1

Byzantine influence on the Regnum Langobardorum

according Paul the Deacon

Nicola Bergamo

This essay is focused on a single source: the Historia Langobardorum
1
by Paul the Deacon.
The clear reason explaining this choice is that it is the only original source that dealt with the
Lombards.
2
Paul the Deacon as a source is not without fault. He wrote this important historia some
200 years after the arrival of Lombards
3
and he had access to other early sources such as historiola,
no longer extant, written by Bishop Secundus of Trent.
4
Some parts of the Paul the Deacons work
continues to be obscure, as the concept of fara,
5
or the office of duke.
6
According C. Wickham,
7
the
Historia of Paul the Deacon is not valid for the first period, especially for the sixth century, because
of the hostile interference by Gregory of Tours and Gregory the Great. Besides, Paul the Deacon did
not describe the whole history of the Lombards because he stopped with Liutprand (712-744), while
the last Lombards king was Desiderius (756-774). However, the Historia Langobardorum, is the
only one written source for this period and for this reason it is very important for the study of the
Regnum Langobardoum.


The migration from Scandinavia to Pannonia

According Paul the Deacon, the Lombards came from the north of Europe, more exactly
from Scandinavia, a sort of legendary land from where most Germanic peoples were usually said
to originate.
8
In the beginning they called themselves Winnili and they changed their name after a
military victory against Vandals with the help of their god called Godan
9
. This pagan god, called
sometime Godan and other time Wotan, was very similar to Mercury of the Roman pantheon.
According to Paul the Deacon:

Wotan sane, quem adiecta littera Godan dixerunt, ipse est qui apud Romanos Mercurius dicitur et
ab universis Germaniae gentibus ut deus adoratur
10




1
Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum[hereafter HL], The Northvegr Foundation, online resource,
http://www.northvegr.org/main.php translated by Rick Riedlinger. (last accessed 19-01-2009).
2
C. Wickham, Early Medieval Italy. Central Power and Local Society 400-1000 (London, 1981), 36.
3
J. Moorhead, Ostrogothic Italy and the Lombard invasions, The New Cambridge Medieval History, I, c.500-c700,
edited by Paul Fouracre (Cambridge, 2005), 140-161, especially 153. P. Delogu, Longobardi e Romani:altre
congetture, in Il regno dei Longobardi in Italia, archeologia, societ e istituzioni, CISAM (Spoleto, 2004), 93-173,
especially 94-95.
4
Moorehead (2005), 154
5
For other close examination see Moorehead (2005), 154, and footnote 28.,
6
Moorehead (2005), 154
7
Wickham, (1981), 81.
8
Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, (HL) I, 1. In like manner also the race of Winnili, that is, of Langobards,
which afterwards ruled prosperously in Italy, deducing its origin from the German peoples, came from the island which
is called Scandinavia, although other causes of their emigration are also alleged..
9
HL, I, 8, And when Godan saw them at sunrise he said: "Who are these long-beards?" And then Frea induced him to
give the victory to those to whom he had given the name.[1] And thus Godan gave the victory to the Winnili. These
things are worthy of laughter and are to be held of no account
10
HL, I, 9. Wotan indeed, whom by adding a letter they called Godan is he who among the Romans is called Mercury,
and he is worshiped by all the peoples of Germany as a god inverted commas
2

The Lombards were known to the Romans merely as a wild and barbaric people completely
extraneous to the romanitas, given that Paterculus had written written about them :

Fracti Langobardi, gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior
11


According Tacitus, they were brave and great warriors:

Contra Langobardos paucitas nobilitat: plurimis ac valentissimis nationibus cincti non per
obsequium, sed proeliis ac periclitando tuti sunt
12


In the beginning of their society, they did not have the concept of a permanent kingdom; the person
of the king was elected when all the people felt they were in danger or when they prepared
themselves for migration. The Germanic tradition did not conceptualise a figure of a strong king; on
the contrary the king was primus inter pares, chosen because of his elite birth and his incredible
strength. According to Tacitus :

Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt. Nec regibus infinita aut libera potestas, et duces
exemplo potius quam imperio, si prompti, si conspicui, si ante aciem agant, admiratione
praesunt.
13


After several wars against other border people, the Lombards were started their Vlkerwanderung,
until they arrived in the centre of Europe. They have been there more than forty years. In this period
they had first contact with the Byzantine Empire, when the Emperor Justinian gave to their king,
Audin, a foedus (a treaty of alliance). According to Procopius :

The Emperor (Justinian) donated to the Lombards, the city of Noricus, other strongholds in
Pannonia and other cities as well as a lot of richness.
14


After that, some Lombards became part of the imperial army, according Procopius

Some of them were in service in the Roman army, they belong to the foederati
15


During the Gothic war, the Lombards were used to fight against the Goths, especially during
the battle of Taginae (552) according Procopius, the Lombards fought in the first line after they had
dismounted from their horses. After the victory against the Goths, Narses, leader in Italy of the
Byzantine Army, sent the Lombards out beyond the Italian border because of their attitudes they
were too rude with the Italic populations.
After the Gothic war, Italy became part of the Byzantine Empire once more and Justinian
enacted Pragmatica Sanctio with the intention of helping the new Italic province, laid low by the
long war. The result of this new system of law could not be seen because of the Lombards invasion.
According to Moorhead
16
, such security and prosperity as Italy enjoyed after the Byzantine
conquest were destined to be short-lived.
17
The Lombards came to Italy from the East and in only
three years they had conquered a huge part of northern Italy. According Paul the Deacon, it was

11
, C. Velleivs Patercvlvs Historiae Romanae, II, 106. Not all upper case
12
TacitusACITUS, Germania, 40. Not all upper case
13
Tacitus, Germania, 7. In the choice of kings they are determined by the splendour of their race, in that of generals by
their bravery. Neither is the power of their kings unbounded or arbitrary: and their generals procure obedience not so
much by the force of their authority as by that of their example, when they appear enterprising and brave, when they
signalise themselves by courage and prowess; and if they surpass all in admiration and pre-eminence, if they surpass all
at the head of an army
14
Procopius, Got, III, 33
15
Procopius, Got, III, 33. Foederati were a group or entire population allied with the Roman/Byzantine. They fought for
the Roman/Byzantine army and they got as reward, gold or lands from the Empire.
16
Moorhead, (2005), 151.
17
Moorhead, (2005), 151.
3

Narses, from the city of Naples where he was living after his exile decreed by the new Emperor
Justin II, who summoned the Lombards :

Itaque odio metuque exagitatus in Neapolim Campaniae civitatem secedens, legatos mox ad
Langobardorum gentem dirigit, mandans, ut paupertina Pannoniae rura desererent et ad Italiam
cunctis refertam divitiis possidendam venirent
18


There is no other evidence
19
of the Lombard summons as presented by Paul the Deacon.
He probably wrote this statement after the real invasion to legitimize the invasion as being directly
endorsed by the viceroy of Italy in that time: Narses. According to Neil Christie
20
the Lombards
were engaged by the Byzantine Empire against the growing nation of the Franks. The Lombards, in
this alliance, were settled in North of Italy like foederati and not like an enemy people; the same
happened with the Goths in the East during the reign of Theodosius I (378-392). This theory,
however, does not analyze either the figure of Justin II (certainly he was not a far-sighted
Emperor), nor the writing of Corippus. There are no references to this strange alliance.
Probably Narses called the Lombards to North Italy against the Franks, but this plan was
not agreed by Constantinople, as Christie points out but an action organized by Narses. The
northern regions of Italy were already claimed by the Merovingians during Justinians reign.
21
This
theory could explain the reason of the weak defense by the Byzantine army, the quick Lombard
conquest of the north of Italy, and the war against the king of Burgundy by the Lombards dukes.
Further this theory, whilst lacking direct corroborating evidence, does try to explain the supposed
Lombard summon by Narses.

The constitution of the Lombards kingdom in Italy

The king Alboin (560-572)

Alboin was the king who conquered Italy and established the first Lombard kingdom in the
Italic peninsula. He was known as a great leader and as a great warrior. When his father, Audin, was
alive, he fought against the Gepids and with his brave ability he was in able to kill the son of the
Gepids king. After these heroic deeds and after have been king of Lombards, he made war against
the Gepids and led his people to victory. The Gepids were completely smashed
22
and Alboin killed
their king called Cunimund:

In eo proelio Alboin Cunimundum occidit, caputque illius sublatum, ad bibendum ex eo poculum
fecit. Quod genus poculi apud eos scala dicitur, lingua vero Latina patera vocitatur
23


Alboin married Cunimunds daughter and then he marched into Italy: the new promised land. He
arrived at the Italian border, according Paul the Deacon, on Easter day of 568 A. D. He crossed the
Alps with both his and with a multitude of different people:


18
HL, II, 5, Therefore, greatly racked by hate and fear, he withdrew to Neapolis (Naples), a city of Campania, and soon
sent messengers to the nation of the Langobards, urging them to abandon the barren fields of Pannonia and come and
take possession of Italy, teeming with every sort of riches
19
According P. D. II, 5, At the same time he sends many kinds of fruits and samples of other things with which Italy is
well supplied, whereby to attract their minds to come, this statement may prove that the summons of Narses was not
true.
20
N. Christie, Invasion or Invitation? The Lombard Occupation of Northern Italy, in Romanobarbarica, 11, pp. 79-
108.
21
W. Pohl, Le origini etniche dellEuropa, Viella, Roma 2000, 172.
22
HL, I, 27, but the race of the Gepidae were so diminished that from that time on they had no king
23
HL, I, 27, In this battle Alboin killed Cunimund, and made out of his head, which he carried off, a drinking goblet.
This kind of a goblet is called among them "scala," [5] but in the Latin language "patera."
4

Igitur cum rex Alboin cum omni suo exercitu vulgique promiscui multitudine
24


Alboin conquered the first Roman city known as Forum Julii (Cividale del Friuli) and he left his
nephew called Gisulf there as duke of that territory. Alboin gave, following Gisulfs request,
numerous farae and horses for the government of that city:

Qui Gisulfs non prius se regimen eiusdem civitatis et populi suscepturum exidit, nisi ei quas ipse
eligere evoluisse Langobardorum faras, hoc est generationes vel lineas, tribueret
25


Paul the Deacon, with this statement, described Lombard society before the Roman
interaction. It is possible to read the existence of a fara, a sort of clan, as being very similar to
others proto-Germanic societies. This statement is also very important because it could show the
natuire of the Lombards administrative system before their arrival in Italy and how very different
the two societies were. Alboin conquered most of the north-Italian regions apart from some
strategic cities that remained in Byzantine hands. He chose Pavia as the new capital of the Lombard
kingdom according Paul the Deacon, just because it had resisted Alboins siege for three years.
26

There is no evidence that Pavia (Ticinum) was the only capital city of the kingdom, Verona and
Milan were formal capitals as well.
Alboin was murdered by his wife and her lover. After the death of this important king, the
kingdom fell into anarchy, well-known as anarchy of dukes this situation continued, according to
Paul the Deacon, for ten years
27
.

The birth of the Lombard-Roman kingdom in Italy

The Byzantine Empire tried to stop the Lombard invasion in different ways: the first one was with
the expedition of Baduarius (576) but he failed; the second one with the alliance with the Franks.
This kind of military alliance used to calculated the Franks army against the Lombardys tribes
settled in the north of Italy. When the Lombardy dukes knew about this invasion by the Franks,
paid for by the Byzantine, they decided, quoting Tacitus, to elect a king:

At vero Langobardi cum per annos decem sub potestate ducum fuissent, tandem communi consilio
Authari, Clephonis filium supra memorati principis, regem sibi statuerunt
28


Authari (584-590), son of Cleph, became king of Lombard, the thirteenth one according the
Lombard genealogy. He was the first Lombard king to call himself Flavius:

Quem etiam ob dignitatem Flavium appellarunt
29


This was not the first time that the name Flavius has been used in Italy, before Authari, Theoderic
also called himself Flavius, but it was it s first use by a Lombard. This title, borrowed from the
family name of Vespasian and Titus, afterwards was used by a number of their successors and by
the emperors of the East, and then transferred to other new barbaric king as Odoacar and Theoderic
in the west as a title. Thus Autaris choice was very important to prove the strength of the new

24
HL, II, 8, Therefore, when king Alboin with his whole army and a multitude of people of all kinds
25
HL, II, 9. This Gisulf announced that he would not first undertake the government of this city and people unless
Alboin would give him the "faras,
26
HL, II, 27 The city of Ticinum indeed, after enduring the siege for three years and some months, at length
surrendered to Alboin and to the Langobards besieging it
27
HL, II, 32 After his death the Langobards had no king for ten years [1] but were under dukes, [2] and each one of the
dukes held possession of his own city.
28
HL, III, 16 But the Langobards indeed, when they had been under the power of dukes for ten years, determined at
length by common consent that Authari, the son of their sovereign Cleph, above mentioned, should be their king
29
HL, III, 16 And they called him also Flavius on account of his high office
5

Lombard kingdom to the Byzantine Empire. Autari was looking for some sort of recognition from
Byzantium, the only empire on Earth and the most powerful political identity in Europe. The usage
of this surname, now a quasi-title, that from now has been indicated to all following Lombard kings,
was to prove Autharis power as the only king in Italy. His intentions were clear since of the
beginning of his reign when, according Paul the Deacon, he was crossing the entire Italic peninsula
until he arrived in Calabria, where he threw down a lance and said:

Usque hic erunt Langobardorum fines
30


This was a warning and a display of his purpose. Authari, the new king of Lombardy, wanted
intended to rule all Italy.
As well as the name of Flavius, Authari received a part of the ducal land and an amount of gold for
the maintenance of the new kingdom:

Huius in diebus ob restaurationem regni duces qui tunc erant omnem substantiarum suarum
medietatem regalibus usibus tribuunt, ut esse possit, unde rex ipse sive qui ei adhaererent eiusque
obsequiis per diversa officia dediti alerentur
31


The influence, even if slow, of the Byzantine Empire here is very clear. Only ten years before, the
Lombard kingdom was a sort of mixture of farae and tribes. During the reign of Authari the
kingdom changed completely and it transformed itself into a Roman-barbaric kingdom. According
to Gasparri
32
, the Lombard kingdom emerged because the Lombard social fabric was broken up by
interaction with the Italic social fabric. The success of the kingdom was not certain at the beginning
of the migration, but thanks to the co-operation of the prime movers group, it became a strong and
important geopolitical reality in Italy.

The stabilization of Lombard reign.

The long war between the Lombard Kingdom and the Byzantine Empire in Italy was stopped after
another disastrous offensive by the Exarch
33
Romanus in the 590. Thanks to the mediation of the
Pope Gregorius I the two competitors made a truce for three years. Theodolinda, wife of the new
king Agilulf, was Catholic
34
and she was able to begin an alliance with the Pope and with the
Catholic elite. She started to build churches into Pavia and in other city of the Lombard kingdom
35
.
Theodolinda ordered to build a new church outside Milan, in Monza, where some artists painted a
history of the Lombards. The Byzantine-Roman vogue changes the costume of theLombards:

In qua pictura manifeste ostenditur, quomodo Langobardi eo tempore comam capitis tondebant, vel
qualis illis vestitus qualisve habitus erat. Siquidem cervicem usque ad occipitium radentes nudabant,

30
HL, III, 32 "The territories of the Langobards will be up to this place."
31
HL, III, 16 In his days on account of the re-establishment of the kingdom, those who were then dukes gave up half of
their possessions for royal uses that there might be the means from which the king himself and those who should attend
him and those devoted to his service throughout the various offices might be supported
32
S. Gasparri, Il regno dei Longobardi in Italia. Archeologia, societ e istituzioni, Cisam, Spoleto,2004, 3.
33
This new figure was a governor who hold the military and the administrative powers in his hands. For other details of
Exarch, G, Ravegnani, I bizantini in Italia, Il Mulino, Bologna, 2006. C. Diehl, tudes sur ladministration byzantine
dans lexarchat de Ravenne (568-751), Paris 1888, 16, L. M. Hartmann, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
byzantinischen Verwaltung in Italien (570-750), Leipzig 1889.
34
HL, IV, 5, The aforesaid pope then sent these books to queen Theudelinda, whom he knew to be undoubtedly
devoted to the faith of Christ and conspicuous in good works
35
HL, IV, 6 By means of this queen too, the church of God obtained much that was serviceable. For the Langobards,
when they were still held in the error of heathenism, seized nearly all the property of the churches, but the king, moved
by her wholesome supplication, not only held the Catholic faith but also bestowed many possessions upon the church of
Christ and restored to the honor of their wonted dignity bishops who were in a reduced and abject condition. Paul the
Deacon made a mistake. Agilulf were very tolerant and allowing his son to be baptized as a Catholic.
6

capillos a facie usque ad os dimissos habentes, quos in utramque partem in frontis discrimine
dividebant. Vestimenta vero eis erant laxa et maxime linea, qualia Anglisaxones habere solent,
ornata institis latioribus vario colore contextis. Calcei vero eis erant usque ad summum pollicem
pene aperti et alternatim laqueis corrigiarum retenti. Postea vero coeperunt osis uti, super quas
equitantes tubrugos birreos mittebant. Sed hoc de Romanorum consuetudine traxerant.
36


According to Paul the Deacon the Lombards changed their life style in favour of Roman customs .
This is the first and probably the only claim, made by Paul the Deacon, that proved how strong the
Byzantine influence was on Lombard society. It is not known how and when this alteration was
made. The situation, however, was changing. The king Agilulf (591-616), probably, effected the
crucial sudden shift:

Igitur sequenti estate mense iulio levatus est Adaloaldus rex super Langobardos apud Mediolanum
in circo, in praesentia patris sui Agilulfi regis, adstantibus legatis Teudeperti regis Francorum, et
disponsata est eidem regio puero filia regis Teudeperti, et firmata est pax perpetua cum Francis.
37


This representation of power was the exact copy of the Byzantine coronation. According
Ravegnani
38
:

Giustino I venne proclamato nel Kathisma dellippodromo in questa occasione vi si erano
radunati i soldati e il popolo cittadino per proclamare il nuovo imperatore
39


After the coronation of Leo I (457-474), who was the first Byzantine Emperor to receive his crown
from the Patriarch of Constantinople, the religious ceremony became more important every year.
During the sixth century, in any case, when the Roman tradition was still alive, the coronation of
the emperor, was essentially connoted with a military nature. Corripus
40
and the Constantine VII
41

described the election of Justin (518-527) and Justinian (527-565) with the important presence of
the army officers. Seeing thatLombard society was known for its military tradition, the coronation
of Adaloaldus was indeed important. According Paul the Deacon, there were present some people at
that ceremony, as his father, that probably had the same kind of coronation, and the embassy of the
Franks. In this case Paul was exclusively focused only on the new alliance between the Lombards
and the Franks and he was not interested in describing the coronation ceremony further. For this
reason is not possible to draw a direct comparison between Lombard and Byzantine coronations,
but it is certain that in the whole history of the Lombards the election of the king was made by the

36
HL, IV, 22 In this painting it is clearly shown in what way the Langobards at that time cut their hair, and what was
their dress and what their appearance. They shaved the neck, and left it bare up to the back of the head, having their hair
hanging down on the face as far as the mouth and parting it on either side by a part in the forehead. Their garments were
loose and mostly linen, such as the Anglo-Saxons are wont to wear, ornamented with broad borders woven in various
colors. Their shoes, indeed, were open almost up to the tip of the great toe, and were held on by shoe latchets interlacing
alternately. But later they began to wear trousers, over which they put leggins of shaggy woolen cloth when they rode.
But they had taken that from a custom of the Romans
37
HL, IV, 30 In the following summer then, in the month of July, Adaloald was raised as a king over the Langobards,
in the circus at Mediolanum (Milan) in the presence of his father, king Agilulf, and while the ambassadors of Teudepert,
king of the Franks were standing by; and the daughter of king Teudepert was betrothed to the same royal youth and
perpetual peace was established with the Franks.
38
G. Ravegnani, La corte di Giustiniano, Jouvence, Roma, 1989, . 20-25
39
Ravegnani (1989), 22. Justin was proclaimed in the Hyppodromuss kathisma in that occasion, the soldiers and
the people of the city were assembled for proclaiming the new Emperor
40
Corippe (Flavius Cresconius Corippus), Eloge de lempereur Justin II, texte tabli et traduiti par S. ANTES, Paris
1981.
41
Costantini Porphyrogeniti, De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae (=DE CER.) libri duo graece et latine e recens. I.I.
REISKII, I, Bonnae 1829.
7

entire Lombard army
42
and this fact could demonstrate Byzantine influence on Lombard
coronation.

This coronation is not important only for those reason since it is possible to see another interesting
influence of Byzantium, that is the coronation of the kings son. According Ravegnani:

Giustino di divina sorte cre il nostro piisimo signore Giustiniano nel grande Triklinos Era
presente anche il vescovo che fece una preghier e lo incoron e tutto si svolse allo stesso modo
ma nel Delphax e non allippodromo
43


In this case, there is not much similarity between Lombard and Byzantine coronations, because the
son was crowned in the Circus of Milan, compared with Justinian, as co-Emperor, elected in the
Delphax and not in the Hyppodrome. However the Byzantine influence is always very clear.

This fact could be very useful for demonstrate how much, in this particular moment, the regnum
became strong, as well. During the kingdom of Agilulf there was not any kind of election for the
succession but only a kings choice, and this choice was made by the king himself. Agilulf was the
first Lombard king that could decide his succession without any interference from the dukes. This
was a tremendous knock for the dukes independence; indeed after Agilulf, the kingdom became
stronger and was in able to make proper decision without any dukes interference. Even if Agilulf
was probably not Christian, he decided, perhaps on the advice of his Bavarian wife Theodolinda, to
have his son baptized as a Catholic.
There is another important fact to remember during the kingdom of Agilulf, that is the existence of
the bureaucracy system in service of the king. According Paul the Deacon:

Hac etiam tempestate misit rex Agilulf Stablicianum notarium suum Constantinopolim ad Focatem
imperatorem. Qui rediens cum legatis imperatoris, facta pace annuali, Agilulfo regi idem legati
imperialia munera optulere.
44


In this passage, it is possible to read the existence of a notarium, probably a trusted personal
secretary of the king. This person went directly to Constantinople to discuss the peace between
Agilulf and the Emperor Phocas (602-610). The result was brilliant and the notarium came back
from Constantinople with many imperial gifts. The ethnic origin of this person is unknown, but,
since the new Byzantine revival during the Agilulf reign, probably he was a Roman. The Lombards
usually did not practice the liberal arts, being more concerned with the army. The distinction
between free-people and not-free people was made specifically in their ability to use weapons, and
only a Lombard was permitted to use weapons. This distinction was emphasized during the reign of
Rotari.

The return to ancient Lombard tradition: the reign of Rotari

A new king, Rotari (636-652) was elected after 50 years of Romanisation. This king blocked the
process of the integration between Lombards and Italic peoples, and he enacted the famous Edict
bearing his name on 22
nd
November, 643. This Edict was very important for the Lombard society
because, for the first time, they had written laws. According Paul the Deacon:

42
S. Gasparri, C. Azzara, Le leggi dei Longobardi, Storia, memoria e diritto di un popolo germanico, Viella, Roma,
2005, p. XLI-XLII.
43
Ravegnani (1989), 23. Justin, of the divine fate, made our sacred lord Justinian in the big Triklinos The bishop
was present and he praied for him and he crowned him and everything was carry out in the same way but in the Delphax
e not in the Hyppodromus.. For other detail, De Cer., I, 95, pp. 432-33.
44
HL, IV, 35 Also at this time king Agilulf sent his secretary Stablicianus to Constantinople to the emperor Focas, and
when he returned with the ambassadors of the emperor, peace was made for a year, and the ambassadors presented to
king Agilulf imperial gifts.
8


Langobardorum regnum Rothari genere Arodus suscepit
45


Rotari belonged to the Arodus family, and he was duke of Brescia.
46
He was chosen by
Gundepergh, the widow of the king Arioald (626-636). Rotari had to fight against other families for
the control of the kingdom, but in the end he was in able to control the rebel forces and he became
the new king.
Rotari codified the entire Lombardy legal estate into a body of laws, and, as he wrote in the
prologue, he wanted it as the new social tool of peace and united policy.
47
Before this change, the
Lombards had had only an oral legal tradition, as other ancient Germanic peoples. Now, after the
Edict of Rothari, the Lombard people were unable to use the written laws that permitted to be more
similar to Roman law. Rothari made another important choice, he decided to abandon the original
Germanic language, for the Latin language, spoken by the Roman-Italic peoples. Composing the
entire body of laws, Rothari was helped by a Latin native speaker, even through the original
document was signed by the kings notary, Ansoald.
48
The Edict is completely different from the
Roman law. The central feature was based on the difference between free-people (person who can
own a weapon) and not-free people (person who can not own a weapon). Rothari called himself
only king of the Lombards and not king of Italy as his predecessors had done before him.
49
The
Edict did not contemplate the religious profile of his subjects: in the prologue, the king declared
himself in relation to God but the kingdom was not made by Gods commission.
50

However, the Edict, is not so important for its content, at least for the purposes of this essay, but it
holds another function: that is, the change of the language. The Lombards preferred Latin over
their own language. There are no reason for this choice, at least not in the secondary sources I have
examined. Probably the Latin language was a sort of universal language and understandable by
everyone also outside of Italy. Latin was the language of the Roman law and maybe for this reason,
Rothari decided to write his Edict in Latin. Anyway it is curious to see that while in Italy the
Lombards changed their language from the Germanic dialect to Latin, as the Byzantine Empire was
changing its language from Latin to Greek.
After the death of Rothari, his son, Rodoald (652-653) became king. He decided to share his
kingdom with Gundiperga (daughter of Agilulf and Theodolinda). This is the only time that a
Lombard king shared his crown with his wife:

Rodoald igitur post funus patris Langobardorum regnum suscipiens, Gundipergam Agilulfi et
Theudelindae sibi filiam sociavit
51
.

The debate is still open in this case, because some translation made Gundiperga only the Rodoalds
wife added the word [in matrimonium] before sibi filiam and after sociavit. Other studies,
otherwise, did not accept this choice and they preferred the system of the co-reign. In this case, I
agreed with the second hypothesis because was not possible for the Church accepted this kind of
marriage and at the same time was impossible for the Rotaris law (art. 185). Probably, Rodoald
decided to keep Gundiperga as co-ruler only because of the descent of Gundiperga, she belonged to
the Bavarian dynasty, one of the most important and powerful family in the entire Regnum.
52


45
HL, IV, 42, and Rothari of the race of Arodus, received the kingdom of the Langobards
46
P. Delogu A. Guillou G. Ortalli, Il regno longobardo, in Longobardi e Bizantini (Storia dItalia diretta da G.
Galasso, I), UTET, Torino 1980, pp. 3-216, p. 54.
47
Delogu (1980), 55.
48
Delogu (1980), 55.
49
Delogu (1980), 56..
50
Delogu (1980), 57., p. 57.
51
HL, IV, 47 Rodoald then received the kingdom of the Langobards after the death of his father, and united with
himself in (marriage or co-reign) Gundiperga the daughter of Agilulf and Theudelinda
52
Delogu (1980), 86-87.
9

This new system could be very similar at the byzantine in coronation of the Princess in Byzantium.
According Ravegnani: lower case

Limperatrice bizantina aveva lo stesso titolo del marito al femminile: nel tardo antico augusta (in
Greco sebast) e nella terminologia greca, basils, baslissa o autokratorissa
53


According Ravegnani:

Il sovrano in carica, inoltre, aveva il diritto di incoronare una donna che non fosse sua moglie
54


This sentence could be very helpfully for this research because it makes a sort of relation between
the Lombard king and the Byzantine Empire, regarding only the choice of the woman that used to
sit close the king. Gundiperga was the only woman to be crowned during the Lombard reign,
otherwise in the Byzantine Empire the Vasilissas coronation was much common.
Gundiperga built a new church where she express the intention to be interred there after her death:

aec Gundiperga regina ad instar suae genetricis, sicut illa in Modicia, sic et ista intra Ticinensem
civitatem basilicam in honorem beati Iohannis baptistae construxit, quam mire ex auro et argento
peplisque decoravit rebusque singulis opime ditavit; in qua et eius corpus tumulatum quiescit
55



The Bavarian dynasty and the rise of Catholicism

The return of the Bavarian dynasty, after the brief interlude of the Arodus, kept with it the return of
the Catholicism in the whole kingdom. Aripert (653-661) become the Lombard king and like his
family he was Catholic. This return of Catholicism permitted to the Lombard kingdom to be more
open with the Pope and with the ecclesiastical elite. Aripert subsistuted Arianism for Catholicism,
especially after the decision of Byzantium to choose the new doctrine called monotheletism.
56

Arianism in Italy was never support by the Lombard king, expect probably only by Rotari; on the
other hand the Catholicism flourished. The peaceful conversion of the last Arian bishop of Pavia,
Anastasius, proved the event.
57
Aripert built a new church consecrated to Christ the Saviour, and so
he was proving his Catholic creed. According Paul the Deacon:

Hic condidit apud Ticinum oraculum domini Salvatoris, quod extra portam occidentalem, quae
dicitur Marenca, situm est; quod et ornamentis variis decoravit et substantiis sufficienter ditavit
58


At the same time, Aripert did his best for restoring some churches in Milan, in Monza and in Pavia.
This was the first expression of the dignity and the Catholic royalty
59
by a Lombard king. The new
need of devout place, permitted a new architectural and religious building revival in the entire
kingdom. Aripert was one of the first Lombard king to be buried in a churhc he built. This tradition
was begun by Aripert and it was used by all others Lombard kings.

53
G. Ravegnani, Imperatori di Bisanzio, Il Mulino, Bologna, 2008, 85. The Byzantine Empress had the same title as
her husband: in the late antiquity her name was Augusta (in greek sebast) in the greek terminology, basils,
baslissa or autokratorissa.
54
Ravegnani (2008),85. The Emperor was in able to crown any woman that he prefered, even if she was not his wife
55
HL, IV, 47 This Gundiperga in imitation of her mother, just as the latter had done in Modicia (Monza), so the former
within the city of Ticinum (Pavia) built a church in honor of St. John the Baptist, which she decorated wonderfully with
gold and silver and draperies and enriched bountifully with particular articles, and in it her body lies buried
56
Delogu (1980), 87.
57
Delogu (1980), 88.
58
HL, IV, 48 He established at Ticinum a sanctuary of our Lord and Saviour, which lay outside the western gate that
is called Marenca and he decorated it with various ornaments and enriched it sufficiently with possessions.
59
Delogu (1980), 87.
10

This change probably was decided by Aripert himself, in fact there was not the cooperation with the
Pope and his ecclesiastical group, but it was, however, very important for the kingdom in Italy,
especially for the relationship with Byzantium. The Byzantine Empire, in that moment, was
engaged with a Christological problem bound with the monotheletism, but the empire was always
the centre of Christianity and probably the Lombard kingdom tried to be in conformity with it.
Ariperts choice to be buried in a Church was very similar to a Byzantine tradition. The emperors
in Byzantium used to be buried into the Church of the Holy Apostles. According Ravegnani:

La chiesa dei Santi Apostoli a Costantinopoli fu per secoli il principale sepolcreto imperiale come
tale venne utilizzato fino allXI secolo (lultimo ad esservi sepolto fu Costantino VIII nel 1028)
60


The Bavarian dynasty was interrupted by Grimuald of Benevento (662-671) who took advantage of
the quarrel between Ariperts sons. According Paul the Deacon the new king detested the Romans
and he was the incarnation of the old Lombard. He was king for nine years. He was a great warrior
seeing that he won against the Byzantine Emperor
61
Constans II , and he married Ariperts daughter
to unite himself to the Bavarian dynasty. For this essay, it is more interesting to see how his court
functioned. According Paul the Deacon:

Eumque mox inter suos vestiarios esse praecepit, ammonens eum, ut sibi eandem fidem quam
Perctarit habuerat servaret
62


This sentence proves the existence of the vestiarii, that is a loyal people very closed to the king.
The loyalty of the Pertcatits vestiorius was so clear that Grimoald decided to keep him for the king
himself. This important figure was very common in the Byzantine Empire and for this reason they
had to be eunuch.
63
In the west we have no prove of this Byzantine custom but of course the
vestiarii held very important assignments.
Grimoald, before dying, built a big church called Blessed Ambrogio and after his death he was
interred in it
64
, as other Lombard kings before him.

The peace with Byzantium

The two-years period from 678 to 680 was so important for the Lombard king and for Byzantium as
well. In 679 was allowed to the bishops resident in the regnum, to participate at a Roman synod
against the Monotheletism, in preparation for the Ecumenical council. This occasion was used to
send some emissary to make the peace with the Empire. For the first time the Byzantine Empire
recognized the Lombard kingdom, and its sovereignty over the occupied territory in Italy.
65
This
pact permitted a new relationship between Constantinople and Pavia.
Thanks to this new relationships, the Byzantine Empire could be seen by the Lombards as a
kingdom to be imitated. The Lombard kingdom became a strong reality in Italy, with a proper court,
proper judges, proper laws and with a proper king dynasty.
66
The Byzantine influence in this period
was so present, according Paul the Deacon:


60
Ravegnani (2008), 160 The Church of Holy Apostles in Constantinople has been until the 11
th
century a principal
little sepulchre where the Emperors were buried into. (the last Emperor was Constantine 8
th
in 1028)
61
HL, V, 10.
62
HL, V, 3 And presently, he ordered that he should be among his own valets enjoining him to observe toward himself
the same fidelity he had kept to Perctarit and promising to bestow upon him many advantages
63
Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (hereafter ODB), 1123.
64
HL, V, 33.
65
Delogu (1980), 100. L. M. Hartmann, Geschicte Italiens im Mittelalter, II/1, p. 279, nota 23
66
Delogu (1980), 105.
11

Exindeque ad patriam tendens, cum ad claustra Italiae venniset, iam ibi omnia obsequia palatina
omnequeregiam dignitatem cum magna Langobardorum moltitudine praeparatam, se repperit
expectari
67
.

Pavia became the capital of the kingdom. The kings from Perctarit (671-688) to the last one
68
,
Liutprand (712-744) continued to build churches and other buildings in Pavia. In less than a century
the Lombard society was completely changed. From Pertctarit they became an important kingdom
in Europe, especially during the reign of Liutrprand, who is considered as the apogee of the entire
Lombard history.


Conclusion
Byzantine influence was very important for the existence of the Lombard kingdom. Clearly the
Byzantine Empire wanted to stop Lombard expansion in Italy but they were not able to do that. The
influence of Byzantium was very clear in some part of the oeuvre by Paul the Deacon and it has
been explained in this modest essay.
The Lombards changed their life style completely, from the Scandinavian migration until the
collapsed against Charlemagne (768-814). Lombard society was represented by the clans, called by
Paul the Deacon farae, without a strong figure of the king and without any kingdom in mind. After
their arrival in Italy the situation changed completely. Alboin became the first Italic king and he
was in able to build a sort of kingdom only thanks of his strength and his reputation. After his death,
probably related with Byzantine interference, the anarchy of dukes showed how the situation of the
Lombard kingdom really was, and they invested ten years to be ready having a king. Authari was, in
fact, the first Lombard king that called himself Flavius, a sort of ancient Roman remembrance that
was meaning to be the only king in the entire italic peninsula. After Authari all the others kings
called themselves Flavius as a surname. Agiluf made another step to reinforce the kingdom
associating his son as king in a typical byzantine representation of power in the circus of Milan.
Well then the conversion to the Catholicism permitted to Lombardy to be inserted into the big
political European puzzle as new and Catholic kingdom.
In all this period Byzantium fought against Lombardy and they tried every way for winning against
this Germanic people, but without luck. The Byzantine influence was so important for the
continuous contacts between the two political identities in Italy. At least, especially after the peace
of 680, the border was quite indistinguishable between the Lombard and Byzantine territories.
Byzantium transformed, probably against its will, the wild Lombard tribes into a new Roman-
barbaric kingdom.

67
HL, V, 34. And then directing his course to his own country, when he had come to the confines of Italy he found
already there awaiting him all the retinue of the palace, and all the royal officials in readiness together with a great
multitude of the Langobards
68
Liutprand was the last Lombard king described by Paul the Deacon.