Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 116
Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 116
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 116
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 116
လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အား
ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ဖ်က္ဆီးလိုသူမ်ား၏ ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္မွ
ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္သည့္ဥပေဒ
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္မ်ားနဲ႔ မူးယစ္ေဆးလုပ္ငန္း
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 116 1
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 116
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 116
txl;aqmif;yg;
လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အား
ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ဖ်က္ဆီးလိုသူမ်ား၏ ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္မွ
ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္သည့္ဥပေဒ
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္မ်ားနဲ႔ မူးယစ္ေဆးလုပ္ငန္း
yHkEdSyfrSwfwrf;
Public Enemies
ppftm%m&Siaf wGeJ@ ppftm%m&Sifpepf[m &[ef;&Siv f l
wdkif;&if;om;jynfolw&yfvHk;&Jh jynfol@&efolawG
jzpfwJhtwGuf ppftm%m&SifawGeJ@ ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk
wdkufzsufjypfa&;[m yxrOD;qHk; vkyf&r,fh vkyfief;jzpfw,f?
စစ္အစိုးရအေပၞ အေမရိကန္အစိုးရက
ဴပင္းထန္သည့္ ဖိအားေပးႎိုင္
2009-12-23
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/united_states_mulls_over_harsh_measure_on_ju
nta-12232009094406.html/story_main?textonly=1
ဒီ MIG ေလယာဥ္ေတၾကို သူတိုႛ ဒီ ၂၀၀၃ ၊ ၂၀၀၄ တုန္းကလည္း သူတိုႛ one squadron ေပၝ့ေနာ္၊
ေလယာဥ္အုပ္ တအုပ္ သူတိုႛ ဝယ္ခဲ့ဘူးတယ္ေလ။ ဒီ ထိုင္းႎိုင္ငံက ဝယ္ယူထားတဲ့ F-16
တိုက္ေလယာဥ္ပဵံေတၾကို ဳကားဴဖတ္ ဟန္ႛတားႎိုင္ဖိုႛ သူတိုႛ ရည္႟ၾယ္႓ပီးေတာ့ ဝယ္ယူခဲ့တဲ့
အေနအထား ေတၾႚရတာ ရႀိတယ္။ အဲ တခဵိန္တည္းမႀာပဲ သူက တ႟ုတ္ႎိုင္ငံကလည္းပဲ
အလားတူေပၝ့၊ F-7 အမဵိႂးအစားေရာ၊ A-5 အမဵိႂးအစားေတၾေရာ၊ သူတိုႛ ဝယ္ခဲ့တာလည္း
ရႀိတယ္ေလ။”
အကဵဥ္းကဵ လၿတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္
ရခိုင္ဴပည္နယ္ ဂၾ႓မိႂႚနယ္က
အမဵိႂးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္
ဴပည္သူႛလၿတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလႀယ္
ဦးညီပုေဆး႟ံုတင္ထားရ
2009-12-23 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/jailed_party_leader_hospitalized-
12232009132449.html/story_main?textonly=1
Mig 29 Operators
Main article: List of Mikoyan MiG-29 operators
Cuban MiG-29UB
[edit] Current
[edit] Former
MiG-29
Manufacturer Mikoyan
Produced 1982–present
Specifications
Data from MiG specifications[91]
General characteristics
Crew: One
Length: 17.37 m (57 ft)
Wingspan: 11.4 m (37 ft 3 in)
Height: 4.73 m (15 ft 6 in)
Wing area: 38 m² (409 ft²)
Empty weight: 11,000 kg (24,250 lb)
Loaded weight: 16,800 kg (37,000 lb)
Max takeoff weight: 21,000 kg (46,300 lb)
Powerplant: 2× Klimov RD-33 afterburning turbofans, 8,300 kgf (81.4 kN, 18,300
lbf) each
Performance
Maximum speed: Mach 2.25 (2,400 km/h, 1,490 mph) At low altitude: 1,500 km/h,
930 mph
Range: 700 km (430 mi)
Ferry range: 2,100 km (1,800 mi) with 1 drop tank
Service ceiling: 18,013 m (59,100 ft)
Rate of climb: initial 330 m/s average 109 m/s 0-6000 m[92] (65,000 ft/min)
Wing loading: 442 kg/m² (90.5 lb/ft²)
Thrust/weight: 1.01
Armament
The contract was signed a few weeks ago and came to nearly 400 million euros
(570 million dollars), according to a source close to Russian arms sales
company Rosoboronexport quoted by the paper.
A source close to Rosoboronexport said the Russian offer beat one by China
which offered Myanmar "ultra-modern" J-10 and FC-1 fighters "on very
advantageous conditions".
The daily said Russia had already delivered 12 MiG-29s to Myanmar in 2001.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 116 18
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
"It is the largest contract to deliver fighters of this type after the breaking of a
similar transaction with Algeria in 2007," Kommersant said.
Algeria cancelled its order for 34 MiG-29s worth 987 million euros as their
quality was lower than expected and returned several planes to Russia in 2008,
the paper said
By Ben Blanchard
China's top oil and gas firm CNPC has now received exclusive rights to build
and operate the China-Myanmar crude oil pipeline, CNPC said in a report on
its website (www.cnpc.comc.cn), in a deal signing witnessed by Xi.
The Myanmar government will guarantee pipeline safety and the ownership
and franchise right of the pipeline, the report said.
STRAINED TIES
That triggered an exodus of more than 37,000 refugees across the border and
strained ties with China, Myanmar's only real diplomatic ally.
Than Shwe, meeting with Xi in the country's new jungle capital of Naypyidaw,
said they would ensure border stability.
"Myanmar will, as always, and working hard with the Chinese, preserve the
peace and stability of the border areas," China's Foreign Ministry paraphrased
Than Shwe as telling Xi, in a statement carried on the ministry's website
(www.mfa.gov.cn).
"China and Myanmar share a long joint border, and Myanmar deeply
understands and knows that maintaining peace and stability on the border is
extremely important to both countries," added the general, who rarely meets
foreign leaders.
Myanmar's army has maintained a sizable presence over the past few months
in Shan State, where rebel militias are braced for an offensive that could turn
into a protracted conflict, creating another refugee crisis for China.
"China hopes and believes that Myanmar will peacefully resolve these
problems through dialogue and consultations," Xi said.
Ishige's visit also came more than a month after the Economic
Cooperation Committees of the Union of Myanmar Chambers of
Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) and the Japan Chambers of
Commerce and Industry (JCCI) met in Yangon in November to seek ways
of boosting trade and investment between the two countries.
The bilateral trade between the two countries stood at 341.8 million
U.S. dollars in the 2008-09 fiscal year, of which Myanmar's export to
Japan amounted to 179.6 million dollars with Japan ranking the 6th in
Myanmar's exporting countries line-up. Myanmar's import from Japan
took in 162.2 million dollars.
Rebel base shifting to Myanmar,
says BSF
OUR CORRESPONDENT
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091224/jsp/northeast/story_11901341.jsp
Shillong, Dec. 23,2009: The BSF inspector-general (Assam-Meghalaya
frontier), Prithvi Raj, today expressed concern over the move by
Northeast militants to shift base from Bangladesh to Myanmar in the
The BSF official told reporters here that there was largescale movement
of Ulfa cadres from Bangladesh to Myanmar on the sidelines of a
surrender ceremony today. An Ulfa militant, Jatin Shaw alias Alput
Thapa, laid down a 9mm pistol before the paramilitary force today.
The surrendered rebel who joined the Bravo company of Ulfa in 2003 had
undergone training in Myanmar, aided by NSCN militants.
“We hope that Myanmar, being a friendly country, will not entertain the
nefarious activities of the Northeast militants,” the BSF official said.
The BSF official said in the changing scenario, reconciliation was ideal
compared to confrontation.
ျမန္မာမွတ္ပံုတင္႐ွိမွ ကိုးကန္႕မ်ား
တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ထဲ၀င္ခြင့္ရ
ၾကာသပေတးေန႕၊ 24 ဒီဇင္ဘာလ 2009 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္
ကိုးကန္႕ေဒသအား နအဖ စစ္တပ္၀င္ ေရာက္သိမ္းပိုက္ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ေဒသခံတိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား
ျမန္မာမွတ္ပံုတင္႐ွိမွ နယ္ျခားဂိတ္ျဖတ္သန္းခြင့္ရေၾကာင္း
တ႐ုတ္နယ္စပ္သတင္းရပ္ကြက္ေျပာပါသည္။
It is learnt that over 20 member survey team had inspected the route from the middle
of November to the end of November. It was made up of land surveyors from
Napyitaw and Lashio.
Local sources informed that two unidentified battalions from Lashio were providing
security for the officials while they were conducting the survey.
The route is to run through Hsenwi township’s Mongpa village tract, west of the
motor highway road continue to west of Kutkhai and will head to Wankhong village
tract, Muse township, where the station will be located. The station construction
started since three months ago, according to local sources.
“However, the authorities have yet to decide whether to use the proposed new route
or the old one,” said a resident in Lashio. “But the authorities mentioned that the old
route has many high mountains to pass,” he added.
Lashio has already had an old railway track that was built during the World War II by
the British, leading to Mongyaw, 32 miles northeast of Lashio.
According to junta media reports in this year, there are four new railway projects to
be constructed in Shan State:
Namzang - Hsipaw 250 km
Namzang - Kengtung 330 km
Lashio - Muse 170 km
Mongnai - Tachilek 350 km
A veteran border watcher said the projects are likely to be used for military purpose
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 116 26
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
rather than trade.
According to World Bank, the railway rehabilitation project in Burma will provide aid
to meet part of the foreign exchange costs of a continuing program of railway
rehabilitation. The projects help in the purchase of goods, wagons, rail cars, bridge
material and a bridge construction plan which is urgently needed to cope with
growing traffic.
Military Affairs Security (MAS) authorities in Lashio, capital of Shan State North,
have ordered local authorities to collect lists of members of the political parties in
town that used to contest in the 1990 elections, according to reliable sources from
the town.
The order was passed on 21 December. The lists must compile details such as how
many members remain in each party and what those remaining members are doing
including their personal information, a source said.
In Lashio, there are about 7 former political parties such as National League for
Democracy (NLD), Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), Shan State
Kokang Democratic Party (SSKDP), Wa National Development Party (WNDP) and
National Unity Party (NUP).
It is not known what the lists are for. However, local people commented that it could
be connected to the planned elections.
To date, the junta authorities have yet to announce the electoral law.
“Many thought it would be announced early in the coming year,” the source said.
“The name of USDA will no longer used after it is reformed as a political party. But
they have yet to choose the party’s name,” he said.
Senior Gen Than Shwe was quoted in the junta run media saying that as the USDA
was founded 16 years ago, it has enough experience to handle any kind of
undertaking.
In addition, USDA General Secretary Major Gen Htay Oo was quoted as saying, “We
should not see the NLD as our enemy, but to recognize it as our opposition partner.
If we continue to harrass her, people would take more pity on her. Then our aim ‘to
build National Solidarity will not come out as expected.”
The USDA was established in 1993 by Senior General Than Shwe to control
protestors in the country. Its head office is being built in Dakkhinathira quarter in
Naypyitaw and will be the second largest building after House of legislature.
Thai stars shine in Shan State
Since more than a decade ago, Thai TV soaps have been dubbed and reproduced in
video tapes, and now CDs, in Shan State. The results have been nothing less than
spectacular, according to Dr Amporn Jirattikorn, Thai scholar who specialized is
Shan:
• Many start to readopt Shan names for themselves and their children
• A number of others also began to take interest in learning Shan/Tai, realizing for
the first time, it is not a minority language but spoken by 100 million people in Asia
• Long suppressed both politically and psychologically by the ultra racist military
regime, they have begun to re-discover their long lost sense of pride as Shans
Here are some of the Thai soap stars as the Shan know them. A warning to those
who are interested enough to follow up with their own inquiries: Don’t ask them, for
instance, if they know Suwanand Khongying, The proper way is to ask if they know
“Yoom Yen” (Gentle Smile).
Arnas Laphanich (Harn Noom – Brave and Praiya Suandokmai (Si Lern – Glory of
Young) the Moon)
ကိုယ္ေရးအက်ဥ္း
လုပ္ငန္းဆိုင္ရာ ေနာက္ခံသမိုင္းအက်ဥ္း
ဗဟိုအစိုးရသို႔ ေရာက္႐ွိျခင္း
ႏိုင္ငံေရး ဦးေဆာင္ေကာ္မတီ အဖြဲ႔သို႔ ဝင္ေရာက္ျခင္းႏွင့္ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ ဒုတိယ သမၼတ ျဖစ္လာျခင္း
လႈပ္႐ွားေဆာင္ရြက္မႈမ်ား
အျခားျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံ ခရီးစဥ္မ်ား
ႏိုင္ငံေရးအနာဂတ္
မိသားစု
စီးပြားေရး ႏိုဘယ္ဆုရွင္
စတစ္ဂ္လစ္အေၾကာင္း သိေကာင္းစရာ
ေက်ာ္သိခၤ | တနလၤာေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၄ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၂၀ နာရီ ၀၄ မိနစ္
ခ်င္းမုိင္ (မဇၥ်ိမ)။ ။ စီးပြားေရး ႏိုဘယ္ဆုရွင္လည္းျဖစ္၊ ကမၻာ့ဘဏ္၏ အဓိက စီးပြားေရးဆိုင္ရာ
အႀကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္လည္း ျဖစ္ခဲ့သူ ပါေမာကၡဂ်ဳိးဇက္ စတစ္ဂ္ဂ္လစ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ
ေနျပည္ေတာ္တြင္ က်င္းပမည့္ ေက်းလက္ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေရး မူဝါဒဆိုင္ရာ
ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲသို႔ မနက္ျဖန္တြင္ တက္ေရာက္မည္။
ကိုယ္ေရးအက်ဥ္း
ယမန္ ႏွစ္က ျပဳလုပ္သည္႔ မေနာပြဲတြင္ ဂ်ာမနီ၊ ဂ်ပန္၊ အစၥေရး၊ မေလးရွား၊ ေနာ္ေဝ စသည့္
ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ သံတမန္မ်ား တက္ေရာက္ၿပီး စစ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားသည့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္
လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖြဲ ့ (ေကအိုင္အို) မွ အင္အား ၁၀၀၀ ခန္႔ ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ျပည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီသစ္
တပ္မေတာ္ (အန္ဒီေအေက) အဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားလည္း တက္ေရာက္သည္ဟု သိရသည္။
ေမတၱာျဖင့္
အရွင္ဉာဏိက
မိုးကုတ္ေစ်း
ေရးသူ- ညီပုေလး
http://mayaonlinemagazine.blogspot.com/2008/08/blog-post_27.html
[မာယာ မဂၢဇင္း အတြဲ၃ အမွတ္ ၁၊ ၁၉၉၈ မတ္လတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပၿပီးစာမူကို အင္တာနက္
စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္အတြက္ထပ္မံေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္။]
'အစ္မႀကီးက ဘာေရာင္းတာတုန္း'
'မုန္႔တီ ေခါက္ဆြဲပါ'
သုသုက အိုးပုတ္ကေလးေတြ၊ ပလပ္စတစ္ခြက္ကေလးေတြ စီေနယင္း ျပန္ေျဖလိုက္ တယ္။
'မုန္႔တီက ဘာသားနဲ႔လဲ အစ္မႀကီး'
'ၾကက္သားနဲ႔ပါ႐ွင့္'
'တိုးတိုးကို မုန္႔တီ ေျခာက္ပြဲေပးေနာ္၊ ဆီလဲ ႐ႊဲ႐ႊဲ၊ ပဲမႈန္႔လဲ မနည္းေစနဲ႔ေနာ္'
သုသုနဲ႔ မိတိုးတို႔ လူႀကီးေတြရဲ႔ ေလသံအတိုင္း ေျပာလိုက္ၾကၿပီး မ်က္လံုးကေလးေတြ ျပဴးၿပီး
တေယာက္ကို တေယာက္ၾကည့္ၿပီး ရယ္လိုက္ၾကတယ္။ မိတိုးက လွ်ာကေလး တစ္လစ္နဲ႔။
ကေလးေတြ ကစားတာကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး ဘြားဘြားတင္ေတာင္ မုန္႔တီစားခ်င္စိတ္ ေပါက္ လာတယ္။
ဆီေတြက႐ႊဲ႐ႊဲ၊ ၾကက္သားဖတ္ေတြအျပည့္နဲ႔ မုန္႔တီပြဲေတြကို ျမင္ေယာင္ေနမိတယ္။
သုသုကေတာ့ ဆီမီးခြက္ကေလးေတြ ပလပ္စတစ္ခြက္ကေလးေတြ ထဲက ျမက္ပင္ေတြ ႏိႈက္လိုက္၊
ေရနဲ႔ ေဖ်ာ္ထားတဲ့ ျပာေတြကို ဇြန္းနဲ႔ခပ္ၿပီးဆမ္းလိုက္နဲ႔ သူ႔စိတ္ကူးနဲ႔သူ မုန္႔တီျပင္ ေနတယ္။
'ေျခာက္ပြဲကို ဘယ္ေလာက္ေပးရမလဲ... အစ္မႀကီး'
'ေျခာက္ပြဲေျခာက္က်ပ္ပါ'
'ပိုက္ဆံ႐ွင့္'
မိတိုးက ခါးၾကားထဲက ပိုက္ဆံထုတ္ဟန္ေဆာင္ၿပီး သုသုလက္၀ါးထဲ ထည့္လိုက္တယ္။
သုသုကလည္း လက္၀ါးေလးကို ျဖန္႔ထားရာက အသာစုၿပီး ပိုက္ဆံယူတဲ့ဟန္နဲ႔။ တကယ္ေတာ့
မိတိုး ေပးတဲ့အထဲကလည္း ဘာမွမပါဘူး။ သုသုလည္း ဘာမွ မရဘူး။ လက္ခ်ည္းေပးၿပီး
လက္ခ်ည္းယူလိုက္ၾကတာ။
သူ သိပ္ႀကိဳက္တဲ့ မုန္႔တီတပြဲ တက်ပ္ဆိုပါလား။ ၾကက္သားနဲ႔တဲ့။ ကေလးေတြ ကစားေနၾကတာကို
ေမ့ၿပီး ဘြားဘြားရဲ႔ လွ်ာစိုလာမိတယ္။
'မမသုေရ.... ခ်ိဳခ်ိဳတို႔ ဆိုင္ဘက္္လဲ လာခဲ့အုန္းေနာ္...'
'အီးခ်ိဳ.... ညည္းက ဘာေရာင္းတာတုန္း'
'ခ်ိဳခ်ိဳက အေအးေရာင္းတာေလ'
'ဟယ္.. ငါေရဆာေနတာနဲ႔ အေတာ္ပဲ၊ ဘာေတြရသတုန္း'
'ဘိလပ္ရည္တို႔၊ ဖြါလူဒါတို႔ ေရခဲမုန္႔တို႔ အစံုေပါ့'
သုသုက ခ်ိဳခ်ိဳတို႔ဆိုင္က တခြက္ကို ငါးမူးဆိုတဲ့ ဖြာလူဒါ သံုးခြက္ဆင့္ေသာက္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ
ဆူဇီကလည္း မိတိုးဆိုင္က ဒံေပါက္ငါးထုပ္ ထုပ္ခိုင္းၿပီးၿပီ။
'ၾကက္သားက ရင္အုပ္ခ်ည္း ထည့္ေပးတာေနာ္'
'ေကာင္းတယ္...... ေကာင္းတယ္၊ အိမ္က ကေလးေတြက ရင္အုပ္မွ ႀကိဳက္တာ'
ဆူဇီတို႔ ကလည္း လူႀကီးေလသံ၊ ဟန္ပန္အျပည့္နဲ႔။ ဗာဒံ႐ြက္ကို အထုပ္ကေလးေတြ
ျဖစ္ေအာင္ထုပ္ၿပီး ျခင္းေတာင္းထဲ ထည့္ေပးယင္း......
'ဒံေပါက္ ငါးထုပ္က ဘယ္ေလာက္က်သလဲ႐ွင့္'
လက္မွာ ေပေနတဲ့ ျပာမႈန္႔ေတြကို ဂါ၀န္ေအာက္နားမွာ သုတ္ယင္း...
'ငါးက်ပ္ပါ ေဒၚဆူဇီ'
ညီပုေလး။
ဒဂုန္မဂၢဇင္း၊ စက္တင္ဘာ၊ ၁၉၈၇။
(၂)
(၃)
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကုိ အစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္-
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
×××××
(ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္)
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလွ်က္
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
(၂၅.၄.၂၀၀၉)
xxxxx
(ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္)
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္-
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
၂၉.၄.၂၀၀၉
×××××
ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကို အစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္ -
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
၅.၅.၂၀၀၉
(ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္)
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလွ်က္-
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
(၂၄.၆.၀၉)
×××××
ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္။
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလွ်က္-
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
(၂၂.၇.၂၀၀၉)
×××××
ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္။
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကို အစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္-
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
(၈.၉.၂၀၀၉)
×××××
ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္။
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္ -
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
၁၄.၉.၂၀၀၉
×××××
ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါဦးမည္ -
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 116 76
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္-
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
၂၄.၁၁.၂၀၀၉
ဖတ္မိမွတ္မိသမွ် ဥပေဒအပိုင္းအစမ်ား (၁၀)
×××××
ဆက္လက္ေရးသားပါအုံးမည္။
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကိုအစဥ္ေလးစားလ်က္ -
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
(၁၆.၁၂.၂၀၀၉)
လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အား
ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ဖ်က္ဆီးလိုသူမ်ား၏
ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္မွ
ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္သည့္ဥပေဒ
SUNDAY, 07 JUNE 2009 12:54 ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
http://www.yoma3.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=260:2009-
06-07-06-03-28&catid=53:law-affair&Itemid=133
(၁)
(၂)
(၃)
(၄)
(၅)
တရားစစ္ေဆးစီရင္ရာတြင္လည္း အင္းစိန္ေထာင္တြင္းတရား႐ုံးတြင္
စစ္ေဆးစီရင္ေနျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရကာ ထုိကဲ့သို႔ စစ္ေဆးစီရင္ခြင့္ ရွိသည္မွန္ေသာ္လည္း၊
အမႈကို စတင္မစစ္ေဆးမီကတည္းက ထိုကဲ့သို႔ စစ္ေဆးစီရင္မည့္အေၾကာင္းကို တရားသူႀကီးက
ထုံးပုံက် အမိန္႔တရပ္ ခ်မွတ္ေပးရမည္ျဖစ္ေပသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ထုိအမႈကို စစ္ေဆးလ်က္ရွိေသာ
ေျမာက္ပိုင္းခရိုင္တရားသူႀကီးက ထုံးပုံက်အမိန္႔ကို ႀကိဳတင္ခ်မွတ္ အသိေပးထားျခင္းမရွိဘဲ
လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္၏ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီးမ်ားက ျပည္သူ႔ေရွ႕ေမွာက္ တရားစီရင္ေရးအတြက္
ေတာင္းဆိုတင္ျပ ေလွ်ာက္လဲေသာအခါတြင္မွသာ တရား႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္၏
အမိန္႔ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္ရွိပါသည္ဟု ျပန္လည္ရွင္းလင္းျခင္းမွာ ကနဦးကတည္းကပင္
ဘက္လုိက္စစ္ေဆးမည္ဟူ၍ ေကာက္ယူသုံးသပ္ပါက ရႏုိင္ေပသည္။
(၇)
(၈)
(၉)
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
၂.၆.၂၀၀၉
လူထုေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အား
ေႏွာင့္ယွက္ဖ်က္ဆီးလိုသူမ်ား၏ ေဘးအႏၲရာယ္မွ
ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္သည့္ဥပေဒ (အပုိင္း - ၂)
FRIDAY, 14 AUGUST 2009 21:16 ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
http://www.yoma3.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=338:2009-
08-14-14-23-05&catid=53:law-affair&Itemid=133
(၁)
(၂)
(၃)
(၄)
(၅)
×××××
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားကို အစဥ္ေလးစားလွ်က္ -
ေစာေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္မင္း
(၁၂.၈.၂၀၀၉)
ေဒၚစုအမႈ ေရွ႕ေနပါ၀ါလႊဲ
24 December 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-12-24-voa4.cfm
ဓါတ္ေငြ႔ပိုက္လုိင္း ဒုကၡသည္
19 December 2009 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2009-12-19-voa2.cfm
အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔
ထပ္မံတိုးခ်ဲ႕မည္
NEJ/ ၂၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
လိုင္စင္မလုပ္သည့္ဆိုင္ကယ္မ်ား
ဒဏ္ေၾကးေငြေပးေဆာင္ရမည္
တက္လူ/ ၂၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/241209c.php
ကားတင္သြင္းခြင့္ ေပးသည္ကို
ဟိုတယ္လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ား မေက်နပ္
စိုးမိုး/ ၂၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/241209d.php
ႏိုင္ငံအ၀ွမ္း ကုန္စည္စီးဆင္းမႈပမာဏ
ေလ်ာ့က်
စိုးမိုး/ ၂၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/241209e.php
ပုဂၢလိက ေငြစုအသင္းအဖဲြ႔မ်ားတြင္
လိမ္လည္မႈမ်ား ေပၚေပါက္
ခိုင္လင္း/ ၂၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/241209f.php
ရဲရင့္တက္ႂကြစြာ ဦးေဆာင္မႈေပးႏိုင္မည့္
အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ ဗဟိုေကာ္မတီ
ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရး
NEJ / ၂၃ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
နအဖစစ္ဗိုလ္မ်ားနဲ႔ မူးယစ္ေဆးလုပ္ငန္း
ေအာင္ေက်ာ္ခင္
၂၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/Dec09/241209.php
ျမန္မာစစ္သူခုိးနဲ႔ မူးယစ္ေဆး/ေက်ာက္မ်က္ေရာေထြးယွက္တင္ျဖစ္ေနတာ
ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းေခတ္ကတည္းကပါ။ ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းက ျမန္မာ့ေက်ာက္မ်က္ရတနာ ႏုိင္ငံျခားယူသြားၿပီး
ေရာင္းစားတယ္။ သူ႔တပည့္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးေတြက ဆြစ္ဇာလန္မွာ ဆုိင္ထုိင္လုပ္တယ္။ သန္းေရႊ၊
ေမာင္ေအး၊ ခင္ၫြန္႔တုိ႔အုပ္စုကေတာ့ ဗိုလ္ေန၀င္းထက္ အဆေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ခုိးထားတာမို႔
ရန္ကုန္မွာမေနရဲဘူး။ ၾကပ္ေျပးကုိ ေျပးၾကတယ္။
ဆႎၬဴပဴမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမဵား အလုပ္ဴဖႂတ္ခံေနရ
2009-12-24 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/protesters_fired_from_factories-
12242009135326.html/story_main?textonly=1
ဳက့ံခိုင္ဖၾံႚ႓ဖိႂးေရးအသင္း၏ အဳကမ္းဖက္မႁမဵားကို
ေရႀႚေနမဵားေကာင္စီ ကန္ႛကၾက္
ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ႎႀင့္ေရႀႚေနမဵား
ေတၾႚဆံုေဆၾးေႎၾး
2009-12-24 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/suu_kyi_met_four_attorneys-
12242009121256.html/story_main?textonly=1
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လံုၿခံဳေရး
စိုးရိမ္ေၾကာင္း အန္အယ္ဒီ ေျပာဆို
ဖနိဒါ | ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၉ နာရီ ၃၆ မိနစ္
ခ်င္းမုိင္(မဇိၩမ)။ ။ ေနအိမ္ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခံေနရေသာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ေနအိမ္
ျပင္ဆင္ေနမႈကို ရပ္ဆုိင္းထားရသျဖင့္ သူမ၏ လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ စုိးရိမ္ရေၾကာင္း အမ်ဳိးသား
ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္က ထုတ္ေဖာ္ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။
(ကိုဝိုင္းတည္းျဖတ္သည္)
ဘဂၤလား-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ၿခံစည္း႐ုိး
အၿပီးသတ္ဖို႔ လုပ္သား အင္အား ထပ္တိုး
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း | ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၇ နာရီ ၁၇ မိနစ္
ဒါကာ (မဇၩိမ)။ ။ ဘဂၤလား-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ရွိ ၿခံစည္း႐ိုး လုပ္ငန္းကို အလ်င္အျမန္
အၿပီးသတ္ေရးအတြက္ ယခုလ ၂၀ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ လံုထိန္း တပ္သား ၁၀၀ ခန္႔
ထပ္မံေရာက္ရွိလာသည္။
သုခေဆးခန္းက တိုက္႐ိုက္ေသြးလႉမည္
ေက်ာ္ခ | ၾကာသပေတးေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၄ ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၈ နာရီ ၄၁ မိနစ္
မဇၥ်ိမ (ခ်င္းမိုင္) ။ ။ အေရးေပၚ ေသြးလိုအပ္မည့္ လူနာမ်ား ေသြး အမွန္တကယ္ ရရွိေစရန္
ရည္ရြယ္၍ လူနာရွင္မ်ားထံ တိုက္႐ိုက္ လႉဒါန္းသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ကုသိုလ္ျဖစ္ ေဆးခန္း
ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားေသာ သ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ ဦးေက်ာ္သူက ေျပာသည္။
(ကိုဝိုင္းတည္းျဖတ္သည္)
(SARH စနစ္သည္ AA-8 "Aphid", ", AA-11 "Archer", AA-12 "Adder စသည့္
ေလထဲပစ္ဒံုးက်ည္မ်ားႏွင့္ FAB 500-M62, FAB-1000, TN-100, ECM Pods, S-24, AS-12,
AS-14 စသည့္ ေပါက္ကြဲအားျမင့္ေသာ ဗံုးမ်ားကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္ေသာ စနစ္ ျဖစ္သည္။)
အယ္လ္ဂ်ီးရီးယား MiG-29 51
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့႐ွ္ MiG-29SE/MiG-29UB 14/2
ဘဲလားရပ္စ္ (အေရအတြက္ မသိရ)
ဘူးလ္ေဂးရီးယား MiG-29S/MiG-29UB 16/4
က်ဴးဘား
အရစ္ထရီးယားဟန္ေဂရီ (၂ဝ၁ဝ တြင္ ဝယ္ရန္
ကမ္းလွမ္းထား)
ပိုလန္ ၃၆ စင္း
႐ုရွ ၄ဝ၆ စင္း (၂ဝဝ၈၊ ႏိုဝင္ဘာ စာရင္းအရ)
ဆိုက္ေဘးရီးယား ၄ စီး
စလိုဗာကီးယား ၂၁ စီး
ဆူဒန္ ၁၁ စီး (ေနာက္ထပ္ ၁၂ စီး မွာယူထား)
ဆီးရီးယား (အေရအတြက္ မသိရ)
ယူကရိန္း ၂၂ဝ စီး (၂ဝဝ၈ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလ စာရင္းအရ)
အေမရိကား (အေရအတြက္ မသိရ)
ဥဇဘက္ကစၥတန္ (အေရအတြက္မသိရ)
ရီမင္ (အေရအတြက္ မသိရ)
change, was tried Wednesday on charges of subversion, a sign that Chinese leaders
are reducing their already limited tolerance for peaceful political dissent.
Mr. Liu, an essayist and social critic who has spent more than a year in detention,
subvert state power.” His lawyer said a verdict in the closed trial was likely to be
announced on Friday. Charging one of the best-known dissidents with subversion is
a disheartening milestone in the eyes of some Chinese legal experts and human
rights advocates.
China has rarely brought political charges against people advocating peaceful dissent
in recent years, though it often accuses those who offend the authorities of other
crimes, like tax evasion, leaking state secrets or violating business regulations.
Now, flush with record foreign exchange reserves and buoyed by the world’s most
resilient major economy, Chinese officials seem less hesitant to call a crackdown by
its own name: the charge of subversion has now been brought against not only Mr.
Liu but also Hu Jia, an AIDS activist and environmentalist, who was convicted of that
crime last year and sentenced to three and a half years in prison.
“Many people see this trial as a tipping point,” said John Kamm, the founder of the
Dui Hua Foundation, a group that advocates for human rights and works behind the
During the past year, the government has tightened restrictions on access to the
Internet, suppressed the country’s small band of public advocacy lawyers and jailed
activists who blamed poor school construction for the deaths of thousands of
Legal scholars say they worry that top party leaders seem less amenable to building
an impartial legal system and allowing people to exercise the political rights in
China’s Constitution, which could mean that intellectuals and civic groups have less
room to operate.
Although Mr. Liu is charged with writing six articles recently published on overseas
Web sites, the main accusation seems to be a role in creating Charter 08, a political
reformer’s wish list that attracted 10,000 signatures this year during its brief life on
The petition called for rule of law, expanded human rights and an end to the
right to unfettered speech and the abolition of the very law under which Mr. Liu is
now being tried. “We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes,” the
document said.
A literature professor and prolific writer, Mr. Liu, 53, was a visiting scholar at
spring of 1989. He quickly returned home, joined hunger strikers and, as the military
After soldiers regained control of the capital, Mr. Liu was detained and held for 21
months without trial. In 1996, after publicly demanding the release of those still
imprisoned for their roles in the protests, he was sent to a labor camp for three years.
But although he was fired from his teaching job, Mr. Liu became a symbol of the
small but real space for expressing opinions in a changing China. He continued to
write provocative essays with titles like “The Chinese Communist Party’s Dictatorial
Patriotism” and meet with like-minded intellectuals who urge China to embrace
“We couldn’t have a repeat of June 4, where all sides lose, so we came up with a
constructive way forward,” said Zhang Zuhua, a lead author of Charter 08, referring
In an interview earlier this year, Mr. Zhang described how he and about 100 other
people laid out their aspirations and batted the document back and forth for a few
months. Posted online last December, the manifesto, whose name is a reference to
Party leaders and security officials saw the charter as a step too far.
The police questioned most of the original signers, about 300 people, and detained
two of them: Mr. Liu, who has been held in a secret location, and Mr. Zhang, who
In his defense, Mr. Liu’s lawyers argued that he had written more than 490 articles
since 2005 but that the authorities chose only six as evidence that he sought to
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jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
subvert the state, according to his younger brother, Liu Xiaoxuan, who attended the
trial. “He rejected their argument that Charter 08 brought about a ‘malevolent social
impact’ and told the court that his remarks are within the realm of free speech, which
Mr. Liu’s lawyers have expressed frustration with the judicial process, saying for
months that they had no access to their client and that they received the indictment
less than two weeks ago, leaving little time to prepare a defense.
Officials in the West have also taken up Mr. Liu’s case, although it is unclear whether
the diplomatic pressure would have any impact. On Wednesday, a contingent of two
dozen consular officials from European nations, Canada and the United States
lingered outside the courthouse, having been barred from entry at the last minute
“We were simply told there were no more seats,” said Nicholas Weeks, the first
The defendant’s wife, Liu Xia, was also kept from the trial by security officials who
watch her apartment building day and night. “I’m already prepared for the worst,”
Despite the heavy security, about two dozen supporters of Mr. Liu gathered at the
an 18-hour train ride to show his solidarity outside the courthouse. He said that he
had never met Mr. Liu but that they had exchanged e-mail messages in years past.
Then he reached into his fraying leather satchel to reveal a bundle of photocopied
manifestoes. “I’m not afraid,” he said after handing one to a court official who had
stepped outside to look at the scene. “I love China. I just want my country to have
Liu Xiaobo
Nationality Chinese
Liu Xiaobo (simplified Chinese: 刘晓波; traditional Chinese: 劉曉波; pinyin: Liú Xiǎobō;
born December 28, 1955) is a critical intellectual and human rights activist in reform-era
China. Liu has served as President of Independent Chinese PEN Center since 2003. On
December 8, 2008, Liu was detained in response to his participation with Charter 08. He was
formally arrested on June 23, 2009, on suspicion of "inciting subversion of state power."[1][2]
He was tried on the same charges on December 23, 2009,[3] and sentenced to 11 years in
prison on Christmas Day, December 25.[4]
Contents
[hide]
After graduation, Liu joined the faculty at Beijing Normal University, where he also received
a Ph.D in 1988. He has been a visiting scholar at several universities outside of China,
including the University of Oslo, University of Hawaii, and Columbia University.
Liu's human rights work has received international recognition. In 2004, Reporters Without
Borders honored Liu's human rights work, awarding him the Fondation de France Prize as a
defender of press freedom.[7]
[edit] Arrest
Late in the evening of December 8, 2008, two days before the official release of the Charter,
Liu Xiaobo was taken away from his home by police.[10] Another scholar and Charter 08
signatory, Zhang Zuhua, was also taken away by police at that time. According to Zhang, the
two were detained on suspicion of gathering signatures to the Charter.[11] While Liu was
detained, in solitary confinement,[12] he was not allowed to meet with his lawyer or family,
though he was allowed to eat lunch with his wife, Liu Xia, and two policemen on New Years
Day 2009.[13] On June 23, 2009, the Beijing procuratorate approved Liu Xiaobo's arrest on
charges of "suspicion of inciting subversion of state power," a crime under article 105 of
China's Criminal Law.[14] In a Xinhua news release announcing Liu's arrest, the Beijing
Public Security Bureau alleged that Liu had incited the subversion of state power and the
overturn of the socialist system through methods such as spreading rumors and slander, citing
almost verbatim Article 105; the Beijing PSB also noted that Liu had "fully confessed."[2]
[edit] Trial
On December 1, 2009, Beijing police transferred Liu's case to the procuratorate for
investigation and processing[3]; on December 10, the procuratorate formally indicted Liu on
charges of "inciting subversion of state power" and sent his lawyers, Shang Baojun and Ding
Xikui, the indictment document.[3] He was tried at Beijing No. 1 Intermediate Court on
December 23, 2009. His wife was not permitted to observe the hearing, although his brother-
in-law was present.[3][15][16] = Diplomats from more than a dozen states - including the US,
Britain, Canada, Sweden, Australia and New Zealand - denied access to the court to follow
the trial, have stood outside since it began. [17] Amongst these include Gregory May, political
officer at the U.S. Embassy, and Nicholas Weeks, first secretary of the Swedish Embassy.[18]
On 25th December (Christmas Day) He was sentenced to 11 years in prison for "inciting
subversion of state power" activities by the court. After the sentence was delivered the United
States Government asked for his release [19].
Following Liu's detention, a number of individuals, states, and organizations across the world
called for his release. On December 11, 2008, the U.S. Department of State called for Liu's
release;[20] on December 22, 2008, a consortium of scholars, writers, lawyers, and human
rights advocates called for Liu's release in an open letter; [21] and on January 21, 2009, 300
international writers, including Salman Rushdie, Margaret Atwood, Ha Jin, and June Chang,
In December 2009, the EU and U.S. both issued formal appeals calling for the unconditional
release of Liu Xiaobo.[23]
[edit] Criticism
As a political commentator and activist, Liu has offended a number of people. An oft-
mentioned quote is from a 1988 interview with Hong Kong's Liberation Monthly (now
known as Open Magazine) in which Liu said in response to a question on what it would take
for China to realize a true historical transformation, "[It would take] 300 years of colonialism.
In 100 years of colonialism, Hong Kong has changed to what we see today. With China being
so big, of course it would take 300 years of colonialism for it to be able to change to how
Hong Kong is today. I have my doubts as to whether 300 years would be enough."[24] Liu
later admitted that the response was extemporaneous and used as evidence against him,
commenting that, "even today [in 2006], patriotic 'angry youth' still frequently use these
words to paint me with 'treason.'" [24]
International PEN
Political dissidents
List of Chinese dissidents
Human rights in the People's Republic of China
[edit] References
1. ^ Benjamin Kang Lim, China's top dissident arrested for subversion, Reuters, June
24, 2009.
2. ^ a b "刘晓波因涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权罪被依法逮捕" (Liu Xiaobo Formally
Arrested on 'Suspicion of Inciting Subversion of State Power' Charges), China
Review News, June 24, 2009.
3. ^ a b c d Canghai [沧海], "刘晓波案闪电移送法院 律师两次前往未能会见" [Liu
Xiaobo's Case Quickly Escalated to the Court; Lawyers Twice Try to Meet with Liu
to No Avail], Canyu [参与], December 11, 2009.
4. ^ "China Sentences Dissident to 11 Years for Subversion".
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2009/12/24/world/AP-AS-China-Dissident-
Sentence.html.
5. ^ Liu Xiaobo, "劉曉波:勞教 早該被廢除的惡法" (Reeducation-through-labor: An
evil law which should be quickly repealed), Observe China, December 6, 2007.
6. ^ Wang Ming, "A Citizen's Declaration on Freedom of Speech," China Rights Forum
(Spring 1997).
7. ^ Reporters Without Borders, "Fondation de France Prize: Liu Xiaobo Receives Prize
for Defence of Press Freedom," December 21, 2004.
8. ^ Link, Perry. "Charter 08 Translated from Chinese by Perry Link The following text
of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and
introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of
Liu Xiaobo
http://www.tsquare.tv/film/charac.01.html#LXB
Read Liu Xiaobo's essay on the Chinese as "both victim and carrier" of That Holy Word,
"Revolution".
In Communist China, there is no word more sacred or richer in righteous indignation and
moral force than "revolution." In the name of revolution, one-party despotism and individual
autocracy have been carried out. Again and again, in the name of "revolution, inhumane
political movements have been launched. In the name of revolution, individuals have been
stripped of all the rights that they ought to enjoy. In the name of revolution, the economy has
been destroyed and historic culture has been extinguished. The name of revolution has even
been used in the service of hygiene-in the elimination of the "four pests," which sacrificed
flies and sparrows at the altar of revolution. Contemporary Chinese are too enthusiastic about
revolution, too worshipful of revolution. Each and every one of us is both victim and carrier
of that word, revolution: "The Paris Commune Revolution"; "The October Revolution"; "The
Revolution of 1911"; "The Old Democratic Revolution"; "The New Democratic Revolution";
"The Socialist Revolution"; "The Communist Revolution"; "Continual Revolution Under the
Dictatorship of the Proletariat"; "The Great Cultural Revolution"; "Reform is a profound
revolution." Contemporary Chinese call every social change either a "revolution" or a
"counterrevolution." (For example, the 1989 protest movement was referred to by the
Regardless of whether we consider its etymological root and modern meaning or the
sociological, cultural, and mass-psychological relevance of its practical, concrete application,
geming (revolution) cannot be translated, as a complete equivalent, into the English
"revolution." In English, "revolution" has three levels of meaning: (1) revolve; (2) a large,
fundamental social change; and (3) the use of violence to effect a transfer of political rights.1
It is noteworthy that, in English, the word "revolution" does not carry much of its Chinese
counterpart's connotation of sacred righteousness. In Chinese, however, "revolution" in its
original ancient sense is the mandate of heaven that a sovereign borrowed or accepted in
order to usher in a new dynasty; the word carries a sense of the sacredness and justification
associated with carrying out the will of heaven. In the modern era, whether in Sun Yatsen's
"the revolution has yet to be completed" or in Mao Zedong's "carry the revolution through to
the end," the term "revolution" connotes a supreme sense of the sacred and an exaggerated
righteousness. Particularly since the Communist Party took power, "revolution" has become a
pure, holy word. For example, "the proletarian revolution was the greatest, most profound,
most just socialist revolution in human history." "Revolution" possesses an inherent justice,
as sacrosanct as "natural rights" in recent Western history. When we examine the
composition of the word, we find that geming is a verb-object combination. "Ge" is the verb,
meaning "change, eliminate, revoke, strip." As for "ming," it means "heavenly mandate, law,
life." Together, "ge-ming" has the sense of "social transformation" or "taking a man's life."
For example, "ge-zhi" implies "revoking an occupational duty" or "stripping away rights."
Thus, the word "revolution" in Chinese, even when one merely examines the component
characters, possesses a not-to-be-doubted quality of righteousness and a not-to-be-
blasphemed sacredness. It is one of the most frequently used words in the Communist Party
lexicon.
The term "revolution," considered from its sociological, cultural, and mass-psychological
angles, has in post-1949 China implied justice, correctness, kindness, virtue, good fortune,
and holiness. It also has implied supreme authority; to lay claim to it is to make a bid for what
Tony Saich refers to (Chapter 12) as "symbolic capital." It is not possible to express suspicion
or opposition to "revolution." "Revolution" implies devotion, sacrifice, daring, fearlessness,
idealism, and romantic feelings. It implies longevity and flourishing vitality. All you have to
do is say "for the revolution...." It always indicates an iron will, a willingness to "die nine
deaths without regret." "Revolution" implies the justice and reasonableness of "profound
hatred from great bitterness," violent bloodshed, and cruel struggle. Hatred and poverty are
driven by "revolution." If there is to be revolution, there must be hatred. Whoever is the
poorest is also the most revolutionary. All members of the working class are the most
revolutionary. That is why Mao Zedong called the revolution that he led "a movement of
ruffians." "Revolution" implies unyielding, uncompromising, intolerant, uncooperative
qualities-a radical justice that shows no forgiveness; the more radical, the more extreme; the
more absolute, the more revolutionary. It is not possible for one's faith to be shaken in any
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way. "Revolution" implies that to rebel is just; that individual actions pale in the sight of
heaven compared to actions done in the name of revolution. No matter how cruel the
behavior, how blind and unconsidered the action, how absurd the movement-if it can be
termed "revolutionary," it becomes reasonable and can be carried out unscrupulously.
In the education system of the Communist Party, an obsession with "revolution" caused us to
lose our humanity and rationality, to lose our social conscience and tolerance, to lose the
most basic standards of right and wrong, and even to lose the distinction between good and
evil. We have been driven mad by "revolution." We have been suffocated by "revolution."
We have been spoiled by "revolution" so that we have lost any capacity for feeling awe, fear,
or humility. The 1989 protest movement once again showed that "revolution" prevailed. The
venom of "revolution" is too deep within us, with the result that we continually become
unconscious sacrificial items for the cause of revolutionary justice. We still are infatuated
with "revolution."
The events in May 1989 in Tiananmen Square were a reminder of that famous statement of
Lenin's: "Revolutions are the festivals of the oppressed and the exploited."2 The crowds that
came to Tiananmen Square to demonstrate and parade at first arrived on foot; later they came
in squadrons of bicycles, three-wheeled vehicles, and finally motorcycles and cars. The roar
of the motors, the unfurled flags, the banners raised in great numbers, the slogans chanted one
after another, the ubiquious "V" (for "victory") signs, and the wide smiles on the faces of the
people-all of these elements created a celebratory atmosphere as though it was a show. The
gigantic banner, several dozen meters long, that hung from the Revolutionary History
Museum, displayed but one word: "Awake." The fasting students kept on collapsing; doctors
in white uniforms shuttled back and forth, and the sirens of the ambulances wailed. The tragic
sense of a righteous advance to death heightened the already intense, showlike atmosphere of
the Square. The celebratory events on the Square, in which the university students were the
principal actors, attracted farmers, workers, soldiers, cadres, merchants, entrepreneurs,
intellectuals, and even a silver-haired old professor making his way with a walking stick past
the ranks of people expressing their support for the students. An old retired woman, her face
all wrinkled, rode on a three-wheeled vehicle pulled by her son. She, too, made the "V"-for-
victory sign. High-school and elementary students carried banners supporting their elder
brothers and sisters and raised their fists in show of support. Innocent kindergarteners,
waving colored triangular flags, led by the teachers they called "aunties," joined the
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celebration. There were also robed, shaven-headed monks, chanting their prayers amidst the
sounds of their "wooden fish." All of these diverse elements joining together gave people the
mistaken impression that this was a revolution that was about to succeed. All of this deepened
the atmosphere of celebration. It was like the joyous Square on every National Day or May
Day-even more like a square where exuberant crowds throng in the midst of "revolution."
The 1989 protest movement did really make every participant dance with joy in high-spirited
celebration. Beginning on October 1, 1949, when Mao Zedong led the state-founding
ceremony, every year similar events have taken place at Tiananmen Square. Forty years ago,
Mao Zedong, brimming with confidence, announced the success of the revolution; forty years
later, young university student leaders and prominent intellectuals, too, full of confidence,
awaited the success of the "newest" revolution.
We thought that Deng Xiaoping's dictatorship could really come to an end in the midst of this
earthshaking revolution; a government of one-party despotism really could fall among that
"forest" of arms. How many heroes of the moment set their hearts on the roles they wanted to
play after they attained fame? The celebratory, revolutionary atmosphere made it impossible
for us to face China's political reality and the stability of Communist Party rule. It was not
simply that the Communist Party held in its grip all of the national government machinery as
well as an army of several million men; it was also the case that Deng Xiaoping had, through
ten years of reform and liberalization, won popular support. We mistook the popular
dissatisfaction over some problems associated with reform for a complete loss of hope in the
Deng Xiaoping regime. We were of the opinion that-with the support of the masses-Zhao
Ziyang would replace Deng Xiaoping. However, we were unable to reasonably assess the
successes and failures of ten years of reform and liberalization. We prominent intellectuals,
based on our own interests (the depreciation of knowledge in the rising tide of commodities;
the relative decline in living standards of intellectuals, and so forth), took popular rejection of
the regime's "eliminate corruption" and "antiliberalization" campaigns and exaggerated its
significance so that it seemed a rejection of all of Deng Xiaoping's administrative policies. In
reality, although people were dissatisfied with some problems related to reform and although
the "eliminate corruption" and "antiliberalization" campaigns somewhat lessened the
credibility of Deng Xiaoping, the people nevertheless recognized that in the Deng Xiaoping
era (in contrast to the Mao Zedong era of class struggle) every effort was being made to
develop the economy and raise the standard of living. This resulted in widespread and deep
popular support and a solid, practical legitimacy. The weakening of this popular base and
practical legitimacy due to the "eliminate corruption" and "antiliberalization" campaigns was
mainly limited to intellectuals. The masses demanded only that there be money to earn and
that their standard of living be gradually raised. With these demands being met, the masses
were unwilling either to completely abandon the current administration or to thoroughly
reject the governing policies of Deng Xiaoping. Objectively speaking, compared to the Mao
Zedong era, the changes in Deng Xiaoping's China-the progress of the ruling Party itself and
the awakening of the consciousness of the masses-have amazed the world. The enormous
changes and progress that ten years of Deng Xiaoping rule have brought to China are greater
than those that ten Mao Zedongs could have produced. We cannot, just because of Deng
Xiaoping's dictatorship, completely deny the achievements of reform. The despotism of the
Party, gunning down people, dictatorship-all of these are evils that must be rectified, but
when we face the realities of China, we recognize that this rectification must be gradual,
peaceful, and long term. We must not only rely on political pressure from the people but also
rely even more on the self-reform of the Communist Party. If the popular political pressure
exceeds the actual capacity of those in power to bear this pressure, the reaction that it will
cause will not speed up the Communist Party's self-reform and democratization process. To
the contrary, it will interrupt or delay this process. The lesson from the blood of June 4 has
made this clear already. Moreover, after June 4, Deng Xiaoping rapidly restored social order.
The Communist Party again gained solid control of the situation. This shows that Deng
Xiaoping's authority does not rely only on violent oppression and bloody terror. It also
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depends on the accumulated popular support of ten years of reform. The blood of June 4 by
no means completely undid this popular support. Deng Xiaoping need only continue to
persist in the reforms and develop the economy. If the Communist Party persists in improving
itself, Deng Xiaoping's rule will not topple overnight. The pre-June 4 reality, the fact of the
June Fourth Massacre, and the fact of the steadfast implementation of post-June 4 reforms all
manifest a truth that we participants in the June Fourth movement are emotionally unwilling
to accept but that intellectually we must accept: In today's China, the least costly way to
democratization and modernization is self-reform of the Communist Party. Political pressure
from civil society can only moderately promote this kind of self-reform. A little imprudence
could even lead to a greater tragedy than that of June Fourth.
Now that we have seen the Chinese political reality for what it is, let us return to the 1989
protest movement. We have come to see how, tempted by revolutionary righteousness, we
abandoned our rationality. We have no way of objectively knowing how many of the nearly
one million who gathered in Tiananmen Square were completely dissatisfied with the
reforms. How many knew that these forty years of tragedy in China were because of the wild
excesses of despotism? How many participated guided by a clear and certain concept of
democracy? The illusion created by the dynamism of the moment caused us to ignore the
horrible consequences that would result from the continual escalation of the movement and
caused our confidence in democratic righteousness to grow far from political reality into a
wild presumption that was on the verge of dominating China.
The June Fourth Movement found itself in an environment that, created by ten years of
reform, was the most liberal since 1949, and the movement was both inspired by the global
democratization trend and thought itself protected by the human rights demands of the
Western democratic nations; it opposed despotism and called for democracy in an excessively
righteous way. The tragedy lay in the fact that we were only aware of the pursuit of
democratic righteousness, aware of the fact that democratization was a global trend and was
the future direction of China, aware of the popular opinion expressed by the tumultuous
crowds in the Square, aware that our encirclement by countless foreign journalists
demonstrated the entire globe's support for us; we were once again overwhelmed by the
righteousness of our romantic idealism. We were too righteous, too bold, and too assured. We
were completely intoxicated. Therefore, we completely overlooked the fact that Chinese
reality lacks the conditions for putting in place overnight a democratic society. We were not
aware that, although political democratization is a prerequisite to China's modernization, it is
by no means the only prerequisite. Without political democratization, the current reforms in
China cannot be carried forward and deepened. But if the focus is skewed too much toward
only political democratization, it is not possible to effect a change in direction toward reform
and modernization. In the China of today, democratization is not a miraculous prescription,
for China lacks the appropriate conditions. Not only is it the case that the Communist Party,
which has a firm grasp on political power, is unable to accept a political system that involves
multiparty rule (or pluralism, for that matter); it is also the case that the masses still do not
understand democratic rights well enough and are incapable of using legal measures to
protect themselves in their struggle for individual rights. What is even more telling as to the
failure of the movement is that we university students and intellectuals, who have been called
"soldiers of democracy," and "stars of democracy" only understand democracy on paper and
in theory and do not have a "working" knowledge of real, operating democracy. We do not
understand how to establish and implement democracy as a political system or as a
comprehensive set of legal procedures. Professor Fang Lizhi, who has been called China's
Sakharov, abandoned a great opportunity to use legal measures to protect his own basic
human rights even before the 1989 protest movement. The incident-in which he was
prevented from attending a banquet to which he had been invited by U.S. President Bush-
passed almost completely unnoticed. The famous Liu Binyan, who has been called China's
conscience, holds different political views from those of the movement. Prior to the 1989
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protest movement, he still persisted in upholding Marxism and socialism and continued to
champion the concept of "A Second Kind of Loyalty."3 Therefore, the chance that there
would arise-from this mixture of intellectuals who still needed to learn the ABC's of
democracy-the force of popular opposition was extremely slight. The 1989 protest movement
produced by these combined factors could only be the symbolic representation of a
formalized consciousness. The democracy that we sought during the movement was too
empty, too emotional, and did not go beyond the exciting, romantic stage of hollow slogans
and idealism of our newly formed consciousness. Most of the resources and methods we
made use of to mobilize the masses were ones that the Communist Party itself had used many
times before. We were pursuing a large-scale, yet hollow, sensational effect and were
unwilling to make point-by-point, concrete requests as well as unprepared to actually
implement the vision. This is to say that we still did not understand that democratization is
not only an ideal, not only a grand spectacle; it is also the actual, concrete, detailed, even
tedious process of setting up and applying democratic procedures. With respect to the specific
task of actually creating a functioning democratically governed society, we are just like the
Communist Party: We both must begin from scratch.
The revolutionary celebration, which shook the world and which was supported by our great
yet empty democratic righteousness, led us down the wrong path. To us, the prominent
intellectuals on whose lips is always found democracy, it was discovered to be a more
complex undertaking than we had anticipated.
Altar of Righteousness-Sacrifice
The pursuit of spectacular, astonishing effects necessarily leads to a radical stirring of the
emotions. The climax of radical emotional excitement is the collective giving up of lives to
heroic undertakings. For the race, for democracy, for freedom, we were willing to march to
the altar of righteousness-and consequently of sacrifice. In May 1989, the students organized
a period of collective fasting involving more than one thousand persons. The movement was
not led by the ideals of any one person but by an emotional radicalism. Whoever was radical
became the object of everyone's attention. Everywhere-in the pronouncements of the fasting
students and in the pronouncements of each group supporting the fast, in the "forest" of
banners and in the slogans, on the T-shirts of the students wearing the white cloth headbands
of the fast-one could see these words: "We are making history with our lives"; "We are using
our fresh blood to launch a new era for the Chinese people"; "I will have no regrets with
respect to future generations"; "Blood spattered on the gate of the nation, tears sprinkled on
the fertile earth"; "Without freedom, I prefer to die." At the students' command headquarters
in the Square, they again and again broadcast the oath: "Heads may be chopped off, blood
may flow, but democratic liberty may not be lost." The sad strains of the official song of the
Chinese Communist Party, the "Internationale"; the increasingly heavy atmosphere of
martyrdom; and the spirit of sacrifice blended together perfectly. Writing letters in their own
blood and writing wills, the students evaluated their own commitment to the cause by means
of fabricated deaths. This image of giving one's life for righteousness infected everyone on
the Square. The mournful wailing of the ambulances cut through the sky, indicating that at
any moment a death might occur. By way of the "lifeline" that was maintained by members
of the public order squads (their hands linked), the ambulance hurried, red lights flashing,
never stopping for a moment. The faces of those near death on the stretchers, doctors in white
overcoats, nurses shouting and gesticulating for the crowd to "clear the way"-all
demonstrated the tragedy of the collective sacrifice of lives. The pathos of the twelve students
from the Central Drama College who abstained from water exceeded that of even the fasters,
and the twelve, as a matter of course, became idols on the Square. Through every means of
propaganda, and by the watching crowds, they were raised high and placed on the altar of
righteous sacrifice to highlight this scene of martyrdom. This most majestic and most moving
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image of China at the end of the twentieth century satisfied the people's long-quiescent
martyrdom complex. If those several students who demanded self-immolation had not been
persuaded against such an act, the fires of martyrdom would really have been lighted on the
Square, and the ancient Confucian morality of "killing oneself to attain virtue" would have
had its contemporary expression.
This fanaticism of giving lives and this spirit of sacrifice came from the lofty sense of
mission that society bestowed on the students. Young scholars, supported by what they
perceived to be the entire society, felt themselves to be incarnations of righteousness.
Moreover, people of every level of society revered them as incarnations of righteousness. As
this sense of righteousness became more and more radicalized, no one, except for the
heartless government, rationally asked: what will be the result of this radicalism? It was as if
the whole society had, by means of their actions, affirmed that the young students should bear
upon their collective shoulders the enormous, heaven-sent responsibility of saving China
from the grip of despotism. The exaggerated sense of mission and the grandiose sense of
history-in-the-making caused the students to lose their ability to control themselves and to
know themselves. They did not know that their young shoulders were simply incapable of
bearing such a heavy burden. Drawn by the increasingly strong attraction of righteousness,
the students, putting their lives on the line, engaged in a continually escalating and futile
resistance against the government. It was as though only by giving up one's life could one
move the government, only by sacrificing could one awaken the masses, and only by dying
could one accomplish righteousness or become qualified to represent righteousness. No
wonder that Chai Ling, who was commander in chief of the Square and who successfully fled
overseas, replied in a matter-of-fact manner to some people who criticized the students for
being overly passionate and brave at the expense of wisdom and reason: "On the Square at
the time, courage was simply the standard." That is, do not consider reality; abandon reason,
we need only be brave, need only be willing to devote and sacrifice ourselves; we are the
heroes of the 1989 protest movement. What is regrettable is that, after the 1989 protest
movement was repressed with bayonets and tanks, the people scanned the list of the leading
persons in June Fourth and failed to find a single contemporary Tan Sitong. Those who were
regarded as heroes during the climactic moments of the movement as well as those leading
persons who regarded themselves as heroes were, following June Fourth, one after another
tried in the court of morality and justice. The people cannot bear the fact that the entire nation
awaited a martyr and yet not a single one was produced. Our passion was wasted. Our blood
was shed in vain.
In this pursuit of sacrificing lives and in the mass-psychology of awaiting a martyr, one can
see the enormous success of Communist Party socialization. Seeing the heroic bearing of
those walking in the tracks of martyrs, people could not help thinking of those Communist
Party members who, for the birth of the new China, remained underground for long periods.
The defenses written in jail by Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming both mention that the awe-
inspiring acts in the cause of justice that the previous generation of the Communist Party
carried out before the executioner's knife might be called models for this generation.
Beginning from the time we enter elementary school, we hear the stories of Liu Hulan and
Dong Cunrui;4 we know Mao Zedong's statement: "Born great, died glorious." The team
song of the avant-garde youth is titled "Always Preparing." Preparing for what? Preparing to
give one's life for the Communist Party. Altogether, too much teaching that warm blood be
willingly spilled for the revolution has caused us to believe that one need only be willing to
give one's life and bravely sacrifice oneself and then justice can be accomplished (and it is
this justice that can ensure immortality). We simply have not considered that all that this
fresh blood and death have established is a barbarian, despotic government. Mao Zedong,
who promoted the spirit of sacrifice and who made everyone "first, not to fear hardship,
second not to fear death," was none other than a murderous despot. We have not become
aware that this righteousness-formed precisely from rashly giving one's life and fearlessly
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sacrificing oneself-has caused us to believe that to carry out a revolution, all that is needed is
courage and not wisdom; all that is needed is passion and not reason; radicality and not
compromise; a majestic spectacle and not attention to the mundane facts. Chai Ling's remark
that "courage is the standard" can be understood as meaning that bravery is righteousness or,
more exactly, that it is the kind of self-righteousness that causes us to believe that we can
carry forth democracy without understanding the attendant responsibilities of democracy; that
we can demand freedom without understanding the responsibilities of freedom. In other
words, it causes us to understand democracy as the passion for giving one's life and the
bravery of sacrifice; to understand it as a lot of soaring passion, a grand spectacle of large
crowds, a profusion of slogans. We simply were not wont to know that democracy is the
design, implementation, and operation of a rational system. Democracy has its cold side.
Democracy is not at all romantic like the ideal we extol; democracy is mundane, even
mediocre. Perhaps only by having learned the lesson of blood can we be aware that courage
is not righteousness and resistance is not democracy.
For forty years, we have not had any democratic political experience; our eyes and ears have
been full of nothing but the cruel struggles and devious plots of despotic government. As
soon as we began our revolution, we became extremely conceited-just as if we had reverted
to the time of the Cultural Revolution and felt ourselves to be the most revolutionary. As
soon as we joined into the 1989 protest movement, we considered ourselves to be the most
democratic. After all, had we not fasted for democracy and devoted ourselves to it and made
sacrifices for it? This made us even more certain that our conduct was of the highest
righteousness. Our voice became the only truth. We felt as though we possessed absolute
power. Truth became an absolute that would tolerate no questioning; righteousness became
doing as one pleases; democracy became privilege; the Square became a miraculous place in
which truth was judged, commitment was tested, sentiment was tempered, justice was
extended, and rights were exercised. Whoever did not come to the Square or criticized the
Square was an antidemocratic, unjust coward. The movement transformed the Square into a
touchstone by which everyone was judged. "I spent some time at the Square" and "I've been
to the Square" became passwords of a democratic consciousness and of a social conscience.
"There's been a revolution; now there's democracy." So now we can do as we please. Student
management replaced the social order of a political party. The public order squads became
traffic police. The student identification card became an all-purpose card-with it, we could
ride without paying any fare, eat a meal without paying, intercept a vehicle as we pleased,
frisk or interrogate any suspicious pedestrian, arbitrarily squander and waste the money that
citizens donated, disregard hygiene, spit anywhere, litter at will, defecate or urinate
anywhere, even smear feces on the windows of public buses and ignore legal procedures.
With only the seal of the Square headquarters, we could declare ourselves married-this was
called a "democratic wedding on the Square." We could arbitrarily destroy public property,
release the air from the tires of public buses, and self-assuredly declare that this was to smash
the government's plots. The Democratic Square was the Square of doing as one pleased. It
was a Square from which the odor of feces and urine rose and spread; it was the Square
where garbage was piled sky high.
"There's been a revolution; now there's democracy." So now we could fill our hearts with
hatred, holding a bloody shirt and denouncing the wicked Communist Party; gnashing our
teeth and berating them; mocking the character of others; engaging in unscrupulous personal
attacks. We could berate so-and-so as an idiot, so-and-so as a dwarf, so-and-so as a fool. We
could announce the execution of so-and-so, that so-and-so was to be boiled in oil, so-and-so
was to be buried alive, so-and-so was to be made to commit suicide, so-and-so was to be
made to return home to his family; we could speak even more nastily of those who did not
belong to our race. Our attitude was rude and unreasonable, even to the point that we came to
blows; we could borrow the name of righteousness to give expression to our personal gripes;
we could choose not to accept any mediating force; regardless of the place or the person, we
could adopt a hard-line attitude of noncompromise, intolerance, and noncooperation-blindly
radical, blindly antagonistic-with the result that the protest movement escalated from concrete
demands for redress to an antagonism that sought to bring down the government and throw
out Deng Xiaoping. At the same time that we forced ourselves into a situation from which
there was no backing out, we forced the government, whose position was at first one of
dialogue and compromise, into the predicament of suppressing the peaceful movement with
military force. In addition to the government, which has responsibility for the crime of
opening fire and killing people, was it not also we, the "warriors of democracy" who were so
sure of our righteousness, who had moral responsibility for the making of the final bloody
tragedy? Hatred, radicalism, intolerance-these are precisely the revolutionary qualities that
Mao Zedong had boldly called for; these were precisely where the essence of the political
culture of class struggle is located. Revolution must be unwaveringly carried out to the end.
Whoever argues for eliminating hatred or reaching agreements by means of compromise and
tolerance is a coward, a traitor, or an academic bandit. The result is that our oath to die
defending Tiananmen-our resolve to live or die with the Square-became the final negotiation,
compromise, and peaceful retreat when the threat of death actually arrived.
"There's been a revolution; now there's democracy." Now we could, with our eyes open,
speak lies; in broad daylight, manufacture rumors; face those concerned and claim that our
lying was justified; irresponsibly announce: "Deng Xiaoping has died"; "Li Peng has fled";
"Yang Shangkun was injured"; "Zhao Ziyang has returned"; "Wan Li organized a new
government in Canada"; "Twelve cadres of the State Council have declared their departure
from the current government"; "Guangzhou and the minority autonomous regions have
declared independence"; "The Twenty-seventh and Thirty-eighth Armies have started
fighting"; and so on. Tiananmen Square, the symbol of the democratic movement, became a
place where lies and rumors were gathered and dispersed. Lies that grew larger the more they
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were told and rumors whose sources grew increasingly uncertain suddenly became a driving
force of the movement. They made radicalism seem more reasonable, raised people's
unrealistic hopes of victory, and made it impossible for us to know what, in fact, was
happening in China. After June 4, the "warriors for democracy" who fled overseas wantonly
twisted the facts so as to exaggerate the cruelty and wickedness of the Communist Party and
form the heroic image of themselves as having climbed out of a bloodbath; they stained the
bloody surface of Tiananmen Square and misled international opinion. The ebb and flow of
time has gradually returned the original scene to history, and after people are able to
rationally understand the 1989 protest movement, the evil consequences and tragedy created
by the lies and rumors will dissipate.
"There's been a revolution; now there's democracy." We could choose to value only our own
freedom of speech, while stripping this freedom of speech from others. We were like Mao
Zedong used to be, not permitting any different opinions to exist. As for our own actions, we
could only envision support for them on the part of others; our actions could not be criticized.
We were like the Communist Party police, forcing journalists not to take pictures that were
not to our advantage or that might damage our image. When the journalists shouted out
"freedom of the press" and still took pictures, we savagely grabbed the cameras from the
journalists' hands, opened them, and exposed the film to light. We sometimes even smashed
the journalists' photographic equipment to pieces. We only considered our own rights and
safety. Any behavior that threatened our safety and rights, regardless of whether it was
justified or legal, was determinedly put to an end by us. In order to keep the government from
using an act of vandalism as an excuse for crushing our movements, we escorted the men
who defiled Mao Zedong's portrait to the public security bureau, with the result that they
were sentenced by the Communist Party to imprisonment for 20 years, 18 years, and 15
years. Were they not exercising their own rights? Should they really remain in prison?
What is even more tragic is that the self-righteousness of the 1989 protest movement was a
kind of threat to everyone. People with different opinions fell silent under the pressure of this
self-righteousness. Those who did not dare to speak differently and did not want to
participate in the movement took to the streets because they feared being called a coward or a
scab. The fast transformed the university students into revolutionary saints who could not be
criticized. It might be said that, to a certain degree, the students' fast not only presented the
government with a difficult issue; it presented society with a difficult issue. When people saw
young students paying the price of their lives to oppose the government, who could say the
word "no"? Whoever could have said "no," whoever's heart was not moved by such a
commitment, did not have a conscience. Whoever doubted the absolute sincerity of the
students was an accomplice of the despotic government. The fast caused most people to
temporarily forsake their reason and caused the very small minority who retained their reason
to fall silent. The rational few even suspected that their own calmness might show a lack of
basic sympathy.
The democracy that was extolled during the 1989 protest movement possessed only the
smallest amount of realistic, rational righteousness. During the movement, we madly sought
blind, abstract righteousness and abandoned actual, rational righteousness.
The failure of the 1989 protest movement lay not only in the shedding of blood, the
consequent deaths, and the violent suppression of a large-scale, spontaneous mass movement;
the failure lay also in the fierce antagonisms that grew out of the continual escalation of the
movement. This escalation led to the delay of the reform process and weakened the people's
trust in Deng Xiaoping's rule. It also interrupted the process by which the ruling Party was
gradually democratizing and reforming itself, thereby causing China to suffer a total reversal
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of the Party's self-reform. The relaxed atmosphere of early 1989 was gone, replaced by an
atmosphere of antagonism, tension, and terror. After June 4, 1989, the reorganization of
political rule caused the economy to stagnate. The return to an emphasis on the concept of
class struggle made political reform a highly sensitive issue. The murderous air of the Mao
Zedong era once again hovered over the vast land of China. The hatred buried in the hearts of
the masses as a result of this bloody event will erupt as soon as the opportunity arises.
Although Deng Xiaoping still upholds the reform line and his Southern Tour gave rise to an
upsurge in economic development, the tight political control in the wake of the events of June
4 has resulted in abnormal development of the Chinese modernization process, and Zhao
Ziyang's fall from power has ensured that the power struggle after Deng Xiaoping's death will
be most dangerous. Because of the fall from power of Zhao Ziyang-a man with a strong
conscience-crisis has emerged around what should have been a smooth and stable transfer of
power. A kind of crazed "end of the century" psychology has driven people to think of
nothing but getting the most that they can (out of the remaining reform) before calamity
strikes. The masses are acutely aware that in Deng Xiaoping's health lies the last chance. If it
is missed, they will become meaningless sacrificial pawns in the chaotic world that will
follow Deng Xiaoping's death. This "end of the century" phobia cannot be eliminated simply
through economic development. At the same time, dispelling the political fears of the ruling
Party itself and assuaging the hatred of the masses cannot be accomplished through social
stability or a prosperous economy or by raising the standard of living. The political fears of
the ruling Party and the "end of the century" phobia of the masses have made it very unlikely
that China can move smoothly and steadily toward a modernized, democratic society. Unless
the ruling Party and all the people end their antagonism right now and attain social
cooperation,5 it will be impossible to dispel the hatreds and fears on both sides. As the date
of Deng Xiaoping's death approaches, those hatreds and fears will become more and more
intense, leading to social upheaval sooner rather than later.
Therefore, ending the hostility, dispelling fears, attaining social cooperation, and smoothly
and steadily leading China to a modern, democratic society cannot simply depend on the
ruling Party resolutely carrying out self-reform and revising its public image; realizing these
goals also depends on the cooperation of opposition groups among the people. With this
cooperation, self-reform can be gradually accomplished. The current stability in China is
perhaps our last chance. The ruling Party must recognize that (1) its own political
democratization is not only the direction favored by popular conscience but also by the
general trend of world events and that (2) rather than be forced by external factors, it is best
to consciously make the changes oneself. The only one who can save the Communist Party is
the Communist Party itself. If it gradually, step by step, reforms itself and moves toward
democratization, the Communist Party will survive. But if it continues to uphold one-party
despotism, the Communist Party will perish. At the same time, opposition groups among the
people should not drive the Communist Party from its ruling position; instead, while the
Communist Party is carrying out self-reform, these groups should encourage changes under
Party rule. For the ruling Party and for the masses, this would be China's wisest choice during
a period of rapid transformation.
During this process, the ruling Party should seriously consider playing a political card-the
June Fourth card. No one can avoid a re-evaluation of the June Fourth Massacre. The June
Fourth card must be played. The critical question is-how is it to be played? And when should
it be played? As a sudden redress following the death of Deng Xiaoping? Or by the ruling
Party, beginning now, gradually relieving the accumulated dissatisfactions and hatreds of
June Fourth? Should the investigation into criminal responsibility for the bloodshed be
pursued urgently? Or should the investigation be put off? I think that the wise choice would
be the latter. There is no need to make social commentaries, no need to hold a big meeting,
and no need to make public proclamations. All that needs to be done is to privately
compensate the kin of the June Fourth victims; release all June Fourth political prisoners;
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restore to their former positions those who, because of June Fourth, were unfairly treated;
gradually remove and demote those who rose to power on the blood of June Fourth; and
allow those who fled overseas because of June Fourth to safely return. All of this is, I believe,
a necessary part of the changing of the ruling Party's image, part of its democratization, part
of what will win the hearts of the people. If the ruling Party does not begin now, if after Deng
Xiaoping's death some politician relies on a sudden redress of June Fourth wrongs to gain
power, it will likely be a catastrophe not only for this politician, but for China. The explosive
consequences of a sudden redress are beyond anyone's control. The flood of hatred will
drown all who want to have a piece of the June Fourth pie. In the China of the future, those
people who, as it were, come to the battlefield with the flash of cold steel might, for the sake
of righting the wrongs of the June Fourth bloodshed, cause an even larger scale, even crueler
bloodshed. It might even be a bloodbath.
In today's China, five years after the June Fourth bloodshed (and after nearly three continuous
years of June fourth­p;inspired retrenchment throughout China), in a China filled with
the fear of the end of the century-much remains to be reconciled. I don't know if we
university students and intellectuals who played the role of revolutionary saints and
democratic stars for two months can reasonably, calmly, justly, and realistically reevaluate
what we did and thought in 1989; I don't know if we can face the Chinese reality of crises
emerging on all sides and find within ourselves the courage and wisdom to pursue patiently a
feasible plan for lasting reform beginning with the smallest details. If we can, then even if we
have only the slightest strength, the blood of June Fourth will not have flowed in vain-it will
still be thicker than water. If we can't, then the blood of June Fourth will at most be able to
nurture those shameless bloodsuckers.
Would that June Fourth were China's last government by the people in which every person
believes himself a politician.
Would that June Fourth were China's last grand spectacle of blind revolutionary self-
righteousness.
Notes
1. Very insightful but quite differently structured accounts to Western understandings of the
term "revolution," and the way these understandings have changed over time, are provided in
Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1983), revised edition, pp. 270­p;274; Mona Ozouf, "Revolution," in
François Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds., A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 806­p;817; and John Dunn,
"Revolution," in Terrence Ball et al., eds., Political Innovation and Conceptual Change
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 333­p;351. Ed.
2. Stephan T. Possony, ed., The Lenin Reader (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1966), p. 349. Ed.
3. See Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: Norton, 1990), p. 726,
for a concise description of Liu Binyan's notion of loyalty. Its main feature is a belief that
supporters of the Party should be able to criticize specific acts of official misbehavior without
being branded disloyal; such criticisms, the journalist claimed, actually served to strengthen
rather than weaken the CCP. Ed.
4. Liu Hulan was a 14-year-old girl. The KMT executed her prior to 1949. She died in quite a
heroic manner. Mao Zedong said of her, "A great life, a glorious death," thereby calling all of
the nation's people to learn the spirit of revolution from her. Dong Cunrui was a young
soldier in the Liberation Army. During the War of Liberation, he used his body as a
supporting frame for explosives in an attack on the KMT army positions. He destroyed
himself as well as a KMT army pillbox. After 1949, the movie Dong Cunrui proclaimed his
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revolutionary heroism.
5. The one who called for social cooperation was my friend, Zhou Duo. In 1989, when we
jointly drafted "The June Second Fasting Manifesto," he pointed out that one of the main
points of the manifesto was a call for an end to hostilities and for total social cooperation.
From Popular Protest and Political Culture in Modern China, Second Edition
edited by Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom and Elizabeth J. Perry
© Copyright Westview Press. All Rights Reserved. Westview Press, 5500 Central Ave.,
Boulder, CO 80301-2877 Tel: (303) 444-3541 Fax: (303) 449-3356
BEIJING -- China's leading dissident, Liu Xiaobo, was sentenced to 11 years in prison on
Friday after a court found the 53-year-old literary scholar guilty of "inciting subversion to
state power" through his writings and role in Charter 08, a petition advocating human rights,
free speech and an end to one-party rule.
The verdict sent a signal that the Chinese Communist Party will continue to stifle domestic
political critics, especially those who seek to organize their fellow Chinese. And it provided
evidence that political modernization might not go hand in hand with China's economic
modernization, contrary to past predictions by Chinese dissidents, U.S. business executives,
political theorists and proselytizers of the Internet age.
"You can think democracy, you can talk democracy, but you can't do democracy," said Li
Fan, director of the World and China Institute in Beijing.
"It certainly seems to reflect a high level of sensitivity and very low level of tolerance," said
Rebecca MacKinnon, a fellow at the Open Society Institute and co-founder of
GlobalVoicesOnline.org. "The chances of political reform taking place today seem lower
than they did in the late '90s."
A decade ago, she said, "there was a great deal of optimism" about village elections, plans for
separating party and state functions, and talk of other political reforms. Many analysts said a
more open society would yield a more open political system.
But reform initiatives have stalled, and there was little evidence of openness in the handling
of Liu's case this week.
Liu's trial, which took place at the Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People's Court, lasted less than
three hours Wednesday. The judge rejected evidence the defense sought to introduce and
limited the speaking time of Liu's attorneys to 14 minutes, according to one of Liu's brothers.
He said that 18 mostly young people were allowed to listen to the proceedings but that Liu's
wife, Liu Xia, could not. She planned to attend the Friday sentencing, having seen her
husband only twice since he was detained more than a year ago.
The judge also barred journalists and foreign diplomats from attending. In contrast to the
1990s, when visits by leading international envoys often brought the release of dissidents,
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China has ignored calls by the Obama administration and other Western governments for
Liu's release.
"As far as we can tell, this man's crime was simply signing a piece of paper that aspires to a
more open and participatory form of government. That is not a crime," said P.J. Crowley, a
spokesman for the State Department. "These kind of actions -- clearly a political trial that will
likely lead to a political conviction -- are uncharacteristic of a great country."
But Jiang Yu, a spokeswoman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry, said at a Thursday news
conference that calls for Liu's release were a "gross interference" in China's internal affairs.
Mo Shaoping, a prominent human rights lawyer, said that the success of the 2008 Olympics,
the economic crisis in the West and the 60th anniversary of the communist takeover had
made the Chinese government "more and more arrogant" toward international critics.
"China has solved the past problem that there were no existing laws. Now we have more than
200 laws and over a thousand regulations. We have laws that cover every aspect of social
affairs," said Mo, who could not represent Liu because he also had signed Charter 08. "But
the government doesn't follow those laws, not even the laws they wrote themselves."
One of Liu's brothers, Liu Xiaoxuan, said the prosecutors focused on 350 words collected
from half a dozen of the 490 articles Liu wrote over a five-year period. In those excerpts, Liu
Xiaobo sharply criticized the Chinese government, calling it a dictatorship that sought to use
patriotism to fool people into loving the government rather than the country, the brother said.
Other signatories of Charter 08 also are facing government harassment. Zhang Zuhua,
primary drafter of the manifesto, is under heavy police surveillance at his home. Others have
lost prize research or teaching posts.
The Communist Party has always been wary of people seeking to organize outside of
officially recognized groups, whether for political or other causes. Last week, security
officials formally arrested Zhao Lianhai, who was already in detention for organizing
families whose babies were affected by last year's tainted-milk scandal.
Many foreign diplomats see the Christmas Day sentencing of Liu Xiaobo as timed to
minimize outside attention, with the world focused on celebrations. In 2006, the Chinese
rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng was convicted of "subversion" three days before Christmas. In
2007, AIDS activist Hu Jia was arrested five days after Christmas.
The Charter 08 petition, which started with about 300 signatures, has gathered thousands
more online.
The government is using the Internet to promote its own views. The official People's Daily
has started a Twitter-like service. But this week one user posted a "free Liu Xiaobo" message
that became the most viewed in the few minutes it lasted before being taken off the site,
MacKinnon said.
Among other things, the Charter 08 says: "For China the path that leads out of our current
predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an 'enlightened
overlord' or an 'honest official' and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy
and the rule of law."
Li, of the World and China Institute, said political reform would come only when Chinese
civil society becomes too big to be suppressed.
"Our system of the execution of punishment has not changed for decades," Medvedev said in
a live end-of-year television interview.
Earlier this month, he sacked around 20 top prison officials, including top prisons chiefs for
Moscow and Saint Petersburg, in one of the largest shake-ups at the Federal Service for the
Execution of Punishment, the successor to the Soviet-era Gulag prison system.
The mass firings came after the sudden death of high-profile lawyer Sergei Magnitsky in jail,
where he had been held for over a year in pre-trial detention. His requests for medical
treatment had been denied.
Officials have insisted the reshuffles had nothing to do with his death but were part of a
sweeping reform as well as an internal probe that exposed "systemic violations" in medical
treatment in prisons.
Magnitsky was held at the Bytyrskaya prison and later transferred to the Matrosskaya Tishina
(Sailors Rest) where he died last month. Heads of both prisons have been fired.
Medvedev, speaking publicly about his decision to sack the top prison officials for the first
time, did not mention Magnitsky by name but said:
"We have to understand that there is no need whatsoever to slam people into prison at the
stage of preliminary investigation for some types of economic crimes, crimes related to tax
activities."
"There's a need to conduct investigation in accordance with law, to seek to obtain quality
evidence and not to extract it with other means," he said.
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Magnitsky was arrested in November 2008 on charges of tax evasion amounting to 500
million rubles (17 million dollars) in a probe that also indicted in absentia the US founder of
Hermitage investment fund, William Browder.
His death put the spotlight on the fate of thousands of other, less high-profile inmates across
Russia's overcrowded and virus-plagued prisons.
Medvedev, who is a lawyer by training, also reiterated that the country's penitentiary
legislation was unnecessarily brutal.
"An individual stole a 500-ruble (17-dollar) hat -- immediately he gets two years in jail. What
for? What, he will come out a better person?"
Speaking for the first time in a live interview on Russia's state-controlled television since he
assumed office in May 2008, Medvedev was quizzed on a range of themes, including
opposition politicians like chess champion Garry Kasparov.
A Kremlin spokesman denied that the questions were selected by the presidential
administration in an apparent effort to show that Medvedev was further breaking away from
his predecessor Vladimir Putin's legacy.
Asked if he had heard of the so-called "Basmanny justice" -- a term derived from the name of
the Moscow court where fallen tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky's case was initially heard --
Medvedev said unjust decisions were "evil."
"Such decisions and verdicts should be cancelled and if they are made under the influence of
these or other circumstances -- be it money, political pressure or other factors -- the
individuals who issue such verdicts and decisions should face responsibility," he said.
On Wednesday, the country's supreme court ruled that the order from Moscow's Basmanny
district court from 2003 to arrest Khodorkovsky's business partner Platon Lebedev should be
cancelled, the first time a Russian court found violations in the high-profile case.
Later Thursday, Medvedev signed a decree to improve the work of police that has been
rocked by scandals in the past months.
The decree ordered a 20 percent cut to the staff of the Interior Ministry, which employs about
1.2 million people.
The cuts will have to be made by January 1, 2012 as part of the reform, which also foresees
better salaries for police officers.
12:28pm EST
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE5BN2GO20091224
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) 24.12.2009 - The U.N. General Assembly condemned
wide-ranging human rights violations in Myanmar in a resolution adopted early on
Thursday.
The resolution on the country formerly known as Burma, voted through by 86-23 with
39 abstentions, "strongly condemns the ongoing systematic violations of human
rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Myanmar."
It also called on Myanmar's military rulers to immediately release opposition leader
and Nobel peace prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, as well as
freeing more than 2,000 other prisoners of conscience.
In November, Myanmar's U.N. envoy, Than Swe, rejected the non-binding resolution,
then in draft form, calling it "glaringly deficient" and little more than "another means
to maintain pressure on Myanmar in tandem with sanctions."
Swe could not be reached for comment on Thursday's vote.
Assembly condemnations of the human rights situation in North Korea, Myanmar
and Iran have become an annual ritual in recent years.
This year's vote came after U.N. special rights investigator on Myanmar Tomas Ojea
Quintana told the General Assembly in October that "the situation of human rights in
Myanmar remains alarming."
Envoys from nations that rights groups have also accused of having poor human
rights records -- including China, Russia, Libya, Sudan, Syria, Egypt and Zimbabwe -
- say they generally vote against such resolutions because they oppose singling out
specific countries.
(Reporting by Basil Katz; Editing by Sandra Maler)
The five new towns, named as Oathara Thiri, Dekkina Thiri, Poppha
Thiri, Zapu Thiri, Zeyar Thiri, will bring the total number of townships
constituting the district-level capital region to 8, deleting it as a
township from Mandalay division.
Since 2006, the Nay Pyi Taw City Development Committee has also
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invited investment from local nationals to develop the capital city,
offering to allot them land plots for the purpose.
A new 8-lane motor highway linking Yangon with Nay Pyi Taw
directly and built by 12 giant private construction companies, has been
put into service since March this year.
The new station will be the second one after the first new being built
since 2006 which is reportedly nearing completion.
It is expected that Nay Pyi Taw will be further developed in the next
decade to possess the characteristics of a city.
WASHINGTON — If talks with Myanmar over democratic reforms fail, the Obama
administration could tie up large amounts of money that the country's ruling generals stash in
international banks from the sale of natural gas.
But pressuring banks to avoid doing business with Myanmar's leaders could be a powerful
economic weapon — one that already is being used elsewhere. It's an approach, for example,
that has been used to try to push North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons ambitions.
Congress already has provided the power for the administration to go after the banks and
some rights groups want President Barack Obama to use it right away, or at least if direct
talks fail.
U.S. officials have just started face-to-face negotiations and want to give them more time to
show results. Imposing the banking sanctions would be expensive and time-consuming, and
Myanmar isn't a top priority on a crowded foreign policy agenda that includes Afghanistan
and Iran.
Still, the administration has warned of tougher action if engagement breaks down with
Myanmar, also known as Burma. And the mere threat could add force to the U.S. negotiating
position.
"We will reserve the option of tightening sanctions on the regime and its supporters to
respond to events in Burma," Obama's top diplomat for East Asia, Kurt Campbell, told
lawmakers in September.
Myanmar has one of the most repressive governments in the world and has been controlled
by the military since 1962. For years, the United States has used punishing sanctions to try to
force change on the country, with little success. Former President George W. Bush's
administration favored shunning Myanmar, and Bush's wife, Laura, and many in Congress
were strong advocates of the nascent democracy movement there.
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Now, the Obama administration has reversed the isolation policy in favor of engagement,
which it hopes will persuade the generals to grant greater freedoms to opposition parties and
minorities and to free political prisoners.
Myanmar has since made a few symbolic gestures of good will, letting detained democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi meet with Campbell, for instance, and releasing some political
prisoners. At the same time, it has continued to persecute ethnic minorities, journalists and
student activists.
Obama himself spoke of a possibly stronger position on Myanmar in his Nobel Peace Prize
acceptance speech. There will be engagement and diplomacy with Myanmar, he said, "but
there must be consequences when those things fail."
Activists say financial measures that hinder Myanmar's ruling generals' ability to access the
international banking system might do what broader economic sanctions have failed to do.
"What the Burmese government values is not its commerce with the outside world but the
financial proceeds of that commerce," said Tom Malinowski of Human Rights Watch. "Once
the Burmese government deposits the checks in its bank accounts, there's a lot the United
States government can do to prevent that money from being used in the international banking
system."
Treasury officials have targeted 40 people and 44 entities since the Myanmar junta killed and
arrested protesters during demonstrations in 2007. Being added to the sanctions list prevents
people from making transactions in the banking system of the United States.
But a 2008 law grants the Treasury Department authority to impose conditions on banking
relationships, meaning sanctions could affect activities of international banks.
Myanmar has lucrative natural gas deals with its neighbors and with some European and U.S.
companies, with revenues going into foreign banks. Under its new authority, the U.S. can let
these banks know it has concerns about their association with Myanmar that could hurt these
banks' ability to work with U.S. financial institutions, said Jennifer Quigley, advocacy
director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma.
Supporters of the banking sanctions often raise North Korea, saying that the United States
effectively froze the North out of the international banking system in 2005, hurting leader
Kim Jong Il.
For the moment, the Obama administration is urging patience as it pursues talks.
Next year's elections in Myanmar will provide a good look at the junta's intentions. A big
question will be whether high-level U.S.-Myanmar talks lead to true participation by
minorities and opposition groups or merely let the generals consolidate power.
High-level talks last month in Myanmar between the junta and US officials were "cautious"
and made little headway, said Scot Marciel, the US deputy assistant secretary of state for East
Asia and Pacific affairs.
Scot Marciel, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs
"It's perhaps useful that we are talking, but that isn't progress," Marciel said at a seminar
organised by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, a Singaporean think tank.
"Progress will come when there's change on the ground in Burma. So far, there's been none,"
said Marciel, who was part of the US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State Kurt
Campbell.
A lack of progress will make it difficult for the United States to continue its policy of
engagement with Myanmar but Washington is willing to give it time to yield results, said
Marciel.
"At some point if there's no progress, it will be hard to sustain a dialogue but we're not at that
point yet and I think, as I said, we didn't make progress on our trip," he said.
"The problem is there is only one person who makes the decisions and that person has not yet
shown a particular amount of openness," Marciel said in reference to Than Shwe, the chief of
Myanmar's military government.
Under President Barack Obama, the US government has adopted a policy of engagement
after sanctions on the impoverished Southeast Asian country had failed to bring about desired
reforms.
Charter - 08 လို႔ ေခၚတဲ့ ျပ႒ာန္းခ်က္ အမွတ္ (၈) ကို လူေတြ ေထာင္နဲ႔ခ်ီ ေထာက္ခံတဲ့အေၾကာင္း
လက္မွတ္ေတြ ေရးထိုးခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီကေန႔တရားရံုးမွာ သူ႔ကို စီရင္ခ်က္ခ်တဲ့အခါ
အစိုးရေရွ႕ေနေတြက ပါေမာကၡ လူ ဟာ ျပစ္မႈႀကီးေတြကို က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့သူလို႔ စြပ္စြဲခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
ျပင္းထန္စြာ ျပစ္တင္႐ႈတ္ခ်
ႎုိင္ငံေရးလႁပ္ရႀားသူလူငယ္မဵားအား
ႎႀစ္ရႀည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ခဵမႀတ္
2009-12-26
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Burma_sentences_activists_up_to_50_years-
12262009112016.html/story_main?textonly=1
ႎုိင္ငံေရးအကဵဥ္းသားမဵား လၾတ္ေဴမာက္ဖိုႛ
ဆၾမ္းကပ္
2009-12-27
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/family_and_friends_hold_religious_gathering_for
_free_political_prisoners-12272009111426.html/story_main?textonly=1
ကုိညီညီေအာင္အမႁ စၾဲခဵက္အမိန္ႛအတၾက္
ေရႀႛေနမဵားဴပင္ဆင္
2009-12-27
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/lawyers_to_meet_detained_US_citizen_after_rep
orted_hunger_strike-12272009113628.html/story_main?textonly=1
လာမယ့္ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၉ ရက္ အဂႆၝေနႛမႀာ အေမရိကန္ႎုိင္ငံသား ကိုေကဵာ္ေဇာလၾင္ (ေခၞ)
ကိုညီညီေအာင္ရဲႛ အမႁကို တရားရံုးက စၾဲခဵက္တင္သင့္ မတင္သင့္ အမိန္ႛခဵဖိုႛ ရႀိတဲ့အတၾက္
ေရႀႛေနေတၾအေနနဲႛ အထိန္းသိမ္းခံထားရတဲ့ ကိုညီညီေအာင္နဲႛ မနက္ဴဖန္ ေတၾႛဖိုႛရႀိတယ္လိုႛ
သိရပၝတယ္။
ဴမန္မာ့အေရးေဆၾးေႎၾးပၾဲ
ရန္ကုန္႓မိႂႛမႀာကဵင္းပဖိုႛ ဴပင္ဆင္
2009-12-28
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/activists_to_hold_conference_for_Burma_cause-
12282009111700.html/story_main?textonly=1
အစၤေရးအဖၾဲႛ ဴမန္မာ႓မိႂႛ႒ကီးသံုး႓မိႂႛတၾင္
မဵက္စိေဝဒနာရႀင္မဵားအား အခမဲ့ကုသ
2009-12-28
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Israel_team_help_cataract_patients_in_cyclone-
hit_Burma-12282009124029.html/story_main?textonly=1
NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႁေဆာင္
တိုးခဵဲဖဲၾႛစည္းေရး ေဆၾးေႎၾး
2009-12-28 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/NLD_CEC_meeting_to_reform-
12282009130023.html/story_main?textonly=1
အမဵိႂးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီအဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္ (NLD) ဥကၠႉ ဦးေအာင္ေ႟ၿ (ယာ) ႎႀင့္ အတၾင္းေရးမႀႃး ဦးလၾင္ (ဝဲ)
တိုႛ ၂၀၀၄ ဧ႓ပီ ၁၇ ရက္ ဴမန္မာ ႎႀစ္သစ္ကူးေနႛ အခမ္းအနားတၾင္ တိုင္ပင္ေဆၾးေႎၾးေနသည့္ ယခင္
မႀတ္တမ္းပုံတခု ဴဖစ္ပၝသည္။ (Photo: AFP)
ဝါရွင္တန္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ
စတိတ္႐ိႈးတခုတြင္ ေတြ႔ရေသာ
ေအးခ်မ္းေမ
အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံ၊
ေျမာက္ကယ္ရုိလုိင္းနားျပည္န
ယ္သုိ႔ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕သြားေသာ
ဆရာၿမိဳ႕မၿငိမ္း
ျမစ္ဆံုေရေလွာင္တမံ စီမံကိန္းအတြက္
ေဒသခံမ်ားကို ေနရာေရႊ႕ၿပီ
MONDAY, 28 DECEMBER 2009 17:58 ေရွာင္ဆန္႔
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2350-2009-12-28-11-02-08
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ျမစ္ဆုံ ေရေလွာင္တမံ တည္ေဆာက္ေရး စီမံကိန္းအတြက္ ေဒသတြင္း
ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားကို အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက စတင္ ဖယ္ရွားၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ေရေလွာင္တမံ ေဆာက္လုပ္ပါက
ေရလႊမ္းမိုးမႈ ခံရႏိုင္သည့္ ရြာေပါင္း ၆၀
ေက်ာ္တြင္ ေနထုိင္သူေပါင္း ၁၅၀၀၀
ေက်ာ္ခန္႔ ရွိရာ ထိုအထဲမွ ျဖစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕
တန္ဖဲရြာကို ေနရာသစ္သို႔ ပထမဆံုး
စတင္ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ ခိုင္းျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း
သိရသည္။ တန္ဖဲရြာတြင္ လူဦးေရ ၁၀၀ ခန္႔
ရွိသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
ဤျမစ္ဆုံေရေလွာင္တမံ စီမံကိန္းကို တရုတ္ စြမ္းအင္ ရင္းႏွီး ျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈ ကုမၸဏီ (CPI) အဖြဲ႕ ႏွင့္
Asia World ကုမၸဏီတို႔ ပူးေပါင္း တည္ေဆာက္မည္ျဖစ္ျပီး စီမံကိန္း ၿပီးစီးပါက
ထြက္ေပၚလာေသာ လွ်ပ္စစ္ ဓာတ္အား မဂၢါဝပ္ ၁၃၃၆၀ ကို တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံသို႔
ေရာင္းခ်မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
အမိႈက္ပစ္ရာတြင္ စည္းကမ္းမရိွသူမ်ားကုိ
ရန္ကုန္တြင္ ႏွိမ္နင္း
MONDAY, 28 DECEMBER 2009 19:42 ၀ါးရွီးေဖာ
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2353-2009-12-28-12-45-32
ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ အမိႈက္ စည္းကမ္းမ့ဲ စြန္႔ပစ္မႈမ်ားကုိ တားဆီးလ်က္ ရိွရာ ၄ လအတြင္း အျပစ္ေပး
အေရးယူ ခံရသူေပါင္း တေထာင္ေက်ာ္
ရိွခ့ဲသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
အမိႈက္ေကာက္၊ အမိႈက္သိမ္းျခင္းျဖင့္
ဝမ္းေရး ေျဖရွင္းေနရသူ ရန္ကုန္မွ ကေလး
၂ ဦး (ဓာတ္ပုံ - ဧရာဝတီ)
ခရစၥမတ္ အလြမ္း
FRIDAY, 25 DECEMBER 2009 11:39
ေအးခ်မ္းေျမ႕
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php
/articles/2-articles/2340-2009-12-25-04-57-07
က်မအေနႏွင့္ ခရစၥမတ္ကာလ ေမြးရပ္ေဒသတြင္ မိဘ ညီအစ္ကိုေမာင္ႏွမ ေဆြမ်ိဳးမ်ား၊
သူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အတူဆံုခြင့္ မရ သည္မွာ ၂ ႏွစ္ရွိၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
ရန္ကုန္ ပန္းဆိုးတန္ ေက်ာ္ Home Mart တြင္ ခရစၥမတ္ မီးေရာင္စံုအလွ ဆင္ထားသည္ကို ဤသို႔
ေတြ႕ရသည္
ေနာ္အယ္ေဖာက အိမ္ေဖာ္အလုပ္ကို
ယခုတႀကိမ္သာ ပထမဆံုး
လုပ္ဖူးျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ သူတို႔အေဖ
တီဘီေရာဂါႏွင့္ ကြယ္လြန္ သြားစဥ္က
သူ႔အေမတြင္ အငယ္ဆံုးေမာင္ေလး
ကိုယ္ဝန္ႏွင့္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္
မိုးတြင္းကာလက ၂ ႏွစ္အရြယ္
ေမာင္ငယ္ေလး ေသြးလြန္တုပ္ေကြးျဖစ္ေတာ့
သူတို႔ဘုိးဘြားပိုင္ၿခံကို က်ပ္ ၂ သိန္းႏွင့္ေပါင္ႏွံ၍ ေဆးကုရသည္။ ထိုၿခံကို ျပန္ေရြးရန္ အတြက္
သူတို႔ ညီအစ္မ တေယာက္တေနရာစီ အိမ္ေဖာ္အလုပ္ကို လုပ္ၾကရသည္ဟု ေျပာျပသည္။
ဝေဒသအတြင္းရိွ တ႐ုတ္ရင္းႏီွးျမႇဳပ္ႏံွမႈမ်ားကို
၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔က ကာကြယ္သြားမည္
ေပါက္ေပါက္/ ၂၅ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/251209c.php
ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လကုန္ပိုင္းျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္
ကိုးကန္႔အေရးအခင္းကာလအတြင္း
တ႐ုတ္စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ား၏ ရင္းႏီွးျမႇဳပ္ႏံွ ထားမႈမ်ား
ဆံုး႐ံႈးနစ္နာမႈအတြက္ ယူနန္ျပည္နယ္၊ လင္ခ်န္းခ႐ိုင္
အစိုးရက နအဖထံ အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ သန္း (၄ဝ)
ေက်ာ္ ေလ်ာ္ေၾကးေပးရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုထားသည္။
ေတာင္းဆိုမႈလုပ္သူ
အလုပ္သမား
မ်ားျပားလာ
တက္လူ/ ၂၅ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/251209b.php
အန္ဒီေအ ရဲေဘာ္ေဟာင္းမ်ားအား
လက္နက္ျဖဳတ္သိမ္းရန္ ၫႊန္ၾကား
လင္းႏိုင္ဦး/ ၂၅ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/251209a.php
လာမည့္ႏွစ္သစ္ ၂၀၁၀ ဇန္န၀ါရီ (၁) ရက္ေန႔မွစၿပီး ေငြက်ပ္ (၁) ေသာင္းမွ (၁၀) သန္းအထိ (၂)
ႏွစ္သက္တမ္း ေငြေခ်းစာခ်ဳပ္ မ်ားကို စစ္အစိုးရက ထပ္တိုးေရာင္းခ်မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ယင္းမွာ ယခု
(၅) ေထာင္တန္ ေငြစကၠဴသစ္မ်ား ထုတ္ၿပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ျပည္သူထံမွ ေငြေခ်းသည့္သေဘာျဖင့္
ေငြတိုက္စာခ်ဳပ္မ်ား ေရာင္းခ်ရန္ ေၾကညာလိုက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ျမစ္မခေရကာတာေၾကာင့္ အနိမ့္ပိုင္းေက်းရြာမ်ား
စိုက္ခင္းပ်က္စီးမည္ကို ေဒသခံမ်ားစိုးရိမ္
ေအာင္ထက္/ ၂၈ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/281209d.php
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ရင္းအနီး နအဖစစ္တပ္
လာေရာက္တပ္စဲြ
ေပါက္ေပါက္/ ၂၈ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/Dec09/281209c.php
ရာမဇာတ္ေတာ္ထဲက သမင္လုိက္ခန္း
ဘြဲ႕ျဖဴ
၂၅ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/articles/Dec09/251209.php
ဂ်ာမဏီနာဇီထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ဂ်ပန္ဖက္ဆစ္ထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔
အီရတ္အာဏာရွင္ ဆက္ဒမ္ဟူစိန္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဘ၀မ်ားဟာ ႀကိဳးစင္ေပၚမွာ အဆုံးသတ္သြားခဲ့ၾကရတယ္။
အီတလီဖက္ဆစ္အာဏာရွင္ မူဆုိလီနီ၊ ႐ုိးေမးနီးယား ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္
ေခ်ာင္ဆက္စကူးတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဘ၀မ်ားဟာ လမ္းေပၚမွာ ႐ုပ္ပ်က္ဆင္းပ်က္ အဆုံးသတ္သြားခဲ့ၾကရတယ္။
စလုိဘုိဒန္ မီလုိစီဗစ္ (ယူဂုိဆလားဗီးယား)၊ ရာဒိုဗန္ကရာဇစ္ (ေဘာ့စနီးယား)၊ ခ်ားစ္ေတလာ
(လုိက္ေဘးရီးယား)၊ ဒုခ်္ (ကေမာၻဒီးယား) စတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြဟာလည္း
ႏုိင္ငံတကာစစ္ရာဇ၀တ္ခုံ႐ုံးေတြနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ခဲ့ၾကရ၊ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနၾကရဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ခ်ီလီမွာ၊
အာဂ်င္တီးနားမွာ၊ ရ၀မ္ဒါမွာ၊ ကြန္ဂုိမွာ မိမိတုိ႔ အာဏာရေနခုိက္ လူမဆန္တဲ့ ျပစ္မႈႀကီးေတြကုိ
က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္နဲ႔ မင္းမဲ့၀ါဒီေတြဟာလည္း သူတုိ႔ အဲဒီရာဇ၀တ္မႈႀကီးေတြကုိ
က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့ၾကၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ၾကာလာခဲ့ေပမယ့္ တရားဥပေဒရဲ႕ တေကာက္ေကာက္
ေနာက္ကလုိက္ျခင္းကုိ ခံေနၾကရဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။ နာဇီအက်ဥ္းစခန္းေစာင့္တဦးဆုိရင္ အသက္ (၈၈)
ႏွစ္ရွိေနၿပီး ဘီးတပ္ကုလားထုိင္နဲ႔ သြားလာေနရတဲ့ ဘ၀ကို ေရာက္ေနတာေတာင္မွ
သူက်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ရာဇ၀တ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ႐ုံးတင္တရားစြဲဆုိ စစ္ေဆးတာကို ခံေနရတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က စိတ္ရင္းေစတနာ
မွန္ၿပီးသားပါ
ေမာင္ၾသ
၂၅ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉ http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/articles/Dec09/251209b.php
ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကို သစၥာေဖာက္တဲ့အေၾကာင္းအရာလား …
နအဖအစိုးရကို အၾကည္ညိဳပ်က္ေစတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာလား …
ျပည္ေထာင္စုသားတုိင္းရင္းသားအားလုံးရဲ႕ အက်ဴိးစီးပြားကို
ထိခုိက္နစ္နာပ်က္စီးေစတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာလား …
ဆုိတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြအေပၚမွာ သုံးသပ္ၾကည့္ရပါမယ္။
1
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
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2
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
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3
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
ocifcifneG @f (a&eHacsmif; - 1) NLD (28- 6- 03)
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4
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
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5
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
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6
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
- (2-7-03) ppfuikd ;f wkid ;f uav;òrd@wiG f rtz OuUÏrS 0efxrf;rsm;udk ac:,l+yD; 'Dy, J if;ta&;tcif;onf NLD
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- (4-7-03) etz 'kEdkifiHjcm;a&;0ef}uD; cifarmif0if; *syefEdkifiHokd@ oGm;a&muf txufygtwdkif; &Sif;vif;wifjy/
- (4-7-03) rE Wav;rSm }uHzG@HawGudk ppfoifwef;ay;zdk@ vlpkae?
- (5-7-03) etz EdkifiHjcm;a&;0ef}uD; 0if;atmif b*Fvm;a'h&Sfodk@oGm; txufygtwkdif;vkyfaqmif?
- (7-7-03) etz wGi;f -2 pd;k 0if; rGejf ynfe,f (10) òrd@e,f&dS }uHz@HG tygt0if Xmeqdik &f mrsm;ESihf awG@q?kH 'Dy,
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NLD tay: typfyc kH s?
- (7-7-03) armfvòrdifteD; AHk;wvHk;aygufuGJ?
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- (11-7-03) etz wGi;f -2 pd;k 0if;ESifh Adv k af &$ref;wd@k NLD qef@usiaf &; vlxak [majymyGu J si;f y?
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- (4-8-03) rE Wav;òrd@/ òrd@r±kyf&Sif±HkwGif csdefudkufAHk;wvHk; awG@&Sd?
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7
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
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8
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
(2) tzGJ@csKyf±Hk;rsm; jyefzGifhcGihfay;&ef?
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f zrf;cH&+yD; *sLvdik f 17 ae@wiG f xyfrH
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- (8-7-03) a&eHacsmif; NLD OuUÏ OD;cif0if;/ twGi;f a&;rSL; OD;armifarmif/ tzG@J 0if OD;oef;atmifw@kd zrf;qD;?
- (18-7-03) a':pk ucsifc&D;pOfwGif ulnDcJhaom jrpf}uD;em;rS a':aiGóudif/ vHkcif;rS jrifhpdk;ESifh udkwifpdk; tzrf;cH&?
- (18-7-03) jynfwiG ;f azmufcaJG &;vky&f yf[k pGypf +JG yD; First 11 Editor oufaZmf tygt0if zrf;qD;?
- (22-7-03) 'Dy, J if; ta&;tcif;+yD; zrf;xm;olrsm;xJrS (ASEM aqG;aEG;yJG rprD ) cH0efcsujf zihf 91 OD; jyefvw $ af y;?
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9
Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
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armif;ol ausmpf ;kd vif; jzpf+yD;/ cE ;DW axmifwiG f axmifusae? orD;jzpforl mS 'Dy, J if; ta&;tcif;wGif yg0if+yD;owif;
r& aysmufq;kH ae? orD;jzpfot l m; oGm;awG@+yD; tjyef axmufvrS ;f a&;rS zrf;qD;jcif;udk cHvu dk &f ?
- (16-7-03) 0dik ;f armf NLD trwf 'l;0g;aZmfatmif 70 ESpf ZGef 1 &ufae@wiG f e,fpyfo@kd xGuaf jy;vm/ a':pk.
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u,fcv hJ @kd a':pk tE &W m,fuvGwv f m?
- (1-8-03) a':pef;pef; NLD qdyu f rf;òrd@e,f trwf (71) ESpf e,fpyfo@kd xGuaf jy;vm/ 1990 a&G;aumufyJG +yD;uwnf;
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Polaris Burmese Library ( Singapore )
Burma Today News Page 1 of 1
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24
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24
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24
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24
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Thursday, December
24
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Thursday, December
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©2001-2003 Burma Today All Right Reserved Graphic Design : burmatoday2002@yahoo.com
Thursday, December
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Thursday, December
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Thursday, December
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Thursday, December
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