Washingtons Farewell Address - 1796 - Friends and Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actuall arrived when our thoughts must be emploed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especiall as it ma conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that ! should now apprise ou of the resolution ! have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made" ! beg ou, at the same time, to do me the #ustice to be assured that this resolution has not been ta$en without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his countr% and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in m situation might impl, ! am in&uenced b no diminution of zeal for our future interest, no de'cienc of grateful respect for our past $indness, but am supported b a full conviction that the step is compatible with both" The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the o(ce to which our su)rages have twice called me have been a uniform sacri'ce of inclination to the opinion of dut and to a deference for what appeared to be our desire" ! constantl hoped that it would have been much earlier in m power, consistentl with motives which ! was not at libert to disregard, to return to that retirement from which ! had been reluctantl drawn" The strength of m inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to ou% but mature re&ection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our a)airs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to m con'dence, impelled me to abandon the idea" ! re#oice that the state of our concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of dut or propriet, and am persuaded, whatever partialit ma be retained for m services, that, in the present circumstances of our countr, ou will not disapprove m determination to retire" The impressions with which ! 'rst undertoo$ the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion" !n the discharge of this trust, ! will onl sa that ! have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a ver fallible #udgment was capable" *ot unconscious in the outset of the inferiorit of m +uali'cations, experience in m own ees, perhaps still more in the ees of others, has strengthened the motives to di(dence of mself% and ever da the increasing weight of ears admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessar to me as it will be welcome" Satis'ed that if an circumstances have given peculiar value to m services, the were temporar, ! have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to +uit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it" !n loo$ing forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of m public life, m feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac$nowledgment of that debt of gratitude which ! owe to m beloved countr for the man honors it has conferred upon me% still more for the steadfast con'dence with which it has supported me% and for the opportunities ! have thence en#oed of manifesting m inviolable attachment, b services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness une+ual to m zeal" !f bene'ts have resulted to our countr from these services, let it alwas be remembered to our praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in ever direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfre+uentl want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constanc of our support was the essential prop of the e)orts, and a guarantee of the plans b which the were e)ected" ,rofoundl penetrated with this idea, ! shall carr it with me to m grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven ma continue to ou the choicest to$ens of its - bene'cence% that our union and brotherl a)ection ma be perpetual% that the free Constitution, which is the wor$ of our hands, ma be sacredl maintained% that its administration in ever department ma be stamped with wisdom and virtue% that, in 'ne, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of libert, ma be made complete b so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will ac+uire to them the glor of recommending it to the applause, the a)ection, and adoption of ever nation which is et a stranger to it" .ere, perhaps, ! ought to stop" /ut a solicitude for our welfare, which cannot end but with m life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion li$e the present, to o)er to our solemn contemplation, and to recommend to our fre+uent review, some sentiments which are the result of much re&ection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all0important to the permanenc of our felicit as a people" These will be o)ered to ou with the more freedom, as ou can onl see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibl have no personal motive to bias his counsel" *or can ! forget, as an encouragement to it, our indulgent reception of m sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion" !nterwoven as is the love of libert with ever ligament of our hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessar to fortif or con'rm the attachment" The unit of government which constitutes ou one people is also now dear to ou" !t is #ustl so, for it is a main pillar in the edi'ce of our real independence, the support of our tran+uilit at home, our peace abroad% of our safet% of our prosperit% of that ver libert which ou so highl prize" /ut as it is eas to foresee that, from di)erent causes and from di)erent +uarters, much pains will be ta$en, man arti'ces emploed to wea$en in our minds the conviction of this truth% as this is the point in our political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantl and activel 1though often covertl and insidiousl2 directed, it is of in'nite moment that ou should properl estimate the immense value of our national union to our collective and individual happiness% that ou should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it% accustoming ourselves to thin$ and spea$ of it as of the palladium of our political safet and prosperit% watching for its preservation with #ealous anxiet% discountenancing whatever ma suggest even a suspicion that it can in an event be abandoned% and indignantl frowning upon the 'rst dawning of ever attempt to alienate an portion of our countr from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now lin$ together the various parts" For this ou have ever inducement of smpath and interest" Citizens, b birth or choice, of a common countr, that countr has a right to concentrate our a)ections" The name of 3merican, which belongs to ou in our sect capacit, must alwas exalt the #ust pride of patriotism more than an appellation derived from local discriminations" 4ith slight shades of di)erence, ou have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles" 5ou have in a common cause fought and triumphed together% the independence and libert ou possess are the wor$ of #oint counsels, and #oint e)orts of common dangers, su)erings, and successes" /ut these considerations, however powerfull the address themselves to our sensibilit, are greatl outweighed b those which appl more immediatel to our interest" .ere ever portion of our countr 'nds the most commanding motives for carefull guarding and preserving the union of the whole" The *orth, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected b the e+ual laws of a common government, 'nds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industr" The South, in the same intercourse, bene'ting b the agenc of the *orth, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand" Turning partl into its own channels the seamen of the *orth, it 'nds its 6 particular navigation invigorated% and, while it contributes, in di)erent was, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it loo$s forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is une+uall adapted" The 7ast, in a li$e intercourse with the 4est, alread 'nds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications b land and water, will more and more 'nd a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home" The 4est derives from the 7ast supplies re+uisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater conse+uence, it must of necessit owe the secure en#oment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, in&uence, and the future maritime strength of the 3tlantic side of the Union, directed b an indissoluble communit of interest as one nation" 3n other tenure b which the 4est can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with an foreign power, must be intrinsicall precarious" 4hile, then, ever part of our countr thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to 'nd in the united mass of means and e)orts greater strength, greater resource, proportionabl greater securit from external danger, a less fre+uent interruption of their peace b foreign nations% and, what is of inestimable value, the must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so fre+uentl a8ict neighboring countries not tied together b the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be su(cient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter" .ence, li$ewise, the will avoid the necessit of those overgrown militar establishments which, under an form of government, are inauspicious to libert, and which are to be regarded as particularl hostile to republican libert" !n this sense it is that our union ought to be considered as a main prop of our libert, and that the love of the one ought to endear to ou the preservation of the other" These considerations spea$ a persuasive language to ever re&ecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primar ob#ect of patriotic desire" !s there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere9 :et experience solve it" To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal" 4e are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliar agenc of governments for the respective subdivisions, will a)ord a happ issue to the experiment" !t is well worth a fair and full experiment" 4ith such powerful and obvious motives to union, a)ecting all parts of our countr, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticabilit, there will alwas be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in an +uarter ma endeavor to wea$en its bands" !n contemplating the causes which ma disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that an ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties b geographical discriminations, *orthern and Southern, 3tlantic and 4estern% whence designing men ma endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real di)erence of local interests and views" ;ne of the expedients of part to ac+uire in&uence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts" 5ou cannot shield ourselves too much against the #ealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations% the tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together b fraternal a)ection" The inhabitants of our 4estern countr have latel had a useful lesson on this head% the have seen, in the negotiation b the 7xecutive, and in the unanimous rati'cation b the Senate, of the treat with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a polic in the <eneral <overnment and in the 3tlantic States unfriendl to their interests in regard to the =ississippi% the have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with <reat /ritain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everthing the could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards con'rming their prosperit" 4ill it not be their wisdom to rel for the preservation of these advantages on the Union b which the were procured 9 4ill the not henceforth be deaf to > those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens9 To the e(cac and permanenc of our Union, a government for the whole is indispensable" *o alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an ade+uate substitute% the must inevitabl experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced" Sensible of this momentous truth, ou have improved upon our 'rst essa, b the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than our former for an intimate union, and for the e(cacious management of our common concerns" This government, the o)spring of our own choice, unin&uenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completel free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting securit with energ, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a #ust claim to our con'dence and our support" ?espect for its authorit, compliance with its laws, ac+uiescence in its measures, are duties en#oined b the fundamental maxims of true libert" The basis of our political sstems is the right of the people to ma$e and to alter their constitutions of government" /ut the Constitution which at an time exists, till changed b an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredl obligator upon all" The ver idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the dut of ever individual to obe the established government" 3ll obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendenc" The serve to organize faction, to give it an arti'cial and extraordinar force% to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a part, often a small but artful and enterprising minorit of the communit% and, according to the alternate triumphs of di)erent parties, to ma$e the public administration the mirror of the ill0 concerted and incongruous pro#ects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested b common counsels and modi'ed b mutual interests" .owever combinations or associations of the above description ma now and then answer popular ends, the are li$el, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, b which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroing afterwards the ver engines which have lifted them to un#ust dominion" Towards the preservation of our government, and the permanenc of our present happ state, it is re+uisite, not onl that ou steadil discountenance irregular oppositions to its ac$nowledged authorit, but also that ou resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts" ;ne method of assault ma be to e)ect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energ of the sstem, and thus to undermine what cannot be directl overthrown" !n all the changes to which ou ma be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessar to 'x the true character of governments as of other human institutions% that experience is the surest standard b which to test the real tendenc of the existing constitution of a countr% that facilit in changes, upon the credit of mere hpothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variet of hpothesis and opinion% and remember, especiall, that for the e(cient management of our common interests, in a countr so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect securit of libert is indispensable" :ibert itself will 'nd in such a government, with powers properl distributed and ad#usted, its surest guardian" !t is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con'ne each member of the societ within the limits prescribed b the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tran+uil en#oment of the rights of person and propert" @ ! have alread intimated to ou the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations" :et me now ta$e a more comprehensive view, and warn ou in the most solemn manner against the baneful e)ects of the spirit of part generall" This spirit, unfortunatel, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind" !t exists under di)erent shapes in all governments, more or less sti&ed, controlled, or repressed% but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest ran$ness, and is trul their worst enem" The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened b the spirit of revenge, natural to part dissension, which in di)erent ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism" /ut this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism" The disorders and miseries which result graduall incline the minds of men to see$ securit and repose in the absolute power of an individual% and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public libert" 4ithout loo$ing forward to an extremit of this $ind 1which nevertheless ought not to be entirel out of sight2, the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of part are su(cient to ma$e it the interest and dut of a wise people to discourage and restrain it" !t serves alwas to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration" !t agitates the communit with ill0founded #ealousies and false alarms, $indles the animosit of one part against another, foments occasionall riot and insurrection" !t opens the door to foreign in&uence and corruption, which 'nds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of part passions" Thus the polic and the will of one countr are sub#ected to the polic and will of another" There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful chec$s upon the administration of the government and serve to $eep alive the spirit of libert" This within certain limits is probabl true% and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism ma loo$ with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of part" /ut in those of the popular character, in governments purel elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged" From their natural tendenc, it is certain there will alwas be enough of that spirit for ever salutar purpose" 3nd there being constant danger of excess, the e)ort ought to be b force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it" 3 're not to be +uenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a &ame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume" !t is important, li$ewise, that the habits of thin$ing in a free countr should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to con'ne themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another" The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism" 3 #ust estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is su(cient to satisf us of the truth of this position" The necessit of reciprocal chec$s in the exercise of political power, b dividing and distributing it into di)erent depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions b the others, has been evinced b experiments ancient and modern% some of them in our countr and under our own ees" To preserve them must be as necessar as to institute them" !f, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modi'cation of the constitutional powers be in an particular wrong, let it be corrected b an amendment in the wa which the Constitution designates" /ut let there be no change b usurpation% for though this, in one instance, ma be the instrument of good, it is the customar weapon b which free governments are destroed" The precedent must alwas A greatl overbalance in permanent evil an partial or transient bene't, which the use can at an time ield" ;f all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperit, religion and moralit are indispensable supports" !n vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these 'rmest props of the duties of men and citizens" The mere politician, e+uall with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them" 3 volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicit" :et it simpl be as$ed: 4here is the securit for propert, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of #ustice 9 3nd let us with caution indulge the supposition that moralit can be maintained without religion" 4hatever ma be conceded to the in&uence of re'ned education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national moralit can prevail in exclusion of religious principle" !t is substantiall true that virtue or moralit is a necessar spring of popular government" The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to ever species of free government" 4ho that is a sincere friend to it can loo$ with indi)erence upon attempts to sha$e the foundation of the fabric9 ,romote then, as an ob#ect of primar importance, institutions for the general di)usion of $nowledge" !n proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened" 3s a ver important source of strength and securit, cherish public credit" ;ne method of preserving it is to use it as sparingl as possible, avoiding occasions of expense b cultivating peace, but remembering also that timel disbursements to prepare for danger fre+uentl prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding li$ewise the accumulation of debt, not onl b shunning occasions of expense, but b vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars ma have occasioned, not ungenerousl throwing upon posterit the burden which we ourselves ought to bear" The execution of these maxims belongs to our representatives, but it is necessar that public opinion should co0operate" To facilitate to them the performance of their dut, it is essential that ou should practicall bear in mind that towards the pament of debts there must be revenue% that to have revenue there must be taxes% that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant% that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper ob#ects 1which is alwas a choice of di(culties2, ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in ma$ing it, and for a spirit of ac+uiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies ma at an time dictate" ;bserve good faith and #ustice towards all nations% cultivate peace and harmon with all" ?eligion and moralit en#oin this conduct% and can it be, that good polic does not e+uall en#oin it 0 !t will be worth of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to man$ind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people alwas guided b an exalted #ustice and benevolence" 4ho can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richl repa an temporar advantages which might be lost b a stead adherence to it 9 Can it be that ,rovidence has not connected the permanent felicit of a nation with its virtue 9 The experiment, at least, is recommended b ever sentiment which ennobles human nature" 3lasB is it rendered impossible b its vices9 !n the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded% and that, in place of them, #ust and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated" The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave" !t is a slave to its animosit or to its a)ection, either of which is su(cient to lead C it astra from its dut and its interest" 3ntipath in one nation against another disposes each more readil to o)er insult and in#ur, to la hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haught and intractable, when accidental or tri&ing occasions of dispute occur" .ence, fre+uent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and blood contests" The nation, prompted b ill0will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrar to the best calculations of polic" The government sometimes participates in the national propensit, and adopts through passion what reason would re#ect% at other times it ma$es the animosit of the nation subservient to pro#ects of hostilit instigated b pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives" The peace often, sometimes perhaps the libert, of nations, has been the victim" So li$ewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variet of evils" Smpath for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginar common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betras the former into a participation in the +uarrels and wars of the latter without ade+uate inducement or #usti'cation" !t leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubl to in#ure the nation ma$ing the concessions% b unnecessaril parting with what ought to have been retained, and b exciting #ealous, ill0will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom e+ual privileges are withheld" 3nd it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens 1who devote themselves to the favorite nation2, facilit to betra or sacri'ce the interests of their own countr, without odium, sometimes even with popularit% gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation" 3s avenues to foreign in&uence in innumerable was, such attachments are particularl alarming to the trul enlightened and independent patriot" .ow man opportunities do the a)ord to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to in&uence or awe the public councils" Such an attachment of a small or wea$ towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter" 3gainst the insidious wiles of foreign in&uence 1! con#ure ou to believe me, fellow0citizens2 the #ealous of a free people ought to be constantl awa$e, since histor and experience prove that foreign in&uence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government" /ut that #ealous to be useful must be impartial% else it becomes the instrument of the ver in&uence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it" 7xcessive partialit for one foreign nation and excessive disli$e of another cause those whom the actuate to see danger onl on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of in&uence on the other" ?eal patriots who ma resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and con'dence of the people, to surrender their interests" The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible" So far as we have alread formed engagements, let them be ful'lled with perfect good faith" .ere let us stop" 7urope has a set of primar interests which to us have none% or a ver remote relation" .ence she must be engaged in fre+uent controversies, the causes of which are essentiall foreign to our concerns" .ence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves b arti'cial ties in the ordinar vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinar combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities" ;ur detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a di)erent course" !f we remain one people under an e(cient government" the period is not far o) when we ma def material in#ur from external annoance% when we ma ta$e such an attitude as will cause the neutralit we ma at an time resolve upon to be scrupulousl respected% when belligerent nations, under the impossibilit of ma$ing ac+uisitions upon us, will not lightl hazard the giving D us provocation% when we ma choose peace or war, as our interest, guided b #ustice, shall counsel" 4h forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation9 4h +uit our own to stand upon foreign ground9 4h, b interweaving our destin with that of an part of 7urope, entangle our peace and prosperit in the toils of 7uropean ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice9 !t is our true polic to steer clear of permanent alliances with an portion of the foreign world% so far, ! mean, as we are now at libert to do it% for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing in'delit to existing engagements" ! hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private a)airs, that honest is alwas the best polic" ! repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense" /ut, in m opinion, it is unnecessar and would be unwise to extend them" Ta$ing care alwas to $eep ourselves b suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we ma safel trust to temporar alliances for extraordinar emergencies" .armon, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended b polic, humanit, and interest" /ut even our commercial polic should hold an e+ual and impartial hand% neither see$ing nor granting exclusive favors or preferences% consulting the natural course of things% di)using and diversifing b gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing% establishing 1with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de'ne the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them2 conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporar, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate% constantl $eeping in view that it is foll in one nation to loo$ for disinterested favors from another% that it must pa with a portion of its independence for whatever it ma accept under that character% that, b such acceptance, it ma place itself in the condition of having given e+uivalents for nominal favors, and et of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more" There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation" !t is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a #ust pride ought to discard" !n o)ering to ou, m countrmen, these counsels of an old and a)ectionate friend, ! dare not hope the will ma$e the strong and lasting impression ! could wish% that the will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto mar$ed the destin of nations" /ut, if ! ma even &atter mself that the ma be productive of some partial bene't, some occasional good% that the ma now and then recur to moderate the fur of part spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism% this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for our welfare, b which the have been dictated" .ow far in the discharge of m o(cial duties ! have been guided b the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of m conduct must witness to ou and to the world" To mself, the assurance of m own conscience is, that ! have at least believed mself to be guided b them" !n relation to the still subsisting war in 7urope, m proclamation of the twent0second of 3pril, !CE6, is the index of m plan" Sanctioned b our approving voice, and b that of our representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continuall governed me, unin&uenced b an attempts to deter or divert me from it" 3fter deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights ! could obtain, ! was well satis'ed that our countr, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to ta$e, and was bound in dut and interest to ta$e, a neutral position" .aving ta$en it, ! determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and 'rmness" E The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessar on this occasion to detail" ! will onl observe that, according to m understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied b an of the belligerent powers, has been virtuall admitted b all" The dut of holding a neutral conduct ma be inferred, without anthing more, from the obligation which #ustice and humanit impose on ever nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amit towards other nations" The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to our own re&ections and experience" 4ith me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our countr to settle and mature its et recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistenc which is necessar to give it, humanl spea$ing, the command of its own fortunes" Though, in reviewing the incidents of m administration, ! am unconscious of intentional error, ! am nevertheless too sensible of m defects not to thin$ it probable that ! ma have committed man errors" 4hatever the ma be, ! ferventl beseech the 3lmight to avert or mitigate the evils to which the ma tend" ! shall also carr with me the hope that m countr will never cease to view them with indulgence% and that, after fort 've ears of m life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as mself must soon be to the mansions of rest" ?eling on its $indness in this as in other things, and actuated b that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, ! anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which ! promise mself to realize, without allo, the sweet en#oment of parta$ing, in the midst of m fellow0citizens, the benign in&uence of good laws under a free government, the ever0favorite ob#ect of m heart, and the happ reward, as ! trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers" - Geo. Washington. 1" Summarize 4ashingtoonFs thoughts on nationalism" Cite an example from the text" 4hat theme is best represented here9 -" Summarize 4ashingtonFs views on the new government under the Constitution" Cite an example from the text" 4hat theme is best represented here9 6" Summarize 4ashingtonFs views on political parties" Cite an example from the text" 4hat theme is best represented here"
Inaugural Speeches from the Presidents of the United States - Complete Edition: From Washington to Trump (1789-2017) – See the Rise and Development of America Through the Ambitions and Platforms of Elected Presidents
President's Inaugural Speeches: From Washington to Trump (1789-2017): The Rise and Development of America Through the Ambitions and Platforms of Elected Presidents
1998 - (Advances in Archaeological and Museum Science 3) M. Steven Shackley (Auth.), M. Steven Shackley (Eds.) - Archaeological Obsidian Studies - Method and Theory-Springer US (1998)