wander i ng i n cent ral Asia,
came t o have domi ni ons i n I ndi a, t hey were by Rajasekhara
called " Ki n g s bel ongi ng t o the Dynast y of Raghu" , and were
compl et el y Ksat ri yai sed.
THE EXPANSION OP THE GURJARA TRIBE
Tod ment i ons four fami l i es of t he Raj put s, vi z. , (1) Pagli-
hara, (2) Pramara or Paramara, (3) Cahumana ( Cavhana) ,
and (4) Sol ankl . None of these is a Sanskri t name. To seek
a Sanskrit et ymol ogy for these names woul d be as ( r i di cul ous
CONCLUSION
637
as) der i vi ng the wor d ( Kh u r c h i = a chai r ) as
Of t he four fami l i es ment i oned above, the Padihara
f ami l y i s i n some places called also by the name " Gur j a r a " .
Fr om t hi s i t i s reasonable t o conclude that these four fami l i es
were Gurj ara fami l i es. Of those the Sol ankl Branch was
established at Anahi l apat t ana i n 961. It was f r om t hi s t i me
f or war d t hat that provi nce was called Guj arat h. It appears
that l i ke the Abhi ras, the Gurjaras came in large hordes, since
among the exi st i ng (Gurjara) classes, there are Gujar Gaucla
Brahmanas (these are to be found in Rajaputana), Gujar
gol dsmi t hs, carpenters, blaoksmiths &c.
CONCLUSION
Thus al l the foreigners, vi z. , the Yavanas, the Sakas, the Abhi ras,
the Tur ks (Turuskas), the Magas, the Hunas and the Gujars who
came i nt o I ndi a at different periods got absorbed i n the Hi n d u
Society. None of the tribes is to be (now) found as di st i nct
f r om the Hi ndus . Such was not however the case wi t h t he
Mahomedans, the reason bei ng that r el i gi on is t hei r predomi nant
i nst i nct . As G. K. Gokhale (Ori gi nal ' Gopal rao' onl y) said, we
must also freel y mi x wi t h t hem. Our t r adi t i on f r om early times
has been t o incorporate wi t h i n ourselves al l (others): i f t hi s
t r adi t i on were to be kept up in the fut ure, even the aggressive
tendency of the Mahomedans is l i kel y to be curbed. The
foreigners who came here before the Mahomedans were
absorbed so qui ckl y and on such a large scale in the Hi n d u
social organisation, that i n the modern society (of Indi a) any
at t empt tb decide who is an Ar yan and who a non- Ar yan
woul d be qui t e f ut i l e. Mr . Jackson has in one of his wr t i ngs
expressed a si mi l ar opi ni on. [ Hi s words are:]
" I t remains to refer to certain ki nds of ment al bias that are
apt t o affect the j udgment i n questions of I ndi an hi st or y.
There is, in the first place, what may be called the pat ri ot i c
bias, t hough it is shared more or less by European as we l l as
Indian scholars. It shows itself in a tendency to exaggerate the
freedom of India from foreign influences, and to claim entire
orginality for suoh inventions as the Indian Alphabet, which
bear their foreign origin on their face. This school loves to
trace the leading.castes of the present day to an Aryan origin
and to accentuate the Hindu orthodoxy of the kings and
conquerors of old. When these are looked upon as Hindus
from the beginning, the most important fact in Hi ndu history
is overlooked. I mean the attractive power of Hi ndu civilisation,
which has enabled it to assimilate and absorb into itself every
foreign invader except the Moslem and the European. Those
Indians have indeed a poor idea of their country's greatness,
' who do not realise how it has tamed and civilised the nomads
of Central Asia, so that wi l d Turkman tribes have been
transformed into some of the most famous of the Rajput Roval
races."
*
CHRONOLOGY OF THE WRITINGS, AND OF THE
WORKS FROM WHICH EXTRACTS HAVE BEEN
INCLUDED IN THIS VOLUME.
1864
1. First Book of Sanskrit, Extraots from the Prefaces
to[ First Edition published in 1864]. (pp. 413-414)
1868
2. Second Book of Sanskrit, Extracts from the Prefaces to-
[First Edition published in 1868]. (pp. 415-421)
1876
3. On Bhavabhuti ; being extracts from the Preface to the
Second Edition of the Malatl-Madhava of Bhavabhati, wi t h the
Commentary of Jagaddhara, Bombay Sanskrit Series. [First
Edition 1876 : Second Edition 1905]. (pp. 422-438)
1883
4. Basis of Theism, and its relation to the so-called Revealed
Religions. (pp. 603-616)
1884
5. Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts during
the Year 1882-83 and on the State of the Present Collections of
Manuscripts, Extracts from (pp. 1-57)
1887
6. Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts during the
Year 1883-84, Extracts from (pp. 58-291)
1891
7. A Note on the Age of Marriage and its Consummation
according to Hindu Religious Law. (pp. 538-583)
1893
8. History of Child Marriage. (pp. 584-602)
640 CHRONOLOGY
1894
9. Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts during the
Years 1884-85.1885-86, 1886-87, Extracts from(pp. 292-348)
10. Social Reform and the Programme of the Madras Hindu
Social Reform Association. (pp. 503-517)
1895
11. Presidential Address at the Ni nt h Indian Social
Conference held in 1895. (pp. 487-502)
1897
12. Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts during
the Years 1887-88, 1888-89, 1889-90, 1890-91, Extracts from
(pp. 349-412)
1901
13. Social History of India. (pp. 443-470)
1902
14. Presidential Address at the Bombay Provincial Social
Conference held in 1902. (pp. 518-526)
15. Presidential Address at the National Social Conference
held at Ahmedabad in 1902. (pp. 527-537)
1903
16. The Position of the Prarthana" Samaja in the Religious
world. (pp. 617-623)
17. A Note on Ekavali. (pp. 439-442)
1909
18. The Incorporation of Pre-Mahomedan Foreigners into
the Hi ndu Social Organisation. (pp. 624-638)
1915
19. The Indian Caste System. (pp, 471-486)
*
INDEXES.
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE FOLLOWING INDEXES.
C.= Country.
Ca. = Calukya.
Cen. = Century.
Cora. = Commentary, or Commentator.
D. = Dig5mbara.
D. or Dy. = Dynasty,
Ds-Dharmasastra.
F. = Family.
Gr.-Grammar.
H. P. = High Priest.
J. = Jain.
K. - Ki n g .
Li t . -Li t erat ure.
Mbh. = Mahabharata.
Med. = Medicine.
Mss. = Manuscripts.
N. = Name.
Phi. = Philosophy.
Ras. = R5straknta.
Rg. or Rv- =Rgveda.
S. -System.
S.-Svetambara.
Sk. or Skr.-Sanskrit.
Tan. -Tantric.
U. = Upanisads.
VV. -Verses, etc.
INDEX I .
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES.
Abu, Mount, p. 80; an Inscription there
composed by Somesvara, p. 90.
Adijina temple, p. 282.
Ahmedabad, account of a visit to and
the Jain Bhandaras there, pp. 82ff;
p. 527.
Ajayameru = Ajmir, p. 54.
America, p. 499,
Anahilapattaoa, p. 3, 475 ; capital of
Siddharaja, p. 72 ; in Gujarath where
the Solahki branch of Rajput kings
was established in 961, p. 637.
Xnandapura, the place where Uvata
lived ; identified wi t h Vadanagar in
Upper Gujarath, p. 3.
Andhradesa, p. 163.
Antarvedl = The Doab, p. 155.
AparSnta = Northern Konkan. p. 35.
AsSpalll (place), p. 52; 85.
Australia, p. 499.
Avanti, p. 3; 453.
Bactria, the eastern part of Persia,
occupied by the Greeks, p. 626.
81 [ R. O. Bbandarkat's works, Vol
Badarikasrama, p. 21,
Bankapura in VanavSsa Province,
p. 276f,
Baroda, p. 522; its rulers to be declared
Ksatriyas, p. 523.
Bhottatta or Bhotatta, a Northern
country, p. 338.
BrShmapal, a village near Jaypur,
P. 296.
Cambay, p. 56.
Candrabhaga, an old name for rivei
Chenab. p. 634.
Candravati Modern Jhalrapattan,
p. 158.
ChatravallTpuri ( place ), p. 52
Citraknta ( chjttor), p. 53 ; 54.
DHmacika, a place mentioned in a
Nasik cave Inscription, p. 631.
Dattamitra ( Dat t ami t i ) , a town in
Sauvlra, near Sind, mentioned in a
Nasik Inscription, p. 628.
Deccan, p. 453,
i. i i . i
J42
INDEX t
Kamalasila ? p. 53.
Kanauj, capi tal of Bhoja, Mahendra-
pSla, and Mahi pal a, p. 475, 636.
Kanheri cave Inscription, p. 454.
Kafijika, a place, p. 215.
Kasjha or Ka<Jh5 on the Yamuna,
Nort h of Delhi, p. 9, 137.
Kathi awad, l i mi t of the Maurya
empire, p. 474, 528, 625.
Kedarakanta, in Garhwal State, p. 212.
Kedaranatha, p. 211; in Garhwal State,
p. 212.
Kharaghata, a place, p. 155.
Kolhapur, p. 522; its rulers to be
declared Ksatriyas, p. 523.
Konkan, p. 474.
Kosala, p, 460.
Kupakagrama mentioned in a stanza,
p. 632.
Ki i rpara = Kopargaum on the GodS-
varl , p. 149.
Kusumapura, p. 313.
eccan College, p. 521. |
evagiri, p. 72.
hanakataka, capital of SatavShana,
probably same as Dhenukakata,
p. 627.
hara, capital of Mal wa, p. 41, 53,
249, 341.
harmapura on the N armada, p. 37.
henukakata, town on the banks of
the Sapta-Godavari, p. 627.
hi l l i ( = Prakri t Del hi ) , p. 336,
holpur, p. 340, 343.
inndiyanaka ( place ), p. 52.
varavati , p. 73.
kacakra ( Ara in Behar) place on
the Yamuna, p. 143.
Slphinstone College, p. 521.
Ganj am= limit of the Maurya Empire,
p. 625.
Gaudamandala = Bengal, p. 207.
Gautaml R. = Godavarl R., p. 12.
Gaya, a town, p. 91.
Gogasthana, a town, p. 9.'
Gokarna Mahabalesvara, situated in
Gorastra, p. 65.
Golagrama in Vi darbha, p. 213.
Gorastra ( i n the South ) = portion of
Nort h Kanara District, p. 65.
Gujarat, in Bombay Presidency, p. 287,
475, 528.
Gtujarath in Punjab, original place of
the Gurjaras, p. 636.
Hamsanatbaji's Temple, p. 82.
Hosala C. = Mysore, p. 99.
Hosapattana in Hoysana country,
p. 99.
Iludurga = Idar, p. 287f.
JagannBtha in Orissa, p. 6.
Javalipura, ( place ) p. 52.
Jesalmir, p. 56.
Kal i hga, province, South of Modern
Orissa, p. 330.
Kal yana ( Capi t al of Vi j j ana Kal a-
curi). p. 356.
LaksanavatI, Capi tal of Gau4a, p. 80.
Lat a, former name of Gujarath, l atter
name from 12th Cent., p. 475, 635.
Lohabala or Lohavala, a place ? p. 338.
Magadha, a kingly state in Buddha's
time, p. 535.
Mahadevi gi ri , where the SivasHtras
were manifested, p. 199n.
Maharotha, a place, p. 280.
Mal avarau = Mal ava K. , p. 338.
Mal wa, p. 3.
Mangalvedha, near Pandharpur, p. 23.
MannBr, p. 17.
Marahat t a = Prakri t for Mabarastra,
p. 339.
Marusthal l = Marwad, p, 54.
Mat hura, p. 474.
Maynradri , Capi tal of BbairavasSba
( q. v. ) , p. 9.
Medapata = Me wad, p. 42.
Mekal asuta = Narmada R., p. 363.
Mi t hi l a, p. 12.
Nagapura ( Na ? ), p. 53.
Nagara, a town, p. 90.
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES.
643
Nandi gi ri = Nanded in Ni zam t erri -
tory, p. 163.
Nandigrama = Nandgaon, p. 34f; its
identification wi t h Nandgaon near
Janj i ra, p. 35, 209.
Naravarapur!, . p. 53.
Narayanasthana, a place, p. 201.
Narmada, p. 370.
Nasi k Cave Inscriptions, p. 454.
Navanara ( pl ace) , p, 54.
Nebala = Nepala terri tory, p. 338,
New Zealand, p. 499.
Orissa, p. 331.
Pad ma pur a in Vidarbhas, p. 423&n.
Padmavati , ( in Mal at i - Madhava ) its
identification, p, 429.
Pai i hana, p. 72.
Pancala country = North-eastern por-
tion of Rajputana nearest to Agra
and Gwal i or, p. 343.
PBra ( i n Mal at i - Madhava ) its i denti -
fication, p. 429.
Parthapura on the Nort hern bank of
the Godavan, p. 38.
Patal i putra in Magadha, p. 283.
Patan, p. 56 ; account of a visit to it
for a search of Mss. ; Jai n Bhanda-
ras at the place, p. 58ff; collections
of Brahmanic works in? p. 69ff; date
of its foundation, p. 77.
Pattana, founded by Vanaraja, p 72.
80,283.
Prabhasa, mentioned in a Nasi k
Inscription, p. 629.
Prayaga, town, p. 91.
Punatambe, a place, p. 207.
Punjab, p. 445, 474, 475.
Punyastambha = Punatambem, p. 12.
Purnasa in the Mal ava Country, p.282.
Puapamala, ( a town ), p. 72.
Puspapura, p. 309.
Rajputana, p. 474, 475.
Raner = Rander, ( place ) in Guj arat h,
p. 328.
Ranthambhor = Ranastambhapura,
p. 331, 340.
Ratnamala, a town, p. 72.
Rome, p. 456, 476, 520,
Runa, a town, p. 48.
Sagavadanara in the province of Vag-
vara, p. 283.
Sakala, capital of Milindra, in Punjab,
p, 627.
Saketa besieged by Yavanas. mention-
ed in Mahabhasya (Arunad Yavanah
Saketam) p. 626.
Sammedacala, place, p. 283.
Sapadalaksa (country of " a lac and
a quarter" ) = country about the
Sambara lake in Rajputana, p. 91
&n.
8artha, a place on the Varada, p. 42,
Satrumjaya temple built, p. 80.
Saurastra, p. 453.
SIharanda = Sirhind, p. 212.
Sindhu ( in Malati-Madhava), its
identification, p. 429.
Somanathapattana, same a? PrabhSsa,
p. 629.
Sravasti, p. 460, 470.
Srimalapuri, p. 54.
Srinagara in Garhwal State, p. 2l l f.
Srlsthala in Gujarath, p. 40.
Stambhanakapura = Cambay? p. 52.
Suragraraa, a village, p. 435.
Surat, p. 328.
Svetadvlpa, p. 189.
Syria, forming l i mi t of the kingdom of
of Seleucus, p. 625.
Telanga = Tailahga country, p. 338.
Telahgana = Andhra C, p. 43.
TIrabhukti = Tirhut, p. 197.
Tribhuvanagiri ( place), p. 54.
UjjayinI, a Ksatrapa Dynasty ruling
at, about the beginning of the
Christian era to 389 s'aka, p, 309,
629.
Umnanagara, a place, p. 65.
Urahpattana = 01p5d,'place in Guja-
rath, p. 328.
Utkala = Odra= modern Orissa, p. 330,
341.
644
INDEX I I .
Vanar asi , Pr a kr i t for Var anasI , p. 338.
Vanga, p. 453.
Var uval u i n Hosal a count ry, p. 99.
Vasur avi (, Va s r a vi ) , a place, p. 287.
Vat apal l i , a place, p. 65.
Vi darbhas, p. 12.
Aksobhyat i r t ha, pupi l of Madhvacar ya
p. 17, 27.
Agas t ya ( sage ) p. 136, 351, 354.
Agni , p. 314; ( a J a i n st ory ) p. 314;
di sappeari ng from t he ear t h p. 314f.
Acyut apr eksacar ya, t he precept or of
Madhvacar ya p. 21.
Aj at asat r u, K. of Kasi , expl ai ni ng
Br ahma( n) to a Br ahman student, p.
193.
Aj i t adeva, Di g. J ai n H' g h Pri est p. 48
Ancal agaccha, br anch of Candra-
gacoha, dat e of i t s f oundat i on, p. 79,
Annayyacar ya, p. 19.
At r i , p. 319.
Ani r uddha, f our t h Vy u h a of I svar a,
accor di ng t o Ramanuj a possessing
t wo at t r i but es, assumed for dissolu-
t i on of t he wor l d, p. 184, 185.
Andhakas ( t r i b e ) p, 192.
Ami t a g a t i J ai n (di fferent from Aut hor
Ami t agat i ) p. 317.
Ar j una p. 331; escort i ng t he wi ves of
Krsna, pl undered by t he AbhTras, |
p. 632.
Asvapat i , K. of Kekeya, p. 193.
Adi nat ha (Jai n) hi s brass i mage, p.80.
Anandabhat t a, p. 15.
Anandayasogani of Devagi r i , p. 84.
Anandar aya (Jai n), p. 49.
Ama, f ami l y priest of Kar na, Pat an Ca.
K. , p. 90f.
Vi deha, p. 12,458, 473.
Vi dehanagara i n Mi t h i l a , p. 435.
Vi svavasu, p. 17.
Vya nka t a gi r i , p. 196.
Yamanapura, a place, p. 208.
Yodapur a = Jodhpur, p..49,
| Ami ga, f ami l y pri est ] of Pat an Ca.
Ki ngs, p. 91.
Asval ayana and Sankhayana Sakhas,
difference bet ween these t wo accord-
i ng t o Caranavyuhabhasya.
:
consi st -
ed i n t he excl usi on or i ncl usi on of
t he Rgveda V I I I 58, p. 296, 305; pre-
g | sent day evi dence. t o show t hat A. is
not a Samhi t S Sakha, p. 304.
As val ayani Sakha, p, 299&n2.
8 Ahada, an ancest or of Somesvara
( Ki r t i ka umudi ) p. 91.
9,
I ndr a j i t , p. 317.
'
I svar a, hi s fi ve mani f est at i ons accord-
i ng to Ramanuj a, p. 184.
ing to Ramanuja, p.184.
Upar i car a Vasu, f ol l ower of Pafica-
r at r a, p. 192.
Umapat i , (god) p. 67.
Usijas, p. 104.
of Kacchapa I ncar nat i on, p. 310&n. ,
s, 311&n.
Kat ukesvar a = Siva, p. 91.
Kapalakuncjala, p. 428.
Kar hada Brahmans, t hei r vi l i f i c a t i on;
10. t hei r present day r eput at i on, p 135.
Ka l k i n ( I nc a r na t i on) , p. 311&n.
Kavasa Ai l usa, a non- Br ahmana be-
comi ng a Br ahmana p. 472.
Ka vi ndr a t l r t ha , p. 17,
Kas ot i ( J a i n ) I mage, p. 80.
INDEX I I .
I N D E X OF MYT HOL OGI C AL NAME S & WORDS .
I NDEX OF MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES & WORDS. 645
Kapalas, a sect of Mahesvaras, p. 198.
Kamadeva of Jayantlpuri, p. 318.
Kamandaki, in the (Malati-Madhava),
p. 427.
Kalamukhas, a sect of Mahesvaras,
p. 198.
Kumara, family priest of Pat an kings ;
his military exploits; an ancestor
of Somesvara Kirtikaumudi; family
priest of Siddharaja, pp. 91f.
Kumbhakarna, p. 317.
Kuru-Pandava story, Jain version of,
p. 315.
Krsna Incarnation emphasised by
Nimbarka, p. 26; as god, p. 191; K. ,
element in Bhagavata system, p. 193;
K. in Vallabha system, p. 196.
Krsnabhatta, p. 17.
Krsnasastrin, p. 18.
Krsnacarya, p. 18, 19.
Kedara, a god, p. 9,
Kesavas nine and their nine enemies,
p. 311.
Kesavacarya, p. 19.
Kaurava story distorted by Vyasa
( ace rdingto Jains), p. 316.
Kauleya p. 136.
Ksatriyas, their part more active in
religious speculation than that of
Brahmanas, p. 192f ; original possess-
ors of religious t r ut h; active in
propounding religious doctrines,
p. 193.
Kharataragaccba, origin of the name,
p. 51 ; date of its foundation p. 79.
Ganavijayagani, pupil of Labhavijaya-
gani, p. 68.
Ganesa or Ganapati, extolled in
Mudgalapurana, p. 134.
Garuda, p. 184.
Gargi Vacaknavi, a historical person,
p. 504; mentioned in an Upanisad
as taking part in philosophic dis-
pute, p. 504f.
Guracarya, p. 20.
Guleva, a family name, p. 90.
Ookula in Val l aan osy , p. l
Gopis, in Vallabha system, p. 196.
Goloka = the heaven in Vallabha
system, p. 196.
Govinda element in Bhagavata system,
p. 193.
Govindasastrin, p. 17.
Gaudasarasvata ascetics Acaryas &c.,
mentioned in the Varijaksacarita,
p. 134f.
Gautama ( Jainism), p. 316.
Ghuli-b3lacSrya. p. 20.
Cakratirtha p. 17.
Candadeva of Srimala caste, p. 80.
Candrakirti ( Jain ), p. 48, 49.
Caitanya, p. 26.
Caityavasins (Jain), p. 51,
Chaya, daughter of Mandapa Kausika,
pp. 313f; her story ; ibid.
Jagannatha of Orissa, p 198.
Janaka, p. 458.
Jana"rdanacarya, p. 18.
Jamadagni and Sahasrarjuna, their
story, p. 72.
Jayatirtha, p. 17.
Jayasekhara ( Jain ), p. 48.
Jamadagnas, p. 301.
Jinacandra, Jain Pontiff, p. 51 his
life, p. 52.
Jinadatta, Jain Pontiff, p. 51; his life,
and family, p. 54.
Jinapatisuri, Head of Kharatara-
gaccba, p. 51.
Jinamati, the Jain Saint, (of UjjayinI),
p. 317.
Jinaraja, Head of Kharataragaccba,
p. 47.
Jinavallabha ( Jain Pontiff,) his life,
p, 51, 52f.
Jinendrasuri Srlpnjya, p. 68.
Jinesvara ( Jain Pantiff ), p. 51 ; His
life, p. 52.
Tapagaccha, its Nagpura branch, p. 48;
date of the establishment of its
1
doctrine, p. 79.
646
INDEX I I
Daksa (mythologioal), p. 134.
Digvijaya Rama, his idol brought from
Badarikasrama by Madhvacarya,
p. 21. '
DIrghatamasas, p. 104.
Duryodhana, p. 310, 317 ; D. and other
Kauravas, resorting to Jina's teach-
ings, p. 315.
Durvasa, Sage dining at the hands of
Draupadi, a Ksatriya lady, p. 512.
Dusyanta, p. 427.
Devabhadracarya ( Jain ), p. 54.
Devasvamin ( Jain), a donee, p. 109,
317.
Draupadi, her becoming the wife of five
found fault with ( by Jains), p. 315nl.
Dharmacandra, pupil of Haribhadra-
sOri of Prthugaccha, p. 85.
Dhumralocana, a demon, p. 89.
Dbondo RaghunStha, name of Jaya-
tirtha, a native of Mangalvedha,
High Priest of Madhvas, in his
previous Asrama, p. 17, 23.
Nandin ( bull of Siva ) on one side of
the coin of King Hima, p. 633.
Nandisvamin, a donee, p. 109.
Nabhanedistha, his story in the Ai t a-
reya Brahmana as illustrating the |
senses of the three past Tenses(Skr.),
p. 417f.
Narasimhacarya, p. 19, 20.
Naraharitirtha, p. 17; pupil of Madhva-
carya, p. 21; sent to Orissa, p. ibid.
Nakulisa Pasupata, p. 198.
Nanuka, a Karhada ( family ) name ?
p. 135.
Narada, p. 189, 190.
Narasimha Incarnation, p. 310&n,
311&n.
Narayana (God), his worship enjoined
by Ramanuja, p. 26,191 ; N. element
in Bhagavata system, p. 193.
Nisumbha, ( demon ), p. 88.
Nrsimhacarya, p. 18.
Nemisena ( Jain), p. 317.
Paccha, Jain, p. 49. '
Panoasara Parsvanatha, p. 80.
Padmanabhatirtha, pupil of Madhva-
carya raised to Pontifioate, p. 17, 21.
Padmaaundaragani ( Jain ), p. 49.
Parasurama, his destruction of the
Ksatriyas, p. 74; P. Incarnation
p.311n.
Pavanavega, converted by Manovega's
efforts to Jainism, p. 317.
Pasupatas, a sect of Mahesvaras,
p. 198.
Paficaratra system, its history, p. 189f;
same as Satvata system, its origin
and speoial points ; its non-vedic
origin ; its proper origin explained ;
its account in the Narayanlya, one
of the oldest, p. 191; a distinct non-
vedic system, p. 193f; originally
non-vedic becomes an Aupanisada
system, pp. 194f, 198; P. mentioned as
a separate religion professed by
Satvatas ; mentioned as being the
same as taught to Arjuna by Bhagvat,
p. 192; P. religion vindicated by
Madvha ; its historical nature
thrown in the back-ground in M.'s
system, p. 195.
Paiicaratras, accused of treating the
Vedas with contempt, p. 190.
Pancaratra Samhitas do not belong to
any one particular system, p. 197.
Pandu, his sons, p. 310.
Partha( Arjuna), p. 210.
Pasupatas mentioned by Bana and
HwhanThsang, p. 198.
Pasupata or Mahesvara = Saiva sys-
tem, p. 189,198.
Purusottama ( in Ramanuja system ),
p. 184.
Pururavas, his relations wi t h UrvasI,
p. 294, 427.
Pulastya, p. 319.
Pilrnimapaksa, its date ? p. 79.
Pracetas, p. 319.
Pradyumna-Vyuha of Isvara, for
protection of the world, p. 184 ; the
t hi rd Vyuha having two attributes,
p. 185.
INDEX OF MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES & WORDS. 64?
Pr adyumnacar ya, p. 18. !
Pr avahana, son of Jai bal a, p. 193.
Phanasa, a Kar hada f ami l y name p,
135.
Bal ar ama, p. 311n.
Bal i (demon K. ), p. 310.
Bakar a, a Kar hada f ami l y name p. 135.
Bal aki Gargya, p. 193.
Bal acSrya, 19, 20.
Baskal as, p. 302, 303,
Baskal a and Sakala Sakhas, t he Kar i ka
about the poi nt of difference between, j
quoted, p. 299n.
Baskal a t ext , i t s Sut r a and Gr hya, p.
298.
Buddha cal l ed Bhagavat ; B. (Gaut ama)
of the Sakya cl an, a Ks a t r i ya p. 193, ;
244; B. received i nt o Br ahmani c pan-
t heon ; B. ( i ncar nat i on ) p. 311&n ;
B. , 444, 450, 460, 476.
Bodhar ayacar ya, p. 20.
Bhakt ", p. 478; B. char act er i st i c of t he .
PHncar at r a school, p. 188f., B. doc-
t r i ne, i t s or i gi n, p. 191; B. school, ;
doct ri nes of p. 614,
Bhagadat t a ( l egendar y K. ) ment i oned
in Mbh; p. 353, 357.
Bhagavat as t i t l e of the Buddha and
Vasudeva, p. 193.
Bhal l asvami n, a donee, p. 109.
Bhavanandasar asvat i , a Gauda S3ra-
svat a Br ahmana, 134.
Bhav3nl or Durga, p. 87.
Bhagavat a or Pancar at r a system, p,
188f; a syst em of popular r el i gi on,
p. 189.
Bhhradvaj as, p. 104.
Bhavadacarya ( Jai n) , p. 54,
Bhl ma, p. 317.
Mandapa Kausi ka ; his s t or y; un-
mar r i ed recluse ma r r yi ng a wi dow,
p. 312f.
Ma t s ya I ncar nat i on, p 310&n, 311&n.
Manovega, p. 316.
Ma ha vl r a of t he J nat r ka race, a
Ks at r i ya, p. 193; 450.
Ma n u k a s (Sakha), p. 299&n2.
Mandoki Sakha, not yet t r aced, p. 305.
Mat hur as (Jai n) monks of Ma t hur a , p.
317.
Madhavat i r t ha, p. 17; pupi l of Madhva-
carya, p. 21.
Madbavasast ri n, p. 18.
Madhavasena ( Jai n t eacherj , p. 317,
ManabhadrasUri , a Hi g h Pr i est of
Prt hugaccha, p. 85.
Mahesvaras, refuted by Samkar acar ya
p. 198.
Mukundaof Ni mbar ka school, p. 27.
Munj a, s pi r i t ual adviser of Durl abha, p.
90; ancestor of Somesvara ( Kl r t i ka u-
mudi ), p. 91.
Mudgal a, a Sage, p, 134.
Yadu race, a Lunar race, p. 70.
Yama, J a i n st or y of hi s f al l i ng i n l ove
wi t h a g i r l and hi di ng her i n his
stomach, p. 314.
Raghunat hat i r t ha, p. 18.
Raghunat hacar ya, p. 17, 19.
Raghupat y3car ya, p. 19.
Raghuvar yat l r t ha, p. 18.
Raghat t amat i r t ha, p. 18.
Ranganat hacar ya, p. 18.
Rangacar ya, p. 17; R3raanuj l ya Guru,
p. 69.
Rat nasekhara ( Jai n) , p. 49.
Raghavendracarya, p. 19,
Rama ( Dasar at hi ) I ncar nat i on, p.
311n.
Ramas, ni ne, and t hei r ni ne enemies
p. 311.
Rama I ncar nat i ons, t hree ( Jamadagui )
p. 310&n, 311.
Ramacandr at i r t ha, p. 18.
Ramacandr asast r i n, p. 18.
Ramacandracarya, p, 19,
Ramasast r i n. p. 17.
Ramacar ya, p. 19.
Rayavi har a, p. 80.
Ravana, p. 316 ; f ol l ower of J ai ni s m,
i bi d.
Rudr amal a, erect ed by Jayasi mha, i t s
dat e, p. 80.
648 INDEX I I .
Revasvami-Diksita, p. 109.
LaksmI, mother of Somesvara ( Ki r t i -
Kaumudi), p. 92.
Laksmi-Narayana, (Ramanujiya Guru),
p,'69.
Lalla, spiritual adviser of Camuncja K.,
p. 90.
Luniga, temple of, p. 80.
Lohasvam'n, a donee, p. 109.
Vata Gaccha, date of the doctrine of
disuse of images in the Gaccha,
p. 79.
Vadava Pratitbeyi, p. 458 ; a historical
person, p. 504.
Varuna (in Aitareya Brahmana), p.417.
Vardhamana ( Jain Pontiff), his life,
p. 51.
Vasistha, his origin from UrvasI, p.
294.
Vagisatirtha, p. 17.
VScaknavi, p. 458.
VSmadeva, p. 104.
Vamana Incarnation, p. 310&n. 311&n.
V5yu, Jain story about him, p. 314.
Varijaksa, a special incarnation of
Visnu; identified with Vasudeva
and Siva ; belongs to the Gautja-
sSrasvata family; stories of V.,
p, 134; V. some local deity, p. 135,
136.
Vali falsely represented as killed by
R5ma ( according to Jains ), p. 317.
Vasudeva, first vyuha possessing six
great attributes; V. in RSmanuja
system, p. 185; V. as name of the
supreme deity, p. 188 ; V. recognised
as a supreme deity in Patanjali's
times, p. 189 ; V. worship, its origin ;
V. characteristic name of the
supreme deity according to Panca-
rStra, p. 191; V. as highest Brah-
ma(n); V- worship older than
Patafijali and. Panini, p. 192; V.
called Bhagavat; V. a Ksatriya
of the Yadava tribe : founder of a
theistio system; or a prince of the
Satvata race; deified and wor-
| shipped after his death, p. 193; V. of
Satvata religion, p. 198; V. p. 450,
| 478.
Vasudevas3strin, p. 17.
Vasudevacarya, p. 17.
Vijayadanasuri of Tapagaccha, p. 54.
Vidyadhiraja, a Madhva High Priest,
p. 23.
Vidyadhirajatlrtha, p. 17.
Vidyanidhitlrtha, p. 18,
Vidyadhisatlrtha, p. 18.
Vimalavasati, Vimala's Temple, date
of its construction, p. 80.
Visvamitra p. 320; V. born as a Ksatriya
became Brahmana; this epic story
| confirmed by an old tradition in
the Aitareya Brahmana p. 472.
Visnu, a supreme god, p. 22, 191; V. ole-
ment in Bhagavata system, p. 193 ;
V. as a more prominent name in
Madhva system than Vasudeva, p.
195; V. ( god ) incongruity of his
becoming a cowherd, a messenger
of the Pandavas, a charioteer of
Arjuna, a dwarf etc., p. 310 ; V.'s
ten traditional forms (Incarnations);
date of its being an ordinary belief ;
V. Son of Vasudeva, p. 311.
Visnusastrin, p. 17, 18-
Virasena ( Jain preceptor ), p. 317.
Virajas or Viravariisajas si Ik- weavers;
nduced to go from Paithan and
settle in Anahilapattana, p. 72; V.
go to Pattana and settle there;
their Ksatriya origin ; their inter-
marriages with Gujarath Ksatriyas;
names of their different families,
p. 74-
Visvaksena, p. 184.
Vuppadevabhattaof Kalamba, a ritual
teacher, p. 297, 298nl.
Vvsnis ( tribe ), p. 192.
Vedanidhitirtha, p. 18.
Vedavyasa, his idol brought from
Badarikasrama by Madhvacarya,
p. 21.
Vedavyasatirtha, p. 18,
Vaisnavism, different elements that
go to make it up, p. 193.
I NDEX OF MYTHOLOGICAL NAMES AND WORDS 649
Vyasatirtha ( Madhva system), p. 24.
Vyasacarya, p. 18.
Sakuntala ( heroine ), p. 427.
Samkara, ( god ), p. 316.
Sakalas, p. 303.
Sakala Sakha, p. 299&n2.
Sakala and Baskala, their Sutra and
Grhya, the same, p. 298.
Sankhayana school, p. 295 ; last
verse of RV. according to i t , p. 296.
Samasastrin, p. 17.
Samba, building a temple, p. 634.
Siva, his images referred to by Patafi-
j al i , p. 198 ; S. according to Saiva
school, p. 202f; S. according to
Spanda school, p. 203; Siva and
Visou worship taken by foreign
invading tribes, p. 519 ; S. wearing
tridant imago on one side of the
coins of King Hima Kadphises
p. 633.
Sumbha, ( demon ), p. 88, 89.
Saivas, a sect of Mahesvarai, p. 198.
Saivism, as old as Vaisnavism, its non-
historical nature, p. 198.
Sramanas, as enemies of the ritualis-
tic system of the Brahmana period,
p, 122.
Srikantha, a Gaudasarasvata family,
p. 134.
Srinivasac3rya, p. 20.
Srenika, p. 316.
Sarakarsana, as a second Vyflha of
Is'vara for creation of the world, p.
184; his two great attributes, p. 185.
Satyakamatirtha, p. 20.
Satyadharmatirtha, p. 19.
SatyanSthatirths p. 19.
Satyanidhitirtha, p. 19.
Satyaparakramatirtha, p. 20.
Satyaparayanatlrtha, p. 20.
Satyapnrnatirtha, p. 19.
Satyapriyatlrtha, p. 19.
Satyabodhatirtha, p. 19.
Satyavaratirtha, p. 19.
Satyavijaya ( Madhva Guru ) p. 196.
Satyavijaytirtha, p. 19.
Satyavlratirtha, p. 20.
Satyavratatirtha, p. 18.
Satyasamkalpatirtha, p. 20
Satyasamtustatirtba, p. 20.
Satysamdhatlrtha, p. 19.
Satyabhinavatlrtha, p. 19.
Satyestatirtha, p. 20.
Sarvadeva, a family priest of the
Calukya Kings of Patan ; S. an an-
cestor of Somesvara of ( KTrtti-
kaumudi ) p. 91.
SamkhyayanI Sakha, p. 299&n2.
Satvat, a descendant of Yadu, p. 192.
Satvatas, p. 192; their history, ibid.
Satvata Vidhi, revealed by the sun, p.
192.
Satvata Religion, its Ksatriya origin,
p. 192f., 198. (See also Pancaratra).
Satvatarsabha,Satvatapumgava = Vasu
deva, p. 192.
SIta, p. 310.
Sugrlva, p,316; follower of Jainism; ibid.
Sudharmasv5min, (Jain) p. 65.
Sundarabhatta ( of Nimbarka School)
p. 27.
Subanabhatta, p. 17.
Sumatigani, p. 54.
Surac3rya (Jain) p. 51.
Sulabha Maitreyi, p. 458.
Sukara (Boar) Incarnation, p. 310&n,
311&n.
Soma, priest of Bhima I, Patan Ca. K.,
p. 90.
Somanatha (god) p. 45.
Somavamsavibhnsana, p. 70!.
Hanisaklrti (Jain) p. 49.
Hari or Hara, not the supporters of
the Universe (Jain), p. 263.
Hariscandra ( of Aitareya Brahman a )
p. 417.
Harisimhacarya (Jain), p. 54.
Hiranyakesins, Brahmans of Poona, us
authority in deciding a reading in A
Sutra text, p. 596.
HiravijaysGri, p. 65.
Hrmkesa (in Ramanuja system), p. 185.
82 ( R. G. Bhandarkar's works, Vol . I I . 1
*
INDEX I I I
I NDEX OF MODERN SCHOLARS AND NAMES
Auckland Colvin, Sir, on Indian Social
Reform, p. 524.
Aufrecht, Professor, his Oxford Cata-
logus Catalogorum ), p. 7, 8, 43, 70,
137,138,140,149,212, 217f, 324, 333,
346, 436.
Ayi n Akbari, p. 287,
Benfey, Prof., his Smaller Grammar,
p. 415.
Bhandarkar, Devadatta Ramkrishna
( youngest son of the author ) finding
references for Ramkrishna Gopal
Bhandarkar ( author), p. 625.
Bhandarkar, Ramkrishna Gopal, Sir,
( author ) his keen regret for the
shortness of his Mss. Report for
1884-87; reasons, being illness and
other unavoidable work, p.292 ; " all
my life a school master" and "casti-
gating boys ; " motive of his visit to
Madras seven hundred miles away
from his closet in Poona, p. 503 ; his
dissatisfaction wi t h the smallness
of the social reform ideas realised,
p. 516f ; his view about the Indians
taking up social reform ideals, p. 525;
refuting the charge of being a pes-
simist in social matters, p. 5341'; his
literary controversies ; studiod dis-
courtesy shown to him on one occa-
sion, p. 580.
Bhandarkar, Shridhar Ramkrishna
( author's eldest son ), p. J 37.
Bright ( John ), p. 533.
BUhler, Dr., p. 59f ; 76, 77, 85, 137, 140,
. 159, 202, 211, 224, 249, 288 ; his report
on Kashmir Mss., p. 67,133, 201, 216f;
his spirit of fairness ; cause of the
influence wielded by him, p. 287.
Burnell, his catalogue of Tanjore Mss.
p. 100, 105, 164, 177, 178, 205, 293,
333, 334, 349.
Candrakanta Tarkalamkara, p. 541,
558.
Chakravati Babu Manmohan, p. 440.
Chamdorkar, p. 55.
Chandawarkar N. G., p. 527.
Chatterji, Mr. Mohini Mohan, saying
that garbhadhSna is disregarded
among the Kulins Brahmans of
Bengal, p. 590.
Chintamani C. Y., p. 503.
Cobden, p. 532f.
Colebrooke, p. 96, 287; his Essays
p.250n.
I Cunningham, General, p. 81f, 148, 316,
430; Arch. Reports, p. 215.
Dadoba Pandurang, Rao Bahadur,
p. 479.
Datar, Acyuta Sastri, p. 55.
Datar Gangadhara Sastri, p. 99f, 107f.
137, 145.
Daya Vimala, his Bhandara, p. 82.
Devrao Hosing, p. 55,
Dhara, p. 247, 250.
Dipachanda Hemachanda, ( Mss,
owner ), p. 68.
Durgaprasad Pandit, p. 153, 350,
Early History of the Deccan, referred
to, p. 272, 274.
Eggeling, Prof., p. 158. 318 ; his Cata-
logue of the India Office Library,
p. 343f.
Encyclopedia Britannica, p. 524.
Forbes RasamSla, p. 78.
Gaihvkar, Dadabhai Madhava, Com-
mentator of SaryasiddhSnta, p. 212,
Gokhale, G. K., lecture of, on "Hi ndu-
Muslim Question ", p. 624.
Grant, Sir A., p. 415.
Hall, Dr., p. 148, 436n2 ; his edition of
INDEX OF MODERN SCHOLARS AND NAMES 651
Samkhyasara, p. 140, 147; his index
of Sanskrit Philosophy, p. 178.
HaugDr. , p. 413.
Hillebrandt, Prof., p. 308.
Hodgson, p. 148.
Howard, E. I . , Director of Public In-
struction, but for whom Sir R. G.
Bhundarkar would never have learnt
Sanskrit, p. 422.
Hultzsch, Dr., p. 340nl.
Hunter, Sir W. W., p. 332, 439, 442.
India Office Library, p. 287 ; Collection
of Mss. therein, p. 345f.
Isvaracandra VidyasSgara, his view
of Indians taking up Social Reform,
P. 524.
It sing, the Chinese traveller, p. 160,
Leoky, p. 499,
Lohavarni Polanum Bhandara, p- 82,
Machegan Visnu Garigadhar, p. 55.
Mackenzie Manuscripts, p. 155.
Mababhasya, Kielhorn's Edn., p. 287.
Makamodi Vania, his Bhandara at
Patau, p. 59.
Malava country, p. 247.
Mandalakara, a fortress in the Sapa-
dalaksa country, p. 246.
Manualik, his edition of Vyavahara-
mayukha, p. 147; his edition of
Manubhasya. p. 585.
Max Muller, Prof., his "Indiawhat
can it teach us V " p. 160 ; his opinion
regarding the cause why a man
thinks of religion, p. 618.
Modak Janardan Balaji, p. 138, 153.
Mohanavijaya, a Mss. owner, p. 68.
Morley, his life of Cobdon, p. 532.
Mulachandji, his Bhandara, p. 82.
Nalakacchapura, a place, p. 247, 249.
Nirantar Govind Sastri of Nasik, p.328.
Nizam, Oovernment of H.H.the, p. 154.
Oldenberg, a German Scholar, p. 300,
457 ; his view about the point of
difference between Asvalayana and
Sahkhayann Schools, p. 296.
Palaoographieal Series, p. 287.
Pandit S. P., p. 430.
Pathak K. B., Prof., p. 274, 318, 43 ;
Chairman at the lecture by Sir R. G.
Bhandarkar in the Deccan Sabha in
1909 p. 624.
Patvardhan Sitaram Sastri, p. 55.
Patvardhan Vitthalrao Ganesh, p. 147.
Peterson, p. 93; his Mss. for 1884-86,
p. 349 ; his article on JahIarm, p. 349f.
Pisehel, Prof., p. 56.
Premabhai Hemahhai's BhSndara, p. 82.
Pritisop's Essays, p. 182; his Tables
78f., 148, 250nl.
Raja Radhakantadeva, his Sabdakal-
padmma, p. 557.
Rajavijaya Dayavijaya, his Bhandara
at Patan, p. 59.
Jackson ( Mr.), opinion of, about the
mixture of Aryans with non-Aryans,
p. 637-8.
Jacobi, Prof., p. 56, 431.
Jaswantrai Gopalrai of Patan, owner
of Mss., p. 69 ; his library contain-
ing Pancaratra Samhitas, p. 191.
Jayasing Hathesing's Bhandara, p. 82.
Jolly, Prof., on the history of child
marriage, Z. 1). M. G. X LVI . pp. 413-
426, p. 584; emendation of J. spoiling
the senso, p. 586.
Kathawate Abaji Vishnu, p. 58.
Kelvin, Lord, on the evolution in
external nature, p. 621.
Kern, Dr., p. 212.
Kielhorn, Dr.. his scheme of catalo-
guing Mss., p. 55f; his translation of
Paribhasendusekhara, p. 147 : his
report for 1880 81, p. 334.
Kinloch Forkes, p. 288.
Kirkpatrick, p 148.
Kirste, Dr., edition of Hiranyakesin's
Grhya Sutra, p. 596.
Kirtane, his edition of Hammira
MahSkavya, p. 340n3.
Kl at t , Dr p. 64, 65.
Krpasamkara, a Mimamsaka, p. 69f.
alshankar Umiyashankar, p. 527.
652
INDEX I I I
Rajendralal Mitra, his notices of skr.
Mss, p. 324, 346.
Ranade M. G., Justice, p. 498, 516.
Rangacharya, K. Panditaratna employ-
ed to form a library for the Maharaja
of Mysore; on the marriage of girls,
p. 599 ( Note I )
Ratuavijaya, his Bhaandara at Patau,
p. 59.
Romesh, Sir, p. 574.
Roosevelt, President, his attempts to
be just to the Negroes of the United
States, p. 529.
Rupasagaraji, his Bhandara at Patau,
p. 59.
Sahebram, p. 133.
Sakambarl lake, p. 246,
tfantidasa Devakarana, owner of Mss.,
p. 68.
Sathe, Narayana Sastri, p. 55.
Satyavijayanyasa, (owner of Mss. )
p. 68.
Scott Sri Walter, his Ivanhoe, p. 420.
Senart M., a French scholar,p. 456,476,
479.
Sewell, his Sketch of the Dynasties of
Southern India, p. 332, 439.
Shralkar, his ( Book ) shop in Poona
city, p. 566.
Tarkacudamani Sasadhara, his views
about Garbhadhana refuted, p. 559,
565, 568, 574.
Telang, Justice, p. 558, 568, 573.
Tiele Professor, giving constituents of
Religion and Opinion of, regarding a
man's thinking of religion, p. 618.
Tilak B. G., of Ppona, his views about
GarbhHdhana criticised, p. 563 f.;
; his arguments about the time of con-
summation and his interpretation of
texts in the matter refuted, pp. 566-
575; his interpretations of texts
about GarbhSdhSna shown to be
wrong pp. 576-583.
Tod, his Annals of RSjasthana, p. 321,
636.
Trikamlal Anandlal, a Mss owner,
J p. 70.
Trivedi, K. P. p. 439.
Troyer, M. , p. 430.
Vaidya Covindbaba, p. 55.
Velankar, Ramachandra Dhonddev,
P. 82.
Vidyasagara Ishvara Chandra, p. 498.
Weber, Prof., his Berlin Catalogue, p.39,
70,96,147,149,296.
Westergaard, Prof., p. 70.
Yadusastri Takle, p. 55.
Yajfiesvarasastri, his AryavidySsudha-
kara, p. 217f.
*
*
to. IV
INDEX
Ami ra, a prince? p. 283.
Amoghavarsa of Ras. dynasty, his
date, p. 277n, 277f.
Amusyayana, a king or a pronominal
derivative V p. 250.
Ananta,sonof Mahidhara (son of Dada)
general of Melugi, p. 352, 356.
Andhrabhrtyas, mentioned in PnrSnaa,
after the Maury as, p. 625.
Anna, a K. defeated by Jahla, p. 353,
357.
Antiochus II Graudson of Seleucus ;
referred to in Asoka's Inscriptions*.
p. 625.
Arddhasera ( Ardesar ) a learned
priest of the Parsis, p. 41.
Arjuna, or Arjunadeva King, p. 329,
prince of Malwa, p. 329f; p. 246f., 250;
defeated by Janardana, p. 353, 357.
Arjunadeva, a Vilghela K., his date,
P. 75f.
Arne, king of Ajmir p. 54.
Asoka, Emperor of Pataliputra; his I n-
scription, p. 454, 625.
Asvaraja, a K. of Pragvata race, p. 93.
Aurangjib, p. ?8f.
Avalladevi, a Huna princess married
to Karnadeva. ruler of Cedi, p. 635.
Babhru, a K. defeated by Jahla, p. 353.
Baotrians establishing their power in
India, p. 626.
Bahadar, p. 77f.
Bahadur, his corpse found in the sea,
p. 79.
Bahara, the murderer of Mahimud,
p, 78.
Bajirav I, Peshwa, p. 326f.
Balatkaragana a branch of Nandi-
saragha, p.262; B. of the Mnlasnmgha
p. 278, 281, 282.
Balhara, kingdom mentioned by a
654 INDEX IV
Mahornedan historian, which is the
same as RSstraknta dynasty, p. 636.
Bankeyarasa of the Cellaketana family,
a governor of Ras. family, p. 278.
Bappa, (K.) of Mewar, p. 320.
Bappabhatti, a Jain saint, p. 432.
BhabhEya, a minister, p. 45.
Bhairavasaha son of Pratapa of the
Rastraucfha or Rathor race ; p. 9;
sometimes called Bhairammasaha, a
Mahornedan or Rajput name, p. 9f.
Bhaja, inscription on a cistern at,
p. 63X.
Bharahapala, a K. of T5ka race, p. 138,
Bharata (name occurring in a Jain
work ) p. 272.
Bhavesa, a prince, p. 140.
Bhillama ( V ) son of Mehigi, of the
Later Yadava dynasty,;). 352f, 356.
Bhima or Brhadbhima K. p. 45 ; B. of
Gujarath, K. of Calukya race, p. 50 ;
B. a K., his date, p.73; B. the younger,
his date, p. 75, B. K. of Patan, p. 92
B. a prince, p. 283.
Bhimadeva, K. of Gujarath, p. 45, 341f.
Bhimata, Kalanjara K. p. 370.
Bhogldaso, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
Bhoja,a king,during whose reign Uvata
lived ; his date ; to be identified wi t h
Bhoja of Avanti, p. 3; B. K. of Malwa,
his date. p. 50, 51, 341.
Bhojaraja, fourth Gurjara king of the
Marwar dynasty, p. 636.
Bhuyada caste of ( Jains ) p. 283.
Bir Sirhha Deo, a Tomara prince, p.216;
Virasimha; his history ; founder of
a Hindu Kingdom at Gwalior, ibid.
his date, ibid.
Brahma, a K. defeated by Jahla, p. 353.
Bukkaraya, founder of Vijayanagara
dynasty; his date as occurring in
an Inscription, p. 99.
Cahuvanas or Chahuwans or Cahumana
(Cavhana) p. 143; originally belong-
ing to a foreign race, p. 522 ; become
Rajputs, p. 523; a Rajput family
mentioned by Tod, p. 636.
Caitanya, his date, p. 198.
Calukya, early C. kings, the extent of
their dominious ; the origin claimed
by them ; not thoroughly extirpated,
p. 14; decoan C.s, their country
sometimes oalled-Telangana, p. 43 ;
list of C. Anahilapattana princes,
P. 45, 93; C. Ipngs ofc Patan their
dates, p. 73f.
Campa, a Jain lady, p. 283.
Camunda, a K. his date, p. 73 ; 77,
Camun4adeva K., p. 45.
Candapa of the Pragvata race, p. 93.
Candaprasada, p. 93; (a K. of Prag-
vata race.)
Candasimha of the Pragvata family,
minister of Calukya Gujarath kings ;
same as Candapa mentioned in Ki r t i -
kaumudl, p. 38.
Candesvara a minister of Mi t hi l a p.140;
C. a king, p. 335, 340 ; probably same
as Candamahasena or Canda of
Chohan race, p. 340.
Candra ( Candanarii), a Hindu name
in Junnar Inscription, p. 628.
Candrabhanu, king of Kasi; his genea*
logy, p. 12.
Candragupta-VikramSditya d r i v e s
away foreigners, the most famous
prince of the dynasty, p. 535; C.
founder of Maurya dynasty, p. 625.
Candraklrti, a Jain teacher, p. 283.
CandrSpIda, Kashmirian king, his
embassy to China, p. 430.
Candrasena, a Chohan prince, p. 140,
143.
Capotkata princes, their dates, p. 72f.
Castana, same as Tiastenes, name
occurring in some Inscriptions, and
coins, p. 630.
Cedipati, a K. p. 335, 340.
Celladhvaja, proper name, p. 277-
Cellaketana, proper name, p. 277.
Central Asian invading tribes, taking
up Hinduism, p. 519.
Chinese chronology as affecting the
dates of Kashmirian Kings, p. 430f.
Chohan Hammira, p. 343.
Cina =(people of C bina ) p. 338.
HISTORICAL I NDEX 655
Citra ( Citasa), the Yavana, giving the |
Dining Hal l , at Junnar, p. 628.
Co<jaganga, K. of Orissa, p. 440.
Colas, p. 340.
Colavai, Prakrit for'Colapati a king,
p. 336'.
Dabhoi Inscription, composed by Some-
svara (account of KIrtikaumudT), p. 10.
Dada", Commander of the troop of
Elephants; Conqueror of Vijjana
( Kalacuri K. ) , p. 352, 356.
Daraacika, Inscription in a Nasik cave,
mentioning D., p. 631.
Danis ( Jain ), p. 283,
Darpanarayana, a prince, p. HO.
DaudasSh, his date, p. 77.
Deo Brahi-u, a Tomara prince Deva-
varma = Devbarma, p. 216.
Dovasakti, first Gurjara king of the
Devasena, a Chohan prince, p. 143. '
Dhamma, a Yavana mentioned in a
Karla Inscription, p. 627.
Dhanacandra, a Jain, p. 248. |
Dharma, a king of Gauda, hereditary
enemy of Ama, p. 80.
Dhiramati, queen of Nnrasimhadeva,
K. of Mithila, or Tirhut N. called
KcimesvararSjapandita by caste a
Brahman, p. 148.
Dhruvasena I, a Valabhi prince called
a Bhagavata, p. 189.
Didwani, Inscription ( copperplate ) at.
of Vikrama Saka 9, calling the
province of Gujarath ' Gurjaratra'
p. 636.
Durlabha, a Calukya K. of Aanahila-
pattana, p. 51; D. a king, his date,
p. 73.
Durlabhadeva K., p. 45.
Dvijendraklrti, a Jain Teacher, p. 283.
Gahga dynasty, its rule over Orissa,
p. 439; its Inscriptions, p. 439f;
genealogy of the dynasty, p. 440f.
Gangadhara, son of Dads, p. 352, 356 ;
G. brother of Jahla, p. 353.
Gauda, K., p. 341.
Gautamiputra, defeating and extir-
pating the dynasty of Nahapana,
the foreigner, p. 629.
Gehlote dynasty, p. 320.
Ghatiyala, Inscription (stone) at
calling the province of Gujarath
" Gujaratra ", p. 636.
Gopala, Commander of Kirttivarman,
P. 341f.
Govinda I V, Rastraknta K. ; called
Sabasahka ; his date, p. 340f.
Gubila, K. of Mewar, p. 320.
Gujarat is, p. 485.
Gujjara ( Prakri t ) -Gurjara, K., p. 336,
339.
Gunda Inscription, p. 632.
Gupta Dynasty, p. 535.
Gurjaras, p. 340, 519.
Gurjara, originally a foreign race,
p. 522 ; Gurjara K., p. 341; G. kings
included among the Ksatriyas ; G.
sanskritised form of Gujjara, p. 635 ;
G. kings, belonging to the Pratiharl
dynasty according to the Inscrip-
tion ; G.s establishing their rule in
Marwar, p. 636; G. name assigned
to the Rajput PadihSra family ; G.
Gaud a Brahmans in Rajputana, p.637.
Guzr, a tribe similar to the Gurjaras,
spreading to the sea of Azab in
Russia, p. 636.
H'ammira, three kings of this name
the first of tbe Haranti branch of
Chohan dy., prince of Mevad at war
with Mahomedans, p. 49, 330f.
t
331,
340; another of Gehlote f., p. 320,
331, 340 ; a third of Sakambari of the
race of Chahuvana f.; mentioned in
Ekavali, hero of Hammiramaha-
kavya of Nayacandrasuri, p. 330,
331; H. K., p. 48, 335.
Harapharana, making a gift to the
hall at Karla Caves, p. 627.
Harasimha, a prince of Mi t hi l a, p. 140.
Harasimhadeva, a king of Mi t hi l a,
defeated by the Emperor of Delhi,
p. 148.
Harihara, king of Vijayanagar, p. 31.
Hariscandra, a king of T5ka race.
p. 133
656
INDEX IV
Harivanisavarman, son of Maiigo of
of Mahendra race, p. 148.
Hemantasena, of Sena dy , p. 347, 348.
Hemaraja, son of Resa, p. 283,
Hima Kadphises, a king of Kusana ( or
Turuska) dy.; this name is by no
means Hindu but from description
on coins appears to have become a
stannch Saivite, of 2nd or 3rd
century after Christ, p. 633.
Hindu dynasty of Guptas succeeding
foreigners, p. 535.
Hoysala Yadavas ruling over Mysore,
p. 99.
Humau, the Moghul K., his date, p. 49,
78.
Hilnas or Huns, put down by Yaso-
dharman, p. 535 ; H. coming to India
after the downfall of the Gupta
empire, ond of 5th cen. A. D. ; H. a
gotra among the Rajputs ; one tribe
of these H- established itself in
Hungary where it st i l l flourishes,
p. 635.
HwanThsang, the Chinese trave'ler,
p. 3, 198.
I-cha-fon mo ( Chinsse ) K. of Central
India sending an embassy to China
Yasovarman of Kanauj, p. 431.
Indra III or Nilyavarsa, ( RSs. K. ) ,
p. 370.
Indragnidatta, Yavana son of Dharma-
deva, in a Nasik Inscription, p. 628.
Irilasa, a Yavana, mentioned in a
Junnar Inscription, as constructing
two tanks p. 628.
Isvarasena, ninth year of, in a Nasik
Inscription, p. 632.
Jaganmalla, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
Jagannathasrama, a Ramanujiya Guru,
p. 162.
Jahangir, p. 78.
Jahla, son of D3da, his exploits ;
makes Bhillama king, defeats Gur-
jara K., p. 352f, 356f.
Jain sources for the date of Yase-
varraan's death, p. 432.
Jainollabhadena = Zainul Abuddin, K
of Kashmir, p. 152.
Jaisavalas, p. 283.
. Jaitugideva, son of Devapfila of the
Pramara race, king of Malava or
Avanti, p. 249, 250.
Jaitra, a Yadava (or Kolhapur Sila-
hara ?) K., p.355; as Jaitrapala, p.3 57.
Jajala - probably Jajadeva, minister
of Hamml a, mentioned by Naya-
candra, p. 340,
Ja :'alh, Prakrit for Jajala a Counsellor
P. 336, 340.
Jalaya (?) son of Vidyadhara, a Taka
prince, p. 9.
Janardana, son of Gahgadhar, p. 353,
357 ; J. tamed a lion, ibid.
Jaya-dama, son of Tiastenes of Ujja-
yinl, p.630.
Jayakirti, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
Jayasiriiha of the Patau Calukya
dynasty, p. 65 ; his date as given in
a work; J. K. of Kasmir, p. 430.
Jelaluddin Akbar; his date & genea-
logy, p. 211.
Junagad, Inscription (stone) at, men-
tioning Mahaksatrapa Rudradaman,
P. 630.
Junnar Inscription, mentioning a
Yavana, p. 627.
Jurja, a kingdom mentioned by a Ma-
homedan historian which is the
same as 'Gurjara', p. 636.
, Kacara, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
, Kalihga K. mentioned in Ekavall,
p. 330 :- Narasimha K., ibid.
Kalyana, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
Kamalakirti, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
Kamarnava, a king of Orissa, p. 441.
Kanhji, a Jain pilgrim, p. 283.
Kanneri or Kanheri caves, Inscription
in, near Bombay, p. 277, 630.
Kauvayanas, mentioned in Puranas
after the Maury as, p. 625.
Karaeuli ( = Kalacuri dynasty), p. 339.
Karavimukti, father of Madanapala?
P. 138.
HISTORICAL INDEX
657
karl a caves, Inscription in, referring to
Yavana people, p. 627.
Karna, a K. his date, p. 74, 339, 340, 342.
K. a Yaghela K., p.76; K. the younger*
his date, p. 76; conflict between
Karna Patan Calukya K. and K. of
Dhara, p. 90f. ; K. king of Cedi, of
Kara(la)curi dy., p. 341.
Karnadeva, a t!hohanprince, p. 45,143;
K.a king of Cedi married to the Huna i
princess Avaladevi, p. 635.
Kasi, K. of, p. 341.
Kaslsvara, a king, p. 337f; called Divo-
dasa in com., p. 338.
Kaumrapala ( - Kamalap3la ) of Agra, ;
p. 224.
Khanclelavala line (Jain), p. 283.
Kharepatan Plates, p. 70.
Khorasan, p. 340.
Krsna, K. of the later Yadava dy. help-
ed by Laksmideva, p. 354, 357 ; K. I I ,
Rastrakuta K., his date, p. 370 ; K.
I I I , R3s. K., p. 434 ; Krsnas (three of
Ras. dy.), their dates, p. 70.
Krsnadasa Ba(C5)hua?ia of Ksatriya
race, p. 283.
Krsnaraya of the Vijayanagara dy.,
his date, p. 70.
Ksatrapa, the name of Saka kings,
p. 628 ; derivation of K , p. 629 ; K.s
of Ujjay ini, line founded by Tiastenes,
p. 630.
Ksemaraja, a king, his date, p. 73.
Ksetrasiihha = Khaitasimha of the
Chelote dy., p. 321.
Kumarapala, a Jain K., p. 45, 54, 80, 91 ;
K. introduced Jain religion, his date,
P. 74.
Kumarasimha, p. 38.
Kumbhakarna, K. of Medapata or
Mewar, p. 331.
Kumbhakarna-Kumbho of the Ghelote
dy., p. 321; patron of Mandana,
author of RajavalJabhamancJana.
Kumbho, king of Mewad, p. 42 ; same
as Kumbhakarna mentioned by
Mandana, ibid.
Kunwar Pal, a Tomara prinoe = Kumara
Pal, p. 216.
83 R. G, Bhandarkar's works, Vol
Kusanas, mentioned in Rajatarangini,
as kings ruling in the north, p. 633.
Kutabadin, his date, p. 77.
Lakkhamadevi, queen of Candrasimha,
p. 140.
Laksa of the Ghelote dy., p. 321.
Laksmanasena, the six poets at his
court, p. 321; his date, ibid ; L. son
of Ballalasena, p. 344f.
Laksmideva, son of Janardana, p. 354
the beautiful garden ho built, p.
354, 357.
Lalitaditya or Muktapuja, king of
Kashmir defeated by Yasovarman,
p. 81f,; his embassy to China, p. 4291.
430f.
Lavanaprasada of the Vagheia-CS-
lukya dy. of Gujarath, p. 10, 44f.
Lokaditya or Cellapataka, a Governor
P. 276f.
Luniga, a prince of Pragvata line, p. 93.
Madafa(r), his date, p. 77.
Madanapala, K. p. 6; M. belonged to
Taka-race, a f. of petty ohiefs, ruling
at Kastha, p. 9; patron of Visvesvara-
bhatâ, author of Madanap5rij5ta ;
his date, p. 137ff.
Madhava, minister of Bukka and Hari
hara, kings of Vijayanagara. p. 437.
Madhavarav Peshwa, p. 327.
Magas, colonies of the foreigners in
Rajputana, Marwar, Agra and
Bengal; M. becoming Brahmans,
p. 633 ; Inscription concerning the
M relating their history ; M. , made
worshippers of Gcd by Samba, p. 634.
Mahadeva of the Yadava dy. king of
Maharastra, reigned at Devagiri,
p. 42, 101, 436.
Mahammad, p. 79.
Mahammad Faruki of Malwa, p. 78.
Mahammadshah, p. 78.
Mahamud Begarra, p. 78f.
Maharastras, a K. p. 341.
Maharaya Sivadasa, a prince, p. 197,
Mahasarman, a physician, p. 208.
Mahendrapala, K. of Gurjara dy. ruled
1. II. ]
658. INDEX IV
in Marwar, originally a Gurjara, but
oalled as belonging to the solar race,
p. 522, 636; K. of Kanauj, his dates,
p. 434.
Maul, a Jain Merchant, p. 283.
Mahldhara, son of D5da ; p. 352, 356;
defeated king Vijjana( kalacuri ) K.
ibid.
Mahimud ( I I ) ; his date; p. 77; M.
( Il l ) , his date; M. (IV) his date; p. 78.
Mahipala, a Pala K. of Bengal, p. 347 ;
M. Sixth Gurjara K. of the Marwar
dy. p. 636.
Mahomed (the Prophet) p. 519.
Mahomedan incursions, a continuation
of preceding foreign invasions, p.519.
Mahomedans, incorporation with, ad-
vocated, p. 637.
Mai(l)lugi, a K. defeated by Jahla,
p. 353, 357.
Malaa, Prakrit for Malaya a K., p. 336,
340.
Maladeva, Hindu king of Jodhpur ; of
the Rathor family p. 49.
Malava K. p. 341.
Malavaraa=Malavaraja, p. 339f.
Malla, a king defeated by Jahla, p.353,
357.
Malladeva, a K. of Pragvata race, p.93.
Mangala, son of Hema ( Jain ) p. 283.
Manikyamalla, a prince, p. 177.
Maurya dynasty,mentioned in the Pura-
naa ; extent of their empire, p. 625.
Mayuraja of the Kalacuri d. p. 370.
Melugi K. ( of later Yadavas ), p. 352;
as Mailugi or Mallugi, p. 356.
Menander, mentioned by Patanjali;
his coins; extent of his kingdom,
p. 626; M. and Milindra one and the
same person, p. 627.
Meneander of the Greoo-Baotrian
dynasty, = Yavana, p. 518.
Mihirakula, Hu"na king known from
inscriptions, p. 635.
Moghul kings of Delhi, their names
and dates, p. 78.
Mokala of the Ghelote d. p. 321.
Mudafar, his date, p. 77,78; Mudapar,
his date p. 77.
Muktapuia, in his embassy to China
claims central India; K. ( Yasovar-
man V ) as his ally, p. 432.
Maladeva, a K. p. 45.
MQlaraja, a K. p. 45, 77. 91; K. of the
Patau Ca, line, his genealogy, p. 66 :
founder of Patan.Ca. kingdom; his
date p. 73; Mala, the younger, a K ,
his date, p. 75.
Mulasamgha, p. 274, 278.
Muiija, uncle of Bhoja, his history ;
and date p. 50f; M. of Dhara, p. 318 ;
M. defeated by Jahla p. 353, 357.
Mussulman Sovereigns of Gujarath,
their dates, p. 77f.
Muzafar, p. 78.
Nagabhata, second Gurjara king of the
Nahapana, coins of, found in great
number, in India, establishing a
kingdom in India, p. 629.
Nandisamgha, branch of Mulasamgha.
p. 281.
Nandyamnaya, p. 278.
Narasimha,different kings of that name
p. 332; N. kings of Orissa, I, I I , I I I ,
IV pp. 440-442 ; N. a king mentioned
in EkSvali p. 329, 330; N. Panegyris-
ed in Ekavali of Vidyadhara-N. II
of Orissa, p. 442.
Naravarman, grandson of Bhoja of
Dhara, p. 53.
Narayanadasa = Narondas, a prince.
p. 287f.
Nasik Inscriptions referring to
Yavanas, p. 628,631.
Nival, wife of Malu, a Jain follower,
p. 281.
Orissa princes, their list, p. 439.
Padhara, family of Rajputs, mentioned
by Tod, p. 636.
Padmavatl, queen of Pratapa, p. 343.
Pahlava dominance, p. 194.
Pala dynasty, p. 348; its chronology
ibid.
Pala, kings of Bengal, p. 34?.
HISTORICAL INDEX
659
Parmars, or i gi nal l y bel ongi ng to a '
forei gn race, p. 522 ; become Raj put s,
p. 523.
ParamSra ( Pr a mSr a ) , f ami l y of Raj -
puts, ment i oned by Tod, p. 636.
Parsis, cul t i vat i ng f or mer l y Sanskr i t
l ore, p. 41. '
pStasah, as t i t l e of Mussul man
sovereigns of Guj ar at h, p. 77.
Pat t anl Got r a ( Di g . J a i n ) , p. 283.
PerojasShi, = Phero?, Shah Taghl ak
p. 49.
Peshwa, et ymol ogy of t he wor d, p. 327.
Phat t eshah, a ki ng, p. 211f; his era,
p. 212 ; rul er of Gar hwal , p. 212.
Prahl adana, a K. of Paramara l i ne,
p. 93.
Pral apa, son of Vl r ya bha nu, ki ng of
pr at apamal l a of t he Ras t r aknt a race,
a dependent of Anahi l apat t ana
Cal ukyas, p. 9, 91.
Pr at apar udr a Gaj apat i , ki ng of Orissa,
p. 155.
prat apasena, a Chohan pri nce, p. 143.
Prt huraj a, Chohan ki ng, p. 331; date of
hi s defeat by Shahabuddi n Ghor i ,
p. 249.
Pt ol emy, t he Geographer, p. 630.
Pul umayi , r ul i ng at Pai t haD, ment i oned
by Pt ol emy, p. 630.
RaghunSt harao or RSghava Peshwa,
p. 327.
Raj asi mha, a pr i nce? p. 283.
Ramabhadra, t h i r d Gur j ar a ki ng of t he
Ma r wa r dynast y, p. 636.
Ramacandra of t he Yadava dynas t y of
Devagi r i , p. 101, 214.
Ramadasa, Mi ni s t e r of Akbar , p. 211.
Ramadeva, Yadava ki ng of Devagi r i
P. 436.
Ramasatstrin, Nyayadhi s a of Madhava-
rav Peshwa, p. 327.
Ri t uaga, a Yaj ni ka, p. 214.
Ranavi gr aha, a Cedi ki ng, his date
p. 363, 370.
Rst r aki l t a- knl a, p. 70f. ; belonged to
t he Yadn branch, i bi d, '
Rast r akut a, the Sk. f or m of Rast raudha
or Radnor, p. 9; dat e of t hei r di s-
pl aci ng Cal ukyas, p. 14; R.s con
st ant l y at war wi t h t he Gur i ar a K. s
of Ma r wa r and Kanauj , p. 636.
Rat nadi t ya, a ki ng, his date, p. 73.
Rat napal a, a prince of Taka race,
p. 138.
Ratnasen3, mot her of Kumar apal a K. ,
p. 74.
Rayasi l a, a prince, p. 280f.
Rksamhi t a, legends connected wi t h
passages i n, p. 293.
Rsabhadasa, a Jai n scribe, p. 278.
Rudrabhut i , an Abhi r a General , men-
t i oned in a Gunda I nscr i pt i on, p. 632.
Rudra-dama, grandson of Tiastenes of
Uj j ayi nI , p. 630.
Rudr adi t ya, Counsellor of Mnnj u, p. 50.
Rudra-si mha etc., subsequent ki ngs in
the dynast y of Tiastenes, p. 630 ; R.
r ul i ng in 102 Saka, p. 632.
SadhSrana, a ki ng of Taka race, p. 138.
Sahajapala, a ki ng of Taka race, p. 138.
Sahasahka, K. called i n com. Vi kr ama-
di t ya, p. 337 K. of Kanoj , p. 340f. ;
his i dent i f i cat i on ('i ) wi t h Govi nda
I V, Ras. K , p. 341.
Sahi Si kandara = Si kandar Shah Lodi ,
p. 49.
Sahi bavandi na, ki ng of Turuskas, p. 247;
S. ment i oned by Asadhar a = Shaha-
buddi n Ghor i founder of Mahomedan
power i n I ndi a ; hi s defeat of Pr t hu-
rSja, p. 249.
Sah Jham( Jehan ), p. 78.
Saka dominance, p. 194.
Saka, ki ngl y l i ne, ment i oned i n
Puranas as future rul ers, p. 625;
S. ki ngs comi ng after t he Yavanas,
p. 628 ; S. get t i ng i ncor por at ed wi t h
t he Ksat t r i yas, p. 631.
Sakas, ( - Ma home da ns ) Lor d of, p.143
Saka Vi snudat t a, ment i oned i n a Nas i k
Cave I ns cr i pt i on, p. 631.
Saka woman mar r ied by a Hi ndu ki ng
p. 630.
gakandar, hi s date. p. 77-
660 INDEX IV
Salem Sah, the lord of Mleccha kings =
Jehangir, son of Akabar, p. 283.
Salivahana, a substitute for the name
Satavahana, p. 625.
Salvatimma, minister of Krsnaraya of
Vijayanagara, p. 154f.; date of
Krsnaraya, p. 155.
Samahta ( a proper name), p. 38.
Samantasimha, a K. his date, p. 73.
Samba, son of Dada p. 352, 356.
S5mgramaaplda, a King of Kashmir, p.
430.
Saihkaraganda, of the Cellaketana
family, a governor of Raf. family p.
278.
Saihkaranandana? p. 53.
Saranga( Sarahga ? )deva a K., p. 75.
Sarahgadeva, king of the Calukya
dynasty of Gujarath p. 38, 85.
Sarasvatlgaccha, p. 278. 281, 282.
Sarupa, a Chohan prince p. 143.
Satakarni, king of the Satavahana
dynasty, mentioned in Kanneri in-
scriptions, p. 630.
Satavahana line of kings at Paithan
mentioned in Puranas, p. 625; S.
dynasty founded by Gautamiputra,
p. 629.
Satrap, identical wi t h Ksatrapa p. 630.
Saumai.iya Gotra ( Dig. Jain ) p. 283.
Soleucus, sovereign of the part from
Syria to India, p. 625.
Sena line of teachers and pupils, p. 274;
S. kings of Bengal, their descent p.
345; S. dy. of Bengal, date of its
foundation, its ohronology, p. 347,
348.
Shah Jehan, Emperor of Delhi, p.
40, 224; date of his accession p. 79.
Siddharaja, his expedition against
Devagiri p. 72; S. a Pajan Ca. K.,
his date and conquests, his construct-
ing a tank wi t h a thousand temples
of Siva p. 74; S. throws into prison
K.s of Malva and Sindhu p. 91.
Siddhasena, preceptor of Bappabhatti'
p. 81.
Sihada p. 48.
Sibadhayana, a yavana of Dhenukakata
leading a Hindu life, mentioned in a
Karla inscription p. 627.
Simha = a K., p. 353 Yadava K. Sin-
ghana, 357, son, of Jaitrapala, and
grandson Bhillama V his date ; ibid
p. 357.
Sihghana = Siihhana a powerful Yadava
K. of Devagiri p. 46 ; his exploits, his
invasion of Gujarath p.46; reason why
he did not pursue Lavanaprasada,
p. 47.
Sihghanadeva mentioned in Sariigita-
ratnakara as the author's patron p.
43f; S. and Lavana( Lavanya )-
prasSda, sample of a treaty between
them p. 45f.
Sobhanadeva p. 38.
Sola, family priest Of Mnlaraja, Patau
Calukya K. p. 90.
Solankis, originally belonging to a
foreign race, p. 522; become Rajputs,
p. 523. S. a Rajput family mentioned
by Tod p. 636 ; branch established at
Anahilapattan in Gujarath p. 637.
Soma, a K. of Pragvata race p. 93 ; S.
a Mantrin at whose direction Pafico-
pakhyana was prepared p. 322.
Srenika, ( king V ) p. 272.
Subbatavarman, a K. of Malava, p. 25d.
Subhauma, a future Tirthamkara of
Jains, p. 282.
Suhga = mentioned in Puranas after the
Mauryas p. 625.
Suryasena, a prince of Chohan race,
p. 143; his genealogy, ibid ; his date,
1 p. 144.
Tailapa (I ), Later Ca. K. called K. of
Telahgana, p. 43, 318; T. ( I ) founder
of later Ca. dy. p. 50f; his date, p. 5l.
Taka race, p. 9.
faraplda, K. of Kashmir, 430.
Tejahpala, K. date of his death, p. 80;
T. of Pragvata race, p. 93.
Tojapala, son of DhanarSja, a Jain,
p. 283.
Tiastenes, king of Ujjayini, mentioned
by Ptolemy, p. 630.
Tihunapala=Tribhuvanap5la, a K. his
date, p. 75f,
HISTORICAL INDEX
661
Timur (the Moghul), p. 216.
Tomara princes of Gwalior, their list,
p. 2l5f.
Toramana, a Huna king known from
inscriptions, p. 635.
Trilihga, kinpc of Hari hara-a Vijaya-
nagara king? p. 8.
Turkas, p. 76.
Turkman tribes transformed into Raj-
put Royal racos, p. 638.
Turuskas, or the Turkish kings, p. 633.
Udayaditya, son of Bhoja, K. p. 341.
Udayasimha, a MaharSna of Mewad,
p. 287f.
Udda=Prakrit Utkala K., p. 339.
Uddharana, a Chohan prince, p. 143.
Udekhaih, his date. p. 77.
Usavadata, son of Dinika and son-in-
law of Nahapana, mentioned in a
Nasjk Inscription, p. 629.
Usavadatta, name same as either
Vrsabhadatta or Rsabhadatta, p.629.
Utkala, K. mentioned in Ekavali, p.
330; = Narasimha K.; ibid U. Prakrit
Uddfi, p. 388; 341.
Vaghela kings of Fatan. their dates,
p. 75f.
Vaijala, son of Vikramaditya of the
Vajjia or Vrjjis, Ksatriyas, a Republic
in Buddha's time, p. 535.
Vajrasena ( Jain ) p. 48.
Valahhi princes, called Mahesvaras,
p. 189, 198.
Vallabha, son of Krsna = Govinda I I ,
R5s. K., p. 277.
Vallahhedeva K. p. 45.
VallabharSja, a K., p. 77.
Vallar3ja or Vallabharaja, a K. his
date, p. 73.
Vanaraja, ( K. ) his date, p. 72.
VaudS and Bhuyada, K.s, his con-
quest and date, p. 73.
Varanasi, king of, p. 341.
Vastupala, a K. of Pragvata race, p. 79,
80,90,93; a panegyric on him by
Somesvara, p. 92; V.'s genealogy,

p. 93; V. Gujarath K., his date
p. 330.
Vatsa( muni) gotra, p. 352, 356.
Vatudasa, a feudatory of Laksmana-
sena, p. 347.
Vijayanagara dynasty, p. 162.
Vijayasona, a Sena K. p. 342, 347.
Vijayasimha, aGujarathCalukya mini-
ster, p. 38.
Vijayavarman, king of Vindhyas--
M5lava, p. 247, 250 ; V. Jayavarma-
deva son of Yasovarman ? p. 250.
Vijjana Kalacuri K. p. 352, 356.
Vikrama, a Gujarath Ca. minister, p.
38; V. K. p. 339, 341;=Vikramaditya
I, of the later Ca. d., uncle of Ahava-
malla, Ca. K., p. 341, 342.
Vikramaditya, I of early Ca. dy. p.109,
341; V. his Era, expressly stated to
be called Sam vat, p. 290 ; difference
between it and Saka Era, ibid.
Vindhyavarman, a K. of Malava, p.
250.
Virahhanudeva I, K. of Orissa, p. 441 ;
V. I I , p. 441; ( Vira )Bhanudeva I I I ,
P. 441.
Viradhavala, son of Lavanaprasada,
p. 46 ; V. a K.p. 77; V. of the Vaghela
Calukya d. of Gujarath, p. 10.
Viramadeva, a prince of Idar, p. 288.
Virasimha a K.. his date, p. 73: V. a
king of the Tomara line, his pedigree
p. 215-
Visaladeva, Anahilapattana Ca. K.
p. 44 45 ; V. Gujarath K. p. 66 ; V. a
Vaghela K., his date p. 75, 77 ; date
of his accession, p. 76; date of three
years' famine in his reign, p. 80.
VisalakTrti, a Jain High Priest, p. 281.
Visnudatta, a Maratha name in an I n-
scription at Bhaja, p. 631.
Visnudatta ( lady ), daughter of Agni-
varman and mother of Visvavarman,
depositing for treatment of the sick
p. 631.
Visvavarman, son of Visnudatta, in a
Nasik inscription, p. 631.
Vudhika, a proper name or a term
meaning a money lender, p. 63J.
66*
INDEX IV
VyaghreravSla, a ( Jain ) family,
p. 246f.
Yasodharman, ruling over North-W.
Malwa and Rajaputana, p. 535 ; Y. =
Yasovarroan (?) a K. who killed the
Gauda K. p. 80.
Yasovarman, K. of Kanauj: his date
pp. 80, 81; K. of Malava, p. 250 ; K.
of Kanauj, patron of Bhavabhnti,
p. 429; date of his defeat by Lalita'
ditya, p. 431.
Yavanas = foreign writers on astro-
nomy p. 40; Y. dominance, p. 194;
Y. kings mentioned in PurBnas as
future rulers, p. 625; Y. as followers
of Buddha; Y. nanles completely
Hinduised, p. 628.
YogarSja, a K.; his date, p. 72.
Yona or Yavana, name of Macedonian
Greek kings, p. 625,
p. 535f; instances of states whoro i
prevailed, ibid.
Astronomical observations mentioned
in Vedic works; their date, p. 124;
Astr. instrument purchased for govf,
p. 349.
Avesta very nearly similar in language
to the Vedas, p. 635,
Bible, religion in, adopted by PrSrthanu
Samaj, p. 620.
Boysafter upanayana to make over
to Guruto remain there for 12, 24
or even 48 yearsthen to relinquish
Brahmacarya and marrytime of
Upanayanaboys married at an
early age now p. 464.
Brahmana casteits formation p. 511;
B. s learning from Ksatriyas p. 193;
dining with Ksatriyas and Vaisyas
p. 512; regaining their power lost to
Buddhists with the rise of Candra-
gupta and putting their social system
in order p. 535; B. club held in
Bombay for introducing social re-
INDEX V
ENGLISH AND GENERAL INDEX.
Aboriginal races incorporated among
the Aryan race formed the Sadra
caste, p. 511.
Affirmation and denial of a thing at
one and the same time, p. 232.
Age of marriage and its consummation
according to Hindu Religious Law,
pp.538,583; Age of consent Bill, p.538.
Animal Sacrifice, p. 128; their killing
at sacrifices not allowed, p. 178f.
Aorist ( Sk.), sense to be attached to
it, p. 416f.; A., Perfect, Imperfect,
their use in Aitareya BrShmana; A.
never used in Ait. Br5. in telling
stories; but when it is found used there
pp.416-417; A. = Engliih Present Per-
fect = completion of an action or a
recent action confirmed by usage in
other works, pp. 417, 419, 420; A.
intended by Panini to show ' this |
day's " past time or past time gene-
rally, p. 419.
Arhats (Jinas) twenty four, p. 311,
Aristocratic form of Government pro-
yailing in ancient Aryans of India, '
ENGLISH AND GENERAL INDEX 663
form into B. community in 1890, p.
482.
Brahmanic protest and enemies against
the ritualistic system of the Br5h-
raana period, p. 122; B. religious
works, faults in them pointed out by
a Jain p. 309f.; B. gods, Jain account
of their mis-deeds p. 314 ; B. revival
p. 444.
Brahraanism, growing into prominence
with the restoration of native dynas-
ties, p. 194.
Brahmo Samaj, p. 480; both a religious
and social Institution, its present
work, p. 525.
British Government, benefits conferred
by it, p. 513.
Buddhism, grown powerful under for-
eign rulers, p. 194; B. its rise, age, the |
favourite religion, its decline p. 444; '
defects in B. p. 613 ; B.moral revo-
lution, the object of, p. 619.
Buddhists, pp. 447, 455, 459; B of
Northern India, their benevolence,
p. 529; B. standing against Braba-
nical religion, p. 613.
Buddhistic Cardinal doctrines comfor-
ed wi t h other deotrines, p. 242f.
Caste, influence of the aborigines, in-
termarriages between them and the i
Aryans, p. 448; aboriginal blood yet
flowing through veins of high oaste
Hindus of to-day, p. 449; any occupa-
tion followed when needed, p.450; C.s
originally four, their origin often
fanciful, increased by intermarriages,
p. 451; these preserved their original
Vedic character, formation of sepa-
rate castes by change of locality, p.
453; excommunication predominant
in the time of early Buddhism, p. 454; |
religious schools or sects gave rise
to different castes, now about 3000
C.s; C. distinction disregarded by
Buddhists and Vaisnavas p. 455;
Senart's theory, p. 456 ; use of meat
used by twice born, even beef allowed
by Apastaruba, this practito prohi-
bited by later Smrti writers; Senarfi
viewmodern castes not grown out
of old Varnasthis view opposed by
Oldenbergauthor's view same as
that of Oldenberg p. 457 ; meat used
by Br5hraanas of Bengal, Mithila
etc. today, countries influenced by
Buddhism abstain from i t , Sura" pro-
hibited; it is a sin among seven
deadly sins, p. 458; other races such
as Yavanas, Greeks, Sakas swelled
number of castes by incursions into
country ; few formed by mixed mar-
riages, some original, some by loca-
tion, p. 474 ; separate castes caused
by Abhiras, Gurjaras, Hilnas etc. ;
many religious sects turned into
castes, Vr3tyas, a fruitful source of
multiplication, p. 475; Senart's view-
on C. system ; absence of political
and national feelings in India is
cause of C. distinctions p. 476 ; their
obliteration necessary ; Buddha
thought four castes equally pure,
legend of Assalayana ; this question
disscussed wi t h Buddha, p. 477 ; all
saints did not look upon C. as a
social evil; all revolutions were reli-
gious and moral, p. 478; Stolid in-
difference to political revolutions:
the same cannot be now continued :
r vi U of C. system obstructive to
formation of nation ; Paramahamia
society founded in 1850 to eradicate
C. system all secretly dining to-
gether p. 479 ; author initiated in the
society in 1853; new reformers hostile
towards castes, like Buidha and
Vaisnavas, these new bodies adopted
all the programme of social re-
formers except doing away of Purdah
system in the case of womea ; caste
rules less observed owing to Railways
and foreign travels, for improving
one's worldly position only ; remain-
ing in previous religions by violating
rules in foreign countries etc. invol-
ves hypocrisy, this is highly prejudi-
cial to the healthy growth of Hindu
664 INDEX V
Society, p. 481; clubs and Parisads
harden caste distinctions and not
soften them; caste partiality not
removed by English education p. 482;
mixed marriages, open dining to-
gether etc., re-enactment of old
Hindu Law be sought to obliterate
C. distinctions p. 483; intercourse
between respectable fam lies at least
be organised ; national feeling useful
in times of war ; caste feeling dies
even harder than national feeling,
p. 484; obliterations of caste dis-
tinctions alone before our mind's eye,
p. 485 ; provincial nationalities under
the guidance of central authority wi l l
combine together for promotion of
Indian interests ; confederation in
social as well as Politics be our aim
p. 486 ; English Govt, effected a great
revolution in institution of castes,
no distinction between punishment
to Sudra and Brahmana, all old
authorities on law set aside, Vedas
may be recited by Sudras, p. 490 ; our
duty towards lowest castes, Railways
effected silent revolution, p. 491;
each caste a separate community,
no social intercommunication to
bind them into one whole p. 492;
chronic poverty of agricultural class-
es etc. p. 493; going b.vck to our
society which once existed; late
marriages, widow marriage, educa-
tion of women must be restored,
p. 497 ; exhibition of any C. partiality
must be severely condemned; Isvara-
candra Vidyasagara inaugurated re-
form widow-marriage, it was san-
ctioned by Sastras; reform through
agency of caste is unsatisfactory,
p. 498.
Castes, their original formation ex-
plained; p. 511f; formerly not very
rigid, instances p.512; present number
4000, their evil effects; p. 512; multi-
plying, p. 520 ; their fusion necessary
tor national unity, p. 524; lower
castes in depressed condition be -
coming Christians to improve their
social condition p.528; C.s due to the
feeling of exclusiveness, p. 532; secret
violation of caste rules but outward
conformity to them, p. 534; C. clubs
for separate C.s an evil p. 522,
Caste system, not in Vedic time, its ori-
gin p. 511; C. system a monster p. 515 '
! its germs existing among European
Aryans p. 520; its aboiltion p. 522;
its inveterate nature ; its germs des-
troyed early in Europe p. 523f.
Central Reform Association at Bombay
a proposal for establishing it, p. 524.
Christianity, moral revolution the ob-
ject. of, p.619.
Commensality, another characteristic
of caste; restrictions to food for four
castes; authors of Dharmasastra
differ, p. 452.
Committee, cheap literature, of tho
Theistic Association of Bombay.
which published 1883; the author's
anniversary address, etc.; Theism,
p. 603.
| Concubines, p. 515.
Conjectural emendations, European
scholars condemned for indulging
too frequently in ; their gratuitous
and provoking "emendations" p. 423.
Connubium, essence of castes, p. 452.
Conventionalism in Skr. works begin-
ning to prevail, p. 429.
Copperplates, a set of purchase for
Govt. p. 349.
Corn Laws, ( in England ) p. 533.
Corporate consciousness, results of its
want in use instanced by the growth
of social evils, p. 519f.
Creation according to Kasmir Saivism,
real, p. 204 ; C. not Vivarta, illusion,
regarded as Parinatna p. 221,
Critical scholar, his point of view,
p. 504 ; C. method applied to philoso-
phy and religion p. 604.
Custom, making people oblivious to
the cruelty or absurdity of a practice;
instances, p. 511; its tyranny p. 512
Ca. god p. 513.
ENGLISH AND GENERAL INDEX 665
Dancing, Drawing and Music, a part of
women's education, in Epic times,
p. 505.
Dialects, different from the Prakrits,
p. 285.
Digest-writers, texts quoted by, not
always found in the original works ;
p. 544; the authors .of Digests not
regarded as infallible p. 558.
Discontent wi t h present condition,
root of progress, p. 537.
' Dnyan Prakash ' of Poona, p. 518, 527.
Drunkenness amongst higher castes,
what it is duo to, p. 534.
Early marriages, their results, p. 528.
Ecclesiastical Absolutism ( in India )
checking freedom of thought and
action, p. 535f.
Electric Telegraph in Vedas, p. 568.
Endogamy, characteristic of caste
generally becoming the rule, p. 450,
451.
English Education, its liberalising
effect p. 513, 530.
Equinoxes, revolution of the, " a Veda-
b5hya " opinion, p. 212.
Etymological school of European
scholars, p. 508.
Euclid, p. 421.
European civilization, its liberalising
contact, p. 513.
Evolution,Law of,applicablo in material
and spiritual world ; what its fulfil-
ment implies, p. 537.
Falsehood, optimistic smooth; F. in
social matter, p. 536.
Female education, date of its being
undertaken, p. 520; originally in pri-
vate hands, afterwards taken up by
govt., p. 521; F. infanticide, p. 495,
519, 531; its practice in Bengal and
among Rajputs p. 510.
Figures, omitted in representing regnal
years; p. 440; figure 8 representing
6th year of a reign, ibid; fig. 22-18th
year of a reign, ibid.
Fish, as offering to Devi in Tantrik
worship; p. 223.
Foreign incursions, contributing to
social degeneration, p. 510; F. in-
vading races becoming Hindus,
Ksatriyas, or Sudras, p. 519, 522, 637
competition of F. nations, p. 520; F.
travel as part of social reform pro-
gramme, p. 523; foreigners conquer-
ing Hindus because of the latter's
wanting in National sentiment, p.
534.
Funeral ceremonies, the Vodic verse
to be repeated about the wife's rising
up from the side of the dead husband,
. 507.
Girls, nine months old, married to
boys about a year old, p. 507;
their proper age for bearing children
according to ancient and modern
medical authorities, p. 555.
God, all religions revealed by Him, p.
608 ; One Supreme Godhead, all other
gods are His several names, p. 610 ;
growth of worship of gods, p. 611;
G. in the religion of the Prarthana
Samaj, p. 620; G. as leading men from
the primitive times to the present
day, p. 621.
Grammar, necessity of teaching it, p.
413; in connection with language;
in teaching Skr. Grammar ibid;
grammatical terms ( Skr. ), prejudice
against them, p. 415.
Hair, their shaving off (Jain) p. 236.
Hindus, not rude or careless observers
of astronomical facts, p. 123f.;
their careful philological obser-
vations; careful preservation of Veda
and sacrificial worship, p. 124; H.
community a geographical extension
only, p. 512 ; individual advancement
the goal of Hindus ; want of national
consciousness among ancient Hindus,
p. 518f.; 534; H. dominion restored by
Sikhs in the North and Marathas in
the South, p. 535; ancient H. laws al-
lowed girls to remain unmarried after
puberty,p.540;premahomedan foreign-
ers absorbed in H. society; incor-
84 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's works, Vol . I I . ]
666
INDEX V
poration of preinahomedan foreign-
ers into the H. social organisation,
pp. 624-638.
Hindu religious law, lines of its later
deve'opment, p. 514 ; religious reform
necessary before social reform, p. 526;
its tendency to find a text to justify
a new custom, p. 544; it allows con-
summation of marriage deferred for
three years after puberty, p. 550 ; H.
religious law writers, their rules re-
garding consummation of marriage
shown to harmonise with ancient
medical authorities, p. 554, 557.
Historical work in broken Sanskrit
and Gujarati, pp. 72-79.
Imperfect, its use in the Aitareya
BrShmana, p. 416.
Ind' a, its individual life and want of
corporate life, p. 518.
Indians, capacity for assimilating
national sentiment not denied to
them, p. 536.
Indian Civil Service.I.Medical service,
p. 481; I. Legislative Council, p. 538.
Infant marriages as the logical resu t
of early marriages, p. 531.
Intercourse immediately after maturity
if necessary according to Hindu reli-
gious law, pp. 538-540; no text in
support of its being necessary on the
occasion of the first course, p. 545,
547 ; I. not mandatory but only per-
missive, p. 550f., 553.
Interest, rate of. according to a Nasik
inscription, p. 629.
Invisible and Infinite, forcing itself |
upon man, since the dawning of
huraaa intelligence, p. 605, 607.
Jains, Digambara sect, its origin, p.
223f.; doctrine and their exposition ;
D. J. legendary literature p. 270t;
five classes of persons in D. J. deserv-
ing adoration enumerated, p. 280 ;
Svetarabara Jains, their works and
Mss. examined by S. R. Bhandarkar
(author's son), p. 286; J. Sr3vakas
( l ay followers ) their duties, p. 264 ;
J.B., their giving Sanskrit form to
the Prakrit words, p. 266n.; J. monks,
their duties, p. 268; J.s admitting
Brahmanic domestic ceremonies, p.
286; J.s copying Brahmanas, p. 318.
Jain Bhandaras, p. 68; J. sacred books
written in the prevalent dialeot of
the time when the books were wr i t -
ten, p. 286; J, doctrines compared
wi t h orther doctrines, p. 242f.; J.
Jewels, five, making up the whole J.
creed p. 241; J. knowledge coexten-
sive wi t h Loka and Aloka, p. 228f.;
J. K. of five kinds, p. 251f.; J. K.
formerly only orally transmitted
wi t h no books, changes in it p. 285 ;
J. sacred Literature, an account of
it, its three divisions, p. 252f.; its
traditional history as given in Dig.
PattSvali, pp. 284-286; J. sacred
Lore reduced to wri t i ng by two
Munis p. 285; J. Metaphysics p. 244;
28 Observances laid down for a
Sramana J. p. 238; J. Philosophy, its
compromising wi t h two Brahmanic
schools, p. 286; J. Religion as path
of universal love, p.; 74; 58 Rites
similar to Brahmanic rites and hav-
ing same names but wi t h different
Mantras, p. 274; J. scriptures when
first written, p. 286; total number of
letters and words in it, p. 256; J. soul,
its three kinds of development, p. 226;
J. Story of a Brahman ascetic mar-
rying a widow, p. 509; J. sectarian
writing p. 317.
Jainism, its " Three Jewels " p. 225 ;
these are Jnana, Darsana, CSritra or
Dharma ( moral discipline ) p. 239f.;
J. maintains the existence of the
soul, an independent substance;
regards love hatred etc. as qualities
of the soul, p. 242; its compromise
between different systems ; J. not a
sect of Buddhism, doctrines common
to both J.and Buddhism; moral disci-
pline according to them both p. 243f;
J. later than B. p. 244 ; J. having no
books written for a long time, p. 284 '
ENGLISH AND GBNERAL INDEX 667
J. growing strong wi t h the decline
of B. and approximating to Brah-
man i sm; appropriating Brahmanic
popular heroes, p. 286; J. found about
the time of B.' i bi d; Jainism and
Vaisesika system, points of re-
semblance,*p. 243f.
Jainistic Highest condition explained,
p. 235f.; J. Inscriptions, their paucity
in the.beginning of Jainsim, p. 286.
Japanese, their modern progress and
reform p. 536.
Jupiter amongst the Romans, p. 620.
Kesari ( Poona weekly ), p. 578.
Kulin marriages, practice of, in Bengal,
reason of the practice being establi-
shed, p. 510; K. marriages of about
100 or more girls to one man, p. 531f.
Kulinism p- 495.
Languages, offshoots of Sk., modern
vernaculars, formation of Prakrit and
Pali, p. 447 ; L. Vocal peruliarities
of different Indian provinces dis-
played, p. 448.
Learned classes (ancient Indian) they
never lost their peculiar excellences,
p. 534.
Madhva Acaryas, success! n list of the
( High Priests ), pp. 17-20.
Madhva sect ( system ) succession list
of their High Priests, p. 16f.; nature
of these lists, p. 16.
Madhva Vedanta system, p. 15f.
Madras Hindu Social Reform Associa-
tion, an address on Social Reform,
delivered before that Association,
pp. 503-517.
Man born wi t h three liabilities, p. 549;
his duty ends with begetting one son,
p. 553.
Mandatory or Obligatory precepts,
p. 573f.
Manuscripts ; report on search for Sk.
Mss. for 1882 83. pp. 1-57; private
libraries, their cataloguing; search
for Sk. mss. formorly solely in
charge of the author ( Dr. Bhan-
darkar ), afterwards work divided
between him and Peterson, p. 1; Mss.
purchased in Gujarath ; oldest paper
ma. in the collection, p. 2; objeot of
acquiring Mss. p. 6; private libraries
of Mss. at Nasik examined p. 55;
earliest paper Mss., date when paper
began to bo used for writing Mss.
p. 56; Palm-leaf Mss. before paper,
p. 56f.; Report on search for Sk.
Mss. for 1883-84 ; pp. 58-291; Kssmir
Sarada Mss. purchased at Delhi,
p. 94; review of report on Mss. for
1882-83, p. 287&n.; Mss. having
double ( Ramvat and s'aka ) dates,
p. 289f. ; Report on search for Sk.
Mss. for 1884-87, pp. 292-348 ; Mss.
collected in Gujarath, Rajputana,
in Maratha country, p. 292; Report
on search for Sk. Mss. during 1887-
91 pp. 349-412; Mss. collected in
Gujarath, Rajputana and Maratha
country, p. 349.
Maratha, the Poona Weekly, p. 566.
Marathas and Brahraans, bittr caste
disputes between them at Kolhapnr
and Baroda, p. 522.
Marriage ritual indicates that the girls
were grown up, p. 505f.; early mar-
riages, age of M ; ancient practice of
late M.s; evidence of Sutras etc ;
the time when early M.s began
to come into vogue, p. 506; M. of
young girls with old, p.521;injunctions
of Rsis regarding M. time of girls,
reasons for early Ms. coming into
vogua p. 531; an essay on age of M.,
its consummation according to Hindu
religious law, pp. 538-585; M.s after
puborty now unknown among higher
castes; texts in support of early M. s.
light penance for not doing so, p.
543f, 544 ; general position of ancient
law in the matter of consummation
of M. summed up, p. 556f; this is in
keeping with ancient rules, p. 557 ;
chronology of authors regarding
marriage of girls, p. 599.
Meat as offering to Devi in Tantric
worship, p. 222f.
X V
668 INDEX
Medical authorities on physical deve-
lopment of mon and women and on
consummation of marriage, pp. 553f.
Mercantile classes ( ancient Indian ),
they never lost their peculiar excel-
lences, p. 534.
Mi l i t ary classes, ( ancient Indian ),
their spirit never permanently crush-
ed, p. 534.
Mirror, its illustration as adopted by
different schools of Philosophy, p.
203; its illustration in Vedanta,p.204.
Moral force in Social Reform, what it
means, p. 503f; its absence in our
character wi t hi n the last twenty
centuries, p. 504.
Moral indignation, not formerly roused
against iniquities, instances, p. 512f.
Mysticism usurping the place of (Vedic)
spiritual worship before the Brah-
mana period.
National sentiment, Hindus not actu-
ated by i t , p. 534.
Nationality, homogeneous, its forma-
tion, p. 515 ; spirit of N. , the anti-
dote to caste system, p. 524.
Native Opinion ( Bombay Daliy ),
p. 576.
Natural phenomena, revealing God to
the ancient Aryans, p. 610.
Nature, personified as Agni, Vilyu,
Indra, Usas etc., p. 619.
Nautch women, p. 515.
Normal class in Bombay, p. 479.
Order, idea of, in the phenomena of
Nature, p. 610.
Orders, three, Brahmanas, Ksatriyas,
Vaisyas, later became hereditary ;
st i l l commensality and connubium
between these did not exist as at
present day, intercaste dinners,
marriages ( Anuloraa and Pratiloma)
often found; mixed castes found,
their names derived fro:n locality,
Candalas and Nisadas also mention-
ed in mixed castes, p. 473.
Pandit, the traditional, his point of
view, p. 504; their attempts to
| prove customary practice to be
authoritative, p. 514.
Paramahamsa Society, p: 479, 480 ;
P. Mandali, a secret (Social Reform)
Society, its history, p. 522.
Pax Britannica, its results, p. 530.
Perfect, its use in Aitareya Brahmana,
p. 416.
Permissive Texts, their nature, p. 577 ;
P. and mandatory precepts, pp. 581-
83.
Plague ( Bubonic ) its adverse social
result, p. 521.
Political advancement, impossible
without social and moral advance-
ment, p. 513 ; ( early Indian ) P. his-
] tory, its sketch, p. 534f. ; P. develop-
ment in the West and in India, com-
pared and contrasted, p. 535.
Polyandry, not prevailing in early
times, p. 507.
Polygamy, prevailing in anoient times,
p. 507.
Practices, religious sanction accorded
to them by inserting texts in later
works, p. 513.
Praise, as breeding unwillingness to
progress, p. 537.
Prakrit verses in a work, p. 9; P.s
when formed, p. 244; date of their
development, p. 286; date of their
being changed into distinctive dia-
lects ibid; P. verses in praise of
kings of middle ages, p. 335f.
PrSrthana Saraj, p. 480 ; usual service
at P. S. conducted in Marathi. p.603;
necessity of English address, at the
anniversary of the P. S., p. 603-604 ;
the P. S. the latest phase of God's
Revelation to man, p. 609, 622 ; the
mission of P. S., the same as that of
Tukarama and other Sadhus, p.615-6;
P. S., its position in the religious
world, pp. 617-623; P. S. conception ;
and constituents of religion, p. 620;
P. S., its principles compared and
advocated, p. 623.
Priestly classes ( ancient Indi an)
never lost their peculiar excellences,
p. 534.
ENGLISH AND GENERAL INDEX
669
Production and Destruction at the
same time of a thing united, ( Jain
Phi.), p. 227, 231.
Provinces, ancient practice of naming
them after the names of the Ksatriya
tribes settled in them, p. 535.
Puberty, marriage before, or after,
discussed from Manu texts, pp. 584-5.
Recommendatory or permissive pre-
cepts, p. 573f.
Religion, inseparable from humanity,
p. 605; R. history, teachings of
p. 610; essence of R., p. 617 ; science
of R. its object, p. 617 ; answer to
question as to why man thinks of R.
at all, p. 618 ; tive constituents of R.
i bi d; rudiments of R., p. 618 19 ;
Semitic R.s, p. 619; morality con-
nected with R., p. 619; evolution of
R. meaning a continuous Revelation,
p. 621; Religious belief, function of,
p. 606; Religious speculation active
about the time when PSi.iini lived or
even earlier, p. 192.
Republics, ancient, their existence as
evidenced by the names of provinces,
settled by Ksatriya tribes, p. 535 ;
aristocratic R.s ( western ) becoming
democracies; in India becoming
absolute monarchies, p. 535.
Revelation continuous, as meaning
the evolution of Religion, p. 621.
Rites, their multiplication and sys-
tematisation, carried to excess;
their ancient opponents, p. 122.
Rope and Serpent, its illustration in
Vedanta, p. 204.
Royal personages, instances of, subserv-
ing literary or scientific purposes,
p. 327.
Sacrifices, performance of, present day
practice of re-employing priests &c.
p. 120. Soma and others S.s, p. 611.
Sacrificial rites of BrShmanas classi-
fied into four divisions, p.110f.; Sacri-
fi ci al fi res, their inauguration, p. I l l ;
developed long after the hymn period,
p, 120; conscious manufacture of S.
in full force in Brahmana period,
p. 121; long continued protest against
them, p. 122 ; period of the develop-
ment of ritual sacrifice, p. 124.
Sanskrit, beginning of its study in Bom-
bay Presidency,its ut i l i t y as a branch
of general education, p. 413; Sk.
wrongly regarded as more difficult
than Latin, p. 413 ; new spirit wi t h
regard to Sk. studies ; Sk. College of
Poona, causes of its existence, its
drawbacks, its abolition, desirability
of restoring it, p 413 ; Sk. grammar
works exclusively studied by modern
Pandits, p. 10; two Sk. books
of the author contains needful
Sk. grammar, p. 415; Sk. gram-
mar not an empiric study
wi t h Panini and ancient grammari-
ans, p. 420; Sk. grammarians, their
method and systematising efforts,
p. 421; Sk. Literature, general idea
of, p. 443; its different layers,
p. 504f.; Sk. writers studiously con-
cealing their names, p. 293.
Sgrasvata Parisad, p. 482.
Sastrins, employed for collecting Mss.,
p . l .
Satl Practice, prevailing among some
( ancient) European races, p. 509;
once prevailing among Indo-Aryans,
but afterwards given up, p. 509f.
but again revived, p. 510; its existence
in Vedic times ; stopped by British
Govt., p. 509.
Sentiments as constituents of religion
of Pr5rthan5 Samaj, p. 621.
Sholapur, ( address ). p. 518, 532, 533,
536.
Social, Madras Hindu S. Reform Asso-
ciation, its pledges, p. 514f.; S. Con-
ference, Presidential Address at
the Ni nt h S. C. held in 1895, pp. 487-
502; and at Provin. ( Bom.) S. C,
pp. 518-526 ; and at National S. C.
pp. 527-537; some reproaches against
it, p. 533; S. deterioration, its causes,
p. 510f.; S. History of India, pp. 443-
470; S. ideal in ancient times higher
679
INDEX V
than now, p. 504; 8. institutions,
historical review, p. 504f. ; S.
reforms: obstacles of our healthy
development to be removed; conserva-
tism of our nature, fear of excommu-
nication etc. hold us back, p. 494;
motive of action was never made
under the guidance of reason and
higher feelings, p. 495; not to be left
to time but to be effected by consci-
ous intention, no headlong actions,
p 496; French Revolution not to be
adopted but English mode to be i mi -
tated, ibid ; modest proposal: eating
together and intermarriages, p. 497 ;
competition and rivalry, necessary
conditions of progress, p. 499 ; moral
law is the unchanging law of pro-
gress in human society, p. 501; dis-
abilities of lower classes be re-
moved; extract from Gautama, p. 502;
co-operation of orthodox people in
S. R. impossible, p. 514 ; lukewarm-
ness about it on Bom. side, p. 516 ;
early history, p. 520; S. R. to be
associated with moral reform; its
greater necessity than political
reform, p. 520; in Bengal popu-
larising it by educating public
opinion, p. 525; their object, p. 527 ;
a national movement, p. 528f.; no
strong moral force at its hack to be
guided by reason, p. 532; S. R.
movements and method of procedure,
p. 533f.; an element of national
interest, p. 534; S. Reformers taking
their stand on Sk. Texts, p. 574.
Solstices, their position as given in
the VedSngajyotisa, p. 123.
Son, the part he has in Hindu religions
and domestic life, p. 553; sons of
twelve kinds enumerated in Smrtis,
p. 531.
Soul, views about it according to dif-
ferent Indian Philosophies, p.242; its
existence acknowledged by Jains
against Buddhists, p. 283.
Spirit, as the one creator, p. 619.
Steam Engines in Vedas, p. 568.
Subodhapatrika (weekly paper), p. 577,
580.
Substance and its qualities identical
wi t h each other ( Jain Phi.), p. 231.
Sympathy, as a motive, p. 529.
Texts creeping into books tosanotioa
customs, p. 514 ; in support of
married girls remaining without con-
nection, p. 540; protest against the
practice of changing readings of
original texts, p. 596 ; Textual cor-
ruptions proceed from particular to
general names and not vice versa,
P. 71.
Theism, ' asis of, and its relation to
the revealed religions, pp. 603-16.
Time, no force in Social Reform, p.
529 ; T. simply a category of the
understanding to distinguish one
event from another, p. 530 ; method
of reckoning, following seasons ac-
cording to Nasik inscriptions,, p. 632.
Times of India, p. 576.
Truth, pessimistic, rough, in social
matters, p. 536; T. itself is pessi-
mistic, ibid.
Twelve Supreme Sovereigns (Jainistic?)
p. 311.
Vedic Literature, conjectural emenda-
tions in i t , by European scholars
condemned, p. 423.
Vedic religion, degenerating into
formalism before the Brahman a
period, p. 122.
Vedic verses, their mechanical repeti-
tion, coming into practice before
Brahmana period, p. 122.
Vernacular, its earliest Hi ndi form
p. 342; V.s in three forms ; stage of
their developments in the eleventh
century, p. 343; date of their assum-
ing their modern character, ibid.
Vernal equinox occurring in the begin-
ning of Krt t i ka, its date, p. 123.
Vestments, three, of the soul according
to Vedanta, p. 180.
Woatern nations ( modern), results of
the contact wi t h, p. 529f,
ENGLISH AND GENERAL INDEX
671
Widows, their duties laid down in a I
work, p. 6; Burning of widows re-
newed p. 519; W. marriage, no sin in
i t , p. 312, 313 ; circumstances under
which it is allowed ibid ; restricted
by Manu to child widows, p. 508 ; W.
M. known in the twelfth century, p.
509 ; date ,of first W. M. on this side,
p. 521; how they came to be pro-
scribed, p. 532.
Wife, leaving her father's Gotra and
having her husband's, p. 541.
Wi l l , power of, p. 618.
Wine as the highest offering to Devi
in Tantric worship, p. 222.
Women, three prominent W. in upani-
sads taking active part in debate at
Janaka's court, p. 458; Draupadi
discussing wi t h Yudhisthira, influ-
ence and position of W. in those
days ; nuns amongst Buddhists took
part in intelligent discussions;
husband and wife two masters of the
house, their union permanent like that
of Heaven and Earth; Maitreyi and
Yajnavalkya discuss Brahma, a fa-
raous discourse, p.459; story of Visaka
a female devotee mentioned, p. 460 ;
other side of the picture ; as a wife
highly respected, as a woman held in
little esteem ; a girl free to choose
her, husband in Rgveda times;
Women deceive men, possess wiles,
p. 461 ; Manu hard on W.; Gltil also
similarly hard; Mbh. extract XI I I . 39,
40; women's nature, p. 462; age
of M. of W. p. 463, 464; burning of
widows with husbands' dead bodies,
no allusion in Rgv., ref. in Atharva-
veda and Taitt. Aran.;Asv. Gr. Sutra,
p. 465; story of Madrl ; this usage
stopped by the Bri t i sh; wido v M. ;
instance of this in Vedas, p. 466;
passage in Ai t . Bra"., Par5sara,
NSrada Smrtis; p 467; present
state of women, female infants killed
p. 468 ; practice of marrying many
girls, we are subject to threefold
tyranny, political, priestly and
social, p. 469; education of W. p. 488;
misery of widows contrasted wi t h
that of a widower; dying of girls
owing to ill-assorted marriages,
p. 489 ; such M.s deserve condemna-
tion, 9. 490; women not debarred from
highest education in olden times,
p. 504; women singing in assemblies
in 11th cen.; inscriptional evidence,
p. 505; their seclusion introduced
under Mahomedan domination, p.505;
their position in Epics, Vedas etc., p.
507f.; under certain conditions allow-
ed to marry a second husband, p. 508;
their status lowered, reasons there-
of p. 510 ; their elevation and proper
place in society, due respect for
them, p. 515; their present condition
and education, p. 528.
World, belief in the existence of, p.606.
Worship of Gods, more spiritual and
heart-felt in Vedic times than later,
p. 121f.
Zeus Pater amongst the Greeks
p. 620.
*
*
INDEX VI
INDEX OF SANSKRIT WORKS
Agnipurana, p. 319.
Agrayanipurva, p. 255.
Ajayakosa, p. 165.
Atharvavallls or Kafhavallis = Katho-
panisad, p. 96.
Atharvaveda, 1 iterature belonging to,
not clearly specified, p.4.
Atharva-Veda [ Sarahita ] pp. 465ff;
p. 508.
Atharvopanisads, p. 95f.
AdbhutasSgara by Ballaiasena, pp.343-
348.
Advaita (u), p. 95.
Advaitacandrika by Brahmananda-
sarasvati, history of Brah. p, 180f.
Advaitalaghucandrika by Brabma-
nandasarasvatl = an exposition of the
AdvaitasiddhiofMadhusudanasaras-
vatl or an abridgement of the author's
Advaitacandrika, p. 181.
Adhyatmarahasya, a work by Asa-
dhara, p. 248.
Anarghyaraghavafippanaka, p. 83.
Anukramanidhan(Jha, p 294; = Sarva-
nukrama in a tabulated form, ibid.
Anukraraani-Vrtti, p. 305.
Anuttaraupapadikahga, Jain, p. 253.
AnunySsa, p. 175.
Anuvakanukramani, p. 295.
Anekasastrarthasamuccaya ( Jain ),
p. 47.
Anekantajayapataka of Abhayadeva,
p. 53.
Anekartha ( Kosa) p. 435.
Anekarthamanjarl, p. 175.
Antakrddasahga ( Jain ), p. 253.
Antyesti by Narayanabhatta, p. 150.
Andhrakumaravivaha, p. 63.
Anyoktikanthabharana, p. 324.
Aparajitaprcoha, a work of Archi-
tecture, p. 223.
Abdhi, p. 137.
Abhijnana-Sakuntala, p. 427.
Abhidhanamala, p. 175.
Abhinavacandrika by Satyanatha-
tirtha ( Madhva Vedanta), p. 23.
Abhilasitarthacintamani by Some-
svara, K. of Deccan (later) Ca. d.
p. 65.
Amara(kosa), p. 154,164, 319, 435.
Amaramala, or Amaralata, 435f; one
and the same work, p. 165, 175,
436nl.
Araarusataka, p. 324.
Amrtabindu ( U. ) , p. 95.
Arnava, a Dharmasastra work, p. 143.
Arthasastra, p. 175.
Alarhkaramanjasa by Devasamkara,
p. 326ff; (a work dealing with
Madhavarao and Raghunatharao
Peshwas); D.'s family ; a Gujarathi
Brahman, p. 328.
Alatasanti ( U. ), p. 95.
Asltikasama, Jain work, p. 257.
Aôkacarita, p. 63.
Asvatantra, p. 175.
Asvasastra, p. 175.
Astaprabhrta by Kundakundacarya,
p. 224.
Astangahrdaya, p. 215, 554.
Astahgahrdayoddyota, com. on Vag-
bhatasamhita by Asadhara, p. 248.
Astottarasatopanisad, p. 4.
Astinastipravadapurva, p. 255.
Akasagata=Calika, p. 256.
Agaraa, p. 165.
Agneya Purana, p. 344.
Acaradinakaroddyota, completed by
Visvesvara=Gagabhatta; its con-
tents, p. 148.
Acaranga, Jain, p. 252.
icaradarsa, by Sridatta, p. 139f; a
com. on it by Gauripatl, date of t
com., ibid.
he
INDEX OF SANSKRIT WORKS 673
At ma ( U. ) , P. 95.
AtmapravadapOrva (Jain), p. 255.
Atmanusasana of Gugabhadra, p. 278.
Atharvanasutra, p. 103; by Pani ni ya,
p. 105; p. 306f.
AtharvanSdbhuta, p. 344.
Adipurana, p. 319.
Adipurana ( Jai n) by Jinasena, p. 271;
its date, 271f.
Adya Purana, p. 344.
Anandaval l i ( U. ) , p. 95.
Anandaval l i = ( part of) Tai t t i ri yo-
panisad, p. 97.
Apastamba Grhya Sotra, its marriage
ri t ual presupposes a girl's having
arri ved at maturi ty, p. 557.
Apastambadhvani tarthakari kas by
Tri kandaman4ana, authors and
works quoted in the A. Karikas,
p. 306f.; the work described, p. 100.
Apastambasmrti, p. 143.
Aptaml mamsal amkara, Dig. Jai n work,
p. 67.
Arambhasiddhivartakavya, p. G3.
Aruneya ( U) p. 95.
Arunesa, a Tant ra, p. 217.
Arogyaci ntamani , p. 216.
Arsakosa, p. 175.
Avasyakacurni , ( Jai n ), p. 54.
Asaucanirnaya by Jivadeva, p. 150.
Ascaryaparvan, p. 165.
Ascaryamanjarl , p. 165, 175, 370.
Asramopanisad, p. 95.
Asval ayana-Grhya-Kari kas, p. 567.
Asval ayana-Grbyakari ka, attributed to
Kumari l a; a Kari ka therefrom,
p. 297 ; a bbasya on it, p. 297f.
Asvalayana-Grhyapaddhati-KarikR at-
tributed to Kumari l abhatta, p. 151.
Abvalayana-Grhyaparisista, p. 305,
547f, 552, 556, 566, 568.
Asval yayana-Grhya-Sntra, p. 303, 465,
540f., 567, 578.
Agvaiayana-Sutra, p. 297, 298nl ; p.300,
303.
Asvalayana-Smrti, p. 546; spurious, p.
564, 567; its spurious nature, p. 567f.;
some Mss. of it do not contain the
Sloka about the performance of Gar -
85 [ RG. Hhaudarkar' s Works, Vol
bhadhana at first Rtu. , p. 576; un-
known to most Nibandha writers ;
Laghuand Brhat A. S. not known,
P. 576.
Ahni ka of Madhvas by Chal l ari Nr ai m-
haoarya, p. 149.
Unadi sutravrtti p. 160, 165,175.
Uttama, a tantra, p. 217.
Ut t arat ant ra, p. 436n2.
Ut t arat apanl ( U. ) , p. 95.
Uttarapurana = Second part of Adi -
purana, p. 274; its consecration,
p. 276f.
Uttararamacari ta, thi rd and last work
of Bhavabhnti, p. 426; its excellences
and short-comings, p. 424, 428f.
Uttaradhyayana, Jain work, p. 257.
Utpalinikosa, p. 165; as Ut pal i ni ,
p. 435.
Utpadaparva, p. 254.
Udaharana-Manjari , p. 334.
Udyogaparvan, p. 165.
Upadesamala, p. 54.
Upadhyayasarvasva, p. 165.
Up5sakadhyayana, Anga, composed by
Ganadhara Vrsabhasena, p. 253,
269.
Usmabheda, p. 165.
Usmaviveka, p. 165,175.
Rgvidhana, p. 319.
Rgveda, its hymns collected wi th a
l i terary object, p. 119 ; R. resorted to
for higher Soma Sacrifices, p. 120;
R. hymns used in the Aptoryama
sacrifices, p. 131; R. 1. 139. 9; I V.
57.8; V I . 75; X. 95; p. 294; R. its
total number of hymns ; Rv. V I I . 21;
V I I . 58 ( omitted i n some t e xt s ) ;
R. V I I I - 48, p. 295; R. text repre-
sented by Sarvanukrama is the text
of the Sahkhayana school, p. 296;
R. p. 299n; R. V I I I . 58, p. 300; R.
its tradi ti onal number, p. 301, 305 ;
R. p. 295. 445f., 458, 465.
674
INDEX VI
Rgveda-Samhita, hymns composed at
different times, p. 443; R. Sam.,
p. 417f., 507.
Ekavali, a note on it, pp. 439-442 ; its
date, p. 332f., 327 ; its com., p. 437.
Aitareya-Brahmana, illustrations from
it as means to determine the exact
sense of the Skt. Aorist, p. 416f. ; of
Imperfect, Perfect and Aorist,
p. 417ff.; A. Bra. quoted, p. 120, 461,
467, 471f.; A. Bra., on Polygamy
and Polyandry, p. 507.
Katbavalli ( U. ) , p. 95.
Kathasruti, p. 307, 344.
Katha-Satra, laying down the per-
formance of Caturmasyani to five
days, p. 114.
Kanthasruti ( U. ) , p. 95.
Kanthabharana of Vararuci, p. 360,
364, 368.
KanthabhusanakavySlamkara, p. 175.
Kath3nakakosa of Jinesvara ( Jain ),
p. 53.
Kandalivrtti by Balacandra, p. 60.
Kapphinabhyudaya (alsoKaspbina
0
and
Kapphina), p. 175.
Kamalakara, p. 147.
Karka(sya) Paddhati, p. 103.
KarpHraprakarabhidhanakosa, p. 60.
Karparamanjarl, p. 49f; ascribed to
Vacanacarya Rajasekhara ? p. 50;
Com. on K., p. 63.
Karmadipa, p. 307.
Karmapravadapurva, p. 255.
Kalpataru, p. 141,142.
Kalpamanjari, a com. on Kalpasiltra
( Jain ) by SahajakirtI, p. 47.
Kalpalata ( same as Kavikalpalata
below, sometimes simply Lata),
p. 61,137,175.
Kalpakalpavidhanaka, Jain work, p.
257.
Kalpabhasya, p. 307.
Kalpavrksa, Work, p. 137.
Kalpavyavahata, Jain work, p. 257.
Kalyanaparva (Jain), p. 456.
Kavikalpalata, p. 175.
Kavirahasya or Kaviguhya by Hala-
yudha, its hero Krsna Rastrakuta K.,
its different recensions, p. 70f.
Kandasesa, p. 1651
Katiya-Dharraasastra, p. 103; K.
Dharmasutra, p. 103.
Kathaka, p. 307.
Katantra, p. 165.
Katantrapanjika, p. 176.
Katantraparibhasas, p. 158.
Katantralaghuvrtti, different from
Durga's, p. 158.
Katlya, p. 306f.
Katyayana-Srauta-Sntrabhasya by an
anonymous author, p. 4f.; K.'s
Snanasutra, a com. on it byTrimalla-
tanaya, p. 98; K. Satras, a com. on
them, p. 111.
Kadambarl, two old copies of, p. 7; K.
p. 176,198, 365, 369, 466.
Kamakalavilasa, (an old work) by
Punyananda, p. 219ff.; com. on it by
Natananandanatha, p. 219f., 222.
Kamadhenu, ( Jyo. work ), p. 37, 137 ;
K. ( Dharmasastra ), p. 139.
Kamandakiya, p. 166.
Kamika, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kartikeyanupreksa, p. 240n3 ; K. with
com. by Subhacandra, its contents ;
p. 262ff.
Karikatlka. p. 178.
Kalanirnaya, p. 319.
Kalanirnayadlpika, p. 161, 162.
Kalanirnayadlpikavivarana, p. 163-
Kalapada, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kalasara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kaiasiddhanta by Candracuda Paura-
nika; his family, p. 146.
Kalagnirudra (U.), p. 95.
Kaladarsa, 144,146.
Kalavali, p. 344.
Kalidasakrtakavya, p. 61; grantha,
p. 62.
Kavyakalpalatika, composed by Ari -
simha and Amaracandra, p. 66.
Kavyakamadhenu, p. 62.
Kavyaprakasa, p. 85,164,176, 321, 324.
INDEX OF SANS:
434; E. and Ekavali, compared in
form 328f; K. referring to Lat i Rl t i
p. 636 ; K. tika, p. 11, 62; a com. on
K. by Bhanucandra, p. 85; K. DIpika
a com. by Jayanta on K., Jayanta'a
family history and date, ibid.
Kavyadarsa("K5vyadarse VSmanah"),
p. 176.
Kasika, p. 159-161; its joint author-
ship, i bi d; K. 166; TIka on K. by
Upadhyaya Sucaritaminra, p. 177 ; a
Mimamsa work ; com. on the Sloka-
vBrtika, p. 178; = Karika Tika?,
p. 178.
Kasmiramahatmya = Nilamata-Purana
p. 132f; 133; its date p. 133.
Kiranavali, of Udayana, p. 53 ; a com.
on Prasastapada's Bhasya on
Kanadasatras, p. 206t
Kiranavali, a com. on Suryasiddhanta,
its date, p. 212.
Kirata(-Arjunlya-Kavya ), p. 166, 176,
361, 364.
Kicakavadha, p. 166; K. quoted also
in Ujjvaladatta's Un5disutravrtti,
p. 176.
Kirtikaumudi by Somesvara, GUrjara-
purohita, p. 10, 62, 64, 87, 158.
KIrtisodasapada, p. 61.
Kundamaijdapasiddhi, with his own
com. by Vitthalesa Diksita, V.'s
History, p. 149.
Kubjikamata, a Tantra, p. 217.
KumSrapalacarita, p. 60, 61, 62, 63.
Kumarapalapratibodhn, p. 62.
Kumarapala-Prabandha by Jina-
mandanasttri, p. 84.
KumaravihBrasataka, p. 63.
Kumarasambhava, p. 158,166,176; an
anonymous com. on K. p. 7 ; a com.
on K. called Sisuhitaisini, p. 84.
Kumudacandranataka, p. 63.
Kurnpikamata, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kulacudamani, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kulasara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kularnavatantra, p. 218.
Kuloddisa, a Tantra, p. 217.
Kurmapurana, p. 103, 183. 216, 319.
Kr t i arman, (Jain work), p. 257.
KRTT WORKS 675
Krtyakalpataru, p. 144.
Krsnakarnamrta, p. 290.
Krsnarayaoarita = life of Krsnaraja, K.
of Vijayanagara, p. 155.
Kena-Upanisad, Samkara-Bhasya' on
i t , p. 179.
Keni(e)se(i)ta, ( Atharva-Veda-Upa-
nisad ), p. 95.
Kesavasiddhanta, p. 306f,
Kesaramala, p. 176.
Kaivalya (U.), p. 95.
Kosa, p. 166.
KauraudI, p. 166, 176.
Kaurma, p. 143.
Kausitaki-Brahmana-Upanisad, p. 193.
Ksurika (U.), p. 95.
Kriyavadins, p. 253.
Kriyavisalapnrva (Jain), p. 256.
Khandakhadya, its Epoch (Saka,) year
p. 210.
Khandaprasasti, two com.s on, p. 7.
Khetakasiddhi = methods of astrono-
mical calculations, p. 33, its author,
Dinakara, ibid.
Ganadhara (Jain ), p. 253.
Ganadharasaptati of Jinadatta, p. 54.
Ganapatistotra of Balakrsna, p. 39.
Ganitacu(Jamanau, Mahlmtapanlya-
rajapandita-SrInivasah, p. 167.
Ganitasastra, p. 176.
Garudapurana, p. 319.
Garbha (U.), p. 95.
Garbhopanisad, containing at its end
a list of 52 U.s attributed to the
Atharva-Veda, p. 95.
G5ruda(U.),p. 95.
GirnaracaityapravadI, p. 63.
Gitagovinda, p. 436n2.
Gita, p. 167.
Guruparampara, ( R8m3nujiya), p. 69.
Gurvavall, p. 50, 63; wi t h com., the
Acaryas mentioned in i t , p. 65.
Gaudavadha, p. 85; or Gaudavaho,
p. 424; mention of solar eclipse in
it and Yasovarman's temporarily
losing the throne and the attack of
kalitaditya, p. 431,
676
INDEX VI
Guhyatantra, a tantra, p. 217.
Grhyaparisista, p. 143.
Grhyasamgraha, of Gobhilaputra,
directing the marriage of Anagnika,
a grown up gi rl examined, p. 594.
Graya-Sntras of Asvalayana, p. 444.
Gotamasntre Ahnika, p. 149.
Gotamasutrabhasya by Vatsyayana,
p. 206.
Gotamasntrabhasyavartika by Uddyo-
takSra or Bharadvaja, p. 206.
Gobhila, Sutras, p. 558; enjoining the
marriage of a Nagnika, examined,
p. 592-93.
Govardhanlyonadivrtti, p. 167.
Govindaraja, his Smrtimanjari, p. 287.
Govindarnava, p. 146.
Gautama-(Nyaya-)Sutra, rarely studi-
ed now, p. 27.
Gautamiya-Dharmasastra, p. 136.
Gautamlyamahatantra (Tantrik work),
p. 42.
Granthamalikastotra, being an enu-
meration of all the works attributed
to Madhvacarya, p; 24f.
Grahakautuka, by Kesava of Nandi-
grSma p. 209f; its com., p. 210; its
epoch year, ibid.
Grabalaghava by Ganesa, p. 214.
Ghatakarpara ( Purva ), p. 167.
Cacchari, p. 54.
Candamaruta, p. 187.
Caturvirasatiraata, p. 136; C. does not
possess the value of a Smrti, p. 580.
Caturvimsatistava ( Jain ), a gloss on
it by Asadhara, p. 248, 257
Candrajnana, a tantra, p. 217.
Candraprajnapti, p. 254.
Candrasenanataki (?)prabandha, p. 62.
Candrarki ( Jyo. W. ) , p. 33.
Candrika, com. on Probodhacandro-
daya, by Nadillayappa, a minister,
P. 154, 319.
Caraka-Samhita ( Medicine ), p. 41.
Caranavynha, its Bhasya, p. 295, 300,
303, 305; its author Mahidasa; its
date, p, 306.
Canakya ( work ), p. 62 ; Canakyatika,
p. 176.
Candra, p. 167 ; Candra Sntra, p. 167.
Candravyakarana, p. 176.
Cikitsasara by Vangasena, son of
Gadadhara; C.' a very old work,
p. 215.
Citrakntjyaprasasti of Jinavallabha,
p. 54.
Citralekha (Upakatha ), p, 167.
Cintamaniprakasa ( Nyaya) of Ruci-
datta, pupil of .Tayadeva, p. 28.
Culika ( U. ) , p. 95 ; C. ( Jain ), p. 254.
Chandoga, p. 307.
Chandogagrhya, p. 307.
Chandogaparisiska, p. 103, 307, 319.
Chandomanjarl, p. 156, 334.
Chandoratnakara, p. 334.
ChSndogya-Upanisad, p. 192f.
Jagajjivanavrjya, p. 323.
Jagannatha-Mahatraya, p. 6.
Jambudvipaprajriapti, p. 254.
Jayamahgala ( com.), p. 164.
Jalagata, Culika, p, 256.
Jataka, p. 216.
Jatakapaddhati of Kesava of Nandi-
grama, wi t h his own com., p. 36;
works and authors referred to in i t ,
ibid.
Janaklharana of Kum3rad3sa, p. 167,
361, 366, 369.
Jabala ( U. ) , p. 95.
JSmbavatljaya, p. 360, 364, 368.
Jambavativijayakavya, (Payah ppsan-
tibhih sprsta lanti vatah sanaih
sanaih ), p. 167.
Jinayajnakalpa, wi t h a gloss Jina-
yajilakalpadlpika, both by Asadhara,
p. 248, 249.
Jinasamhita, a J. ritual work, p. 269.
Jivamdharasvamicarita by Subha-
candra, p. 282 ; its date, ibid.
Jainatarkabhasa of Jasavijaya, p. 61.
Jain Veda (?), p. 61,
Jainendravyakarana, p. 247.
Jaimini-GrhyasUtra, passage in, en-
joining marriage with an Anagnika,
p. 600.
i
Jnatrdharmakathanga, p. 253.
Jnana, a Tantra, p. 217.
Jnanapravadapilrva, p. 255.
Jnanabhaskara, a work, p. 6.
Jnanavidyakavya, p. 63.
Jnanamrta-Sarhhita' ( Panoaratras ),
p. 69.
Jyotirnibandh'a, p. 146.

Tippani, p. 176.
Tikasamuccayasara, p. 176.
Todarananda, = An Encyclopaedia of
Indian lore and science, compiled
under orders of Todaramalla, the
financial minister of Akbar, the
Mogbul Emperor, p. 35.
Gangesamaho-
Tattvacintamani of
padhyaya, p. 27f.
Tattvajnanatarahgini by Jnanabhusana
( Jain work and author ), p. 251.
Tattvatrayaculuka, p. 187.
Tattvatrayavyakhyana, p. 187.
Tattvadipa, p. 187.
TattvAnirnpana, p. 187.
Tattvanirnaya. p. 187.
Tattvaprakasika = Jayatirtha's com. on
Madbva's Brahma-Satra-Bhasya,
com. on T. ibid, p. 23.
Tattvaratnakara, p. 187.
Tattvaviveka, first section of the Pan-
cadasi, on Maya, God &c , p, 182.
Tattvasambaraka, a tantra, p. 217.
Tattvanusamdhana by Mahadevasara-
svati; M.'s history, p. 181.
Tattvarthasaradipaka of Sakalakirti,
(Jai n). p. 236nl,250f, 257.
Tantradipika = Sarvopanisatsara,
( wrongly ) attributed to Samkara-
carya ; works and authors quoted in
the Tantradipika, p. 181.
Tantrasara by Krsnanandabhatta-
carya, p. 42,
Tarala = Mallinatha's com. on Vidy3-
dhara's Ekavali, p. 333f.
Tarkakandali, p. 53.
Tarkacandrika by Vaidyanatha Gada-
gila p. 30,
INDEX OP SANSKRIT WORKS 677
Goi
Tarkabhasa of Kesavamisra based on
the system of Gautama, p. 30; its
com , p. 31f; its date, p. 32.
Tarkavrtti, p. 62.
Tarkasamgraha and its com., T. Dipika
by the author, p. 30.
Tarkamrta of Jagadisa, its com., p. 30.
Tarkamrtacasaka by Gangararma Jadi,
son of N3r3yana, com. on this casaka
p. 30.
Tarkamrtatarahgini, a com. on Tarka-
mrta, p. 30.
Tatparyanirnaya by Vyasayati ( Ma-
dhava Vedanta work ), p. 23,
Tatparyaparisuddhi, a work on VSrti-
katatparyatika of VScaspati by
Udayana, p. 206.
Tapaniya (U.), p. 95.
T3paniya-Maha-(U.), p. 95.
T3paniyI-Maha-( U. ), p. 95.
Tarksyagrantha, p. 103.
Tithitattva, of Raghunandana, p. 146.
Tithinlrnaya of Bhattoji Diksita, p.144;
B.'s date, ibid.
Tithisiddhi of Ganesa, p. 214.
TIrthaprabandha, a poem by Vadi-
rSjatirtha, with com. p. 7.
Tejobindu (U.), p. 95.
Taittiriya-Aranyaka, p. 465, 507f; T.
Upanisad, p. 4 ; T. Brahraana, p. 123;
T. Samhita, p. 124, 461.
Tottala, a tantra, p. 217.
Tottalottara, a tantra, p. 217.
Trikanda, p. 167.
Trikandasesa. p. 167, 176.
Tripuriprakarana with Anandajfiana's
com., p. 180.
Trivenistotra of Balakrsna, p. 39.
Trisastismrti abridged from ArsamahiS-
puranas, by Asadhara, wi t h his own
com., p. 248, 250.
Tristhalisetu, p. 146 ; its author Kara-
yanabhatta, N.'s date ; p. 147.
Theravaii, p. 63.
Daraayanticampu, p. 167.
Damadhyaya, p. 54.
Dara-(?Hara?)vilasa, p. 176.
678 INDEX VI
Darsanayathatmyanirnaya, p, 187.
Dasakumara, p. 334.
Dasavaikalika, Jain work, p. 54, 257.
Danapradipa, p. 61.
Danavakyavali by Vidyapati, p. 147f;
its date, p. 148, 289.
Danasagara of Ballalasena, p. 345, 347,
348.
Digambara-Pattavali, p. 271.
Dinakaroddyota, p. 145.
Dinacarya ( a Jain work ), p. 52.
Divyasuriprabhava = lives of R5ma-
nujiya Acaryas, p. 69.
DipakalikS, p. 141.
Dlpasarasaihgraha, p. 187.
Dipika, p. 146.
Durga ( or Siva) stotra of Balakrsna,
p. 39.
Durgotsava, p. 144.
Durghatavrtti, p. 176.
Dutangadanataka, p. 62.
Drstantaratnakara, p. 62.
Drstivadahga Jain, p. 253.
Devadasiya, p. 144.
Devarajaprabandha, p. 62.
Devipurana, p. 319.
Devimahatmya, com. on it by Jagad-
dhara, p. 438.
Devlsataka, p. 167.
Desikosa, p. 176.
Desikosanamartha, p. 63.
Desinamamala of Hemacandra, p. 48.
Dramidabhasya, p. 187.
Dvadasakulaka of Jinavallabha, p. 54.
Dvirupakosa, p. 167,176.
Dvihsaihdhana = Raghavapandaviya,
p. 318; a com. on it by Nemicandra,
ibid.
DvIpavardhiprajnapti, (Jain,) p. 254.
Dvaitanirnaya of Vacaspati ( Dharraa-
sastra). p. 140.
Dharani, kosa, p. 167,176, 435.
Dharmakirtivartika, p. 167.
Dbarmadipa, p. 103.
Dbarmapradipa of Dravida, p. 98.
Dharmasarmakavya, p. 62.
Dharmasikga of Jinavallabha, p. 54.
Dharmasindhu, p. 142.
Dharmamrta of Asadhara wi t h his
com. = Bhavyakumudacandrika, p.
245f.; its contents, i bi d. ; the com.
Jnana-Dipika on i t , p. 248 ; its date,
p. 249.
Dhavalapuranasamuccaya, p. 144.
Dhatuparayaoa, p. 168,176.
Dhatupradlpa, p. 168, 176, 436; D. tika,
p. 176.
Dhatusamgraha, p. 436.
Dhurtakhyana, p. 60.
Dhyanabindu ( U. ) , p. 95.
Dbruvabhraraakayantra, p. 290.
Nandopakhyana, p. 61.
Namaskaradvatrimsikff (Jai n W. ).
p. 52.
Nayottara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Naranarayananandakavya, p. 60.
Narapatijayacarya, a treatise on
onions by Narapati, p. 41; Narapati's
history, ibid.
Nalodaya, attributed to Kalidasa ; but
its author Ravidova, son of N3ru-
yana, p. 83f.
Nagananda, p. 408n.
Nadabindu ( U. ) , p. 95.
Nanarthakosa, p. 168, 435.
Namanidhana, p. 169.
Namaprapafica, p. 176.
Namamaia, p. 168, 176.
Namalinganusasana, p. 168.
Namanusasana, p. 176.
Narada-Pancar3tra, its different
Samhitas, p. 69 ; part of Jnanamrta-
sara-Samhitas, p. 191.
Narada-Smrti, its text about widow
marriage, p. 312f.
Naradlyapurana, p. 319.
Narayana ( U. ) , P. 95.
Narayanastotra of Balakrsna, p. 39.
Narayanlya section, the whole of it
refers to the Pailcaratra system,
antiquity of the Nar5yanlya section,
p. 189, 192.
Nigama, p. 176.
Nigodavicara, p. 63.
Nityamahoddyota by Asadhara, p. 248.
Niyamasara of Kundakundacarya,
p. 244 ; com. by Padmaprabhamala
679
dharideva, p. 244f.; nature of its con-
tents ; its twelve Adhikaras, p. 245.
Nirukta, p. 168, 444, 458.
Nirnayadlpika, = Kalanirnayadipika
of Ramacandra. p. 146.
Nirnayasindhu, ( of Kamalakara ) p.
139,140,142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150;
its attempt to reconcile conflict-
ing statements about the age of
marriage, p. 544 ; N. 554 ; N. on the
subject of Garbhadhana, p. 590.
Nirnayamrta of Alladanatha, A.'s
history, p. 143f 146.
Nisadhatlka, v. Vibhatavibhavana, p.61.
NJlakanthastava, p. 168.
Nilamatapurana = Kasmlra Mahatmya,
p. 133.
Nilarudra ( U. ) , p. 95.
Nrt ya ( dancing ), a work on, p. 223.
Nrsimh a tapani-Maha- ( U. ), p. 95.
Nrsimhatapinl-Upanisad-its di fferent
parts, p. 96.
Nrsimhapurvatapani ( U. ), p. 95.
Netroddyota ( Tan.) by Ksemaraja,
pupil of Abhinavagupta, p. 219.
Nairukta ( also Niruktam ), p. 176.
Naisadha, p. 168,176, 436 ; Naisadhlya,
p. 340.
Nyayakulisa, p. 187.
Nyayaparisuddhi, p. 187.
Nyayabhusana, p. 67.
Nyayamakaranda, p. 61.
Nyayaratna of Manikantha, p. 343.
Nyayaratnaprakasa of Vacaspati, a
com. on Nyayaratna of Manikantha,
p. 343.
Nyayarahaaya (com. on Vatsyayana's
Nyayasntrabhasya) by Ramabhadra,
son of Bhattaoarya Cudamani -
Janakinathabhattacarya C'udamani,
p. 27.
Nyayavrtti, p. 61.
Nyayasara, p. 187.
Nyayasiddhajnana, p. 187.
Nyayasiddhantaraanjari by Janaki-
nathabhatacarya Cudamani and its
com., p. 29.
Nyayasiddhi, p, 187.
Nyayasudarsana, p. 187.
Nyayasudha = Jayatirtha's com. on
Madhva's Anuvyakhyana, p. 23;
N. by Bhatta Somesvara, a com. on
Kumarila's Tantravartika, p. 178.
Nyayasutra, p. 61; N. of Gautama
and Bhasya of Vatsyayana, p, 67.
Nyayarthamanjusa, p. 61.
Ny3y3vat5ratippanik3, p. 61.
Nyasa, p. 168, 176, 436; NySsa(kSra)
P. 163,
Paficatantra, a copy of, "more than five
hundred years old " p. 7 ; p. 54,155.
Pancamibhavisyadatta, p. 60.
Pancamrta, a tantra, p. 217.
Panjika, p. 168, 176.
Pattavali ( of Svetambaras ) p. 79 ; of
Vata Gaccha, ibid.
1
Padacandrika, com. on Amarakosa
by Rayamukuta himself, p. 164, 176 ;
I date of com. p. 165.
Padarthacandrika of SesSnanta. com.
on Saptapadarthi ; com. on Pada-
rthacandrika, p. 30.
; Padarthadlpika of Kondabhatta Rango-
jibhatta, a Nyaya manual, p. 207.
Padarthamala of JayarSmapancanana,
( Nyaya manual), p. 30.
Padmapurana - Jain Ramayana, by
Ravisena ; p. 270f. containing the
story of Rama and Ravana, its date,
p. 216. 271, 319, 344.
Padmasamhita, ( Panearatra ), p. 69.
Padyaveni, an anthology by Venidatta-
yajiiika, p. 322f., V.'s family ; authors
and works quoted in the work,
l p. 322-24 ; his date, p. 324.
Paramatabhanga, p. 187.
Parama-Samhita, p. 190.
Paramahamsa ( U ), p. 95.
Paramagamacudamani Samhita, (Pan-
caratra ) p. 69.
Paramarthasara of Abhinavagupta;
A.'s literary pedigree, p. 20l f ; a com.
on it, p. 202.
Parasarasmrti, p. 143; its text about
widow marriage, p. 312f.
Parikarman (Jain), p. 254.
Paribh3s3bh3skara by Bhaskara;
680
INDEX VI
arrangement of the work; B.'s date,
p. 164 ; P. by SesSdri, p. 164.
Parvanirnaya by Ganesa p. 214.
Pakhanda-capetika by Vijaya-Rama-
carya; a work against Madhvas,
p. 183,
Pandavacarita (Jain ), p. 50.
PandavI-Gita, p. 61.
Paninitantra, p. 168.
Parasiparakasa of Vedangaraya, p.40f;
giving methods for converting Hindu
into Mahomedan dates ; Arabic and
Persian names of days &c , written
for Shah Jehan.
Paraskara-Grhya-Sutra, quoted, p. 541,
567.
Parayana ( same at Dhatuparayana?)
p. 168,176.
Parasaryavijaya, p. 187.
Parijata, p. 141, 143.
Parthavijaya of Trilocana, p. 366, 369.
Parsvanathacarita of Sakalaklrti, p.50,
280f.
Pihgalarthapradipa, pp.334-343; works
and authors quoted therein, p. 334f.
Pinda ( U. ) p. 95.
Pincjavisuddhi ( J. ) of Jinavallabha,
p. 54, 246.
PistapasumImarasa, by Nsrayana
Pan4ita, p. 178f.
Punjarajatika, p. 61.
Pundarika, Jain work, p. 257.
Purusarthadhikarana of Brahmasutra,
I I I *. 4, p. 304.
Pnrvakaviprayoga, ( Sakha diso jala-
dhiman4a1amalavalam ), p. 168.
Pnrvagata, Jain, p. 254.
Prthvicandrodaya, p. 146,
Prthvisuddhi, p. 61.
Pausadhavidhi of Jinavallabha, p. 54.
Pauskarasamhita ( Nirada-Pancara-
tra ), p. 69,190,191.
Prakatarthavivarana (Sam. Ved.work),
p. 181.
Prakriyakaumudi by Ramaoandra-
carya; p. 161; its com. Prakrlya-
kaumudlprasada by Vitthalacarya,
ibid; p. 289.
Prajnakumudacandrika of the Brahma-
ndapurana, p. 134.
Prajnaparitrana, p. 187.
Pratapamartanda, p. 146.
Prataparudrlya, p. 327.
Pratikramana, ( Jain work ), p. 257.
Pratikramanasamacari of Jinavalla-
bha, p. 54.
Pratijna-Satra, p. 5.
Pratyabhijnavimarsinilaghuvrtti by
Abhinavagupta, p. 201.
Pratyakhyanapurva, p. 255,
Prathamanuyoga ( Jain ) p. 254.
Pradlpa (work), p. 137.
Prapannampta, = Life of Ramanuja,
p. 69.
Prabandhakosa by Jayasekhara, p. 84 ;
P. of Rajasekhara, ibid.
Prabandhacintamani of Merutunga,
p. 62, 62, 84.
Prabodhacandrika, p. 158, 290.
Prabodhacandrodaya with a com, by
RSmadasa, another com. called
Candrika, p. 154f., 341, 386.
Prabhasa-Mahatmya, p. 6.
Pramanamanjari, p. 61; a Vaisesika
work by Tarkikasarvadevasuri, its
com. by Balabhadramisra, p. 64.
Prameyasamgraha, p. 187.
Prameyartharatnakara, a work of
Asadhara, = Exposition of Syadvada,
p. 247.
Prayoga ( Jain work ), p. 54.
Prayogapaddhati for Apastamba* by
Penjalla Jhihgayya, p. 152 ; P. by
Gangadhara, p. 157.
Prayogaparijata, p. 146- Pakayajna-
kSnda ; works and authors quoted i n
it, p. 319f.; its author Nrsirhha,
p. 320 ; a Kanarese Pandit, ibid ;
p. 578.
Prayogaratna by Narayanabhatta p.
320; his date, ibid; P. on the ceremo-
nies connected with the inauspicious
Rtu, P. 590.
Pravacanapar!ksa of Dharmasagara-
gani (Sve. Jain work), p. 223.
Pravacanasara J., p. 54 ; P. of Kunda-
kundacarya, with Sk. Trans, and
681
wi t h a Hindi com., p. 224 ; analysis
of the contents of P., pp. 224-242.
Frasasti of.Uttarapurana, p. 274f.
Prasna ( U. ) , p. 95.
Praanavyakaran3nga,p.253.
Prasnottaramalika, its Dig. Jain recen-
sion, p. 277n,
Prasnottara-Sataka of Jinavallabha,
p. 54.
Prasnottaropasakaeara by Sakalakirti,
p. 269; exposition of the duties of
householders or Sravakas, i bi d;
P., p. 284.
Prakrta-Pa( Vi)dyalaya by Jaya-
vallabha, = Prakrit Anthology with
a Chaya by Ratnadeva, p. 84f.; its
description and contents, p. 85; its
date, ibid.
Prakrtaprakriyavrtti, p. 61;or Vyutpat-
tidtpik2 = a com. by Udayasaubha-
gyagani on Hemacandra's Prakrit
Grammar, description of the com.,
p. 64.
Prakrta-Prabodha, p. 61.
PrSnagnihotra (U.), p. 95.
Pranavayapurva; p. 256.
Prayascittapradlpa, a work of great
authority, p. 99f.
Prasadavidhiprakarana, p. 63.
Phattesahaprakasa, a K a r a n a by
Jatadhara, p. 211f.
Balinarendracarita, p. 60.
Bahurupastaka, a Tantra, p. 217.
Balapanditajatakam, p. 174.
Balabodhini, com. by Narasimhapan-
canana on Janakinatha's Nyaya-
siddhantamanjari, p. 207.
Balabharata, p. 326.
Bala-Raraayana, mentioning king
Mahendrapala as Raghukulacada-
maui, p. 636.
Buddhacarita, p. 169.
Brhatkatha ( PaisSci), p. 169, 273, 361,
369.
BrhatpaficakhySna, p. 61.
Bphadamarakosa, p. 169.
Bfhadaranyaka Upanisad, p. 193, 458.
621.
86 [ R. G, Bhandarkar's works, V
Brhaddevata, p. 293, 294.
Brhaddharavali, p. 169.
Brhad-Narayana (U.), p. 95.
Brhadratnakaravrtti, p. 61.
Baudhayana-Dharmasutra, p. 453.
Baudhayanama'a, p. 306.
Baudhayana-Sutra (ritualistic), a later
Sutra work, p. 114.
Brahma (U.), p. 95.
Brahrnagita of the Yajnavaibhava-
khanda with com. by Madhvacarya,
p. 15 ; B., p. 216.
Bralimatulya=BhaskarScarya'sKarana
( Jyo. ) ; B. Tippana, p. 33.
Brahmadatta-Katha, p. 62.
Brahmapurana, n. 216, 319.
Brahmabindu (U.), p. 95.
Brahmayamalat antra, p. 218.
Brahmavidya (U.), p. 95.
Brahrnavaivarta, p. 319.
Erahmasiddhanta ( Jyo.), p. 32, 33, 344.
Brahmasucras as one of the three
Praathanas, p. 22.
Brahmasutra-Bhasya of Samkara, its
corn. Ra':neprabha, p. 180.
Brahmasutravrtti by Bodhayana, p.
187.
Brahmandapurana, not the name of a
definite work, p. 134, 216, 319.
Braiunarartavarsinl, a com. on Brahma-
si'ura by Ramakimkaravarya " a
concise but clear " com., history of
the author also called Ramananda-
Sarasvati, p. 180.
Bhaktirasamrtasindhu by a pupil of
Krsna-Caitanya, p. 197f., 290.
Bhagavatyaradhanacatustaya by Siva-
koti, p. 272.
Bbagavdgita as one of the three pras-
thanas, p. 22, 319, 462, 478, 486, 613,
620, 621; B. with Samkara Bhasya,
the ms. nearly 500 years old, p. 15;
. B. wi t h a com. (Madhva system)
p. 23; com. on it by Ramanuja; a
c m. on it by R3j8naka Rama, accrd-
ing to Kasmu Saiva school, p. 202 ;
com. on B. by Jagaddhara, p. 438.
Bhagavadbhaktiratnavali, (a collection
)1. I I . 1
682 INDEX VI
of Bhakti-Texts from the Bhagavata
Purana ) by Visnupuri Tairabhukta,
p. 197.
Bhatti ( Kavya ?) p. 164.
Bharatasastra, p. 54.
Bharatesvarabhudaya a poem by As5-
dhara, p. 247.
Bhavabhasya, p. 103, 307.
Bhavasvamin's Bhasya on Baudhayana
Sutra on CaturrnSsya rites, p. 97..
Bhavisyapurana, p. 319 ; B. giving an
account of Samba, bringing the Maga
family to India, p. 634; B. saying
that the sacred cord Avyanga be
tied round the middle part of the
sun's image, p. 635,
Bhavisyottara (P.), p. 143.
Bhavyakumudacandrika = Asadhara's
com. on his Dharmamrta; why it
was written, p. 248.
BhSgavatatatparyanirnaya, p. 23.
Bh3gavata-Pur3na. p. 154, 344.
Bhagavrtti, p. 169.
Bhattacintamani, p. 145.
Bharata, p. 169, 176, 310f, 344 ; t i ka on
B., p. 176.
Bbaratatatparyanirnaya, p. 24 ; Bha-
rata-tatparyanirnaya-pramanasam-
graha, p. 23f, 195.
Bharadv3ja-Sutra, ( ritualistic ) a later
Sutra work, p. 114.
Bharadvajiyabhasya, p. 103, 306.
Bh5rgav5rcanacandrik3, p. 146.
Bhavadyotanika, by Sesa Rama, = a
com. on Naisadhacarita, p. 84.
Bhavaprakasa, of Nrsirhha - com. on
Madhva's Anubhasya, p. 23.
Bhavasataka of Nagaraja, p. 9; B., p.
325.
Bhavadiprabhrta of Kundakundacarya,
p. 224.
Bhavanandl, p. 207; a com. on it by
Mahadeva Punatambekar, ibid.
Bhas3pariccheda by Visvanathaparl-
canana and its com., p. 298.
Bhasavrtti ( Grammar ), p. 159,169.
Bhasika-Sutra, p. 5.
Bhasya, p. 169.
Bhasyacurni p. 63.
Bhasyavivarana, p. 187.
Bhasyasara, of the Srutis, p. 161.
Bhaskaracaritra, by Bhsakara, author
of Padyamrtatarahgini, p. 325.
Bhasvati, Madhava's com. on i t , p. 239 ;
Gangadhara's com. on it, ibid; a oom.
on i t , p. 290. ,
Bhasvatlkarana by Satananda, com. on
B. by Aniruddha, follows the Surya-
siddhanta; its date, p. 208, 209;
another com. by Madhava p. 208;
t hi rd com. by GahgSdhara, p. 209,
fourth, anonymous, ibid.
Bhugolasastra, p. 63.
Bhutoddamara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Bhumavidya in the Chandogya Upa-
nisad, p. 190.
Bhrguvall! ( U. ), p. 95; = part of
Taittiriyopanisad, p. 97.
Bhairavayamala, p. 219; Bhairava-
stava, ibid.
Bhairavayamalatantra, p. 218.
Bhairava-Saha-navarasaratna, p. 9.
Bhairavastaka, a Tantra, p. 217.
Bhojaprabandha, p. 323, 326.
Bhojarajiya, p. 144.
Manittha-Tajika of Manitthacarya;
Manittha mentioned by Varahami-
hira and identified with ManetJio,
author of Apotelesmata, p. 39;
quoted by Utpala, ibid; M. T. not the
work of Manittha; a modern com-
pilation, p. 39f.
Mandtlka (U.), p. 95.
Matsyapurana, p. 169, 320, 344.
Madananighantu, p. 139.
Madanaparijata,p. 6; M. by Visvesvara-
bhatta, pp. 137-139; M., p. 146, 150;
M. by Madanapala, p. 572.
Madanaratna, p. 146.
Madanavinoda, its date, p. 138f.
Madanavinodanighantu, p. 137f.
Madalasakuvalayanatika, p. 393.
MadhumadhavT, p. 176.
Madhvavijaya, p. 7.
Manusmrti, com. on, by Raghavananda
p. 6 ; M. p. 143; its text about widow
marriage, ;p. 312; Manusambita, a
Kasmir text p. 136,
Manorama ( grammar ), p. 159,
683
Mantrabhasya( = Uvata's com. on Vaja-
saneya Samhita ? ], p. 3.
Mantramahodadhi of Mahidhara, p. 98.
Mantra arna, p. 169.
Mantrika-Upanisad, p. 4.
Maha-(U. ), p. 95.'
Mahakalpa, Jain work, p. 257.
Mahadeva, a Tantra, p. "217.
Mahadeviya, p. 144.
Mahanataka with a com.by Balabhadra;
date of the com., p. 154; another com.
called Candrika, ibid.; M. p. 15ft, 320,
394.
Mahanarayana-Upanisad, p. 96f.
Mahapisamata, a Tantra, p. 217.
MahSpundarika, Jain work, p. 257.
Mahabharata, Mss. of; a copy of the
whole of the Mbh., its date, p. 5f.; M.
its Narayaniya section of the Moksa-
dharmaparva of Santiparvan, p. 189 ;
M. , p. 198, 216, 293, 452, 458, 461, 462,
466, 504, 554; M. and RamSyana
stories differently told by Jains,
indicating different recensions, p.
317 ; M. , its present shape, retouched,
p. 444; M. mentioning the Abhiras,
p. 632.
Mahabbasya with com. of Kaiyata ;
a good Ms., p. 10, 62, 65.
Mahabh3syagudharthadipini, -- Notes
on Mahabbasya by Sadasiva, p. 158.
Mahamayasambara, a Tantra, p. 217,
223.
Mahtilaksmimata, a Tantra, p. 217.
Mahavakyas, their exposition by
Samkaracarya, p. 13.
Mahavidya-vidambana, p. 62.
Mahasammohana, a Tantra, p. 217.
Mahiranah stotra, p. 169.
Mahlpa ( Kosa), p. 154,
Mahocchusma. a Tantra, p. 217.
MSndukya-Upanisad, its four parts,
p. 96.
Matrbheda, a Tantra, p. 217.
Matsya, p. 143.
Madhavi, p. 176.
Madhyamdinasniti, p. 307.
Manava-Grbya, p. 463; Sntra from
M. G. on marrying a Nagnika,
p. 596.
Mayagata-Culika ( = Magic ), p. 256.
Markandeya ( Purana), p. 6, 143, 170,
344.
Margamahodaya, ( Jain), p. 246.
Malati-Madhava, number of Mss. used
in the edition, changes in its readings
as found in different Mss. made by
or due to the author himself, p. 422;
conjectural emendations in the case
of M. condemned, p. 423 ; M. second
work of Bhavabhnti, p. 426.
Mahesvaratantra, p. 216.
Mahesvaravada, p. 63.
Mitaksara, Vijnanesvara's Com. on
Yajnavalkyasmrti, p. 6, 141, 142, 143,
150,152, 289.
Minindra Panho, discourse between
King Milindra and Nagasena, the
Buddhist, 626.
Mlnaraj'ajataka or Yavanajataka by
Yavanesvaracarya, p. 214.
Mhnaihsanyayaprakasa by Krsna-
yajvan, p. 178.
S Mimamsabalaprakasa by Saihkara-
bhatta, p. 178.
Mimamsasutra, Sabarasvamin's Bhasya
on it, p. 177.
Muktavail, p. 61.
Muktikopanisad, p. 4.
Muktiointamani, p. 197f.
Mugdhabodha, a Kosa, p. 83.
Mugdhamodhakarl-alamkaravrtti,
P. 61.
Munda ( U. ) , p. 95.
Mudgalapurana, p. 134.
Mudraraksasa, p. 428.
Muhurtacudamani by Sivadaivajna,
p. 213, 290.
Muhilrtatattva, a com. on it by Gaoesa,
p. 214.
Mularadhana, a gloss on it by 5i a-
dhara, p. 248.
Mrcchakati, p. 428.
Meghadnta, four glosses on, p. 7 ; M.
p. 158, 176, 427 ; com. on M., p. 436 ;
com. on M. by Jagaddhara, p. 438 :
Dig. and Sve. Jain M., 318.
684 INDEX VI
Medini, p. 170, 176, 435.
Maitrayaniya-Grhyasutra, two Mss.
of, supporting the late marriage of
girls ; readings discussed, p. 602;
( Note II )
Maitreya, p. 170.
Modanesa, a Tantra, p. 217.
Mohapatirajoharanavicara, p. 63.
Mhalukapaddhati ( Jyo. work ), p. 36.
Yajurveda as merely a sacrificial book,
p. 119f. ; Sukla Y., p. 6, 455; Ma-
dhyarhdina Recension, its Krama
text, p. 94f.; Black Y., p. 443.
Yajna-Parsva, p. 307.
Yajnavaibhavakhanda with com. by
Madhavacarya, pupil of SamkarS-
nanda, p. 15.
Yatindramatudipika of Srniivasa of
of Vadhula family ; authors and
works, referred to in the work, p.l86f.;
analysis of its contents, p, 188.
Yamalastaka, a Tantra, p. 217.
Yavanajataka ( Jyo.), p. 37.
Yajnavalkya-Siksa, p. 5.
Yajnavalkya-Smrti, p. 6; ( two parts )
wi t h Aparaditya's com., p. 136.
Yavanaparipatya Rajariti byDalapati-
rSya ; written for Madhavasimha =*
Savai Madhavarao ( II ) Peshwa ;
nature of the work ; containing Skr.
equivalents of Mahomedan Political
terms, p. 47.
Yogatattva ( U. ) , p. 95.
Yogasatakavyakhya, p 176.
Yogasikba ( U. ), p. 95,
Yoginijalasambara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Yoginyastadasakrama of Balakrsna,
p. 39.
Raghu, p. 170, 176, 369 ; Raghuvariisa
Kavya, p, 361, 364, 366, 369 ; R. tika,
p. 62.
Raghuvamsadarpana by Hemadri, p. 7.
Ratnakosa, p. 170, 176, 435.
Ratnatrayavidhana by Asadhara, p.248.
Ratnamala, quoted in Kaumudl, p. 170,
176.
Ratnamalayam Anekarthakosa, p. 63.
Ratnakara, a work on Dharraasastra,
p. 140, 142.
RatnSvalT, p. 323, 366, 370, 436n2 ; R
1
tika, p. 62.
Rasikapriya, p. 331.
Raghavanatika(a), p. 63 ; R. tik5, p. 61.
Raghavapandaviya of Kaviraja; copied
by Jains, p. 318. .
Rajakaustubha by Anantadeva, p. 150.
Rajatarahgini (on Bhavabhnti and
Vakpat i ); its chronology, p. 81, 429 ;
R. called the kings ruling in the
North as Turuskas or Kusanas, p.633.
Rajavallabhamandana, a work on
Architecture by Mantjana in the
service of Kumbhakarna, K. of
Medapata, p. 42.
Rajimatiprabodha, a drama by Yasas-
candra ; its hero Nemi, p. 62, 64.
Rajimativipralambha wi t h his own
gloss of Asadhara, p. 248.
Ramakrsnapaddhati ( Jyotisa ), p. 36.
Ramakautuka, a Dharmasastra work,
p. 144.
Ramacandra Kavya, p. 61.
Ramacarita ( J.), p. 50 ; R. in verse in
Prakrit and Sanskrit, p. 54; R. in
prose by Devavijayagani, p. 54f.
Ramadasatika, p. 170.
Ramapurvatapaniya ( U. ) , p. 95,
Ramavinoda, a Karanaby Ramabhatta,
p. 211; 290.
Ramanusasana, p. 170.
Ram3yana, p. 170, 176, 504; R. ("origi-
nal" R.) referred to by Madhva, p. 195!
R. ( Akhyana ), p. 344.
Ramarcanacandrika, p. 146.
Ramottaratapaniya ( U. ) , p. 95.
Ravanasamvada, p. 63.
Rukminisavijaya, a poem by Vadiraja-
tirtha, wi t h com., p. 7.
Rudrayamalatantra, p. 218.
Rupagata-Culika, p. 256.
Rapanarayaniya, p. 144.
Rupabheda, Tantra, p. 176, 217.
Rupamanjarl, p. 171, 176.
Rupamafijarinamamala, a Kosa by
Rupacandra, p. 83.
Ruparatnakara, p. 176.
Rapavali, p. 414.
Rupikamata, a Tantra, p. 217.
Laksmisamhita ( Panoaratra), p. 69.
Lagbusatapadl by Merutuhga, contains
the history of Vatagacoha, p. 63, 65.
Lingakarika, p. 176.
Lingapurana, p. 171,
Lihganusasana of Vamana. p. 160.
Lilavati, a com. on it by Ganesa,
p. 214.
Lilavatikatha (Jain W. ), by Jinesvara,
p. 53.
Lekhapancasika ; its historical impor-
tance, p. 44; nature of the work,
ibid ; its date and contents, p. 44f.
Lainga, p. 171.
Lokabindusarapurva, p. 256.
Laugaksikarika, p. 307.
Laugaksi-( Nirmita-)Sutra, p. 103.
Vajjalaya or Vajjalaga = collection of
Gahao or Gathas, p. 84f.
Vandana ( Jain work), p. 257.
Varahapurana, p. 320.
Varivasyilrahasya, (Tantra work ),
p. 219f., 222.
Varnadesana, p. 176.
Varnaviveka, p. 171.
Varsaphalavicara, by Nllakantha, p.213;
a com. on it by Madhavy, ibid;
another com., p. 289.
Va'layupaddhati ( Jyo.), p. 36.
Vasantarajakrti. p. 344.
Vastupalacarita, p. 63.
Vastupala-Tejapala-Carita, p. 62.
VastupSla-Tejapalaprabandha, p. 62.
Vajasaneya Sakha, its Sacrificial
Manuals, p. 5.
Vajasaneya-Samhita, Kanva Sakha,
Pada Text of, p. 2.
Vanibhnsana, p. 334.
Vathu( tu? )!a, a Tantra, p. 217.
Vamakesvaratantra, p. 217f.
Vamana-Purina, p. 6,143.
Vayupurana, p. 171, 176, 216, 320;
mentions the Vavanas, p. 625.
Varaha, p. 143.
Varijaksacarita, a modem sectarian
work; written under the name of old
Rsis, p. 134,136.
Vartikas (Samkara Vedanta), p. 181,
Vartikatatparyatika, a work on Gota-
masutrabhasya-VSrtika, by V5cas
patimisra, p. 206.
Va(Pa)lakapya, p. 176.
Valakhilyas, p. 131, 295,
Vasavadatta, p. 171,176, 361, 365, 369 ;
com. on it by Jagaddhara, p. 438.
Vasistha-Ramayana, p. 6, 403.
Vasuki, a Tantra, p. 217.
Vastuprakarana, p. 290.
Vastumandana of Mandana, son of
Ksetra, a work on Architecture, p.42.
Vikramacarita, different from Vi kra-
mahkadevacarita, p. 86 ; another V.
= legendary account of Vikrama of
Ujjayini, p. 86.
Vikramasimhavaloka, p. 290.
VikramSdityacarita (different from
Vikramankadevacarita}, p. 86.
Vikramorvasiya ( its Apabhrarhsa ),
p. 342, 427.
Vicarasreni, dates of kings mentioned
in it, p. 76f.
Vicarasara of Jinavallabha, p. 53.
Vijayadevamahatraya-Kavya, p. 60.
Vijayaprasasti, a poem on Vijayasena,
a high priest of Tapagaecha, p. 62f.,
64; a com. on Vijayaprasasti, by
Gunavijayagani, p. 64.
Vidagdhamukhamandana, p. 171,177.
Vidyanuvadapurva, p. 255.
Vidyavedapaddhati, a Dharmasastra
work, p. 144.
Vidvajjanavallabha, a work on Divi-
nation, ascribed to K. Bhoja, p. 41.
Vidvadbhusana by Balakrsna, its com.
called Manjubhasini by Madhu-
sudana, p. 84.
Vidhiratna, p. 103 ; quoted in Prayoga-
parjiata, p. 108.
Vidhiratnamata, p. 307.
Vipakasutranga, p. 253.
Vimalamata, a Tantra, p. 217.
Vivarana (Samkara Vedanta ), p. 181,
Vivadacandra of Sannaisra Misaru,
p. 140.
Vivadacintamani, a Dharmasastra.
work, p. 142.
686 INDEX VI
Vivadaratnakara, a Dharmsastra work,
p. 142.
Vivadarnavabbafijana, a work of many
men, p. 140f.
Vivahavrndavana, (Astrology of Marri -
age ) by Kesava, p. 214.
Viveka-Vilasa of JinadattasOri (Jain),
p. 47.
Visuddhesvara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Visva, p. 171; Visva(kosa), p. 154.
Visva or Visvaprakasa of Mahesvara,
p. 435&nl; its date, p. 436.
Visvaprakasa, p. 171.
Visvarnp.-vnibandha, p. 146.
Visvoddharatantra, p. 219.
Visnutattvanirnaya, p. 24.
Visnudharmottara, p. 320, 344.
Visnu-Purana, p. 6, 171, 320 ; mentions
the Abhiras, p. 63?.
Visnubhaktikalpalata, by Purusottama,
wi t h a com. by Mahesvara ; date of
the com., p. 152f., 289.
Visnubhakticandrodaya, (Madhva V.),
p. 25 ; a manual for a Vaisnava in
general; older than Vallabha, p. 197,
289.
Visnusahasranama with Sam. Bhasya,
p. 15.
Visnusrarti, p. 103, 143.
Vinu(5)dya, a Tantra, p 217.
Viracarita, p. 424; first work of Bhava-
bhtlti, its defects, p. 426.
Virasimhavaloka, a medicinal work;
diseases traced to sins, p. 215.
Viryapravadapnrva, p. 255.
Vrttamauktikavartikaduskaroddhara,
p. 334.
Vrttaratnakara, its com. by Bhaskara,
p. 325; date of the com.; Bhaskara
the same as author of ParibhSsa-
bhaskara, p. 325 ; V., p. 334.
Vrttaratn5karak5vya, p. 62.
Vr t t i ( Grammar ), p. 171.
Vrddha-Gargya-samhita by Gargya or
Garga, p. 212; 290; different from
GargI Samhita, ibid.
Vrddhagrantba, p. 103.
Vrddhanyasa, p. 177.
Vrddha-BrahmasamhitS, p. 69.
Vrndasamgraha, p. 216.
Vrndavanayamaka, p. 177.
Vrsakapisukta, p. 131.
Venlsamhara, p. 171; com. on it by
Jagaddhara, p. 438.
Vedantadlpa, abridgement of Sri-
bhasya, p. 69.
Vedantavijaya, p. 187.
Vedantasara, com. on Vedantastltra,
( Ramanujiya ), p. 69 ; V. different
from the work usually known by
that name, p. 180.
Vedantasiddhantabheda, p. 181f.; an
exposition of different views on
Vedantic matters wi t hi n the Sam-
kara School, ibid.
Vaitathya ( U. ) , p. 95.
Vaidyanathaprasasti, p. 405.
Vainayika, Jain work, p. 257.
Vaiyakaranabhusanasara of Konda-
bhatta Rahgojibhatta, p. 207.
Vaivahasaddipika, a com. on Vivaha-
vrndavana by Ganesa, p. 214.
Vaisnava ( P. ), p. 143.
Vaisnavasiddhantasaddlpika, p. 161.
VyakhyaprajnaptyanRa, p. 253f.
Vyakhyamrta, p. 171,177.
Vrataraja, by Visvanatha, sou of
Gopal, a modern work, p. 149f.
Samkarastotra of Balakrsna, p. 39.
Satapatha-Brahmana, p. 2.
Sataslokltika, p. 61.
Sabaratantra, containing charms in
different Vernaculars, p. 218.
Sabdaprakasa or Sabdabheda, p.435&n2;
one and the same work = an appendix
to the Visvaprakasa.
Sabdabhusana of Danavijaya, p. 48.
Sabdanusasana, p. 172.
S'abdarnava, p. 172, 177.
Sabheda (same as Sabheda and Sabhe-
da, below), p. 177.
Sasadharanyaya ( wor k) p. 62.
Sakatayaniyavrtti, p. 172.
Sakaia-Grhya, p. 298.
SSkala-Samhita, p. 301.
Sakala-Sntra, p. 298.
Sakal yasamhi t a ( J yot i s a ), p. 32.
Sakunt al a, i t s Nagar i and Gaudi
recensidns, p. 71.
Sankhayana- Gr hya ( Sut r a ) p. 296.
Sankhayana-Sut ra, ' i gnored by T r i -
kandaraandana and r ar el y st udi ed,
p. 301, p. 308.
Satavahana-gatbas, p. 369.
Sant i car i t a by Sakal aki r t i , p. 278.
Sal i hot r a, p. 172.
Sasvata, ( Kosa ) , p. 172, 175, 435.
Siksa by Kesava, a com. on i t by Al a -
mur i manci , p. 98.
Si kha (U. ) p. 95.
Siras ( U. ) p. 95.
Si vagi t a, p. 216.
Si vadr st i , by Somananda, a wor k of
Pr at yabhi j i i a branch, p. 201.
Si varnahat mya from the Br ahmot t ar a-
khanda, p. 134.
Si varahasya ( Ta n t r i k wor k ), p. 12.
Si vasi l t ras, of the Spanda branch of
Kasmi r Sai vi sm, p. 199nn; t hei r mani -
f est at i on ; i bi d.
SistagTta ( Ni mbar ka wor k ), p. 26.
Suddhi t at t va, p. 150.
Sul vasi t t ra-Bhasya, p. 98.
Sudr adhar mat at t va, p. 147.
Srhgara, an ant hol ogy of, p. 158.
Sr ngar aki i hnar anSt aka, p. 407.
Srhgaraprakasa, p. 172, 177.
Srngarasat aka of Ji naval l abha, p, 54.
Sesacl nt amani a wor k, p. 177.
Sesasamgraha, Hemaeat ul ra' s supple-
ment t o his Abhi dhanaci nt amai i i ,
p. 65.
Sr addhani r naya of Hemadr i , p. 105.
Sr addhapr akar ana of YiTjfiavalkya,
p. 136.
Sr addhavi dhi of Ganosa, p. 214.
Sr addhavi veka by Rudradhara, p. 140.
Sr l dhar apaddhat i ( Jyot i sa ), p. 36.
Sri pal a Caupai, p. 289.
Sr l pal acar i t a by Nemi dat t ayat i , p. 270;
281f.
Sribhasya, p. 187; wi t h Srutaprakasa,
p. 69.
Srut aprakasi kaa=com. on Ramanuja' s
Vedanat asut r a- Bhasya, p. 187.
Srutabodha, a wor k on met r i cs ; a com.
on it by Manohar a, p. 177; S. of
Kal i dasa, p. 334.
Srut asabdart hamahani yasamuccaya by
Somesvara, pupi l of Yogesvaracarya,
p. 83.
Srut ayurveda, p. 63.
Sr ut i , p. 172.
Sl okavar t i ka, cal l ed also K3s i ka( ?) ,
p. 178.
Svet asvat ara-Upani sad-Bhasya by VI j -
nanabhiksu, p. 179f.
Sat t ri msanmat a, p. 320.
Sadarthasamksepa, p. 187.
Sadasiti of Ji naval l abha, p. 53.
Saddarsanavrt t i , p. 62.
Saddarsanasaniuccaya ( J ai n ), p. 47.
Sadbhasastavana, p. 60.
Sadvimsa-Brahmana, p. 344.
Sabheda ( same as Sabheda above and
Sabheda below, p. 177).
Samvat sarapradi pa, a Dharmasast ra
wor k, p. 144.
Samvegarangasala, by Jinacandra, p. 53.
Samsaravart a, ]). 172, 177.
Samskara-Kaustubha by Anant adeva,
p. 150; S. K. on the marri age coro-
mony, p. 514.
Samskarapaddhat i by (Jangadhara,
G. one of t he oldest wr i t er s on
Madhyamdi na r i t ual , p. 6, 151.
Samskarabhaskara, p. 6.
Samkarsakanda. p. 103 ; quoted by Saiii-
karacarya, p. 107 ; ----- Dai vat a or
Dovat a-Kanda ; --- supplementary
kanda of Ka r ma ma r ga - second par t
or Appendi x of Mi mamsa-Sut ra, i bi d
a com. on S., p. 109.
Samkr Snt i ni r naya of Bal akrsna, p. 39.
Samksepasariraka, i t s vi ews about
UpadhI & c , p. 181f.
Samksi pt abharat a, p. 172.
Samgat i mSl a, p. 187.
Sai hgi t ar at uakar a of Sarngadeva
wi t h com. p, 43 ; t he com. at t r i but ed
688 INDEX VI
to king Singa of Andhra = Singhana,
Yadava K. of Devagiri, p. 43f;
another com. on it ?, p. 223.
Samghapattaka of Jinavallabba, p. 54.
Satyapravadapurva, Jain W., p. 255.
Sadaoarasmrti by Challari Nrsimha-
c8rya, p. 149.
Saduktikarnamrta of Sridharadasa,
p. 347.
Sanatkumaragita, p. 62.
Samnyasa ( U. ) p. 95.
Saptakumarika, p. 177.
Saptapadarthi of Sivaditya, p. 30f; date
of s'ivaditya, p. 31; S. tika, p. 290.
Saptasat! or Devimahatmya contained
in the M8rkandeya Purana, p. 87.
Sabheda, same as Sabheda and Sabheda
above, p. 177.
Sabhyaiamkaraiia by Govindaji ( Go-
vindajit); works and authors quoted
therein, p. 325.
SaraayasaraofKundakund3oarya,p.224.
SamayasaraparamagamanatSka, p.63.
Samayasaraprabhrta of Kundakunda-
carya ( Dig. Jain.), p. 47.
Samavayanga, p. 252.
Samasyapflrana, p. 156.
Sammohanatantra, p. 218.
Sarasvatikanthabharana of Bhoja of
Dhara, p. 334,434, 436.
Sarvajnanottara, a Tantra, p. 217.
Sarvadarsana (Sarngraha) of Madhava,
p. 240n2&n3.
Sarvavlramata, a Tantra, p. 217.
Sarvasva, p. 177.
Sarvanukrama, p. 295, 300.
Sarvarthasiddhi, p. 187.
Sarvopanisatsara (U.), p. 95.
Sahasranamatlka, p. 177.
Sahasranamastavana (Jain ) with
gloss by Aladhara, p. 248.
S8mkhya, p. 173.
Satvatasamhita referred to by Rama-
nuja, p. 190,192.
Samaveda, its song books, p. 2.
Samasarhhita, p. 94; its Pada text,
ibid.
Sambapurana, p. 173.
Saradlpika, a com. on SSrasvata Vya-
karana, p. 11.
Sarasvatakosa, p. 173.
Sarasvata ( Vyakarana) a com. on it
by Ramabhatta, -son of Narasimha,
p. 10f.
Saraval! ( Jyotisa) p. 36.-, 216, 290.
Saravalljataka, p. 216.
Sardhasataka of Jinavallabha, p. 53.
Sahityadarpana, p. 164.
Siddhakhapda of MantrasSra by PSr-
vatlputra NityanStha, (dark pro-
cesses ), p. 219.
Siddhayoglsvaramata, a Tantra, p. 217.
Siddhasabdarnava of Sahajaklrti, a
lexicon, quoted by Mallinatha, p. 11,
48f.
Siddhanta-KaumudT, p. 415.
Siddhantamuktavali = com. by the
author himself on his Bh5s5pari-
ccheda, p. 29f.
Siddhitraya, p. 187.
Siddhi - bhn - paddhati, a Jain work,
p. 275.
Sukrtasarhklrtana, p. 63.
Sudarsanacarita by Nemidatta, p. 270.
Sudarsanasamhita (Tantrika ), p. 219.
Sundaranandacarita, p. 173.
Subhadra, a work, by PSrtha, poet,
367.
Subhasitamuktavali or Subhasitasnkti-
muktavali by Jahlana, a note on it,
pp. 349-416; its two recensions,
p. 350f.; contents of S. p. 357f.; poets
mentioned in the S.. p. 359 ; S. p. 324.
Subhasitaratnakosa by Krsna, p. 157f.
Subhasitaratnasamdoha, p. 308.
fcJubhaumacarita by Ratnacandra, p.282;
their dates, p. 282f.
Surathotsava, a Kavya by Somesvara-
deva, pp. 87-90 ; its contents, p. 90,
93,158, 330.
Busruta-Samhita ( Medi.), p. 41.
Saktamuktavall of SomaprabhBcarya;
his history and date, p. 48.
SaktSvall, p. 61.
Snktisahasra, p. 360, 368; verses
from it quoted, p. 410f; called also
Saktiratnakara, p. 411.
INDEX or SANSKRIT WORKS 689
Snksmarthasiddhanta of Jinavallabha,
p. 53.
Sutra, Jai n. p. 254.
Sutrakrtanga, Jain, p. 252,
Sutrabhasya, p. 177..
Sadasastra, p. 177.
Suryaprajnapti, Jai n, p. 254.
Suryasiddbanta abridged by Bhaskara-
carya into BbasvatI, p. 32. 209, 344.
Setu ( of Pravarasena = Setubandha),
p. 365, 369.
Somanathaprasasti, p. 411.
Saurapurana, p. 320.
Skandapurana, not the name of a
definite work, p. 134, 320.
Skanda ( Purana) , p. 173, 344.
Sthalagata Cnllka = cbarms and other
processes ( Mant ra and Tant ra ),
p. 256.
Sthanahga, p. 252.
SpandakSrika, its authorship variously
assigned, p. 200.
Spandakarikavivaranaby Rama, p.l99f.
Spandapradipika by Utpal a, p. 199f.
Spandasarvasva = Spandakarika and
its Vr t t i , p. 201.
Spandamrta, by Kal l at a, p. 200.
Smrti , ( Jai n ), p. 54, 173.
Smrtikaustubha by Anantadeva, p. 150.
Smrticandrika quoted by Hemadri ,
p. 137,143, 146.
Bmrtidarpana, p. 146.
Smrtidlpa, p. 103 ; perhaps the same as
Smrtipradipa, p. 107.
Smrtibhaskara, p. 320.
Smptiratnavali, p. 146.
Smrtisarhgraha, p. 146.
Smrtisara, mentioned by Vaoaspati ,
. p. 137.
Smrtyarthasagara by Chal l ari Nrsi i n-
haoarya, its di fferentTarangas, p.149.
Smrtyarthasara, p. 139, 143,146,150.
Svapnadasanana, p. 370.
SvapnavEsavadatta, p. 360, 364.
Hamsa ( U. ) , p. 95.
Harigurustavam3l3(Nimbarka System),
p. 26.
Hariprabodha, p. 174.
Harivarhsa, p. 6, 174, 177, 344 ; ( Jain )
1
by Jinadasa, pupil of Sakal aki rt i ;
its contents, p. 281; its Prasasti,
p. 250.
Hari vi kramacari ta, p. 61f.
' Harsacari ta, p. 174,198, 365, 369.
Halayudhakosa, a Ms. of it, 400 years
old, p. 11. 154, 174.
", Haraval i , p. 174, 177, 354, 435.
, Hasasmrtipurana, p. 61.
1
Hi ranyakesi n Grhya Sutra, its marri -
age ritual presupposes a girl's having
arrived at maturi ty, p. 557, 596.
Hrdbheda, a Tantra, p. 217.
Hemacandra, his Prakri t Grammar,
p. 48.
Hemaprakrta-Dhuncjhl, p. 61.
Hemavibhrama, p. 63.
87 [ R. G. Bhandarkar's works, Vol . It. ]
*
INDEX VI I
I NDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS
Akabarlkalidasa, p. 322, 324.
Akalanka, a Jain writer, defeated Baud-
dbas in argument, p. 273; his argu-
mentation, p. 280. 282, 317 ; as Aklah-
kabhatta, as p. 245.
AkSlajalada, poet, p. 362, 367, 370, 372.
Aksipad ( = AksapSda) Gautama
( founder of Nyaya ), p. 327f.
Agnisvamin, com. of Latyayana's
S'rauta Sutra, p. 109; his date, p. 110.
Acala, poet, p. 363, 371; verses attribut-
ed to him, p. 372.
A jay a, an author, p. 174.
Atikalaka, a Kapalika, p. 218.
Atislla, an author, p. 165.
Adbhutapunya, verses attributed to
him, p. 372.
Anahgabhlma, his verses, p. 372.
Ananta, author of Jatakapaddhati and
a com. on Kamadhenu, p. 37 ; son of
Siddhesvara, his com. on Kunq!am8r-
tan<Ja, p. 43.
Anantadeva (Grhya writer), p. 546,549
553, 556, 562, 567, 569, 571, 576, 578,
587.
Anantapandita, his Vyangyartha-Kau-
mudi, a com. on Bhanudatta's Rasa-
manjarl, p. 13;A.' s genealogy and
native place, ibid ; his date, p. 12f.
Anantabhatta p. 143, 146.
Anantabhrata, p. 322.
Anantacarya, p. 161f.
Anatha, a Kapalika, p. 218.
Anuttaravagmin, Jain Sage, also called
Uttaravagmin, p. 271; also Anut-
taravid, p. 281.
Andhanatba, poet, his verses, p. 372.
Aparajita, a Jain Srutakevalin, p. 279,
284.
Apararka, p. 143,146,150.
Appayyadlksita, his works, p. 11; his
Kuvalayananda, p. 327, 332.
Appajibhatta, p. 164.
Abhayadeva, Jain Pontiff, p.51; his life
and works, p. 52.
Abhinanda, p. 165, 174; poet, p. 363, 371.
Abhinandana, p. 372.
Abhinavagupta, his Gltarthasaiiigraha,
p. 202; author of Dhvany5lokalocana,
p. 334 ; his verses quoted, p. 373.
Abhinava-Pampa, the Kanarese poet,
p. 318.
Araara, poet, p. 322, 363, 371. '
Amaraka ( poet ), p. 325.
Amaracandra ( partial author of Ka-
vyakalpalata ), his history, p. 60; his
other works, ibid, p. 322, 325 ; A. and
Arisirnha, their life, p. 66.
Amaradatta ( his Pumskanda ), p. 165,
174.
Amaruka, poet, same as Amaraka,
p. 367, 371; verses attributed to him,
p. 373f.
Amitagati, his Subhasitaratnasarhdoha
p. 51; his Dharmaparlksa described,
p. 308f., 317.
Amrtacandra, translator of Pravaoana-
sSra, p. 224,245.
Amrtadatta, poet, his verses quoted,
p. 374.
Amrtadanta, poet, p. 156.
Amrtavardhana, poet, p. 156.
Aranyavasi-Matsya, an author of
ri t ual work, p. 102, 105.
ArasIJhakura, poet, p. 374.
Arisirnha (partial author of Kavyakal-
palata) and author af Sukrtasamkir-
tana, p. 66; A. and Amaracandra,
their joint life and date, p. 66.
Arunadatta, ( identical wi t h the com-
mentator of AstSngahrdaya), p. 174.
Argata(tha), poet, p. 374,
Arjunadeva, a poet, p. 367, 371, 374.
Ava(?)ghata, aMargapravartaka, p.218
INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS 691
Avantivarman, verses attributed to
him, p. 374.
Asvikumaras (two), poets, p, 374.
Asita, p. 344.
Assalayana-lsvalayana, p. 477.
At i val l car ya, (Jain), 285.
Akasapoli, poet, p. 374.
Acaryacudamanibhatta, p. 141.
Atreya, p. 216.
Adikavi = Valmlki, p. 364.
Adityabhajta, poet. p. 375.
Adinatha, a Kapalika, p. 218.
Anandajnana, his different glosses,
p. 13,107.
Anandatlrtha, p. 17, 196; see also under
Madhvacarya, Parnaprajna, and
Madhyamandira, these being differ-
ent names of A.
Anandavardhana, his Dhvani, p. 362,
370; as poet, p. 156.
Apadeva, his history, a modern author,
p. 150.
Apastamba, on age of raarriago, p. 102,
113, 306f., 319, 450, 452. 457, 463, 506,
541, 542, 598.
Aryabhata, p. 34 ; called Bhata, ibid.
Asadhara, p. 237 n.; pp. 245-250; his life,
p. 246f.; list of his works, p. 247f.;
called Kalidasa of his age, p. 247.
Asamitra, p. 322.
Asvalayana, p. 102, 112f., 302-305,307'
444, 458, 463, 543, 550, 559, 561; A. lays
down only a few Kamya Tstis, p. 117;
A. on age of marriage, p. 506; verses
attributed to him not found in the
text, p. 567f., A. on the Ciarbhadhana
ceremony, p. 587.
Asvalayanacarya, p. 319.
Icchata, poet, p. 375.
Induraja, (Bhatta), p. 375.
Indrakavi, p. 323, 375.
Indraguru, a Jain teacher, p. 271.
Indrabhnti, = Gautama, a Ganadhara,
p. 271.
Ugada, p. 165.
Ujjvaladatta, p. 165.
Uddiyakavi, p. 325, 375.
Utpala, his com. on Varahamihira's
Brhajjataka ; his com. on Satpanca-
sika of Prtbuyasas, p. 36; U. son of
Udayakara, author Pratyabhijna-
satra, different from U. of the other
Spanda branch, p. 201; U.'s Spanda-
pradipika, p. 200 ; U. a poet, p. 325.
Utpalaoarya, his Stotras, p. 133.
Utpreksavallabha, poet, p. 375, 426.
Udayana, his Tatparyasuddhi, p.31,206.
Udayamkara, his Paribhasas, p. 164.
Udayasena, a Jain sage, p. 246f.
Udayasaubhagyagani, pupil of Saubha-
gyasSgarasari, p. 64; author of Vyut-
pattidipika, com. on Hemacandra's
Prakrit grammar, p. 64.
Udayin, a Jain, p. 248.
Udumbaras, family of Bhavabhatl,
p. 423.
Uddamakavi, p. 323.
Udbhata, (his work on Poetics ), p. 53.
Upakosa, wife of Katyayana, p. 104.
Upamanyu( Bhatta ), poet, p. 376.
Upavarsa, mentioned in Kathasarit-
sagara and Brhatkatha, p. 104; U. as
the author of a Sntra and as the
author of a Vr t t i on Mimamsa and
Vedanta Sutras, p. 102, 104.
Umvekacarya-Bhavabhuti, p. 424.
UmSpatidhara, poet, p. 321, 376.
Umasvati or Umasvamin, p, 270.
Usanas(a), p. 319,344.
Uataor Uvata, his date, p. 3; his
Bhasya on Vajasaneya Sarhhita.p. 2.
Rsidcva, author, p. 102.
Rsiputra, p. 344.
Ekanatha, his com. on Kiratarjuniya,
P. 7.
Ekanatha, Maratha Saint, p. 491.
Aupanisadah, p. 165.
Ausanasa, p. 344.
Karhsacarya, a Jain Ekadasangadharin,
p. 285.
KatukBditya, poet, p. 376,
692
INDIEX VII
Kanabhuk = Kanada, founder of Vai -
sesika system, p. 27, 327f; his Sntra
rarely studied now, p. 27.
Kathah, p. 101, 103.
Kanthadhari (rin) a Margapravartaka,
p. 218.
Kapardlsvamin, p. 109.
Kamalakara, his AoSrapradlpa, its
Ahnika section; K.'s native plaoe
and history, p. 149; the author of Sid-
dhSntatattvavikeka, p. 213; K. on the
evil effects of the first Rtu on an
inauspioious junoture, p. 590; K. poet,
376; K. 545f, 549, 556, 561, 564, 567,
580.
Kamalakara Diksita, p. 158.
Kamalakarabhatta, author of Nirnaya-
sindhu, p. 145,178, 579 ; K.'s com. on
Tantravartika, p. 178 ; K's pedigree,
ibid.
Kamalayudha, poet, p. 376, 432.
Kayyata, p. 174.
Karala, a Kapalika, p. 218.
Karka.his Bhasya on Paraskara-Grhya-
SHtra, p. 5 ; K. expounder of KatyS-
yana-Sraddha-Satra, p. 97; K. p. 102;
com. of Katyayana-Srauta-Sntra,
p. 105; Karka Up3dhyaya or Svamin,
p. 109 ; K. p. 306, 307.
KarpHrakavi, p. 376.
Kalasa poet, p. 326, 376.
Kalasaka, poet, p. 157.
Kalinga, p. 165,174, 377.
KalpatarukSra, p. 139.
Kallata, p. 199nn, 200&nl, 201; his
Vr t t i on the Spandakarikas, p. 201.
Kalyanavarman, ( Jyo. ),p. 36.
Kallinatha.son of Laksman3rya, p.223.
Kalhana, author of Rajatarangini,p.81,
. 429f.
Kavasa Aililsa, not a Brahman, but
regarded as a composer of Vedic
hymns, p. 512.
Kavikahkana, p. 323.
Kavikeli, poet, p. 377.
Kaviratna, poet, p. 377.
Kaviraja, poet, p. 323, 326 ; K. author
of (Brahmanio ) RaghavapandavTya,
his date, p. 318.
Kavlndra, p. 323.
KavisVara, poet, p. 377.
Kanabhiksu, author of KathalamkSra,
a Jain author; p. 273.
Katya, p. 174.
Katyayana's Sraddha Satra, p. 97; K. .
p. 104; his story in BrnatkathS and
Kathasaritsagara, i bi d; K.'s date
in relation to old Vedic literature,
p. 124; K.'s Sarvanukramabhasya,
an important and rare work, de-
scription of its contents, p. 293f. ; K
p. 102, 113,114,166,174, 307.
Kadambari-R8ma, a dramatist poet,
p. 362, 370.
Karaandaka, p. 174; verses attributed
to him quoted, p. 377,
Kartikeyasvamin, a (Jai n ) Sadhu,
P. 262.
Kala, Kapalika, p. 218.
Kalabhairavanatha, a Kapalika, p. 218.
Kaiapah, p. 166.
Kalidasa, p, 87, 157, 166, 174, 326,
361, 363, 364, 366, 368, 369, 371;
verses attributed to him quoted,
p. 377f.; estimate of his work, com-
pared to Bhavabhilti, p. 428.
Kaslnatha ITpadhyaya, his Dharma-
sindhu, p. 552, 556.
Kasyapa, p. 344.
Kirata, p. 369.
Ki r t i , Jain sage, p. 271; = Sakala-
ki r t i , p. 281.
Kuntalapati = 8ihalapati, p. 378.
Kundakunda, p. 282.
Kundakundacarya, an early writer,
p. 224 ; the line of high priesti found-
ed by him; his works, ibid, p. 262,
269; pp. 278-281.
Kumara, p. 166.
Kumaradasa, poet, p. 156, 166, 326, 369;
verses attributed to him quoted, p.378.
Kumarila lived after Kalidasa, his
Tantravartika, p. 110; K. 178, 194,
297; K. Svamin or K. bhatta, p. 109,
424.
Kumuda, poet, p. 378.
Kurabhaka, poet, p. 378.
INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS 693 .
Kul asekhara, his Asoaryamanj ar!, p. 362,
K. , p. 370.
Kul l ukabhat t a on k i l l i n g of ani mal s,
p. 179; K. p. 142, 583.
Kusumadeva, poet, p. 156.
Kt t r macal anr pat i , p. 323.
Kr sna, hi s com. on Kat yayana' s Srad-
dha sut r a, p. 97f; Krsna' s f ami l y,
p. 97.
Krsnadasa, p. 323.
Kr snapandi t a, p. 323.
Kr s napi l l a, poet, p. 378.
Krsnaral sra, poet, p. 378.
Kr snacar ya, p. 161f.
Kedara, ment i oned by Sr i dhar acar ya,
p. 137.
Ke r a l i , p. 323.
Kesava Kas ml r i , his Vedant asi l t r a-
bhSsya, p. 26; K. ' s Jat akapaddhat i ,
p. 33. 34, 210; K. of Nandi gr i i ma,
fat her of Ganesa, p.36; K.' s Muhi l r t a -
t a t t va wi t h com. of Ganesa, p, 37;
K. or K. svf i mi n or K. sur i , r i t ual
aut hor, p. 102; K. mi sr a ( J yo. )
p. 36. K. svami n, p. 109, 306; hi s
Prayogasara, p. 105; hi s Baudha-
yana Prayogasara, p. 108.
Kes ar i kavi , p. 323.
Kai j j at a, p. 166.
Kokka t a . p. 166, 174.
Kokkar a, p. 166.
Kokkoka, poet, p. 378.
Kol ahal acar ya, p. 166.
Kaut al ya, p 174.
Kaumudi kar a, p. 166.
Ks at r i yacar ya, a Dasapurvadhari n,
p. 284.
Ksi r asvami n, p. 163, 166; his com. on
Amar kosa, cont ai ns a quot at i on from
Bhavabhat i , p. 433f.
Ksemacandra, pupi l of Candr aki r t i ,
p. 281.
Kyeraaraja, hi s Spandani r naya ( o n
t he mani f est at i on of Si va-Sut ras ),
p. 199f, 201; hi s com. on Paramar-
t hasara, p. 202.
Ksemendra, p. 156, 323, 326.
Khan4abhat t a, son of Maynr esvar a,
aut hor of Samskarabhaskara, p. 6.
Khadi r a, Gr hya wr i t er , p. 541, 542,
547.
Gahgadasa, son of Poci ya and Maha-
l aksmi , aut hor of a com. on Kbancja-
pr asast i ; assumed t he name of "Jna
nananda " p. 7f.
Ganapat i , a poet, p. 156, 323, 324, 326,
366, 369, 379.
Ganesa, his Grahal aghava wi t h Vi s va-
nStha' s com. p. 34, 36. 213; gene-
r al l y used now; G.'s f ami l y and
nat i ve place, p. 34 ; date, p. 35 ; G.' s
Pat asar i nI ( J yo. ) , com. on i t by V. ,
p. 35 ; G. of Nandi gaum ; a t hor of
a com. on Vi v5havr ndavana, hi s
other works, p. 214.
Gadadhara, his Bha"sya on Paraskara
Gr hya Sutra, p. 5, 28, 29, 207; G.,
poet, p. 324, 326.
Garga, p. 103, 344.
Gagabhat t a, his Acaradarsa, p. 148 ; G.
deolares founder of Mar at ha Empi r e
a Ksat r i ya, p. 523.
Gadhi kabhal l uka, poet, p. 379,
Garga, p. 344.
Gar gi ya, p. 344.
Gargya, p. 216; G. Nar ayana on Asva-
l ayana Srauta Satra, p. 300f.
Gunacandra, Jai n, p. 282.
Gunabhadra, aut hor of t he con-
cl udi ng chapters of J ai n Adi pur f t na
and author of Ut t ar apur ana and
i t s Prasasti, p.274f.;G. Jai na teacher,
p. 245,275, 278.
Gunavi naya, a Jai n aut hor ot a com.
on KhandapraSast i .
p
. 7.
Guni l kara, poet, p. 324.
Gunadhya, author of Brhat kat ha' , p.87,
273, 369; his Kat ha as Gu n a h y a ,
i bi d, burnt in fire, p. 361, 364f,
Guhadeva, p. 187.
Gfl rj ara, poet, p. 323.
Gel paodi t a, p. 379.
Goi dhoi Kavi r aj a, ( Ksranpat i ), p. 322,
379.
Got rananda, poet, p. 379f.
Gonandana, a poet, p. 362, 370.
Gopadat t a, ( Bhadant a ? ) poet, p. 380.
694 INDEX VI I
Gopaditya, poet, p. 326.
Gopala, his Prayascitta Karikas, based
on Baudhayana Sutra; G. quoted by
Sayana, his Karikas on Soma sacri-
fice, p. 99; G.bhatta grandfather of
Bhavabhnti, p. 423.
Gopalacarya, p. 161f.
Gopinatha, p. 99, 577, 579.
Gobhata, poet, p. 380.
Gobhila, p. 319, 463, 541. 542, 547, 562f.;
G. on age of marriage, p. 506.
Gobhilaputra, p. 463; his Grhyasaih-
graha quoted, p. 539, 541, 544.
Goraksa, a Margapravartaka, p. 218.
Govardhana, author of a ritual, p. 132,
167, 174 ; G. the Jain Srutakevalin,
p. 284;G. (poet), p. 321, 323; G.
326.
Govardhanac5rya, poet, p. 380.
Govardhanananda, p. 167.
Govardhanamisra, a commentator of
Tarkabhasa; other members of his
family; pupil of the author of the
work commented on by him, p. 31.
Govinda of Junnar, Kundamartanda
work on construction of altars ( ace.
to Sulva-Sutras ) wi t h com. their
dates, p. 43; G. p. 141.
Govindabhatta, poet, p. 323.
Govindaraja, p. 141 ; Bhatta Govinda-
raja, poet, p. 380.
Govindananda, his com. on Samkara
Ehasya on Vodanta Sutra, p. 107,
227, 234.
Gaud a, poet, p. 324.
Gaudapada, his com. on BrhadSran-
yaka. p. 70; genosis of his theory
that the world is unreal, p. 204.
Gautama founder of Nyaya system,
p. 27; G. Jain Ganadhara, p. 269,
272, 280, 281, 284; G. p. 216, 452 ; G.
( Law wri t er) p. 545, 550.
Gauradhara, author of acorn. onYajur-
veda, p. 133.
Gauri. (Poetess ), p. 323.
Gaurikanta = Gauripati, p. 142.
Gaurlpati, com. on Sridatta's Aca-
radarsa ; G.'s date ibid, p. 142.
Gauripriya, p. 323.
Grahakrsna, p. 174.
Ghanasyama. p. 323.
Candaia-DivSkara, became Sabhya to
Sri-Harsa along wi t h Ban a and
Mayura, p. 366.
Candesa, p. 141.
Candesvara, p. 141, 142.
Caturraukhamahadeva, pqet, p. 380.
Canda, poet, 343.
Candra, p. 174.
Candraka, poet, p. 380.
Candrakavi, poet, p. 324, 380.
Candrakirtideva. Jain High Priest,,
p. 278.
Candragomin, p. 174.
CandracUda, poet, writer on reli. law,
p. 323, 545f., 549. 556, 562. 564. 567.
Candrasvamin, a poet, p. 156.
Caraka, 167, 174, 215, 344.
Carpata, a Margapravartaka, p. 218.
Cadhesvara, poet, p. 380.
CSnayaka, p. 156.
Capaka, a poet, p. 156.
Citravardhana, his com. on Baghu-
vamsa, p, 67.
Cintamani, p. 144 ; poet, p. 323.
Cintamanidiksita, p. 323.
Cinnabhatta, a com. on Tarkabhasa,
31; his date and history; his work
called TarkabhSsaprakasika, p. 31f.
Clyaka, poet, p. 380.
Caura, poet, p. 368, 371.
Chahada, son of Asadhara, p. 246.
Ohittappn, poet, 381.
Jagajjivana, poet, p. 323.
Jagadisa, Nyaya writer, p. 28, 29.
Jagaddhara, his Stutikusamanjali,
his family history, p. 133, 156;
a family of Mlmaihsakas, his
date, p. 435f.; com. of Bhavabhuti's
Maiatl-Madhava, a note on him, pp.
435-38; works referred to by him
in com. on Mal. Mad., p. 435;
his date ; nature of his com. on Mal .
Mad. ; his other com. p. 438,
Jagannatha, p. 323.
INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS
695
Jaghanast hal l bat uka, poet, p. 381.
Jat acarya, J ai n aut hor-Si mahanandi n,
p. 272.
Jadabhrt a, a Mar gapr avar t aka, p. 218.
Jambusvami n, J ai n, - p. 269, 271,272,
279, 281, 284.
Jayagupt a, poet, p. 381
J nyat l r t ha, hi s com. on Madhva-
cHrya' s wor ks , p. 23.
Jayat ungodaya or Jayat uuga, poet,
p. 381. !
Jayadeva, hi s Gi t agovi nda, p. 8, 53;
bi s G. wi t h com. cal l ed Rasikapriya"
by Kumbhakar na, K. of Medapat a =
Me wa d, p. 320f; J. 321, 323, 324,360,
368; verses at t r i but ed to hi m, p. 381 ;
J. , his Al o k a ( Ny i i y a wor k ), p. 28.
J ayant a p. 297f. 298nl ; hi s Vi mal o-
dayamal a, p. 299 ; J.'s vi ew about
Gar bhal ambhana, p. 571; J. p. 578.
Jayapal acar ya, ( a J a i n) , p. 285.
Jayamadhava, p. 326, 381.
Jayar ama, his Bhasya on Paraskstra-
Gr hya- Sl l t r a, p. 5; his com. on
Di d h i t i of Raghunat habhat t a Siro-
mani , p. 207.
Jayavar dbana, poet, p. 157, 381.
Jayasenaguru, aut hor of Vagar t ha-
sariigraha, p. 273.
Jayasenacar ya. a Dasapurvadhari n,
p. 284.
Jayasi mhasur i , his Kumar apal acar i t u,
p. 66, 67.
J a ya di t ya aut hor of Kasi ka, (gram. ),
p. 159f, 167.
Jal adeva, poet, p. 381.
Jal ani Unusi rudra, p. 381.
Jal ai hdhar l ( r i u ) , a Mar gapr avar t aka,
p. 218.
Jal hana, hi s f ami l y, p. 350f; Maharoha-
kabhagadat t a, t i t l e of J., earliest of
ant hol ogi st s, p. 359, 425; J. son of
Laksrai dhara, aut hor of Subhasita-
mukt aval i , p. 354; hi s expl oi t s, char i -
t i es, p. 355f, 357 ; J. p. 157, 433, 434.
J ai ka, poet, p. 381.
Jat ar t t pa, p. 167,174.
J at ukar ni , mot her of Bhavabhat i ,
p. 423.
Jat ukar nya, p. 319.
Jat oka, p. 167.
Janaki nat habhat t acar ya Cudamani ,
author of Nyayasi ddhant amanj ar i ,
p. 27.
Ji t amanyu, poet, p. 382.
Ji nacandra, J am H. P., p. 281, 282.
Jinacandradeva, J. Hi g h Pri est , p. 278.
Ji nadat t a. hi s Ganadharasardhasataka,
p. 50; J. of t he Vayadiagacch3,
author of Vi vekavi l 5sa, hi s date, bot h
ment i oned by Madhava i n the
Sarvadarsanasamgraha, p. 66.
Jinadasa, a pupi l of Sakal aki r t i , (Jai n),
p. 250.
Ji nar aj asur i of the Kharat aragaccha,
p. 31.
Ji navardhanasuri , his com. on Siva-
di t ya' s Saptapadarthi, p. 30, his date;
hi gh pri est of the Kharat aragaccha;
deposed; a Zealous student of Nyaya,
p. 31.
Ji naval l abha, his wor ks, p. 53f; his
Stotras, p. 54.
Jinasagara, hi gh pri est of a branch
Kharat ara sect, p. 50.
Jinasena, his Hari vari i sa, p. 271; its
date, 272, 277 ; authors mentioned by
hi m, p. 272f; aut hor of Ji na Purana,
p. 273f.; J. J ai n teacher of Amogha-
varsa ( Ras. K. ) ; his Rsabhacarita,
p. 275f.; completed by Gunabhadra,
p. 276 ; J. p. 278, 280, 281, 282, 284.
Ji nendrabuddhi , p. 167, 174.
JImut avahana, p. 141.
Ji va, a poet, p. 156.
Jivadeva, his hi st or y, a modern wr i t er ,
p. 150.
Ji vanaga, poet, p. 382.
Jivasarman, ( J yo. ) , p. 36.
J ai mi ni , author of Kal pat aru, 103, 306,
308, 463; J. on age of marriage, p.506;
J. pr ot est i ng against earl y marriages,
p. 513.
Jai yat a, his com. on Susruta, p. 215,
Jonaraja, his com. on Ki r at ar j unI ya'
his dat e; p. 152; Sr i Jonaraj a. poet,
p. 157.
Jnanabhusana, J ai n Head, p. 262, 282.
INDEX Vl l
Jhalajjhalavasudeva, poet. p. 382.
Todaramalla, the Sarahitaskandha of
his Jyotihsukha, p. 35; J. -part of
an Encyclopaedia of Indian Science
and lore, p. 35.
Dimboka, poet, p. 382.
Tattvakara = Raghunandana, p. 141.
Tatsat, family name of the Bhatta
family, p. 145.
Tarala, a poet, p. 362.
Tarunabana, poet, p. 382.
Tana Patbaka, his Samskararauktavali,
p. 151f.
Tarapala, p. 167, 174.
Tithinirnaya by Bhattoji Diksita,
p. 146; B. D. his family, p. 146; his
date, p. 146f.
Tisatacarya, p. 216.
Tukarama, p. 478; 622 T.; of Dehu, some
of his Abhhahgas translated, p. 615;
T. teaching reverence and love,p, 621.
Tejahsimba, his Daivajfiaiamkrti; p.38;
his pedigree of the PrSgvata family,
ibid.
Trikandamandana quoted by Hemadri,
p. 301; authors and works quoted by
T., pp, 101-103; date of the ritual
writers and works mentioned by T.,
p. 108f.;T., p. 106, 308; Trikancja-
mandana Bbaskara Misra, son of
Kumarasvamin, his Apastamba-
dhvanitarthakarikas, p. 100.
Tridandin, p. 144.
Trilocana, author o Parthavijaya,
p. 366; T. poet, p. 369, 382.
Trivikrama, poet, p. 325, 326 ; Trivikra-
mabhatta, p. 323, 361, 365, 369;
verses attributed to T, quoted, p. 382f.
Tryambakesvara, p. 164.
Dandaka, p. 167.
Dandin, poet, p. 53, 157, 167,174, 323
326, 363, 366, 367, 369, 436; D.'s
Kavyadarsa, p. 293; verses attribu ted
toD. quoted, p. 383.
Parpana, p. 326.
Darpanaraghava, poet, p. 383.
Dalvana, commentator of Susruta
( medicine ), p, 554.
Dasaratha, a Jain teacher, p. 275.
Damodara, Pupil of Padmanabha;
D.'s Karana, called Bhatatulya, p.
331; his date, p. 34. D. (Jyo.), . 36;
D. p. 167,174, 216, 307.
Damodaragupta, poet, p. 157, 383.
Damodarabhatta, p. 323.
Dinakara, (bhatta ), p. 145.
Divakarayati, a Jain teacher, p. 271.
Dipaka, poet, p. 383.
Durga, ( gr.), p. 163; (Durgokta Lihga-
nusaaana) also quoted as Durga-
simha, p. 174.
Durlabharaja, poet, p. 383.
Deva or Devamuni, a Jain author,
p. 273.
Devagana, poet, p. 325.
Devagupta, poet, p. 383.
Devacandra, a Jain Pancjita, p. 247.
Devabodha, poet, p. 363.
Devabodhi, a Yogin and poet, p. 371;
verses attributed to him quoted,p.383.
Devayajmka, his Bhasya on Katyayana
Srauta Satras ; p. 4, 97 ; D.'s Bhasya
on the Vajasaneya Samhita-Anukra-
manika, p. 4.
Devaraja, poet, p. 383.
Devala, p. 806, 307, 319, 344.
Devasiddhivedin, p. 323.
Devasvamin, author of Asvalayana-
Sutrabhasya, p. 108, 109, 110.
Devacarya, a Dasapurvadharin, p. 284.
Devendrakirti, a Jain high priest,
p. 270, 278.
Devesvara, poet, p. 323.
Dyutidhara poet, p. 167.
Dramidacarya, mentioned in the com.
on the Vedantasutrabhasya ( Rama-
nuja ), p. 187.
Dravi4a ( author), p. 108; 107; to be
identified with author of Smrtipra
dipa?; D. mentioned by Sridhara-
carya, p. 137.
Dvihsamdhana, P. 367, 370,
I NDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS
697
Dhanat hj aya (D.J.) p. 174 ; hi s ant ho-
logy and Dvi hsat hdhana Kavya, p.
317f, 318, 362, 367, 370, 384, D. aut hor
of Dasarupaka, p. 434.
Dhanapal a, poet, p. 3.61, 365, 369, 384.
Dhani ka, aut hor of Dasarupakavai oka,
p. 434.
Dhanvant ar i ; p. 174.
Dha r a ni , p. 167.
Dhar ani dhar abhat t a, poet, p. 325.
Dhar ma, poet, p. 384.
Dh a r ma k i r t i , J ai n head, p. 281; verses
at t r i but ed t o hi m quoted, p. 384.
Dharmafcupta, poet, p. 157.
Dhar madasa, (aut hor of Vi dagdhanm-
khamanq' ana ), p. 168, 174, 326, 384.
Dharmadeva, poet, p. 384.
Dhar mamer u, hi s com. on Raghuvamsa,
p. 67.
Dhar ma rat nakr t , p. 141.
Dhar masagar a, his Pravacanapari ksa,
dates of Vgghel a ki ngs gi ven i n i t ,
P. 77.
Dharmasena, p. 174.
Dharmasenacarya, a Dasapurvahhari n,
p. 284, 285.
Dhar masoka, verses a t t r i t ut e d t o hi m
quoted, p. 384.
Dhar adhar a, poet, p. 157.
Dhar i mal a, poet, p. 384.
Dharesvara, p. 141.
Dhnt i madhava, poet, p. 384.
Dhur t a, poet, p..323
Dhf l r t asvami n, his Bhasya on Samanya-
Sat r a ( of Apas. Sraut a Su. ), p. 97,
105f., Dht t r t a or D. svami n, p. 102.
Dhr t i senacar ya, a Dasapurvadhari n,
p. 284.
Dhoyi ( Kavi ksmapat i ), p. 321.
Dhr uvasenacar ya, p. 285.
Dhr ona, or Hr ona, a pot t er by bi r t h and
a poet, p.366; hi s Bhar at a ? p.366, 369.
Naksat r acar ya, ( J ai n ), p. 285.
Nandana, poet, p. 384.
Na n d a p a n i t a , hi s Sai hskar ani r naya,
p. 148, 545, 546, 548f., 553, 556, 558,
561, 564, 567, 579, 583; N. comment -
88 [ R .G. Bhandarkar's worki, Vo
i ng on the passage about t he Garbha-
dhana, 587, 588.
Nandi kesvara, his Ganakamandana =
I nt r oduct i on t o t he st udy of As t r o-
nomy; hi s account of his fat her
Ma l a j i t or Ma l j i = Vedahgar aya
get t i ng t he t i t l e from t he Emper or
of Del hi ; pedigree of Ma l j i t , p. 40.
Nandi n, p. 168.
Nandi mi t r a as a J ai n Sr ut akeval i n,
p. 279, 284.
Naradevavarman, poet, p. 385.
Naravahanadat t a, p. 168.
Narasi mha, aut hor of a com. on St l rya-
siddhSnta, and Vasanakal pal at a,
p. 213; N. , poet, p. 385.
Nar al i ar i , son of Svayambhn and Nal a-
ma ; his com. on Nai sadhl ya, his
i nf or mat i on about hi msel f ; his pro-
bable date, p. 7, 8.
Nagappayya, poet, p. 385.
Nagaraja, author of Bhavasat aka, a
ki ng of t he Taka race, p. 9.
NSgasenacarya, a Dasapi i rvadhari n,
p. 284.
Nagarj una, a Mar gapr avar t aka, p. 218.
Nagoj i bhat t a, p. 10,158, 325; his date,
p. 147; his Paribh3sendubh3skara,
p. 164.
Naciraja, poet, p. 385.
Nat hakumara, poet, p. 385.
Nat hopadhyaya, poet, p. 323
Narada, p. 168, 319, 344, 467.
Narayana, his glosses on Upanisads,
p, 13; aut hor of Vr t t i on Asval ayana-
Srauta-Sutra, p. 106,108, 146, 297f.,
298nl, 302, 304, 559; com. on Asv.
Grhya-Sut ra, p. 575; N. his Stava-
ci nt amani , p. 202; N. a r i t ua l author,
p. 102.
Nar ayanabhat t a, his Pr ayogar at na,
p. 121; N. Rg. r i t ua l wr i t er , p. 145,
547, 562, 564, 567, 578, 579, 580.
Narayauasarvaj uacaranah, p. 168.
Ni ggant ha Nat aput t a, p. 244,
Ni dr adar i dr a, poet, p. 385, 426,
.11.1
698 INDEX VII
Nimbarka, p. 25f.; his system explained.
precursor of Val l abhacarya, p. 26.
Ni rukt i kara, p. 168.
Ni rmal a, poet, p. 326.
Nisanarayana - perhaps Narayana,
author of Venlsamhara, p. 385 &n.
Ni l akantha, poet, p. 323, 326; N. Bha-
vabhuti's father, p. 423, 580; N. ,
Smrti writer, p. 564; N. Bhatta,
author of Mayukhas, p. 145.
Nl l akanthasukl a, poet, p. 326.
Nrsi mha and his son Narayanabhatta,
p. 99.
Nrsi mhayajvan, bis Hautrakari kas,
p. 98f; part of Prayogaratna, p. 98;
on duties of Hot r pri est; N.'s family
history, p 99.
Nrsimhacarya, p. 161f.
Nemicandra, a Jai n Hi gh Priest,
p. 280, 281.
Nai dbruva-Narayana, his Vr t t i on
Asv. Gr. S., p. 298, 300.
Nai meya or Nai mayya, poet, p. 385.
NySyakandal I-ti ka of Sridhara, p. 67.
Pandi taraja, poet, p. 325.
Patafijali, p. 124,156, 444, 450, 518 ; P.'s
Mahabhasya alluding to Yavana
kingdom in Indi a, p. 625.
Padmanandin, Jai n Head, p. 250, 262,
270, 281, 282.
Padmanabha, his com. on Bh3skar3-
cSrya's Karanakutnbal a, p. 33; his
Prayogadarpana for Madhyamdi nas;
his Pratisthadarpana, p. 151.
Padmasimha, a Jai n, p. 248.
Padmavati , (poetess), p. 323.
Parasara, his injunction about the per-
formance of Garbhadhana; limited
by other circumstances, p. 548f, 552;
P. p. 344, 467, 468, 550, 565, 577; P.
quoted, p. 545, 546.
Pani ni , p. 52, 104, 158, 159f., 163, 168*
174,189, 360, 364, 368,415f., 444, 539n2;
P.'s date in relation wi t h old Vedi c
lit., p. 124; verses attributed to P.
quoted, p. 386; P.'s rules about 3 past
tenses, quoted, p. 419; Bhasa of
P, = 3k. current i n his time, p. 4l 9n;
P. adhered to in the two Sk. books of
the author, p. 421.
Pandavacarya, JainEkadas8ngadh5rin,
p. 285.
Patrakesarin, a Jai n author, p. 273.
Papa, of Kahkhi l ya fami l y of Nal akac-
chapura, p. 248.
Paraskara, p. 542f., 547, 550, 562.
Partha, poet, p. 367.
Pal akapya, p. 344.
Pingala, his Prakri t Prosody, wi t h a
com. by Manoharakrsna, p. 13; P.
poet, 323, 334; P.naga, p, 334.
Pufijaraja, son of Ji vanendra; orna-
ment of Mal ava circle; of the Srl mal a
f. the same as the commentator on
Sarasvatagrammar p, 11; Kavyal am-
karasisuprabodha; his other work
Dhvanipradipa, p. 12.
Punaruktapancjita, poet, p. 386.
Purusottama, p. 168,174.
Purusottamabhatta Agni hotri n, p. 164.
Pulinda, poet, p. 365; author, p. 369;
probably Candal a-Di vakara, ibid.
Puspadanta, poet, p, 886.
Puspadantacarya, Jai n, p. 285.
Pujyapada , Jain, p. 245, 280, 282; his
gr. rules, p. 317.
Parnacandra, p. 168, 174.
Parnabhadra, his Paficop3khy3na = an
edition of the Pai l oat ant ra; P.'s date;
his correcting every letter, every
word, every sentence &c ; vast dif-
ference of readings presented in this
t ext ; great omissions and additions;
his Pancopakhyana = Pai l oatantra
re-wri tten, p. 322.
Prthuyasas, son Varahami hi ra, p. 36.
Prthvi dhara, poet, p. 157, 386.
Penjalla, Mancanacarya, p. 152.
Pauranikah, p. 169.
Prakasadatta, poet, p. 157.
Prakasavarsa, poet, p. 156, 386.
Prajnananda, poet, p. 386.
Pradipavasumdhara, poet, p. 386.
Pradyumna, a dramat i st p. 366 ;
P. poet, p. 369.
Prabhava, J a i n sage, p. 271; P. = Vi dyu-
cara, p. 281.
Prabhakara, Hi s GI t aRaghava, one
of t he i mi t at i ons of Gi t a- Govi nda; i t s
dat e, p. 8.
PrabbSkarabhat t a, poet, p. 323, 326.
Prabhacandra, J a i n teacher, H. P.,
p, 272, 280, 281, 283.
Prabhacandradeva, a J a i n Hi gh Pri est ,
p. 278.
PrabhudevI, her La t i st yl e, p. 371.
Pravarasena, author, 365, 369.
Pr as t avaci nt amani , poet, p. 325.
Pr ahl ada, poet, p. 386.
Prahl adana, poet, 387.
Pr aoi nacar yah, p. 169.
Prostilacarya, aDasapu"rvadh8rin, p. 284.
Bappabhat t asur i , date of his bi r t h ; his
conver t i ng Amar aj a, p. 80.
Bappabhat t i ' s conversi on of Ama, p.81f.
Bahudeva, Jai n, p. 248.
Bahvrc, p. 307.
Bahvr cah, p. 101.
Bana or Banabhat t a, p. 156, 157,169.
174, 326, 360, 361, 363, 365, 366, 367,
368f., 433, 466; verses at t r i but ed to
h i m quot ed, p. 387.
Badar ayana, p, 344.
Bar haspat ya, p. 344.
Bal akr sna of Jambusara, his Taj i k a-
kaust ubha; hi s pedigree and ot her
wor ks , p. 39; B. a com. on an ant ho-
l ogy by Madhusndana, date of com ,
p. 155; B. a poet, p. 323.
Bal aj i bhat t a, poet, 323.
Bi ndukavi , p. 323.
Bi l vamangal a. p. 326.
Bi l hana, his Vi kr amankadevacar i t a -
l i fe of Tr i bhuvanamal l a Vi k r a -
mBdi t ya of Kal yana, p. 86; i t s known
second MS. , i bi d ; B. , p. 323, 326, 342,
367, 371; B. verses at t r i but ed t o hi m
quot ed, p. 387, 389; cal l ed Kasmi r B. ,
p. 389.
Bi j aka Bhat t a, poet, p. 389.
Budddhi l i ng5car ya, aDasapur vadhar i n,
p. 284.
Bphaspat i , ( l a w wr i t e r ) p. 319, 344,
545, 550
Bodhayana, p. 187.
Bopadeva' s, Kavi kal padr uma, p. 10; B.'s
Satasloki, hi s hi st or y, p. 41f. ; nat i ve
of Be r a r ; his Har i l al a, summary of
t he Bhagavat a, p. 42; B.' s da t e ,
p. 436f.
Bopai a. p. 169.
Bopal i t a, p. 169, 174.
BaudhSyana, p. 102, 105, 111, 114, 115
f
216, 307, 539,544, 550, 554,556, 558,
565, 566, 567, 582; B. fol l owed by
Rgvedtns, p. 112; B. on t he peri od of
the I ndr agnl ani mal sacrifice, p. 113 ;
B.'s Put r akamyest i , p. 115; many
Kamya I st i s l ai d by B. , p. 117 ; B.
di r eot i ng marri age of gi r l s after
puberty, p. 585.
Brahmadeva, son of Candrabhat t a, his
Karanaprakasa, p. 33 ; one of t he
oldest of t he Karanas, i bi d.
Brahmanandi n, p. 187.
Br ahmar ka (Jyo. W. ) , p. 33.
Brahmendrasvami n, poet, p. 323.
Bhagavadvr t t i kr t , p. 298.
Bhat t a, p. 169, 174.
Bh vt t ani l akant ha, p. 325.
Bhat t asur i , p. 199nl.
Bhat t asvami n, p. 169.
Bhat t acul i t a, poet, p. 156.
Bhat t i , p. 169, 176.
Bhat t oj l DI ksi t a, p. 10, 26, 159f., 164,
325, 415 ; his Ti t hi ni r naya, p. 145 ; B.
and Kamal Skar a contemporaries,
p. 147.
Bhat t odbhat t a, poet, p. 157.
Bhadant a- Ar ogya, poet, p. 375.
Bhadrabahu, p. 245; B. t he Sruta-
keval i n, p. 284.
Bhar at a, p. 169, 174 ; B. ( NBt ya) , p.436.
Bha( 5) r advaj a, p. 307, 319.
Bhar t r ment ha, p. 365, 369, 389.
Bhar t r har i , p. 155; his Ni t i s at aka,
p. 156, 157, 323, 326; Bhar t r ( = har i ) ,
p. 163; verses at t r i but ed t o hi m
quoted, p. 389.
Bharvu, poet, p. 390.
Bhal l at a, poet, p. 157; B. bhat t a, p.390.
Bhav.adeva (aut hor of an Ar chi t ect ur al
700 INDEX VI I
treatise ), p. 223; B- a poet, p. 323,
561f.; B. bhatta, p. 558.
Bhavanaga, ritual author, p. 102, 307;
author of a Bhasya on -Ssvalayana-
Sutra, p. 106.
Bhavabhuti, his chronological position
in relation to Vakpati, p. 81f.; verses
attributed to bim, p. 390; B. p. 80f.,
169, 174, 326, 362, 366, 367, 370; an
article on him, pp. 422-434 ; and on
Jagaddhara, pp. 435-438; B.'s family
history and learning, p. 423f.: B. as
pupil of Bhatta Kumarila, not impro-
bable chronologically, p. 424f.; no
evidence of his familiarity with
Mimamsa; his three plays ; Slokas
attributed to him in anthology, p.425;
B. and Kalidasa compared ; a tradi-
tional characteristic anecdote with
regard to them, p.426f.; K. a favourite
author of B.; B.'s references to events
in K.'s works, p. 427 ; B.'s greatness
and his merits, unsurpassed skill in
adapting words to the sentiment,
p. 427 ; his lyric genius ; wanting in
dramatic genius; B. and other Sk.
dramatists compared; his defects,
p. 428 ; bis date, p. 429f., 431, 432.
Bhavasvamin ritual author, p. 102;
author of Baudhayana Sr. Sutra
Bhasya, p. 107 ; his date, p. 110 ; B.
p. 100,108, 109.
Bhavananda, (Nyaya writer ), p. 28.
Bhavaninandana, poet, p. 157.
BhSgavata-Jayavardhana, poet, p. 391.
Bhagavrttikrt, p. 169.
Bhaguri, p. 169, 174.
Bhanu, Vaidya orBhisag, poet, p. 324,
371.
Bhanukara, poet, p. 323, 325, 326.
Bhanudatta, his Rasamanjari and
Rasatarahgini, p. 11f; his native
country, not Berar but Videha, p. 12 ;
a com. on B.'s Rasamafijar! by Sesa-
cintSmani, another com. on it by
Visvesvara, p. 177.
Bhanupancjita, Vaidya, author of the
Introductory Prasastj of the
Subhasitarauktavali of Jahlana,
p. 326,' 351, 356 ; B. p. 387.
Bhamaha (his work on Poetios ), p. 53.
Bharadvaja, p. 104; copies of his Sutra
rare, p. 105; B. a, ritual writer, p.H3f;
B. author of Vartika on Gotama-
sntrabhasya = Uddyotakara, p. 206;
B. p. 306.'
Bharadvajiyabhasyakrt, p.104; B.stltra-
bhasyakrt, p. 306.
Bharavi, p. 156, 157, 174, 326, 365, 369 ;
verses attributed to him, p. 391.
Bharuci, p. 187, 552, 581.
Bhargaviya, p. 344.
Bhavamisra, poet, p. 326.
Bhasyakara, p. 174.
Bh5sa, p. 326, 360, 364, 368; verses
attributed to him, p. 391, 392.
Bhasarvajna, his NyByas3ra, ( system
of Gautama ), p. 84.
Bhaskara, author of the Vartikas on
Sivasutra, p. 199f, 201 ; B. son of
Apajibhatta, his Pady8rartataran-
gini, an anthology, p. 324f, 325.
Bhaskararaya, son of Garabhiraraya ;
his date, ( author of a Tantra work),
p. 219f.
BhSskaravarman, p. 391.
Bhaskaracarya, his date, his Gola-
dhyaya wi t h Vasanabhasya, his
Karanakutnhala, its different comm.;
his Siddhantasiromani, p. 32, 33; B.'s
Lilavati, com. on L. by Mahldasa,
p. 207 ; B. follows Brahmasiddhanta,
p. 209, B. p. 212.
Bhisag-Bhanu, poet, p. 368, 371.
Bhima, p. 169, 391.
Bhlmata, called Ealanjarapati, his five
Natakas, p. 362.
Bhlmanatha, a Margapravartaka,
p. 218.
Bhlmabhatta or Bhlmata, poet, p. 391.
Bhimasiraha, p. 326.
Bhlmasimhapandita, poet. p. 391.
Bhiraasena, poet, p. 169,174, 326.
Bhuvanaklrti, a Jain Head Priest,
p. 251,262, 281, 282.
Ehuvanananda, poet, p. 323,
I NDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS 701
Bhut anat ha, a Kapal i ka, p. 218.
Bhut aval yacar ya, Jai n, p. 285.
Bhut i madhava, poet, p. 391.
BhUpat i mi sr a, poet, p. 323.
Bbr gu, p. 319.
Bher i bhankar a, poet, p. 325, 387, 391.
Bhoj a, or Bhojadeva or Bhoj araj a,
p. 163, 169,174, 392, 434.
Makar aoda, poet, p. 393.
Mankasvar ai n, p. 110,
Mankhana, poet, p. 393.
Mangal ar j una, poet, p. 393.
Mani kamba, p. 162.
Mandanarai sra, p. 194.
Mandal acar ya, ( Jai n t i t l e ), p 282.
Mat t anaga, p. 436.
Mat s ya, ( Ar anyavas i n ) as the wr i t er
of a Snt r a, p. 105.
Ma t huni na t ha , son of Rama ( Ny a y -
wr i t e r ) , p. 28, 29.
Madana or Ma da na ki r t i , Jai n poet,
p. 157f., 247, 330, 393.
Madanapal a, p. 142, 564, 580; M. on
the proper t i me for the Garbhadbana,
p. 589.
Madhumadhava, p. 169.
Madhusi l danasarasvat i , poet, p. 323.
Madhusndanasvami n, poet, p. 323.
M a d h v a or Madhvacar ya, hi s fol -
l owers, wor ks bearing on hi s sect,
p. 7 ; hi s ot her names Anandat i r t ha,
Purnapraj na, and Madhyamandi r a,
p. 16; M. ' s life and date, p. 16, 2 1 ; his
Paurani c works, p. 23; his Vedant i c
wor ks, p. 22f,; M. ' s Vedant i c
syst em expl ai ned; wor ks of M. sohool ;
as cont i nuat or of Ramanuj a; his
Dva i t a doct r i ne, genesis of i t s or i gi n;
Madhva or Anandat l r t ha, p. 195f.
Manu, p. 169,175, 444, 452, 457, 462. 463,
464, 467, 490, 538, 540, 544, 546, 549,
550. 553 ; M. on age of mar r i age
p. 506; Ma nu I X . 89 on t he choice of
a good bri degroom, t ext discussed,
p. 594 ; M. on subst i t ut i ng effigies for
ani mal s at sacrifices, p. 179,
Manor at ha, poet, p. 156.
Mant r abhr ahmanabhSsyakr t , p. 306,
Maya, ( Jyot i sa myt hi c personage ).
p. 214.
Mayur a, poet, p. 157, 366, 368, 369.
Mayt l r aoi t r a, p. 344.
Mayur abbat t a, poet, 393.
Ma r i c i , p. 320.
Mal l i bhnsana, a J ai n Hi g h Priest,
p. 270.
Mal l i nat ha, his com. on Tar ki kar aksa-
vyakhya, p. 206; M. , p. 332; his date,
p. 333; quotes Bopadeva; M. referred
to by Jagaddhara ; his date, p. 436f.
Mahakavi , one of the ancestors of
Bhavabhut i , p. 323, 423.
Mahakavi pr ayoga, p. 169 ; (Yanmekha-
la bhavat i Mekhal asai l aput r i ).
Mahakal a, a Kapal i ka, p. 218.
Mahaksa(cha)panaka, his Anekar t ha-
dhvani manj arl = Nanar t hamanj ar i
( both works being t he same ), p. 1 1 ;
a wor k of t he Kasmi r a Amnaya. i bi d.
Mahamanusya, poet, p. 394.
M ahamahesvarakavi, p. 333f.; = Vi dya -
dhara, author of Ek5val i , i bi d.
Mahi l vi r a, date of his Ki r vana, p. 223f.;
son of Pandi t a Dharasena, p. 247; M.
p. 269, 271, 272, 274, 285.
Mahi candra. a J ai n Sadhu, p. 248.
Mahldasa, com. of Var ahami hi r a' s
(Jyo.) Brhaj j at aka, p. 36 ; com. same
as Mahesvara; com. of Vi snubhakt i -
kal pal at a, p. 154 ; aut hor of Carana-
vyUhabhasya same as the author of
com. ou Li l a va t i , p. 306.
Mahi dhara, com. of Var ahami hi r a' s
Br haj j at aka, p. 36; hi s Vedadl pa =
com. on whi t e Yaj urveda ; com. on
Kat yayana' s Sulba Sut ra ; M.' s cor-
rect date, his other wor ks, p. 98.
Mahl pa, his Anekart hakosa, p. 11.
Mahesabhatta, p. 556, 562, 579.
Mahesvara, his Sahasahkacari t a and
his Vi svaprakasa, p. 340.
Magha, p. 87, 157, 170, 175, 326, 365,
702
INDEX VI I
369, 436; verses from him quoted,
p. 394.
Magbanandycarya, (Jain), p. 285.
Madhava, his com. on Sripati's Jataka-
paddhati, p. 36, bis Dhatuvrtti, p. 48,
160 ; his Jcrakari kas, a com. on it
by Vaidyanatha, p. 144; M. Jaiminlya
AdhikaranaratnamSlS, p. 178; M.'s
com. on Parasara Samhita, p. 144,
312; M. Smrti writer, p. 146, 564;M.'s
Sarvadarsanasamgraha, p. 198, 205,
206, 270; M. , p. 170, 175, 323,580, 582.
MBdhavabhatta, a com. on Tarka-
bhBsB, p. 31,145.
Madhavamagadha, poet, p. 394.
MadhavasIla, poet, p. 394.
Madhava-Sarasvati, his Mitabhasini, a
com. on Saptapadarthi, p. 30f.
Madhavasenasuri, (Jain), p. 245.
Madhavacarya, p. 164.
Madhavika, p. 170.
Madhavi, p. 170.
Mayasarasana, poet, p. 367, 371.
Mayuraja, a Kulacuri poet, Mayuri
Vag, p. 362, 366, 395.
Manila, poetess, p. 395.
Markandeya, p. 320.
Manila, poet, 395.
Misaru, p. 148.
Misra = Vacaspati( m i s r a ), p. 141;
Sam. Vedanta, p. 181.
Misrabbattacarya, p. 142.
Misrah, p.141.
Muktakana, poet, p. 395.
Muktapuja ( Sri ), poet, p. 157.
Munja or Sri Munja, his verses quoted,
p. 395.
Murari, His Anarghyaraghava, com.
on it by NaraoandrasHri, p. 83; date
of Murari, ibid ; M. p. 87,157,175, 326,
367, 371, 389; his verses quoted,
p. 395f.
Murtakavi, ( poet), p. 325.
Medinlkara, p. 170; his date, p. 437f.
Medha, poet, ( Medhra ? ), p. 326.
Medhatithi, p. 142, 538, 541; M.'s
Manubhasya reference regarding
Kanyadana discussed ; p. 585; not
an enemy of late marriages, p. 586.
Merutunga, his life of K. Bhoja, p. 43,
50,76.
Merutuhgasnri, p. 80.
Maitrayanlyakaii, p. 101.
Maitreya, p. 175..
Maithila, poet, p. 323.
Morika, poetess, p. 323, 396.
Mohana Otra( dra? )ka, p. 323.
Maudgalyayana, p. 175.
Yatlndra = RSmanuja, p. 186.
Yatisvara = Ramanuja, p. 187.
Yama, quoted in support of early
marriages, p. 320, 543f.
Yamalarjuna, a M8rgapravartaka,p.218.
Yavana ( Jyo. writer ) p. 36.
Yasobhadra, Jain author, p. 272; as
Yasobhadracarya, p. 285.
Yasovarman, his verses quoted, p. 396f;
called Rajaputra, p. 397.
Yasahkirti, a Jain High Priest, p. 281f.
Yajaka, ( Pandita ) poet, p. 157.
Yujnavalkya, p. 170, 175, 320, 444, 457ff,
467, 490, 553, 561, 572.
Yamunamuni, p. 187.
Y3ska,p. 444, 458, 461f.,471f.
Yogesvara, poet, p. 397, 170.
Raedas, p. 478.
Raksita, p. 175.
Raghunandana, (Dharmasastra writer);
his date, p. 40,140,142, 144, 546, 557f,
564f., 580.
Raghunatha, a Jyotisa author, p. 210,
213.
Raghun8thabhatta, p. 145 ; writer on
Ahnika, p. 148f.; R. Siromani, his
Didhiti, p. 207.
Raghunathop3dhy3ya, poet, p. 323.
Raghupati, poet, p. 326.
Ratisena, poet, p. 157.
Ratnaklrti, a Jain High Priest, p. 281f.
Ratnaghosa, poet, p. 397.
Ratnacandra, author of Subhauma-
carita, p. 283; R. poet, p. 397.
Ratnakara, p. 141; R. poet, p. 361, 366,
370, 397.
Ratnesvaramisra, p. 98.
Rantideva, p. 170,175,
p.150, 1 6,
Ral bana, poet, p. 397.
Ravi gupt a, poet, p. 397.
Ravi sena ( J a i n ) , p. 281; his chrono-
l ogi cal posi t i on, i b i d ; p. 284.
Rasavaj j umara, p. 170..
Raghavananda, on t he i nt er pr et at i on
of Manu, p. 586.
Ragbavanandadeva, poet, p. 326.
Raghavendr at ar asvat i , p. 162.
Kanaka, poet, p. 399.
Raj adeva, p. 170, 175.
Raj aput ra, an aut hor, p. 344.
Raj amal l a, Hi n d i Com. on Saraaya-
sara, p. 224.
Raj aval l abha, hi s life of K. Bhoja, p. 43,
50.
Rajasekhara, preceptor of Mahendra-
pal a, p. 50, 636 ; hi s date, p. 50 ; R. on
Araaraj a, p. 80 ; R. a poet, p. 66,157f.,
170, 175, 326, 433, 434, 522.
Rama, aut hor of MuhOr t aci nt amani ,
p. 34, 37 ; hi s hi s t or y and date, p. 37 ;
aut hor of Vr t t i on Sulva Sot ra, p. 98 ;
a poet, 399.
Rani akr sna( bhat t a) , p. 10, 145.
Ramacaudr a or Ramacandr; i earya,
p. 144 ; hi s date, p. 146f., 163f.; his
f ami l y hi s t or y, p. 149, 16l f . ; R. poet,
p. 323, 325.
Ramacandrabhat t a, poet, p. 323.
Ramacandr agami n, poet, p. 323.
Ramacandr opadhyaya, poet, p. 323.
Ramaj i t , poet, p. 323.
Ramanat hakavi r aj a, p. 323.
Ramasvami n. p. 161.
Ramagni hot r i n, p. 151.
Ramananda, p. 478.
Ramanuja, hi s syst em explained, p. 25f.;
hi s predecessors, p. 187; his Vedant a-
bhasya, p. 189 ; hi s finding a Vedant i c
basis for Sat vat a -- Pafi carat ra -
Bbagavat a syst em, p. 194f. ; hi s phi -
losophic achi evement s ; R. and Sam-
kar acar ya, t hei r philosophic doc-
t r i nes compared and cont rast ed,
p. 195; R. p. 198, 203,205.
Rami l a ( poet ) , p. 360, 364, 368 ; R. and
Somi l a, poet s ; t hei r verses quoted,
P. 399,
Ramesvara(bhat t a), p. 145.
Ramesvaracarya, p. 162.
Rayabhat t a, ( poet ) , p. 323.
Rayaraukuta, p. 156, 159f.; aut hors and
works quoted by hi m, pp. 165-177;
his com. on Amar akos a; his date,
p. 437.
Rissu or Rissuka or Risuka, poet,
p. 399.
Rukraata, poet, p. 400.
Rudat i brahman, poet, p. 399.
Rudra, p. 170, 175; R. poet, p. 323, 326,
399f.
Rudrat a, p. 53, 248.
Rudradat t a, ( a r i t ual wr i t er ), p. 113.
Rudrabbat t a, p. 11.
Rupaka, p. 323.
Ruparat nakara, p. 171.
Reoukacarya, p. 564.
Laksmana, poet, p. 323, 325f., 400.
Laksmanasena, Jai n teacher, p. 271; a
poet, p. 324.
Laksmai.iasenaputra, p. 324.
Laksml candra, a Jai n Hi gh Priest,
p. 281.
Laksmi dhara, a Dharmasastra wr i t er ,
p. 141f.; a poet, p. 400.
Laghuval l abha-Vasudeva. poet, p. 400.
Lokasena, a Jai n teacher, p. 276.
Lot hya-Sarvaj fi a, poet, p. 368 ; same
as Lost yasarvaj na, below.
Lol i mba, poet, p. 324.
Lol l at a, (Dharmasast ra wr i t er ) , p. 137.
Lost yasarvaj na, p. 371, 400.
LohScarya, ( Jai n) , p. 285.
Laugaksi , author of a Sraut a Snt ra,
p. 104f., 306f. ; (kartikas), p. 307, 320.
Vamsi dharami sra, poet, p. 325.
Vari i sl mi sra, p. 324.
Vankal avar t a, poet, p. 400.
Vaj r at a, father of Uvat a, p. 3.
Vat uka, a Kapal i ka, p. 218.
Vat saraj a, poet, p. 400.
Vatsesvara, p. 171.
Varadaraja, his Nya ya wor k; aut hor of
both t he or i gi nal and i t s com, p. 205f;
his date, p. 206.
704
INDEX Vl l
Vararuci (of Gr.) p. 163 ; V. p. 171,175 ;
V. a poet p. 157, 326, 360 ; author of
Kanthabharana, p. 364, 368; his
verses quoted, p. 401.
Varaha, ritual writer, p. 104, 108; V.
p. 171,175; V. , poet, p. 326.
Varahamihira, p. 36, 39f, 156, 344; his
verses quoted, p. 401; V. including
the Yavanas among the Mlecchas,
p. 638; his date; V. laying down
rules for Bhagavatas, Magas etc.,
p. 634.
Vardhamana, the last Tirthamkara,
p. 224, 274 ; V. author of Ganaratna-
mahodadhi, his date, p. 318, 434 ; V.
poet, p. 401.
Vardhuka, poet, p. 401.
Varsa, teacher of Katyayana, p. 104.
Vallabha or V.deva, son of Anandadeva,
com. of Kalidasa, p. 67, 152; V. poet,
156f.; his ver;es quoted p. 401f.
Vallabhacarya, his giving a sensuali-
stic form to Vaisnavism, his religion
described, p. 196.
Vasitfha, P. 320, 344; V. quoted p. 543,
544. V, directing marriage of girls
after puberty, p. 585.
Vasugupta, to whom the Sivasutras
were manifested, p. 199&nn; 200&n2.
Vasunaga, poet, p. 402.
Vasumdhara, poet, p. 402.
Vakpatiraja, in service of Ama, K.,
p. 80; composed Gaudavaho, i bi d;
his date, p. 81.432f.; his indebtedness
to Bhavabhuti and other poets, p.433.
Vagbhata ( medical wri t er) p. 41, 214f;
554 ; V. quoted, p. 402 ; V. prohibit-
ing intercourse t i l l a gi rl is sixteen,
p. 591.
Vacaspati, his Dvaitanirnaya, p. 137;
p. 171, 175, 216, 564; V. quoted
p. 139,141; V. ( Nyaya ), p. 206
Vajasaneyinah, p. 101; V3jinah, p. 101.
Vaji(di)natha, p. 162.
Vajin(s), p. 307.
Vanikanthabharana, (?) p. 324.
Vanirasalavrjya (?) p. 324.
Vatsyayana, author of Bhasya on
Nyayasatras, p. 27; author of the
Kamosutras, p. 175 ; a poet, p. 402
V. speaking of late marriage, p. 591.
Vadiraja,same as Kavlndra; a successor
of ( Madhvaoarya = Anandatirtha ),
P. 7.
Vadisimha, a Jain author, p. 273.
Vadisvarakgficana, poet, p. 402.
Vamana, poet, p. 53, 402,432 ; V. Up8-
ahyaya, author of Kasika ( gr . ) p.
159f.; V. p. 171, 175; V. an old writer
on Vedanta and Miraariisa too,
p. 306f; V. Bhatta, p. 403.
VSmananaga, poet, p. 364, 368, 403.
Valasarasvati, Jain poet ? p. 247.
Valmiki, p. 87, 155ff, 317, 325, 368f, 403 ;
V. as Valmikajanma, p. 360, 366.
Vasudeva, poet, p. 326, 403; [Bhatta)
Vasudeva, poet, p. 157.
Vahinipati, poet, p. 324.
Vikatanitamba, a poetess, her compo-
sition as "Vaikatanitamba", p. 363 ;
V., p. 326, 367, 370 ; her verses
quoted, p. 403.
Vikarala, a Kapalika, p. 218.
Vikramaditya, p. 171, 175; V., poet,
p. 157 ; his verses quoted, p. 403.
Vijayakirti, a Jain Head Priest, p. 262.
Vijaya-Madhava, poet, p. 156.
Vijayasarman, poet, p. 403.
Vijayahka, a Karnatl Poetess, " the
abode of Vidarbha st yl e" after
Kalidasa, p. 363, 371.
Vijayacarya, a Dasapu"rvadbarin,p.284.
Vijasekhara ( Dvijasekhara ?), poet,
p. 324.
Vijuka ( =Vi j j 5ka) , a poetess, p.363,
367,371; her verses quoted, p. 403.
Vijnanesvara, p. 550, 552, 556, 564, 580;
his views about mandatory and per-
missive precept about intercourse
p. 581-583.
Vitavrtta, a poet, p. 150,
Vitthala Srotriya, p. 149
Vidyapati, poet, p. 325, 404.
Vidyadhara, author of Ekavali, his
date, pp. 439ff, 328-334.
Vl dyadhi r aj a, hi s com. on Bhagavad-
gl t a, p. 196.
Vi dyanandi n, a J ai n Hi gh Priest,p.269f.
Vi dya r a nya , t he Yogi n - Madhava-
carya, p. 8,180. .
Vi dyucar a, ( J a i n ), p. 281.
Vi dyesana, poet, p. 404.
Vi dbi r a t na kr t , ( Ri t ua l wr i t e r ) , p. 102.
Vi nayacandr a, a J ai n Pai i di t a, p. 247.
Vi na ya ka , com. of Sahkhayana Sut ra,
p. 296.
Vi ndhya va s i n, p. 171, 436n2.
Vi bhakar avar i r . an, poet, p. 404.
Vi bhut i - Ma dha va , poet, p. 156.
Vi mal as ar as vat i . poet, p. 404.
Vi l ha na , " l or d of poets " and Mi ni st er
of Vi j ayavar man, p. 247, 250.
Vi sal ya, poet, p. 404.
Vi sakha, p. 171.
Vi sakkadeva, poet, p. 404.
Vi s a l a ki r t i , a J ai n Pandi t a, p. 247.
Vi s i khacar ya, p. 280; a Dai npur va-
dhar i n, p. 284.
Vi sva, p. 177.
Vi svanat ha, com. on Kesava and
Ganesa' s wor ks ( a s t r onomi c a l ) ,
p. 34f., 213; hi st or y of hi s f ami l y.
p. 213f.
Vi s vanat havahi ni pat i , poet, p. 325.
Vi s var upa, hi s Ni bandha, p. 141f, 144,
552, 581.
Vi svesvara, aut hor of Madanapar i j at a,
p. 6; t he ki ng who pat roni sed hi m,
p. 6; V. alias Gagabhat t a, p. 145;
poet, p. 404.
Vi sVambhat abhyat t a, poet, p. 324.
Vi s nu, as a J ai n Muni , p. 269 ; V. as
a J a i n Sr ut akeval i u, p. 279; V.
aut hor, p. 320; his preoept re. Gar-
bhadhSna, p. 587.
Vi snugupt a, p. 344.
Vi s nunandi n, the Sr ut akeval i u, p; 284.
Vi snupur anat i kakar a, p. 171.
Vi r a na ndi n ( J ai n ), p. 245.
VI r a ( Vi r a ? )nat ha, a Kapal i ka, p. 218.
Vi r asena Bhat t ar aka, a J ai n aut hor,
p. 273f.
Vl r y a mi t r a , poet, p. 404.
Vr t t i ( k a r a ) , Gr ammar , p. 163.
89 [ R. G. Bhandarkart works, M
Vr ddha or Vr ddhaoar ya, a r i t ua l
wr i t er , p. 103, 108; V. referred t o
i n Kat yayana-Sarvanukramabhasya,
p. 293f; Vr ddhacar ya quoted by
Tr i kandamandana, p. 294.
Vr ddha Rsi , p. 175.
Vrddhagarga, p. 344.
Vrddhagaut ama, p. 216.
Vrddhaparasara, p. 216.
Vrddharaanu, p. 320.
Vrddhavasi st ha, p. 136, 320, .
Vrddhasat at apa, p. 216.
Vr ddhi , [ Bhat t a] , poet,,p. 404.
Vrndavana, p. 171.
Vrsabhasena, p. 272.
Venl dat t a, poet ( same as author ),
p. 324.
VedavySsa, p. 326.
Vedangaraja (of Parsi-Prakasa), father
of Nandi kosvara, p. 40.
Ver adi dat t a( dat t a ? ) a poetess, p. 324.
Vai j avapya, p. 344.
Vai dyanat hapaudi t a, poet, p. 405.
Vai dyabhanupandi t a, his versesquoted,
p. 405.
Vai yakar anah, p. 171.
Vai r a4a, poet, 405.
Vai r agya, a Mar gapr avar t aka, p. 218.
Vai sakhi nah, p. 171,
Vai sesi kah, p. 171.
Vya4i , p. 104, 171, 175.
Vyasa, son of Sat yavat i , p. 87 ; V.,
p. 157, 171, 175, 187, 320, 324, 366, 369 ;
his verses quoted, p. 405, 549 ; as
Bhagavadvyasa, p. 405; as Veda-
Vyasa, p. 406.
Vyasadasa. poet, p. 157.
Sakavyddhi, poet, p. 326, 406.
Samkara, a poet, p. 363, 370.
Samkarakavi , his com. on Bhaskara-
carya' s Kar anakut uhal a, p. 33; hi s
date, i bi d ; his predecessors, i bi d.
Samkara(bhat t a), p. 145; ( I I ) Samkara-
bhat t a ( aut hor of Vr a t a r ka ), p. 145.
Samkaracarya or Samkara, hi s com.
on Br hadar anyaka U. , p. 13; his date
i n r el at i on t o t hat of Sarvaj nat man,
Vol.II]
706 I NDEX VI I
p. 14f.; his miscellaneous works,
p. 15; his Vedauta-Sutra-Bhasya,
p. 104,107, 189, 273 ; special point in
S.'s theory that succeeded in the in-
tellectual conflict of the time, p. 194;
his theory characterised as Buddhi-
stic nihilism in disguise by Madhvas,
other objections against his theory ;
his attitudo towards other popular
religious systems, ibid.; genesis of his
theory that the world is unreal,
p. 204; S., p. 110, 205, 455, 559.
Samkaramisra, p. 324.
Samkaravarman, poet, p. 406.
Sankula, poet, p. 157, 326; S. son of
BhaMa Mayilra, p. 406.
Sankha, author of DharmasSstra, p.103,
320; his precept re. Garbhadhana,
p. 587.
Sahara, p. 103; author of com. on
Jaimini's Mimamsa-Sutra, p. 107.
Babarasvamin, p. 109; author of Mima-
rasSbhasya, his date, p. 110; S.
p. 172, 194; Sahara (also Sabara-
svSmin ), p. 175.
Sabdanusarin, p. 306.
Sabdarnavakara, p. 172.
Sambhu, mentioned by Srldharaoarya,
p. 137; S'. author, p. 320.
Sarana, poet, p. 321.
Sarva, poet, p. 406.
Barvadasa, poet, p. 406.
Sarvavarman or Sarvagana, poet,
P. 406.
Satayana, p. 172, 175.
Sahkhayana, p. 541, 542, 547.
Sansila, poet, p. 406.
Sandilya ( Pancaratra system ), p.l90f.
Satavahana, K., his Gathah, p. 361, 364.
Satatapa, p. 175, 320.
Sabdika, p. 175.
Sabdikanarasimha, p. 172.
Sarhgadhara, poet, p. 324, 325, 326 ; S.
of anthology, p. 331,; S.'s Paddhati,
p. 425, 434,
Salivahana, ( author ), p. 334.
Salihotra, p. 175, 344,
Salikanatha, p. 306.
Saiankayana, ( author), p. 320.
Sitikantha, author of Tarkaprakasa,
p. 207.
Siva, poet, p. 324.
Sivakoti, p. 272.
Sivabhadra, p. 172,
Sivasvamin, poet, p. 157, 326, 370, 406
his works, p. 362.
Sivaditya, his Saptapadarthi, com. on it
( I ) by Madhavasarasvati, p. 65f.,
( II ) Bhavavidyesvara, p, 66.
Sivananda, p. 324.
Sista, poet, p. 324.
Sitkararatna, a poet, p. 426.
Silabhattarika, a poetess, p. 363, 367,
370 ; her verses quoted, p. 407.
Suka, [ Sri 1 poet, p. 157.
Sucigobhata, poet, p. 407.
Subhacandra, a Jain High Priest, p.251,
278, 281, 282; his Pan<Javapurana
( Jain ), its date ; com. of Kartikeya-
nupreksa, his history, p. 262.
Subhahga, p. 175.
Sudraka, p. 172, 175, 428.
Salapani, a Gauda, p.; 150; Dh.S. writer,
p. 141.
Sesa = Patanjali, p. 163.
Sesarama, his com. on Naisadhacarita,
p. 84.
Saunaka, p. 216, 294, 320, 559, 575, 577,
578; his view about the difference of
the Baskala from the Sakala S'skha,
p. 300.
Syamala, ( Bhatta), poet, p. 407.
Srikantha or Sitikantha, his Tarka-
prakasa = com. on Nyayasiddhanta-
mafljari, p. 29; S. a Kapalika, p. 218.
Srikara ( Dh.S. writer ), p. 141, 175.
Srikpsna-Nyayavaglsabhattacarya, his
com. on Nyayasiddhanta Manjari,
p. 29; S. (Dh.S. writer); his TarkSlara-
kara, p. 141.
Srtyhakkuraiya, poet, p. 407.
Sridatta ( Jai n) p. 272.
s'ridhara, his Bmrtyarthsara, p. 107 ;
172,175; his com. on Bhagavata; his
view that the rules about inter-
course are only permissive, p. 550f;
his view about the permissive nature
of the rules about intercourse, p. 555>
INDEX OF ANCIENT AITTHORS
707
Sr i dhar asvami n, hi s com. on Bhngavat a,
p. 582,
Shri dharacarya, Jyo. p. 36; hi s Smr yt ar -
t hasgra, p. 136f; quoted by Heraadri ,
p. 137.
Sr i nat ha, hi s Gr ahaoi nt amani ( J yo. )
p. 34.
Sri ni vasa ( Ni mbar ka sohool ) , p. 27.
Sr i pat i , hi s Jyot i r at namal a, wi t h a
com. by Mahadeva, son of Luoi ga,
hi s ancest ry; 8. di fferent from S. of
Jat akapaddhat i , p. 36; Sri pat i ' s ( Jyo.
W. ) Paddhat i , p. 33, comput at i ons
accordi ng t o i t by Sarya, p. 39; 8.
p. 216.
Sri parankusanat ha, p. 187.
Sri pal a, a J a i n wr i t er , p. 273.
Sr i pal akavi r aj a, poet, p. 407.
Sri bhogavarman, poet, p. 407.
Sri vanka, ( Pandi t a ) poet, p. 156.
Srl samkaragayaka, poet, p. 407.
Sri harsa, poet, hi s Nai sadhl ya, p. 157,
175, 324, 326, 329, 333; his verses
quoted, p. 407; ( If ) Sriharsa, author
of Khandana, hi s verses quot ed,
p. 408 ; ( I I I ) Sri harsapandi t a, his
verses quoted, p. 409.
Sr ut a kl r t i t r a i vi dya , aut hor of RBghava-
Pandavi ya, p. 318; perhaps the same
as Dhanamj aya, p. 319.
Srut adhara, p. 321 ; poet, p. 409.
Sr ut adhar ar ama. poet. p. 409.
Srutasagara, his Tat t var t hat l ka,
p. 52nl ; aut hor of a Jai n r i t ual i st i c
wor k, his date, p. 269f
Sanraasika, poet, p. 324f., 326.
Sakal aki r t i , his Tat t . v5rt hasara,
p. 2 4 0 n n l &2 ; hi s hi st or y, p. 250
hi s date, p. 251; a J ai n Head Pri est
and wr i t er , p. 262, 282, 284.
Sakal acandra, a Jai n Head Pri est ,
p. 282.
Samkar sanakandai ya bhasyakara,
p. 103.
Saraksepa-Sariraka, wi t h com. by
Ramat i r t ha; hi s date, Sarvaj nat man,
pupi l of Suresvaracarya, p. 14.
Satyasaedha, p. 104, 307 ; S. Hi r anya-
kesin, p. 104,116,
Sadasiva, poet, p. 324, 325.
Sanatana, p. 175,
Saptanatha, a Mar gapr avar t aka, p.218.
SabhyakanthBbharana, poet, p. 325.
Samantabhadra, ( J a i n ) , p. 245, 272,
280, 282.
Samarasimha, hi s Taj i kasara, p, 38.
Sarvajnanarayana, p. 146.
Sarvajnavasudeva, poet, p. 409.
Sarvadasa, poet, p. 324, 409.
Sarvadhara, p. 172, 175.
Sarvananda, p. 172, 175.
Sahasraknrti, a Jai n Hi gh Pri est , p.281.
SamkhyByana, p. 101.
Samagah, p. 307.
Sayana, his com. on Baudhayana-
satra, Darsapi l rnamasa, p. 99; S. ,
p, 465, 508.
Sarvabhauma, poet, p. 324.
Sahasanka, p, 173,175.
Simhhadatta, poet, p. 324.
Si mhanandi n, a Jai n Hi gh Priest, p.270.
Si ddhacakravart i j ayasi mhadeva, poet,
p. 409.
Si ddhasena-Di vakara, his Sammat i -
tarkatikS,p.66; com. on i t by Abhaya-
deva, i bi d ; S., Jai n, p. 245, 272.
Si ddhant i n, r i t ual wr i t er , p. 103; aut hor
of Asval ayana-Sut ra Bhasya, p. 108;
S.,his Bhasya, p. 571&n.
Si ddhart hacarya, a Dasapurvadhari n,
p. 284.
Si hal apat i , see Kunt al apat i above,
p, 378.
Si t kar ar at na, poet, p. 410.
Simamdhara, a J ai n Hi gh Priest, p. 282.
Siradeva' s Paribhasas, p. 164.
. Sudharma, Jai n Ti r t hamkar a Gana-
dhar a, Keval i n, p. 269, 271, 272. 281.
284.
Sudharmacarya, ( Jai n ), p. 279.
Subandhu, p. 87, 369; his verses quoted,
p. 410.
Subhata, a poet cont emporary of Some-
svara ( Ki r t i k a u . ) , p. 92.
SubhadrB, a poetess, p. 363, 371.
Subhadracarya, Jai n, p. 285.
Subhuti, p. 173,175.
708 INDEX VII
Sumatigani, his Lives of Jain High
Priests ; S.'s life, p. 50, 51.
Sumanta, p. 320.
Surananda, poet, p. 363, 370.
Suresaaracarya, pupil of Samkara"-
carya, p. 13; his Vartikas, ibid.
Ruvarnabandha ( of Tarala ), p. 370.
Susruta. p. 177. 215, 216, 344 ; his view
about, full development of men and
women, p. 553nn.. 554; bis verses
quoted, p. 553f., 555.
Susruta'ca'rya, p. 216.
Sutrakara, p. 307.
Ruravaxman. poet, p. 156, 411.
Suryn. his Tajuikaiamkara and other
works, p 38f.; his Kavyastaka.Bodha-
sudhakara: a gloss on Lilavati by
S . his work Tauka, p. 39.
Rodhala, his com. on the Bhaskara*-
rnrya's Karanakutohala, p. 33.
Romakavi, poet, p. 413.
Rom-ideva, his Kathasaritsagara,
( Jain). p. 104, 245; author of |
Yasastllaka; his date, p. 434. I
Somanandin, p. 173,175.
Somaprabhacarya, his verses quoted,
P. 411.
Somananda, promulgator of Pratya-
bhijua' School of Kasmlr Saivism,
p. 201.
Romila, poet, p. 360, 364, 368; verses
of S. and Ra"mila, quoted, p. 399.
Somesvara, his Kirtikaumudi, p. 38, 46,
330; its account of the invasion by
Sinorhana against Lavanaprasada,
p. 46 ; his Kamasataka.P. 87 ; history
of his family, p. 90f.; S.bhatta, p. 326,
411. " |
Somesvaradeva. ( author of E5ma-
sata a ) Purohita of Gurjaresvara =
R., author of Kirtikaumudi, p. 10,
158.
Stambhadeva, a Jain, p. 248.
Smarapungava, poet, p. 324.
Smartabhattacarya, p. 141.
Svamin, p. 173, 175 ; [Bhatta]-svamin,
p. 411.
Hattacandra, p. 173, 175.
Haducandra, p. 174.
Hanumat, poet, p. 324 ; his verses
quoted, p. 412.
Hara, poet, p, 157.
Haragana, poet, p. 412.
Haragupta, poet, p. 157.
Haradatta, p. 146, 150. '
Haradeva, a Jain, p. 248.
Hari, as another name of BhSskara,
author of ParibhSsabhaskara, PadyS-
mrtatarangini and com. ofVpttarat-
nSkara, p. 325.
Harioandra, his com. on Caraka, p. 215.
Haridiksita, the grandson of Bhattoji,
p. 147.'
Harinarayanamisra, poet, p. 324.
Haribhatta, poet, p. 157,164, 325, 412.
Haribhadra, his Samaradityacarita;
its abridgement by Pradyumnacarya,
p. 67.
Haribhadrasuri, son of Yakini, his
date, p. 80.
Hariscandra, a Margapravartaka,
p. 218.
Harihara, his Bhasya on Paraskara-
Grhya-Strtra, p. 5,92,157f., 326, 329
412; H. , author of Dharma Sastra
digest, p. 139, 142.
Hariharabhatta, poet, p. 324.
Harsa, poet, p. 368, 371.
Harsakirti, Sarasvata Dhatupatha
wi t h com. by, p. 48; H.'s history, ibid.
Harsadatta, a poet, p. 156.
Halayudha, his Kaviguhyaor a Kavira-
hasya, p. 70; H. designated as Sada-
bhidhananidha'na, p. 71; I I . of
Kavirahasya same as I I . of Abhidhfi-
naratnr rala, ibid; H. com. of Katya-
yana-Sraddha-Sutra, p. 97; H.
p. 141,142, 175; his verses quoted,
p. 412.
Harita, ( Medicine ), p. 215, 216, 320.
Hiranyakesin, p.113, 114; many Kamya
Istis laid down by him, p. 117; H.
on age of marriage, p. 506; protesting
against early marriages, p. 513; his
GrhyasHtra quoted, p. 539 ; H. p. 463,
541, 542, 544.
Hemaklpti, a Jain teacher. P. 283,
GENERAL SANSKRIT INDEX
709
Hemaoandra, his R8m8yana ( Jain )
p. 54 ; his Bhandara at Patan in
oharge of SavarOpacandra, p. 59 ; the
eighth ohapter of his Sabdanusasana
= Prakrit gr. p. 64, 92. 342.
Hemacarya ( Hemaoandra ), date of
his Sari-hood, p. 80,
Hemadri, p. 42,101,146, 150, 320 ; his
Prasagti of king Msvhadeva (Yadava) i
p. 139; his Sraddhaprakarana, p.137,
139 ; author of Caturvargacint3mani,
p. 214f.; Hemadri's date, p. 435f.; his
Parisista, p. 142.
Hemaraja, Hindi commentator of Pra-
vacanasara; his date, p. 224,
Horamakaranda (Jyo. ); its author
Gunarka, p, 36,
INDEX VI I I
GENERAL SANSKRIT INDEX
Amhas - pollution, p. 121.
Agni, p. 445.
Agnimukha or Ajyatantra, rite for the
Atharvavedins, p. 151.
Agnistoma sacrifice, a form of Jyo-
tistoma, p. 126, 130f., 132.
Agnldhara, p. 111f.
Agnlsomlya Pasu, an animal sacrifice,
p. 126, 129.
Aghamarsana, p. 314.
Aghatin Karmans, p. 234n.
Augas, Pdrvas, Jain, lost, p. 269.
Angayaga ( as part of an animal sacri-
fice), p. 113, 128.
Acela, nudity ( Jain ), p. 236f.
Aochavaka priest, p. 127, 130, 131.
Aja-Panaaudana rite, prescribed for a
remarried woman and her second
husband, p. 467, 508
Ajas, p. 429&nl.
Ajiva Dravya, explained five fold,
( Jain Phi.), p. 232, 251, 262.
Anuvratas, five, described ; same as
Mshavratas, p. 264f.
Atithisamvibhaga, a Jain Siksavrata,
p. 266.
Atiratra, a form of Jyotistoma sacri-
fice, p. 126; A. Sacrifice described,
p. 131,
Atiriktoktha-Sastra, p. 131.
Atindriyasukhn - Happiness of the
Kevalin kind of soul in Jainism,
explained, p. 229f.
Atyagnistoma, a form of Jyotistoma,
p. 126 ; its difference from Agnistoma,
p. 130.
Adantadh5vana,( Jain ), p. 237.
Aditi, the illimitable mother of all the
gods, p. 610.
Adharma, unrighteousness, acetana,
(Jain Phi.), p. 232; its peculiar
property, p. 233.
Adhyapakas (Jai n) as Paramecins,
p.225.
Adhvaryu, p. 111f.; A. priest, his duties
performed by Yajus, exact meaning
of this, p. 120.
Anagnika - mature girl, p. 506; A.
gi rl defined, p. 539.
Anarthavirati, a Jain Gunavrata, p.265.
Anasana, ( Jain ), p. 268.
Anatman, ( Ramanujiya), p. 188.
AnityanupreksS, p. 262.
Anupreksa = thinking, meditation,
p. 262.'
Anubandhyapasu, animal sacrifice to
Mitravaruna, p
;
129.
Anumanavirata Sravaka, p. 268.
710
INDEX VI I I
Anuloma marriages, p. 473, 483,
Anuvakyas, their meaning, p. 117 ; A.
of certain Istis quoted, pp. 117-119 ;
their relation to the Vedio Mantras
disoussed, p, 119; A. of the Naksatra-
sattra, p. 133 ; A., P.124.
Antaratman ( Jain) described, p. 257.
Antaraya, obstruction to knowledge,
(Jai n), p. 236.
Antaryamin manifestation of Isvara
( acc. to Ramanuja), Its two forms,
p. 185.
Anyatvanupreksa", p. 263,
Anvarambhaniya, Introductory Isti,
desoribed, p. I l l ,
Ap, p. 221.
Apadhyana, finding fault in others
( Jain), p. 265.
Apabh ranis'a, its Vernacular form,
p. 342; A. as given by Hemaoandra
in Vikramorvasiya, ibid ; date of its
origin, p. 343.
Apara, mode of Tantrio worship
Cakrapnja, p. 222.
Apadyanuvittayah = live gates of
heaven, p. 125; their deities, ibid.
Apurvavidhi, p. 551n.
Aptoryama saorifice desoribed, p. 131;
its difference from Atiratra, i bi d;
A., p. 132.
Abhijit (Naksatra ), p. 122.
Abhidheya=sConventional sense, p.329.
Abhiras, p. 474, 475.
Abhyanujnana = Permission, p. 551 n.
Amnrta qualities ( Jain), p. 233.
Ayanaihsas = degrees of equinootical
precession according to different
authors, p. 208; present Hindu
practice and position, p. 209.
Arca, Manifestations of Isvara, = idols,
p. 185.
Artha, as Purusartha, (Ram. S.), p.186.
Arhats, (Jain), p. 225; as Paramecins;
A., p. 240.
Aloka, Pure vacuity, (Jain Phi.), p.228;
A., Akasa, p. 233.
Avagraha, as a stage in sensation,
(Jain Phi.),p. 228 ; explained, p. 228n.;
A. a stage in sensational knowledge,
p. 258.
AvadhijfiSna = limited or conditioned
knowledge ( Jain), p. 252; explained,
p. 252n.
Avabhrta (ceremony), p, 128f.
Avamodarya ( Jai n) , p. 2.68.
Avaya, as a stage in sensation, ex-
plained (Jai n Phi. ), p. 228n.
Avidya, defined ; different views about
i t , p. 181f.; A., p. 244.
Avyanga, the sacred thread of the
Magus, p. 635.
Asarananupreksa, p. 262f.
Asuoitvanupreksa, p. 263.
Asubha Soul, full of demerit ( Jain ),
p. 226.
Asubhopayoga, - Realisation of the
sinful (Jain Phi.), p. 230.
Asvagandha, a plant, p. 571n.
Asatkarya, doctrine of Vaisesikas ex-
plained, p. 243.
Astikayas (5) explained, p. 245&n.; A.
why so called, p. 255n.
Asteya, a Jain Mahavrata, p. 236nl.
Asnana, not bathing ( Jain ), p. 237.
Ah, or Aha = Aham = " I" ( Tantrio),
p. 221.
Aharhkara, p. 221.
Ahimsa, a Mahavrata (Jain), p. 236nl.
Ahina, or Ahargana, Soma Sacrifices,
p. 132.
Akasa, p. 182, 221; A. ( space ) acetana
according to Jain Philosophy, p. 232;
its divisions, p. 232f.; its peculiar
property, p. 233; A. as an Astikaya,
p. 255.
Akimcanya, a Jain Mahavrata, p.236nl,
268.
Agamas, Jain, necessity for Sramana
to know them, p. 239.
Agas - transgression, p. 121.
Agnimaruta Sastra, p. 130.
Agneyakratu, p, 127.
Agneyi Dharana, p. 258f.
Agrayana Istis ( 3or 1) , p. 112.
Acaryas, 84, consecrated under a Vata
tree, p. 80; A. as t i t l e of ri t ual
GENERAL SANSKRIT INDEX 711
writers, p. 109 ; A., p. 279; A. = Suris [
(Jai n ), p. 285.
Acaryabhlipanayoga ( ace. to Rama-
nuja ), p. 185, explained, p, 186.
Ajyasastra, p. 127, 130.-
Anavl Diksa, ( Tantric ), p. 222.
At i t hya-Ist i , p. 126.
Atman, ( Ramanujiya ), p. 188; A, co-
extensive wi t h knowledge (Jain Phi-
losophy), p. 228; its Subha and
Asubha conditions, p. 234; A., of i
three kinds ( Jain), p. 257.
Atmanepada and Parasmaipada, dis-
tinction between them, p. 416.
Adananiksepanasamiti, explained (Jain ,
Phi. ), p. 236n2.
Adityagrahayaga, p. 128.
Adyanauda Skandhaka, a Prakrit ,
metre, p. 337.
Anapanaprana, (Jain Phil.), p. 233.
Antarya Karman, ( Jain Phi.) explain-
ed, p. 227n.
Apastamblyas, mostly found in Tailaft-
gana, p. 152.
Apta, defined, p. 246.
Ayuska Karman, explained,(Jain)p.234.
Ayuhpraua ( Jain Phi.), p. 233.
Arjava ( Jain ), p. 268.
Artaraudradhyana, p. 257f.
Arbhavapavamana, p. 128.
Aryasor Aryans, enterd India, resisted
by Dasyus, their gods Indra and Agni,
their tribes, their grades, grades
turned into castes, four classes, these
referred to intheRgveda, pp.445-446;
A. p. 448, 449. 451, 452, 453, 454, 463,
465, 466, 472.
Alocan a, confession of a sin to a Guru
( Jain Phi. ), p. 231 n ; A. confession
of a break of observance, ( Jain
Philosophy ), p. 238, 246.
Avasyaka observances, six, ( Jai n)
p. 236&n3, 246.
Asrvanupreksa, p. 263.
Asvinakratu, p. 127.
Asvinasaatra, p. 331.
Asrava ( Jain Phi . ); p. 240; its work-
ing explained, p. 240n3 ; A. = move-
ment of the soul corresponding to
movement of the mind etc. through
which Karman passes from Pudgala
to soul, i bi d; A. p. 251, 264; A. =
flowing in of Karman, p. 276.
Indra, p. 445; I. found in the phenomena
of Nature, p. 610.
Indragni, an animal sacrifice to them,
p. 113 ; when to be performed, ibid.
Indriyaprana, fivefold ( Jain Phi. ),
p. 233.
Indriyarodha, ( Jain ), p. 236.
IrySpatha - walking, p. 237n.
Iryasamiti, explained, (Jain), p. 236n2.
Isti -- a complete sacrificial perfor-
mance to different deities, p. HOf; I.
performed in full and new moon days;
types of other Istis described, p. 111.
Isvara, defined according to Sarhkara,
p. 181f.; according to Ramanuja,
p. 184f.; L p. 221.
Iha. a stage in sensational perception,
explained ( Jain Phi. ), p. 228n, 252.
, Ukthya, ( a form of Jyotistoma sacri-
fice ), p. 126,133f.
Uttama Ksama, ( Jain ), p. 263.
UttamaMardava (Jain,) p. 268.
Uttamarthika Pratikramana (Jain Ph.)
explained, p. 237n.
Uttaravedi, p. 126.
Utpata-vinasa-dhrauvya, p. 231.
Udaya, effect of Karman ( Jain ), p.255
Udayaniya the concluding Isti of
the Agni stoma, p. 122.
Udavasaniya ( I st i ) , p. 129.
Udica Brahmanas, p. 453.
Udgatp priest, p. 132.
Udgatha, a Prakrit metre, p. 335.
UddistahSravirata s'rSvaka, p. 268.
Inmesa, a part, p. 328.
Upanayana ceremony, p. 464, 475,
rpanisads ( generally*) as one of the
three Prasth3nas, p. 22 ; their group-
ing not arbitrary, p. 96; U. passages
showing the Ksatriya origin of reli-
gious truth p.192.
712
INDEX VIII
Upayoga = development of the Jiva,
( Jain ), p. 251.
Upayogasuddhi, purification of oue's
nature ( Jain ), p. 236.
Upasad ceremony, a sort of Ist i , p. 126.
Upasampadya = dependence ( Jain ),
p. 225.
Upastha, p. 221.
Upast haa ceremony, p. 127.
Upakarana =Sr aani ceremony, p. 296,
300 ; Sntras on U. p. 301; U. obla-
tions, p. 305.
Upadaa, different views about its
nature in the Samkara school itself,
p. 181.
Upaeya ( Ra a . system), its means,
p. 188.
Up a h i ( Vedat a ), p. 182.
Upaas = ways ( five ) to God accord-
ing to Ram3nuja, p. 185f, 188.
Upayavirodhin, ( Ram. S. ) explained,
p. 186.
Upasraya(Jain), halting place provided
With a library, p. 58.
Usas found in the phenomena of nature,
p. 610.
Rks repeated in rites occurring or not
occurring in the Rgveda, p. 119;
Rks = verses generally, and not of
Rgveda only, p. 120.
Rgvedins, difference between present
day R.s and persons belonging to
other Vedas, p. 139f.
Rt upara p. 127.
Rtuyajyas, p, 127.
Rsis ( Ramanuja system ), p. 188.
Ekabbukta, ( Jain) p. 237.
Ek3das3ngadh3rins, p.284; their names,
p. 285.
Ekatvanupreksa, p. 263.
Enas = sin, p. 121.
Evayamarutsnkta, p. 131.
Esanasamiti, explained ( Jain Phi . ) ,
p. 236n2.
Aikagrya, singleness of devotion,p.240.
Aikabika ( Soma ) sacrifices, p. 132.
Aindra Purotfasa, p. 127, 128.
Aisvarya, as an attribute in Ram.
system, p. 185.
Otaraha ( Auttaraba ), occurring in a
Nasik inscription, p. 628.
Om, its mystic composition ace. to
Jainism, p. 260;
Audayika Bhava of 21 kinds, p. 261;
explained, p. 262.
Aupanisada or Vedanta system in Bha-
vabhnti's works different from Sam-
karScarya's, p. 424&n2.
Aupanisadas, ( school of thought )
p. 194; their different schools, ibid.
Aupanisada element,present in Kasmir
Saiva schools, p. 205.
Aupasamika Bhava, of two kinds, ex-
plained, p. 261.
Ausasyakratu, p. 127.
Kamala, its corruption Kamvala, or
Kanivar, p. 216.
Karanas and Siddhanta, difference in
their methods, p. 33.
Karambha, p. 127.
Karman, ( Jain Phi. ), p. 229, 240n3,
478; Karman, Jiva and Pudgala,
their mutual operation explained,
p. 233f.; eight K.s explained, p. 234n.
Karmamarga, p. 194.
Karmayoga ( ace. to Ramanuja) =
Vedic andSmarta religion and Yoga
practices, p. 185.
Karhada, p. 483.
Kala, p. 221; K. (Tantric), its formation
explained, p. 220
Kal i and Saka eras, difference in
years between them, p. 208.
Kaliyuga era, p. 133; K. not begun,
p. 212.
Kalisamdhya, the present period,
p. 212.
Kalpa, - a fabulous period of an
extremely long duration, p. 33.
Kavasa Ailusa, p. 472.
Kavis ( Jai n) = later writers of repute,
p. 280,
GENERAL SAMSKRIT INDEX 713
Kasaya a love and hatred or likes
and dislikes, (Jain Phi.), p. 238f.;
its constituents, p. 240&n2; K.,
p. 240n3, 243.
Kanina (Son), his position in ancient
law, p. 531.
Kama as Purusartha ( Ramanuja sys-
tem), p186; K. = Bindu ( Tantric )
identified wi t h the Sun, p. 220.
Kamakala, (Tantric ), its formation
explained, p. 220 ; the highest deity;
other names of Kamakala", ibid.
Kamakalavidya, p. 221.
Kamya rites, explained, p, 115; K.acts,
p. 573.
Kayaklesa, Jain, p. 268.
Kayagupti, Jain Phi., p. 240nl-
Kayastha Prabhus, p. 482.
Kayotsarga, an Avasyaka Jain per- !
formance, explained ; the posture of
the body in i t , p. 237n ; K., p. 240nl,
266, 268.
Karpaya (?) Gotra, p. 9.
Kala, Jain, p. 221, 263 ; K. ( time)
acetana, (Jai n Phi.), p. 232; its
peculiar property, p. 233; K. does
not spread over space and therefore
it is not an AstikJya, p. 255n.
Kalasamayika, a Jain observance, I
explained, p. 237n.
Kasyapa Gotra, p. 423.
Kunda - an altar, p. J49.
Kuuq'alika, a Prakrit metre, p. 336.
Kunwar = Kamala, p. 216.
Kumbhinasa, p. 461.
Kara, p. 471.
Kusika's son, p. 472.
Kuslla, a class of Nirgranthas, p. 261.
Kusanas, p. 519, 535,
Krt t i ka, first lunar mansion, p. 123 ;
its historical significance, p. 123f.
Krt ya, evil spirit, p. 90.
Ketu (the Moon's Node ), p. 121, 431.
Kevala Jivas, ace. to Ramanuja, p. 184.
Kevalin,(Jain Pbi.), explained, p. 227f.;
K.s three, their names, p. 284 ; K.s
p. 255, 280, 285.
Kesanta ceremony laid down by Paras-
kara, p. 147,
90 [ R. G, Bhandarkar's works. Vol
Kaimkarya ( ace. to Ramanuja), p.184.
Kaivalya, as Purusartha ( Ram. S.),
explained, p. 186.
Krama-Patha, p.94f.
Ksatra, p. 471.
Ksatriya, p. 446, 449, 450, 454, 464, 471,
472, 473, 478.
Ksayika Jnana ia Jain Phi., explained,
p. 229.
Ksayika Bhava of nine kinds, ex-
plained, p. 261.
Ksitisayana, Jain, p. 237.
Ksetras3m3yika, Jain observance,
explained, p. 237n.
Khurasana(na) = Khurasana, p. 336.
Gaganahgana, a Prakrit metre, p. 336.
Ganadharas, ( Jain ) as Paramecins,
P. 225, 279.
Gandha, p. 221.
Gandhana", a Prakrit metre, p. 339.
Garbhalabhana, a part of Garbha-
dhana, p. 547f ; = lambh p. 569n.
Garbhalambhana = Garbhadhana,p.570f;
different practices in the matter,
p. 571.
Garbhadhana coremony, p. 542,
pp.544-583 ( passim ); texts regard-
ing performance of Garbhadhana,
p. 545f.; G. = conception ceremony,
indispensable before having inter-
course, p, 546f.; G. ceremony, its two
parts, the time when they are
performed, p. 547; G. ceremony
not necessarily prescribed at the
first monthly course, but left to
one's option, p. 552; G. an essential
part of the Hindu religion 1 p. 559 ;
G. more than an ordinary ceremony ?
p. 560 ; not performed in Gujarath;
not performed by good many ortho-
dox people; a ludicrously light
penance for its omission, p. 560f,;
G. or Garbhalambhana and Praja
patya, two different ceremonies,
p. 563; no text to support the view
that it should be Performed on the
occasion of the first Rtu, p. 564
I I . ]
714 INDEX VIII
the present day practice in the
matter only local and of recent
growth, p. 568 ; the only text enjoin-
ing it on the occasion of the first
course, a spurious one, p. 568; G.
. not prescribed by Asvalayana and
need not be performed, p. 576; G.
without the Prajapatya Homa, p.577;
the Sastra in the matter does not
declare that it must be performed
necessarily on the occasion of the
first course, p. 579 ; time of G. cere-
mony, pp. 586-7.
Garhana, condemning a sin in the pre-
sence of a Guru, Jain Phi., p. 237n.
Gavamayana sacrifice in which the
Soma sacrifioe is performed every
day, p. 132.
Gathini, a Prakrit metre, p.335.
Gahu, a Prakrit metre, p. 335.
Gunas, Jain Phi, p. 230; G. inseparable
from Dravya, its " breadth ", Jain,
p. 230f.
Gunaparyaya Modifications of quali-
ties, of two kinds, p. 231.
Gunavratas, Jain, three, p. 264; de-
scribed, p. 265.
Gunasthanas, stages of development of
the soul, p. 257.
Guptis, three, Jainistic, = protection,
of the soul from hatred etc., p.240&nl,
245, 251.
Gurjaras, p. 474, 475.
Grhastha, Jain, his duties the same as
those of the Subhopayogln Sravaka,
p. 241.
Gotras, different for different Sutras,
p. 104.
Gotrlka Karman, explained, Jain Phi.,
p. 234n.
Golahivai, Prakrit for Gaudadhipati,
p. 339.
Gau4as, p. 150.
Gautama, p. 502.
Graha = wooden cup (of Soma), p.127.
Grahamakha, ( rite ), p. 121.
Gravastut, a priest, p. 128.
Ghanapatha, p, 94f,
Ghati Karmans, explained, Jain Phi.,
p. 227&nl, 234n.
Ghrana, p. 221.
Cakrapnja = Apaca mode of Tantric
worship, explained, p. 222f.
Cakrins, Jains, p. 255.
Candasvamin, a god.p. 340.
Caturvimsatistava, an Avasyaka Jain
observance ; its six kinds, p. 237n.
Candalas, their d egraded condition
same as now, p. 450; C, p. 451, 473,
477.
Caturmasyani, 4 Istis, described, ex-
tending originally over a year. p.H3f;
its twelve days and five days
performance, later phases, p. 114;
performed in one single day, p. 114f.
Caritra = right conduct, Jain, its two
kinds; Vitaraga and Saraga, p. 225 ;
C. of thirteen kinds, p. 235; C. moral
discipline, p. 245; C. or Samyak C.
p. 246.
Caritracara, Jain course of conduct,
p. 279.
Cvtpavana, p. 483.
Cidacidvisistadvaitam Brahma(n), p.188
Cinmatra - Absolute thought, p. 181,
182.
Jata-Patha, p, 94f.
Jinamati, a Jaina Saint, fabulous V
p. 309.
Jihva, p. 223.
Jiva, explained, Sanikara Vedanta,
different views about its nature in
the Sanikara school itself; p. 181f.;
J. of five kinds according to Bama-
nuja, p. 184; J. dravya, explained,
(Jain Phi.), p. 232; J. its four kinds of
Pr8na, p. 233; J. or Atman, its pecu-
liar property, ibid; J.(S. Jain), p. 251;
its nature explained i bi d; J. as an
Astikaya, p. 255n.
Jnana as an attribute in Ramauuja S.,
p. 185; J., (Jain), p. 225, 245, 246; its
nature, p. 229 ; J. in Jain Philosophy
explained, p. 230.
Jnanamarga, p. 194.
Jnanayoga, acc. to Ramanuja, concen-
t r a t i on on Nar ayana or Vasudeva
Vynha . p. 185;
J n n a c a r a , J ai n course of conduct,
p. 279.
Jnanavar anl ya Kar man, Jai n, p. 227n.
Jyot i sa, i t s. st udy pursued by a f ami l y !
for four generations, p. 214.
Jyot i st oma, i t s seven ki nds, p. 90 ; J. as
general name of Soma sacrifices, i t s
di fferent modes, p. 125f, 126.
Tanka, a gold coi n, p. 74.

Tacchamyoravrrri mahe, p. 296, 298, 301;
repeated by Sakalas dai l y, p. 304.
Tat r abhagavat - a cert ai n ( form of
t he ) Supreme Dei t y, p. 189.
Tanmat r ani (5), p. 222.
Tapas ( J a i n ) of t wel ve ki nds, p. 235 ;
T. ext er nal and i nt er nal , p. 246, 269 ;
T. = bodi l y mor t i f i cat i on and pur i -
fication and puri fi cat ory exercise,
i t s t wel ve ki nds, p. 2681
Tapa-5c8ra, J ai n course of conduct,
p. 279.
Tamas ( gffrh. ), p. 182.
Tarkasast ras, six, Jai n, p. 247.
Ta j i ka = J udi ci al Ast r ol ogy adopt ed
by Hi ndu wr i t er s from the 13th
cent ury, p. 38, 39.
Ta nt r i ka phi l osophy i dent i fi ed wi t h
Upani sad Phi l o. . p 219; T. system,
i t s 36 pri nci pl es, p.220 ; T. pri nci pl es,
t hei r enumerations, peculiar t o i t
and borrowed from ot her systems,
p. 221f.
Tamrasasana, Royal deed of Gr ant
i nscri bed on copper, p. 44,
Tl r t hamkar as , Jai n, p. 224f.; raised
to di vi ne honours, p. 286.
Tr t l y a Savana, p. 128f.
Tejas, as an at t r i but e i n R5m. System,
p. 185, 221.
Ta i t t i r i y a S5kha; T. Brahmans i n l arge
number i n Berar, p. 423;
Ta i l i k a Sreni , p. 454, 475,
Tyakt Sr ambha Sravaka, p. 267.
Tyaga, J ai n renunci at i on, p. 268.
Tri dasa = God = 33, t he t r adi t i onal
number of Gods, p. 306.
Tri purasundari , Tant r i c, p. 220, 221;
T. cal l ed Ahar at a (egoism), i b i d ; T.
hi ghest dei t y accordi ng t o Tant r a
systom, p. 222.
Tr yamhaka, I s t i , a par t of Sakamedha,
p. 115.
Tvao, p. 221.
Thraci ans, pract i ce of burni ng wi dows,
pr evai l i ng among them, p. 509.
Daksi na = remunerat i on of the priests,
p. 128.
Dadhi krava, a dei t y, p. 115.
Dadhighat-ma, a ceremony, p. 128.
Darsana, (Jai n), fai t h, p. 245.
Darsanabhi l t a, Jai n, p. 234.
DarsanHcSra, (Jain), course of conduct,
p. 279.
Darsanavarani ya Kar man, explained,
Jai n, p. 227n.
DarsapiTrnama'sa, I s t i , accordi ng t o
Asval ayana, p. I l l ; according t o t he
At harvaveda, p. 112.
Dasapurvadha"rins, t hei r names, p. 284.
Dasyus or Dasas, t hei r l at er si gni fi -
c a n t , p. 445, 473 ; D. Var na, p. 471.
Di gvi r at i , a J ai n Gunavrat a, p. 265.
Di dhi su, Vedi c, i t s meaning, p. 508.
Di vahsyenayonuvi t t ayah = first seven
gates of heaven, p.125; t hei r guardi an
deities, i bi d.
DTksanlya I s t i , Di ksa explainod, p. 126.
Di ksa, Tant r i c, p. 222.
Di ksi t a, as t i t l e of r i t ua l wr i t er s, p.109.
Dtirmila", a Pr akr i t met re, p. 338.
Durlabhanupreks5, Jai n, p. 263.
Dussruti. Jai n, explained, = readi ng
false Sastras, p. 265.
Drsya Kavya, p. 428.
Devanaksatras, p. 122.
Devapi, p. 471.
Devi , her wor shi p i n sensual form,
p. 219 : D. Cakras - myst i c circles,
Tant r i ka, p.221; D. worshi ppers, t hei r
different sect s, p. 223.
Desastha, p. 482.
716
INDEX VI I I
Desavakasika, a Jain diksavrata
explained, p. 266.
Desikas = Teachers, ( Rama. System ),
p. 188.
Daivajnas, p. 482, 483.
Dyaus, found in the phenomena of
Nature, p. 610.
Drayidacaryas, p. 135.
Dravya, Jain Phi., p. 230, 263; its
nature, p. 231; its species and pro-
perties, p. 232f.; D. as substratum of
qualities not reoognised by VedSnta
andSSmkhya; different views about
it, p. 243.
Dravyaparyaya, in Jain Phi. explained,
p. 231; its two-fold nature, ibid.
Dravyasamayika, Jain observance,
explained, p. 237n.
Dravyarthikanaya.Jain Phi., explained,
p. 231f.; 262.
Pvadasavarsikasattra, p. 134.
Dvadasfoha Sacrifice, p. 132.
Dvyrca, - pair of verses, p. 302.
Dharma, as Purusartha according to
Ramanuja, p. 186; D. defined, Jain,
p. 225; D. = right conduct, acetana,
Jain Phi., p. 232; its peculiar pro-
perty, p. 233; D. as an Astikaya,
p. 255n.
Dharmadhyana, p. 258.
Dharm5nupreks3, p. 264.
Dh5n5s, fried grains of barley, p. 127.
Dhayyas, detached verses, p. 128.
Dharana, as a stage in sensation
explained, Jain Phi., p. 228n,; D.s, 5,
Jain, p. 258f.
Dhala, Prakrit = Vyuha, p. 338.
Dhisnyas = its meaning explained,
P. 127.
Dhy3na, Jain, explained, p. 258, 268.
Dhyanabhavana, explained, p. 261.
Naksatra-Sattra, p. 122f.; described,
ibid; its principal deities, ibid; its
purposes, p. 123.
Nagnika girl = one who has not arrived
at puberty, p. 506; N. girl defined,
p. 539 ; N. Sajata, reading discussed,
p. 597,
Narauoi, p. 461.
Namo Brahmane, p. 305.
Nada, female element, Tantrika,p.219f;
N. identified with fire, p. 220.
Nandisraddha or Abhyudaya, p. 577.
Naman, name, in Jain Phi., p. 233.
Namasamayika observance, Jain Phi.,
explained, p. 236n3.
Namika Karman, explained, Jain,
p. 234n.
Nitya rites, explained, p. 115; N., Jain
duties, p. 246; N. acts, p. 573.
Nitya-JIvas, aco. to Ram3nuja, p. 184.
Nindana, repenting of a sin to oneself,
Jain Phi., p. 237n.
Nipatabhaj =s Subordinate, p. 294.
Nimbarka High-priests, their suc-
cession List, p. 26.
Niyati, p. 221.
Niyantr, Raraanujiya, p. 188.
Niyama, Jain, explained, its consti-
tuents, p. 245; N. = mandatory pre-
cept, p. 557 ; its meaning, p. 573; its
nature explained, p. 581f.
Niyamavidhi, p. 551n.
NirHdhapasu, Isti, described; an animal
sacrifice, its obligatory nature,
p. 112f.
Nirgranthas, their five classes, p. 26K
Nirgrantha Sravaka, p. 267.
Nirjar3, Jain, p. 251 ; its meaning
explained, ibid ; N., p. 264.
Nirjaranupreksa. p. 263.
Nirvana, Jain, p. 225, 345.
Nirvati, eternal bliss, Jain, p. 239.
Nivids = certain formulas, p. 128.
Nivesa, its meaning aco. to Gram-
marians, p. 302.
Nisivirata Sravaka, Jain, p. 267.
Nisadas, p. 473.
Niskevalya-Sastra, p. 130.
Netra, p. 221,
Nestr, priest, p. 130.
Naimittika rites, explained, p. 115;
N. rites, Jain, p. 246.
Naiyayika, modern, works studied by
him, p. 29.
Nyaya, nature of modern com-
mentaries on the literature of, p. 28f.
GENERAL SANSERIT INDEX 717 '
Nyaya and Vaiseslka Systems, their
development in Bengal, p. 27. |
NyQhknas explained, p. 131.
Pajjhatika, a Prakrit metre, p. 339.
Pancapancanakhah bhaksyah, inter-
pretation of this rule, p. 551.
Pancavattis, p. 301.
Padasthadhyana, p. 258, 260,
Payasya, p. 127.
Para manifestation of Isvara, ( Rama-
nuja), p. 184; P. mode of l ant ri c
worship, p. 222.
Pararaatman, Jaia, explained, p. 257.
Paramecins, Jain, their five classes,
p. 225, 280 ; P. enumerated, p. 278.
Parasvarupavirodhin, Ram. System,
explained, p. 186.
Para, Tantrio, p. 220.
Parapara, mode of Tantric worship,
p. 222.
Parinaraa, Jain, p. 226.
Parisamkhya, p. 573; its nature
explained, p. 581f.
Pari (Prati)sth5panasamiti, explained,
( Jain Phi. ), p. 236n2.
Paryaya, a round of Sastras, p. 131
P. = development or modification,
(Jain Phi.), "l engt h" ofaDravya,
p. 230f.
Paryayarthikanaya, Jain Phi., ex-
plained, p. 231f., 262.
Parvan = a sacrificial rite or per-
formance in the Caturmasy5ni,p.ll3f.
Pavanavega, a Demi-god, p. 309f.
Pavitresti, described, its deities,
p. 115.'
Paisu Ist i = animal sacrifices, p.HOf.;
its parts, p. 113.
Pahlavas, p. 535.
PSfioaratras, their sect mentioned by
BSna, p. 189; P. not refuted by
Badarayana according to Ramanuja's
view, p. 190.
Pancali Ri t i , p. 363, 367.
Pathakarunis or Upadhyayas, p. 279.
Paoi, p. 221.
PBpdu, p. 466.
Pada, p. 221.
Papopadesa, Jain, p. 265.
Payu, p. 221.
PSrinSmika Bhava of three kinds,
p. 261, explained, p. 262.
Parthivi Dharana, Jain, p. 258f.
Pali, p. 447.
Pindasthadbyana, p. 258.
Pitryestj, a part of 8akamedha, p. 115.
Pumsavana ceremony, p. 578.
Puncjra. p. 453.
Putrakamyesti described, its principal
deities, p. 116.
Pudgala, Jain, p. 242, 263; P.= matter,
Jain Phi., p. 231, 232 ; P., its effects,
p. 233f.; its development into eight
kinds of Karman, p. 234&n; P. as an
Astikaya, p. 255n.
Punarbhu, right of inheritance to her
son allowed by some, p. 467.
Punyahavacana, p. 577.
Puranas, evidence of the, p. 625.
Purusa, p. 221.
Purusarthas, 5,acc. to Ramanuja system,
p. 186.
Purusarthavirodhin, Ram. system,
explained, p. 186.
Purorks, detached verses, p. 128.
PurodSsa, p. 128.
Purodasaygga, as part of an animal
sacrifice, p. 113.
Pulaka, a clan of Nirgranthas, p. 261.
Pulinda,p.311.
Prthivi, p. 221; P. found in the pheno-
mena of Nature, p. 610.
Prthu = boar, p. 311n.
Paikka, Prakrit for Pad5ti, p. 336,
Potr, priest, p. 130.
Paunarbhava, p, 467.
Prakrit, p. 447.
Prakrti of the Samkhyas, p. 189; P.
( Tan.), p. 221; P., (Samkhya), p. 242.
Pratikramana, an Avasyaka, Jain
observance, = expiation of different
kinds of sin, its seven kinds, p. 237n.,
246.
Pratiloma marriages, p. 483.
Pratyabhijnasastra, a branch of Kasmir
Mahesvara, p. 198f; P. its promul-
gators, p. 201.
Pratyakhyana, an Avasyaka Jam
' 718 INDEX VI I I
observanoo, explained = avoidance
of sin, p. 237n.
Prapattiyoga, aoo. to Raraanuja, p. 145;
explained, p. 185f.; = throwing one-
self on mercy of God, p. 186.
Prabhu, p, 483.
Pramadaoarya, Jain, explained, p. 265.
Pravargya oeremony explained, p. 126.
Prasthitayajygs, p. 127, 128.
Pragvamsa, part of sacrificial enclo-
sure, p. 126.
Prajapatya, a part of Garbhadhana,
p. 547f.; P. and Garbhadhana or
Garbbalambhana, two different cere-
monies, p. 568f.; may be performed
on two different days, p. 569f.; P. a
ceremony consequent on the attain-
ment of puberty and not part of
Garbhadhana, p. 577-8.
PrSnas, ten in all, Jain Phi , ; living
powers, p. 233.
Pratah-savana, p. 127f 129.
Prapanlya Isti, p. 126.
Praptivirodhin, Ram. Sys., explained,
p. 186.
Praptr, R5m. System, p. 188.
Prapya, Ram. System, p. 188.
Prayaacitta, Jain, of ten kinds, p. 268.
Pr5taranuvaka ceremony, p. 127.
Prosadha, a Jain Siksavrata; a fast
day, p. 266-Posaha= Pali Uposatha
= Skr. Upavasatha, p. 266n; P.vrata-
dharin, p. 267.
Prailga, a Sastra, sung by the Hotr,
p, 127,130.
Phala or Purusartha, according to
Ramanuja, p. 184, 186, 188.
Baddha Jivas, ace. to Ramanuja, p.184.
Bandha, fettered condition of a Jiva,
how produced according to Jain Phi.,
p. 234; fettered condition of the
Soul, p. 243; different views held
about i t , p. 243f.; B., Jain, p. 251, 264.
Bala, as an attribute in Ramanuja S.,
p. 185.
Balaprana = power of action, Jain Phi.,
p. 233.
Bahiratman, Jain phi., explained, p.257
263.
BahispavamSna-S'tcrtra, p. 127.
Bindu, Tantric, explained, p. 219f. ; B.
compounded of pindu and N5da, as
understood in Tantric literature;
B., ( original ? ) identified wi t h the
moon, p. 220.
Buddha, p. 477.
Buddhi, p. 221.
Bodha or Kevala-jfiana, highest know
ledge, Jain, p. 252.
Brahma = an occupation of priest*,
p. 471.
Brahman = essence of saorificial wor-
ship, p. 125 ; B. the only reality etc.,
p. 181; B. as the material cause of
the world is the doctrine of VedSnta
Sutras, p. 2031; the debate on B.
or the Universal essence in the
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, p. 458,
458; B. its primary and subsequent
senses, p. 511.
Brahmacarya, a Jain MahSvrata,
p. 236nl, 268 ; B., p. 464.
BrahmacarinI, a chaste girl, having
had no intercourse, p. 539n2.
Brahraayajfia, p. 301.
Brahma-Vidya, p. 450.
Brahmavratin Sravaka, p. 267.
Brahmana or Brahman, p. 112, 446, 449,
450,452,454,457, 464, 471, 472, 477.
482,490; Maratha and Tailangana
Tai t t i ri ya B., p. 423.
Brahmanacchamsin, priest, p. 130, 131.
Bhaktiyoga, according to Ramanuja
explained, p. 185.
Bhagavat = highest Brahma(n), p. 192.
Bhatta, as title of ritual writers, p.109.
Bhattarika, Tantric, p. 220.
Bhagavatas, their sect mentioned by
Bana in his Harsacarita, p. 189; B.s
and Pancaratras two different sects,
p. 189f.; their views refuted by
Samkaracarya, p. 190 ; defended by
Ramanuja, p. 190f.
Bhavas, spi r i t ual condi t i ons of a man, |
5, in number, Jai n, p. 261-
BhSvasSmSyika, a J ai n observance
expl ai ned, p. 237n.
Bhasasami t i , J a i n . Phi. , expl ai ned, :
p. 23.6n2.
Bhu, ( i n Ramanuj a syst em ), p. 184.
Bhokt r , ( Ramanuj i ya system ), p. 188.
Bhogopabhogapari nama - r egul at i ng
one's habi t s to one's means, Jai n,
p. 265.
Bhogya, Ramanuj i ya, p. 188.
M' s, l i ve, as means of pr opi t i at i ng
Devi i n Tant r i c system, expl ai ned,
p. 223.
Magadha, p. 453.
Ma gi or Maga Brabmanas, p. 474.
Mandapa = an enclosure, p. 149.
Mandal acar ya, a t i t l e of Jai n Hi gh
Pri est s, p. 281.
Mat i j nana =- Sensational knowl edge,
p. 251, J ai n.
Madhur i pu, Vi s nu, p. 327.
Manas, Tant r i c, p. 221.
Manahpar yaya - knowl edge of other
men' s mi nds, p. 252.
Manogupt i , J ai n Phi . , expl ai ned,
p. 240nl .
Manovega, son of Aj at asat r u, a Vi dya -
dbar a (demi-god), follower of Jai ni sm,
p. 309f.
Mant r as of Darsapurnamasa, gi ven i n
t he Yaj urveda, p. I l l ; a spurious M.
quoted, other spurious M. s quoted,
1. 561 ; M. s composed and put i nt o
wor ks, p. 562.
Maya, p. 462.
Ma r a t b i , p. 447.
Mar ut vat i yagr aha, p. 128.
Mar t ut vat i ya- Sas t r a, p. 130.
Ma l a a ni va i ( Pr akr i t ) - Mal ayanr pat i ,
p. 338.
Mahapadmavana, Tant r i c, p. 222.
Mah5mandal adhi pat i , a dependent
pri nce, p. 45.
Mahar as t r i Pr a kr i t , become classic ;
used for l i t er ar y purposes, its verna-
cul ar form, p. 342.
Magadba, name of a oaste sprang
from i nt ermarri ages, p. 451; M.
name deri ved from t he name of t he
l ocal i t y i n whi ch the people of these
castes or i gi nal l y l i ved, p. 473.
Magadhi , language, p. 448.
Madhyamdi nasavana, p. 128.
Madhvas consider Sarakaracarya
a Dai t ya. decei vi ng manki nd,
p. 21; t hei r vi l i f i cat i on, p. 135f.;
t hei r vi ew about non- ki l l i ng
of ani mal s at sacrifices, p. 178f.;
refuted by others, p.179; M. s, get t i ng
t hei r body branded wi t h heated
seals, at t acked and consigned to
t ort ures of hel l , p. 183.
Madhva System, its aut hori t i es, p. l 95f .
Madhva Sect, p. 7.
Maya, (Vedant a), different vi ews about
i t s nature in the Samkara school
itself, p. 181; M. of Advai t a Vedant a,
p. 189 ; M. doct ri ne, sought to be put
down by Ramanuja, p. 194 ; M. or
Avi dya, (Vedanta), p. 242; M. , Tant r i o,
p. 221.
Ma r ut i Dharana, Jai n, p. 259.
Mar ga and Margaphal a, ment i oned i n
Jai ni sm, p. 245.
Mal avaraa, Pr akr i t for Mal avaraj a,
p. 336.
Mal i ka- Sr oni , p. 454, 475.
Mahesvara l i t er at ur e i n Kasmi r, i t s
t wo branches, p. 158f.; K. M.s dif-
ferent from ot her sects, p. 198.
Mi t r a , worshi p ext endi ng t o the East
and the West , p. 635.
Mi t hyat va, Jai n, i t s nature, p. 246.
Mi mai hsakas, p. 116 ; t hei r conflict
wi t h heterodox systoms, p. 194 ; t hei r
confl i ct wi t h Aupanisadas, i bi d.
Mukt aj i vas, ace. to R5nianuja, p. 184.
Mudras of t he Madhvas, p. 135; M. ,
Tant r i c, p. 223.
Mumuksujivas, accordi ng t o RSmSnuja,
p. 184.
Mur t a or I ndr i yagr abya qual i t i es,
p. 233.
Mr gar est i , an I s t i for cl eansi ng away
< sins, p. 116.
720
INDEX VIII
Mecha, Prakrit = Mleccha, p. 335f.
MaitrSvaruna, priest i n' connection
with the Nirugha-Pasu Ist i , p. 113;
an assistant of the Hot r in the
animal sacrifice; his function, p. 129;
M. , p. 130, 131,
Maithuna, Tantric, p. 223.
Moksa, final deliverance, according to
different Advaita S3mkara schools,
p. 182; M. as Purus3rtha, (R5m5nuja
system), explained, p. 186; its essen-
tials according to different Indian
Philosophers, p. 242f.; M. , Jain,
p. 251; M eternal bliss, p. 478.
Moksatattva, a Jain principle "Jewel"
p. 241.
Moksatattvas3dhaka, a Jain principle,
" Jewel " p. 241.
Moksatattvasadbana, a Jain principle
" Jewel", p. 241.
Mohamya Karman, Jain Phi., explain-
ed, p. 227n.
Yajus = Prose formulas generally and
not in Yajurveda only, p. 119,120.
Yajnapuccha, p. 128.
Yajvans, as t i t l e of Ritual writers,
p. 109
Yatis, Jain priests, p. 241.
YathajatarUpa, primitive form to be
assumed by the Jain Samana, p.235.
Yamanaksatras, p. 122.
Yava, p. 112.
Yavanas = Mahomedans, p. 532, 535 ;
Y. or Bactrian Greeks, p. 474.
Yajyas, their meaning, p. 117; Y. of
certain Istis quoted, pp.117-119; their
relation to Vedic Mantras discussed
p. 119 ; Y. of the Naksatra-Sattra;
Y. p. 121.
Yugapradhanas - Jain Pontiffs, p. 51.
Yudhisthira, p. 459.
Yoga system, p. 189; Y.s movements
Jain Phi., p. 240n3; Y. raeditions
enjoined in Jainsim, p. 258f.
Yogin and his powers, illustration
of a, in philosophy, p. 204.
Rajas, (Sam.), p. 182.
Rathakara or chariot-maker, p. 451.
Rasa, Tantrio, p. 221.
Rasaparityaga, Jain, p. 268.
Rasika, Prakrit metre, p. 338.
R3ga - musical mode, an expression
for " six " p. 153; R. Tantric, p. 221.
R3jakraya-Isti = purchase of Soma,
p. 126.
Rajan, p. 446.
Rajanya, p. 446, 472.
Ranaka = Rana, p. 45.
Ramanuja school, Mss. of works of
that school, p. 69 ; R. system princi-
pally followed in southern India,
Tamil Telugu countries, scattered
also over Rajputana, Marwar and
Gujarath, p. 183; R. system same as
Pancaratra system, p. 188f.; R. sys-
tern, different views held by different
Writers wi t hi n the system, p. 188 ;
R. and Msdhva system springing
from the same current, p. 244.
Rudra, p. 418.
Rapa, Tan., p. 221.
RapavatI Dharana, p. 258, 260.
ROpasthadhyana, p. 258.
Rupatitadhyana, p. 258.
Rola, a Prakrit metre, p. 335.
Rohita, p. 461.
Rhrurii, as highest Mantra, identified-
wi t h J in a, (Jain,) p. 260.
L = r, p. 216.
Laksmanasena era, current in Mithila, ,
p. 346.
Laksya = figurative sense, p. 329; L,
or Vyangya sense, p. 428.
I Lalita, Tantric, p. 220.
Lati Ri t i referred to in Kavyaprakasa,
p. 635.
Li l g, in Ramanuja system, p. 184.
Li l avat i , a Prakrit metre, p. 337.
Loka = Universe of things, Jain Phi.,
p. 228; L. = Akasa, Jain Phi., p.233.
Lokanupreksa, p. 263.
Laukika years, mode of converting
them into Saka years, p. 210f.; the
relation of L. , 8aka and Kal i years,
p. 211; L, or Saptarsi era, p. 429f.
GENERAL SANSKRIT I NDEX 721
"Vakusa, a class of Nirgranthas, p. 261.
Vakrokt i , p. 365.
Vajja = Padya = Paddhati, p. 84.
Vajra, a sacrificial vessel, p. 105.
Vadnagars, p. 473.
Vandana, an Avasyaka Jain obser-
vance, explained, p. 237n; V. its
hidden sense, p. 266.
Vapayaga, as part of an animal sacri-
fice, p. 113.
Varuna, p. 461; the guardian of order,
p. 610.
Varunapraghasa (as part of CStur-
masySni), described, p. 113.
Varna, three orders, Arya and Dasyu,
mention of Brahma, Ksatram and
Visas, occupations of these not yet
hereditary, Ksatriya becoming a
Brahman a for a time, p. 471.
Vallabha System, the latest, p. 27.
VasantatilakS metre, p. 321.
Vagarthau, Tantrika, their creation,
from Kamakala, p. 220.
Vaggupti, Jain Phi., explained, p.240nl,
255.
Vac, Tantric, p. 221.
Vacya sense, p. 428.
Vajapeya sacrifice, p. 90 ; V. a form
of Jyotistoma sacrifice, p. 126; V.
sacrifice described, p. 131; V. sacri-
fice, p. 132, 423.
Vajasaneya Veda, the Pavitresti for
its followers, p. 115f.
Vajasaneyins, p. 111.
Vayu, Tantric, p. 221.
Valkhilya Hymns, one of them omitted
in Aunkramani-Dhunghu and in the
Sarvanukrama, p. 295.
Vidya, Tantric, p. 221.
Vi nat i , Jain, of five kinds, p. 268.
Vi dhi = Karman, Jain, p. 251; V.,
p. 551n; V. its meaning, p. 573.
Vinaya, discipline, Jain, p. 238.
Vibhava. Manifestation of Isvara
( according to Ramanuja),=different
Incarnations; its purpose, p. 184.
Yirodhins,(5),obstructions in the way of
God, explained, according to RSma-
nuja system, p. 184,186.
Viviktalayyasana, Jain, p. 268.
Visas, p. 471.
Visaka, a female devotee of Buddha,
p. 460.
Visistadvaita (Ramanuja ) Vedanta,
i's works; the system explained,
pp. 183-195.
Visuddhadarsana, = correct doctrine,
Jain, p. 225.
i Visvamitra, p. 472.
Visnuh Sipivistah, a deity, p. 115.
Visnagars, p. 473.
Virya, as an attribute in Ramanuja
system, p. 185; (Jain), an acara, p.
235.
Viryacara, Jain course of conduct'
P. 279.
VrttiparisarokhySna, Jain, p. 268.
; Veda (recitation), its five forms, p. 94 ;
Vedaniya Karman, explained, Jain,
P. 234n.
Vedangas, as learnt by Rgvedins only,
p. 119f.
Vedanta-Prasthanas, three, explained
p. 22; V. , p, 478.
Vedantins, p. 203.
Vedantic cardinal doctrines compared
wi t h other doctrines, p. 243f.
Vaidika, reciter, his requisites, p. 94f.
! Vaideha caste sprang from inter-
marriages, p. 451.
Vaidehika, p. 473.
Vainasikas, Buddhists, p. 194.
, Vaiyavrtya, Jain, p. 268.
Vaisesikas, p. 203; their view that
love hatred &c. are qualities of the
soul, p. 243.
Vaisya caste, p. 454, 472, 511; people
of V, caste, p. 446, 449,450, 452, 462,
464, 473, 478.
Vaisvadeva (as part of Caturrmasyani),
p. 113; V. Sastra, p. 130.
Vaisnavas, p. 455, 478; Vaisnavism.
p.478.
Vyangya or Dhvani = suggested sense,
p. 328 ; soul of a Kavya, p. 329.
Vyavasthita-Vikalpa, explained,p. 301.
Vyavaya = Intercourse, p. 541f.
Vyajokti ( figure of speech), p, 331.
91 [ R. G, Bhandarkar's works, Vol. I I . ]
722
INDEX VI I I
Vyuha, Manifestation of Isvara
( according to Ramanuja), p. 184 ;
doctrine of V., p. 188f.
Vratas or Mahavratas, five, explained
(Jain), p. 236&nl.
Vratadharin-dravakas, p. 264f.
Vratyas, p. 451, 475 ; V. class, p. 454.
Vri hi , p. 112.
Sakas = Mahomedans, p. 331f., 474, 519,
535.
Sakamedha, (as part of CSturmSsySni),
p. 113, described; ibid.
Sakti, as an attribute in Ramanuja
system, p. 185; S. as Vimarsa or
Sphurti, p. 219f.; S. ( Tan.) identified
wi t h letter h, p. 220f.; 221; S. wor-
ship ( Tan.), its mode explained ; S.
Diksa ( Tan.), p. 222.
Sabda( Tn. ) , p. 221.
Sambara, p. 461.
Salakapurusas, 63, = holy persons
( D. Jain ), p. 254, 256.
Sastra, its meaning explained, p. 128;
S.s to be repeated by the different
priests, p. 129f.
Sakta ascetic, dressing like a femate,
p. 222.
Sakya race, p. 502.
Samkara and Madhva systems compar-
ed, p. 21f.; S. Vedanta, a large vari -
ety of theories wi t hi n i t , p. 182f.
Sambhavadarsana = Tantric philo-
sophy ; S. explained, p. 219f.; S.
female element predominant in i t ,
t
p. 222; 8. as means of Moksa, p. 223.
SambhavI DIksa ( Tantric ), p. 222.
SSrduiavikridita metre, p. 321.
Sastraphalalabha, a Jain principle,
" Jewel ", p. 241.
Siksavratas, ( Jain ) four, p. 264 ; de-
scribed, p. 266-
Siva, God, (Tantric) as Prakasa, p. 219f;
8, identified with the letter a, p. 220.;
221.
Sukra, planet, p. 121.
Sukladhyana, p. 258.
Suddha-Dharma = Pure serenity, Jain,
p. 226.
Suddhavidya, (Tan.), p. 221.
Suddha Soul, Jain, p. 226.
Suddha Sramana, defined, p. 241f.
Suddhadvaita = Vallabha's system,
p. 196; explained, ibid.
Suddhopayukta Sramana, Jain, p. 226.
Sunahsepa, p. 461, 472.
Sunasirlya or Sunasirya, as part of
Caturmasyani, p. 113; described, ibid.
Subha Soul, Jain, p. 226.
Subhopayoga, = Realisation of the
meritorious, Jain Phi . ; its nature ex-
plained ; p. 230.
Subhopayogin in Jainism explained,
p. 230 ; S. Sramana, one who attains
to a second condition only; men-
tioned in Jain Scriptures, p. 240.
Sadra caste, p. 472, 511; S. people of
this caste, pp. 446, 448-453, 462, 466,
473, 477, 478, 490.
Senavi, p. 483.
Saucatva, Jain, p. 268.
Syamaka, p. 112.
Sramanas, p. 225; S. Jain, p. 234 ; S. or
Muni of the highest Suddha kind, his
nature, (Jain Phi.), his internal and
external requisites ; when he is to be
reinitiated ; his singleness of devo-
tion ; his study of the Agamas ; his
moral discipline, his complete self-
realisation, its requisites, p, 235-40 ;
S.s Suddha, p. 241.
Sravakas or Grhasthas, Jain lay
followers, their four classes, p. 241;
S.s, p. 249; their different kinds
defined, p. 266f.
Sravikas, female lay followers of
Jainism, p. 241.
Sravya Kaya, p. 428.
Sri, in Ramanuja system, p. 184.
Srutakevalins, 5, ( Jain ) enumerated.
p. 279, 280; their names, p. 284, 285.
Srutajnana - Scriptural knowledge,
Jain, p. 251f.
Srutaskandha, = an Adhikara of Ni ya-
masara, p. 245.
Srotra, ( Tan.), p. 221.
-Solasin, a f or m of Jyot i st oma sacrifice.
p. 126,130.
Solasion Sastra, p. 130, 131.
Samyat a, a J ai n Sramana who has
undergone mor al . di sci pl i ne, p. 240.
Saifayama, J ai n, p. 268.
Sari i vat era, a note on i t , pp. 287-291 ;
i t s present day meani ng = Vi k r a ma
era al one; wr ongl y put for Saka-
samvat ? Not meani ng al ways
Vi k r a ma era ? p. 287; 8. never = Saka,
p. 288; S. = Vi kr a ma era, over-
whel mi ng evidence for i t , p. 288f.;
8. era begun i n 57 B. C, p. 291.
Samvara, D. Jai n, p. 251; i t s meani ng
expl ai ned, p. 264.
8amvaranupreksa, p. 263.
Samsar at at t va, a J ai n pr i nci pl e,
"Jewel ", p. 241.
Samsaranupreksa, p. 263.
Saci t t avi r at a Sravaka, Jai n, p. 267.
Samjnana Hymn, p. 303,305; S. hymn,
a par t of Sakal a Sakha ? last hymn
of t he(i r) Samhi t a ; t he vi ew t hat t he
hymn i s apocr yphal was not st ar t ed
or prescri bed in Asval ayana' s t i me ;
S. hymn rejected by Anukr a ma nl ;
t he vi ew of i t s being apocryphal
gai ni ng st r engt h after Asv.' s t i me,
p. 304; S. hymn or i gi nal l y formed
par t of Sakal a-Samhi t a, p. 305.
Sat kar ya, doct r i ne of Vedant a & c ,
expl ai ned, p. 243.
Sat t va, Samkhya, p. 182.
Satya, a Mahavr at a, Jai n, p. 236nl,268.
Sat t ra, i t s meani ng expl ai ned, p. 132.
Sadasiva, Tant r i c, p. 221.
Saradhyavandana. p. 304.
Sapt abhahgl naya == Seven modes
( Nyayas ) of assertion ( J ai n Phi . )
expl ai ned; t hei r r eal meani ng, mi s -
underst ood by some, p. 232, 262.
Sapt arsi era, p. 133; i t s r el at i on t o
Ka l i era, p. 211.
Samavaya r el at i on, p. 243.
Saraani va akut i h, p. 298, 301.
Samavart ana ceremony, p. 464.
Sami t i s, l i ve, expl ai ned, Jai n, p.236&n2,
240, 251, 268, 295.
| Sambandha, .a t opi c of R3m3nuja
system, p. 188.
Samyakt va, Jai n, i t s nat ure p. 245f.;
f ai t h i n Di gambara J ai n doctrines,
p. 246.
Samyagdarsana, (True doctrine, ) J ai n,
p. 225.
Sarayagdarsanasuddha, = havi ng f ai t h
i n J ai n Di spensat i on, p. 264.
SarasvatI, p. 472-
Sargasat t ra-Ist i described, pp. 124-1S6.
Sarvat omukha sacrifice descri bed;
reason of i t s being so cal l ed, p. 132.
Savaniyapasu. an ani mal sacrifice,
p. 127.
Savi t r, found in the phenomena of
Nat ure, p. 610.
Samkhya System, p. 189 ; S. pri nci pl es,
borrowed by Tant r a Phi . , p. 221; S.
car di nal doctrines compared wi t h
other doct ri nes, p. 242f.; S. school
against t he sacri fi ci al performance,
p. 610.
Sadhus, Jai n, as Paramestins, p. 225 ;
S. = J ai n Yogi ns, p. 279.
Samayika, ( Jai n Phi . ), observances, si x
explained, p. 236n3 ; S., p. 257 ; S. a
J ai n Si ksavrat a explained, p. 266 ;
Samayi kavr at adhar i n, p. 266f.
Saraya - state of serenity (Jai n), p. 225.
Samvat sari ka, (Soma) sacrifices, p. 132.
Sayai hprat aragni hot ra, expl ai ned,
p. 110.
Sarasvatas, p. 482.
Savi t ragraha, p. 128.
Siddhas, Jai n, p. 225 ; as Paramestins,
i bi d ; p. 279.
Si mhaval okana, a Pr akr i t metre, p.339.
Si mhi ni , Pr a kr i t met re, p. 337.
Sut ya day, the pr i nci pal day of t he
Agni st oma ri t es of the 8. day p. 127;
S. pr i nci pal part of t he Soma sacrifice,
p. 132.
Surat rana, Sultan,as t i t l e of Mussul man
sovereigns of Guj arat h, p. 76, 77.
Sut r a, r i t es of one Sut ra mi ght be
adopted by t he fol l owors of anot her
Satra, p. 116 ; S. the wor d used pr o-
' miscuously by J a i n wr i t er s , p. 206.
724 INDEX VlII
Saris, ( Ramanujiya), p. 188; S. (Jain)
enumerated, p. 380.
Surya found in the phenomena of
Nature, p. 610.
Soma, sacrifices, p. I l l , ; S. its offer-
ings prompted by real pious motives
in Vedic times, p. 122; S. sacrifices,
their importance, p. 125.
Skandha, Jain Phi. = combination,
p. 231; S. = branch of a work, p. 232.
Sthapana = Images, (Jain), p. 237n.
Sthapanasamayika, Jain observance
explained, p. 236n3.
Sthitibhojana, dining while standing
(Jain), p. 237.
Snataka, a class of Nirgranthas, p. 261.
Spanda and PratyabhijfiS doctrines
compared, p. 265 ; both adualistic ;
different from all other Saiva schools,
ibid.
Spandasastra, a branch of Kasmir
Mahesvara, p. 198f.; different from
Saivadaraana, mentioned by Madhava
in the Sarvadarsanasamgraha, p.202.
Sparsa, (Tan.), p. 221.
Syad avaktavyah, (Jain Phi.,) explain-
ed, p. 232,
Syad asti, (Jain Phi.). explained,p.232.
Syad asti avaktavyah, explained (Jain
Phi.), p, 232.
Syad asti n sti ayaktayyah explai
(Jain Phi), p..232.
Syad asti nasti explained, (Jain Phi.),
p. 232.
Syan nasti avaktavyah, explained,(Jain
Phi.), p. 232.
Syan nasti, explained,(Jain Phi.), p.232.
Svay ambha soul,explained (Jain), p.226.
Svargasattra Istis, their place in the
development of the saorifioial reli-
gion, p. 125.
Svasvarttpavirodhin, RSra. S., explain-
ed, p. 186.
Svadhyaya, Jain, p. 268.
Svamin as title of ritual writers and
Mimamsakas; indicative of a parti-
cular period when it was used in
inscriptions, p. 109f.
Svistakrt, p. 299.
Ha, as yogie mantra in Jainism, p.260.
Hariaeandra, p. 461.
Hardhakala, Tantric, explained, p. 220.
Himsadana, Jain, explained, p. 265.
Husas, p. 475.
Heya, (Rama- system).its means, p.188.
Hotr priest, p. 111f.; his duties per*
formed by Rks., exact meaning of
this, p. 120; H. need not necessarily
be a Rgvedin, ibid.
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