Part Four Goals, Strategies and Tactics: A Radical Feminist Weakness?Chapter 12 What is the Goal, Anyway? What are the posible goals of radical feminism? I¢ might be useful to consider all of the theoretically possible goals, all of the dosls consistent with various theories, rater than coining the ‘iscussion at the outset to thse goals which seem practically posable. What practically ponies not alway clear, One ha ‘red years ago most ofthe poitieal movements ofthis century — the spread of communis, the temporary trumph of fascism, the national liberation -movernents-probably. would have seemed Impossie ‘Theoretically possible goals Include: the abolition of socal sistinetions between women and men the end of chaacteriation ‘ot people by gender the end ofall forms of male supremacy, lass ‘oppression and race oppression; complete integration of women an men; economic and/or poltieal autonomy. for women, the ‘stalisiment of separate nations or nations within nations for ‘women; mixed societies ruled by women; and, no doubt others Radical feminists can agree on the goal of ending male supremacy. There also is agreement on many speci goals, such as ‘women's control of their own bodies an end to rape and all sence ‘tginst women, freedom of sextal expression, and economic ‘autonomy for all women aaz Love and Politics Some goals may seem to cancel eachother oat: Incegration of ‘women with men seems to be a goal that diverges sharply from ‘that of establishing either womens rule over te, oral female rations However, Usese confieting goals are envisioned forthe toma term, then cooperation inthe short ren may stl be posable One Key diffrence between a liberal feminist and «radial feminist might be their timetables: Does a woman see equality ‘with men as possible at the present time, or only inthe distant Future? Radieal feminist, who believe that mele supremacy ad ‘other oppressons are deepy entrenched, would be more likly to ‘ee womens equality as atong-term goal Some women who have ho Interest In Working with men in the present, might see the Integration of Women ad men or the abolition of gender as futare goa ‘Also, the abolition of gender might not just be goal of those ‘who advoeate integrated socetles in which women and men are ‘equal. Following @ class enemy framework, some women | tlvocate rte by women over men might se such ruc asa way of ‘ensuring the eventual abolition of gender, inthe samme way that marxists have said that rule by the working class wil abolish lasses. Whether rule by formerly oppressed classes does indeed ‘abolish class sjstems is another question; Uheoretieally, some ‘people intend it eo have tha effect, At anne, few feminists 06 ‘women’s ule over men a 8 Separate women’s soceties, and societies where women and. men are equal, are not necessarily contradictory. They could oexis, even within the same country In discussion of goal, Ue question of “historia! inevitability” raises its head fone thinks, as marxists do, that a particular las embodies the most "progressive" elements in society, dows this mean that one belleves that this class inevitably wil be Surely the potential for rebelion always exists Bit look at history may convinee us that the“most progressive frees” do not always win. The most radical ideas probably will wot preva, even ‘the most supposedly radical class appears to succeed, Radical ‘zoups sometimes lose outright in overt confit, an Spa inthe 1980s, but they ean also become deradicalizd once they are in omer, as happened inthe Soviet Union, What isthe Goal, Anyway? 3 {1 one literally believed in “historical inevitability,” there would ‘elite point in formulating goals Since revolutionaries generally 4o formate goals, make plans and try to shape events, they do not believe in historical inevitably in any absoute sense o our goals, the goals ofthe diferent branches of radical fem nm, fer greaty? Or ae they so unclear that i's hard to tel? Beauvoir: Independence ‘Simone de Beauvoir’ goal for women is independence. tn The Second Sex, she seems to ugree with socialist thoughts emphasis ‘on ecanomie independence for women. Tes through gpnfal employment chat woman has traversed ‘most ofthe distance that separated her Rom the mal, and ‘othng ese can guaranoe he bere. Howover, she says that “working today, is not Hberty” ina ‘apltalist system, “Only in socaist world would wornen by the fe attain the other” [ey working for pay, ataln Uber] Beauvoir, who wrote The Sooond Sex when there was no orks rized feminist movement in her county, did not have much to ay about how to reach & socialist word or otter goals Bt inthe 1070, she endorsed and participated in many feminist actions eauvoirs existentialist goat Is for women and men to be ‘mutually recognizing each other as subjects"? whlch contrasts with hee more immestate goal of economic independence. Could “economic Independence possibly be enough to ensue that people See each other as subjects, despite the inate human tendencies torteat people as others which ahe postulates? Self-Determination and Integration ‘Shulamith Firestone’ foals were 1 The frowing of comer from the tyranny oftheir Biology by ‘any mons esolabl, [se emphasizes extewaterin pregrancy] (and te difsion of the chitbearing and chidrenring Tle {one scity as atthe, 0 mon and other children a well 2) The economic independence and slfdeterminaton of ‘att Under socials, even als money economy, work Would te divorced from wage the owmerahip ofthe mea of produau Love and Politics tion in the hands ofall the people, and wealth dstetbuted on the bats of need 3) The wll Kntegration of women ond children no the ager sci ') Serna feadom, ow, te Like Piestone, other early radical feminists expressed some foals that applied to everyone, men as well as Women. Liles ‘Manifesto, sued in 1060 bythe Women's Majorty Union of Seattle sad: ‘This revolution has got to 0 for beoke power to no one, and {evry ona: to wach the power cer his/her fend 90 ‘tere 1960 statement by Chicago Women's Liberation aso stressed set determination ‘What does womets freedom mean? It means fredom of si-determination, slfenrchment, the freedom t0 Ine one ‘wn fe stone's own goal the freedom to eae ne OW ‘ccompilsents. means the freedom toe one's own person Inn iterated ie of work love, play, motherhood. the right to fal selrealztion and to fll partiipation i thee of the Kate Milett wrote that an Ideal polities “might simply be conceived of asthe arrangement of human hfe an agreeable and "atonal principles from whence the entire notion of power over ‘others should be banished." Millett also emphasizes the role of ex and as part of the goal “The gol of revoletion would bea permissive singe standard of secu freedom, and une uncorrupted by the erase and expat tative economlebases of tradtonal sexual altace From the begining, radial feminists often stressed the need for ending economic and raclal exploitation as well as male supremacy, 1068 leaflet writen fr New York Radical Women by Kathie Amatnie (later Sarachld sai HUMANHOOD 18 THE ULTIMATE [ONLY WHEN ALL THOSE WHO ARE EXPLOITED —WHETHER AS BLACK PEOPLE OR AS WOMEN, AS. THE POOR. AND UNEMPLOYED, OR AS INDIVIDUAL WORKERS AND CIEAP means of revolution What isthe Goal, Anyway? 215, |WEAK AND EXPLOITED MUSTUNITE IN ORDER TO BREAK QUT AND WOMEN PISOBVIOUS THAT INTEGRATION FOR FREE MEN Amatniek (Sarachild) called fr integration of women and men asthe goal Perhaps her background inthe Chl Rights Movement ‘contributed to ths empha Atkinson: Sell-lustifying Life ‘Turace Atkinson is rita of equal rights” as aoa The raitona feminists want equal ght for women with men, ‘But on what rounds? I women serve a iferent fonction from men nave, mould thin recetariy alec womens ight? Forexample, do al women have the-righ not to bea elideen? ‘Traditional feminism Is caught in the demo demanding ‘ual treatment for unegial futons becase i unwiling ‘hallnge politcal (fncional etaniteaion by 2 ‘The whole structure of society would have Lo be redefined —in fact, bloga functions might have to be redefined in order for ‘women and men tobe equal. This perspective of Atknsons does hot mean that she dlsavows the idea that at some, point all human beings would e qual Mare crs she putt Obviously, f feminism has any og to i a all it must be ‘working fra Sexless soc. Atkinson sets up a model for a utopian, ealtariansocety: ‘Acommunity as an entity, ental certain ates pecalar to Societies: community work (eg, collecting garbage, farming ‘tld care) and comtmanty sation and commitment rie ties (64, regulation of exchange, community Investment). The Community as a whole (one inidual, one vote) determines ‘what the community requires In terms of goods and services. ‘The proditon ofthe ims from ese categories would be vided into the sgnicanly ereative and those ens 230 ‘considered by the community as creative. (Bach member must ‘ote onthe bass of whether (€would choose to be employed in216 Love and Politics lus spare te a that task) All onereatve tasks would flint the eatepryof community wark™ Atkinson ultimate goals even more ambitions seltustising Removing oppression at this ate date requires no less than an ‘laorate and nent tory restructuring fea selfing in land af set Atkinson's understanding of women's oppression is taken frm Beauvoir concept ofthe seareh for an Otherto ase to keep one from fearing death and emptiness. Aekinsons solution, then that all people must learn not only to funetion autonomously bt to be truly ablecosatisty themselves Se aces dependence on others a 8 ‘motWvating fore ad justifleation for slavery ofall kinds Teseoms tome that aesthete theory might be of help1F teat ‘of creation andthe act of appreciation are eamblned, we rght have the ciealar,selfconained stractare we need. At present, entity Is bull rots the outa, We are dependent for fur very existence on recognition. But what i deny were ‘ifm the Inside? What if one's ie were Ike a work of at, rested by dialogue wih ones srroanding Perhaps artists, though, care more about having thelr work seen byat least‘ few other people than Atkinson suggests Perhaps a model of perfect autonomy is unobtainable, Moreover ‘what would be the altraction of revolutionary” commnity if people wish to be uterly autonomous? Women’s Rule Unlike Firestone, Sarachild and Milett—who speak of eventual Intograton with men as the goel—and Atkinson, who assumes, other feminists have diferent isons Valerie Sotanis' 1967 Scutt (Society for Cutting Up Men) Mant {esto has probably more often been considered a “mood” plece ‘expressing anger, than a serous plan of action, Life inthis society being, at est, an ute Dore and no aspect of ociey being at al rlevant to women, there remains ta ci ‘minded, responsible vi-secking females only to overthrow the foveramene, eliminate the money sistem, Institute complete ‘ttomation, and estoy the male sex What isthe Gosl, Anyway? a7 Men in the Mens Auxiliary are those men who are working ‘gently to lina themselves “After the elimination of money there wil be no farther need to ll men; they wl be stripped af the oly power they have ‘over pachologsal independent females. ‘This goal accomplished, omen wil be busy solving the few remaining unsolved problems teore planning ter agenda fr eernity and Utopia Completely revannping ediatonal program so that malions of ‘roman cae talned within Tew mouths for high-level Bhzabeth Gould Davis’ stated goal was not to eli bout merely to obtain thelr worship. ‘She who was revered and worshipped by early man... once again be the pvot—not as sex tt as divine woman —abeut whom the next hiation wil sod eval ™ ‘She does not seem to sense that worship can be amsivalent of oube-edged that I may co-exist with hatred o foster i Lesbians for Self-Determination ‘When tesbian feminism developed, lesbian feminist goats didnot always sound that diferene from early radical feminist oss, "especially wen stated in the most general terms, ‘The introduction 1o the Furies’ hook, Lasbiantom and the Women’s Movement, sid, ‘As we [lesbian feminists] work to destroy that mae power and tain femal ei determination.» Set determination i commonly stated goal for feminists {Inthe 1970s, radical feminists came to believe that “equality” in sa unegual sre wan at abr gal and to enpaaee As Mary Daly wrote in Beyond God the Father, Radical feminists know that 60/60 equality” within patriarchal pace isan abwurd nation, elher ponte por desirable, The ton ofa 0% female ary for example, ae to the basie Insights of radial feminism28 Love and Politics In her 1874 spooch “Renounelng Sexual Equality,” Andrea Dworkin sid, ‘thers of us and I stand on this side ofthe argutent donot sce equality at a prope, of suicien, or moral or howarable {inal goal We teive that eo be equal were ther It tot ‘eral Justice, or where thee i not unlersl freedoms ‘tite simpy to De the same as the oppressor Presumably, she is talking about white women’s equality with ‘white men. Ifeveryone were equal, there would be no pressor. Ending the Class Radical feminists generally speak of ending male power, oF the lass of men as being separate from and above wonten rather than of gaining power over men, Monique Witte paper “One Is Not Bort a Womas” describes the common goal: ‘Our fight aims to suppress mn a las, not through & geno dal but ple! stroage- Once the scene dsappent ‘woe’ asa class will disappear aswel for there arn haves Asa Questions Féministes editorial describes, the frst goal is selfdetermination and the next is an end to sexual eategor (ur top priority isthe right to be autonomous (nat to be ‘objects of a ‘appropriated by’ men our second prot the igh to invade without reference to seal ety The editorial speaks of destroying not individual men, but the ‘en of man” AL the same [ime] as we destroy the ea of Woman, we wil ‘io estoy the de of an ™ ‘The editorial is critical of those who erticie equality a8 goa Equality can stil be a radieat goal, the editorial says itis pursued with aradieal understanding Equaiy-withthe-oppresor, however, le & contradition in terms I there is equality Between to beng, there either ‘ppressor nr oppressed Bul way do some people pretend ‘hn that being means for women toe ake men ae ‘hay are wo, before equaty™ What isthe Goal, Anyway? 29 Integrative Feminism Often, late 19705 and early 19805 radical feminist goals or solutions are expressed in somewhat less dramatic or mulitant terme than some enler radical feist goals or solutlons had ‘Deen. Adrienne Rich Is one of many who could be sald to use a Like Firestone, Rich connects the Uberation of women with an integration of diferent Kinds of thinking such aa the scientific and artistic or the rational and emotional. In OF Woman Born, Rich writes that “truly to Hiberate women, then, means to change ‘thinking itself to reintegrate what has been named the unco- scious, the subjective, the emotional with the structural, the Rich's reaction to “arificlal production of leas a solution is ambivalent Unlike Peston, she bre notes both the possblty (ofits being controled by the patriarchy and the possibility for ‘expanding women’s choices ‘eally ofcourse, women would choote. between Baise find aril reprodutton.~-But | donot tink we ean proect ‘ny such dea ont the futare—and hope co realize It— without ‘xamining.the shadow impression we carryout ofthe mas (al thinking of Hye carve [radtanal negative Ideas about ‘womens reproductive systems] = Rich contends tht Firestone i not "taking fall account of ‘what the experience of biological pregnancy and birth might be in 2 wholly different politcal and emotional context. Her attitudes Toward pregnancy (the husband's gulty waning of sexual desire "hare male derived" “Audre Lorde’s gol is for a world chat includes both indepen: dence and interdependence, ef determination and responsi work fora ie when wore with women, women with men ren with men, all share word hat doesnot barter bread or Sor obedience, nor beauty, or love And i that word We ‘wil rlse our children fee’ to choose how best t0 ff Ahmselves For we ate all Jointly responsible forthe eare and Taitng of the young sine tht Uy be rized ts funetvg, luna, of especies" Lisa Leghorn and. Katherine Parker's goal, expressed in Woman's Worth, i matriarchal economy and culture based on220 Love and Politics female values. That i, 8 non-competitive, sh cing euteures! ‘The economies of female values the mothering role where prodacts sich as clearness, standard of Uving tnd ume are produced which improve the ality of ie, where Investment in these products iin their event independence (5 with children) or sharing, eater tan contol and pra ‘These concepts of cooperation, sharing, and nuraFance. a Piling togetter as surdval mecheona, ee ery powerful inten concelved of on socal an economic see The values Underying, matrareal sconomies would probably take the form of non-growth mode were splot would be tated, ‘whee evegoncé material nde would tale priority ore other Potential expenditure, and decisoweaking as well no wealth ‘woul be colletvized = In a matlarehal economy, the last specialized wore wold iave to be mechanized or thared among all persona, #0 that ‘reryoe wold Have ogul responsibly and power ‘Such an egalitarian socal structure would tan no diferen tiation in people® power on the basis of blog, and the Integration othe pai a priate sees Leghorn and Parker emphasize changing the structure of all kinds of work—both traditional paid bor and housework —as ‘oth goal and tactic ‘What is actually needed sa synthesis ofthe evo tn ou scl land economic Insitutions more ration organnaion of Tousework and a more human decentralization of indaarial prodcton = ‘This “more rational organization of housework” could mean having more services provided collectively or for pay by the ‘comminity, Their goal of shared work is simular to. Atknwous, although she would never call “matriarchal ‘Canadian radical Teminise theorist Angela Miles writes about the goals of “integrative” feminists, with whom she identifies her solr (Inegratve” means that they emphasize both changes in the politcal realm and simultaneous changes within ones wn lf). ‘The goa she suggests, lke Leghorn and Parkers s-@ change In| [A demand that the human values and concerns relegated to ‘he sphere of personal life and resected to women be general. What isthe Goal, Anyway? 2a ‘ae to al of society and become determining sci! vales and ncerns: that people's repruction and sef-ealzation begin fo determine the stueture of production, rather than the ‘eer (which tra instal and Inte eapialisn) Like Leghorn and Parker, Mes emphasizes changing the struc ture of production and reproduction She means that more men ‘would have to Become involved in childcare, as well as women Involved in paid labor, and that the systems of eh eare and paid Inbor be made mote flexible and compatible Stated feminist goals show the influenee of many systems of ‘nought. The emphasis on ending oppression, abolishing class di ferences, and ending economic oppression comes from feminism’s roots in marism oe socialism. The emphasis on ending power ‘rer others comes from root connections with anarchism, The ‘emphasis on inv freedom and creativity probably derived from liberally and existentialism. The emphasis on self-deter ‘mination may come both from Uberalim and fromthe example of ‘ational iberation movement ‘While the mixture of systems of thought from which feminists have conseiosty oF unconsciously derived ideas may initaly Seem contradictory, they may be complementary. Each goal gains ‘ale from the presence of the others What Kind of india freedom could there be ka cassis, racist world? What Kind of| freedom or self-determinatlon coud there be in an authoritarian Society, controled from the top? What lind of collective or group freedom could there be without individual freedom, or individual freedom without collective freedom? Will reter individ witon fm or greater, more equal community and deeper bonding with ‘women he the more powerful attraction to radial change? ‘rank, see lite viability inthe acknowledgment of womens superiority by men asa goal This goal seems least compatble with the other expressed goa Radicals should remember tht no one permanently necepts Beng uted. ‘ven a bref look at these goals shows that many of them are more like expressions of valves than plans of action.Chapter 13 Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? Radical feminist and lesbian strates and tactics difer as mich a goals do, These diferences ae emerged in par, but not tently, because goals der. Slmone de Beauvolr did ot realy discus strategies or tacts unfortunately, many later feminists have followed that example In ‘The Sond Sez, Beauvoir recognizes that women must work collectively to end their oppression, although se docs not sy ‘much about how thi is tobe done ‘There no other way out for woman than to work for her ierstion, ‘This Mberatlonsmast e clleetine, and it requires frst ofall ‘nat the economic evoiton of womats condi be ctom: plated ‘The main tactic Beauvoir recognized in The Sooond See, then, was working for economic equality, whic she belleved was poss. bie only ina socialist society She doesnot suggest what ind of| women’s organizing should take place, other than working with etait or communist parties, In the years after Beauvoir, many diflerences on questions of strategy have come down to differences over direct confrontation ‘ers indirect “working around” a problem or oppresor. Ey Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 223, Feminist Concepts of Power Feminists have diferent concepts af power, but many oF most reject the concept of holding power over oters Very early i the ‘movement, T-Grace Atkinson said that was necessary to reject al clam 0 power over others [he concept of power ithe ‘answer the mca structs, ‘on which al pola! structures are bak Without questioning ‘this 'answer no furdamentl change ean occur. “And, et Now few are willing to ge up the pow elton ship. Bven the powers cling to eHealth hope hat as lng asthe ea exists hey have hope a ekcaping powers. ‘est by achieving someway, somehow powetflness OF course, {slong asthe eanceptal framework of power est eval (especially if valued by the Oppressed), none of us has any In the first neue of Quest in 1974, socal feminist Nancy artsock emphasized that power can mean being able to use out ‘own capacity to act and create, rather than controling others although Hartsock was a socials feminist (now she says she sno loser fo socal than to radical feminism), her concep of power ‘sslmlar co that of many radical feminists She aay that power ax parity to acts Feminist alm. Hartsock quoted Bernice Carrol as saying "power Is Mist defined ax ‘ability, whether physical, ‘ental or moral to act" Harteoek contin, ‘hese understandings of power do not requle domination of ‘thers energy and accomplishment ee uhderstod ta be stl ‘ping in themacoes” Although Hartsoek’semphasts i on non dominating power, she recognizes that other kinds of power might be necessary. While we have discussed onl few ofthe ns among capitalism, trary, and white supremacy, obviows that we cannot end ‘ry womers economic oppression and dependency witout at the etme destroying thowestractes, Per donation i fundamental ro the tree: aking power as doranation appear beth only wy ta tke over ad ransform them Feminists today sil eitlelze the idea of power over others Hooks wants to change “a world governed by polities of domina- tion, one in which the belie in notion of superior and inferior, land ts concomitant ieology~that the superior should rule over2a Love and Politics the inferfor and feels." Leghorn and Parkers “isatriarehal concept of power” reicts power over others as much as possible and emphases voluntary ooperation and self-determination ‘A matriarchal concept of pow hus mote to do with ezeaity ‘and cooperation, the power to change that comes from the ‘Caring for others than wilh coercion contol -'To pt such a ‘atviarchal concept of power into farm requires deceatraiea ton, with collective decison making” f course, not all radical feminists would agree with defining ‘this concept of power as “matriarchal” Some, lke Atkinson, Would say thal malsarey implies rule by mothers rather than Tack of power over others “Tho radical feminist Atkinson, the socialist feminist Hartsock, and the "womens values” feminists Leghorn and Parker all say ey wish ultimately to end power over others Most emphasis in. feminist politcal writing has een on seifdeterminaton rather than on coereion of others. Buti ths Seltdetermination to be achieved "by any means necessary"? Do Imost radial feminists assume, lke traditonal Uberal theorist, that sere isan ultimate harmony in realising everyones seinterests, i only everyone would tnderstand their tre SelFinterest? If there iso harmony’ of interest, I there are fundamental conflets, how is the seeker after change to avold using coerclon? Even such pacific beral measure as desegres tion f public places have been achieved ony throu coercion Although radical feminist writers often comment that men, ke ‘any dominant class, cannot be expected to ive up power will Ingly, many also expross reluctance couse coerion to dvest them otpower Some radical feminists caution that fear of obtaining too much power is premature to the point of being absurd Charlotte Bunch Some argue that a revolutionary women’s goal the end of Dower—to create 8 world not Based on Dower dynamics. Perhaps, ultimately, we can dream of an ead to power Dit efore we ean seeompish tha, women must es ain enous contol over society toda to end patriarchal domination and ‘estraction of the world In that proces, we he, we ah ‘lange the nature of power, bu we canto avoid or nore and to create “a world where everyone can live fully Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 225 What is ‘Reform’? ‘On the other hand, radical feminists often have expressed a feeling that tates ean be flexible and should not be judged by pre-determined Ideologies. As the Principles of New York Radial Women sald in 1068 "We ase not I sonethingis reformist rade revolutionary or mora’ We ak: sit good for women ar bad for women?” The Redstockings Manifesto sad, "We wil not ask what [s"revolutionary or reformist! only what i ood for women." Carrying om in that tradition, Charlotte Daneh wrote an arti, -The Reform ToolKit” 1974, in whlch she rejected the dichotomy between reform and revolution and specified under what Conditions reforms coulé lead to radical or revolutionary goal. ‘Gunch discussed cradical reform’ decade before Soviet lea Mikhail Gorbachey, ‘When we probe these stereotypes ferme’ or revelation ary] we find that they petmary elec site (how one ves oF the comparative vite of lobtyng t= sot) and surface fonent (how far out or ferent sound fom the wa things {ie mow) rather than substantive content (how the acts ‘Mfectr diferent clases of omen and what happens to the ‘women working om i oF wtimate goats (where the ation Tends Inthe long runs Iwi wl ge there." ‘Banch writes that, "Reform of proposed changes ean be part of any groups program, whether conservative of revolutionary in deology.-Reformiam fon the other hand) assumes that. the fncerests of women are not in fundamental conflict with the ‘American system" Im The Politics of Women’ Liberation, the writer Jo (Joreen) Freeman, who heame feminist activist in Chleago in 1967, suggests'that iis ironic thal women ‘who define themselves fu radical often concentrave on their personal lves and on ‘cultivating socal and cultural networks and support services, ‘such as shelters, which could be seen as part of womens traditional role—while those who work to change laws affecting such areas as women's wages are considered reformist” Al ‘hough Freemans tone is sometimes uncomfortably disparaging ‘radial, she does polnt out the dilemma: What does a radical Feminist do? What Is & radical action, and—even more important vat in radical feminist stategy? Demonstrations, marches226 Love and Politics and sits are perhaps the most obvious radical tactics —but ean ey constitute an entire strates? Bunch deals with this point with more sympathy forthe radical feminine itera (ne reaton radicals have dificult developing programs soar fear that reforms wil oopt us or pacify too many women ‘without overthrowing male supremacy. ‘Nt knowing wit to do with the immensity of what we que tion we aten become ote, dacourage, and immobilize, ‘ourisbed.Reormist groups and actives altract many women ‘primary because soch groups ae well organized and provide Involvement programe of action tat can produce immediate sults and tangible though linited~succeaes Bunch suggests that radicals use the following crterin to “termine whether a particular reform has radiel potential and ‘Should be supported 1) Does this reform material? improve the les of women, ant ‘itso, whieh women, a how many? 2) Does bald an nd ‘dnl womans self respect, stent, and confidence? 3) Does ive women a sense of power, seh, and imagination 3b a [roup and help bud structures for urter change? 4) Does Sate women poli, enhancing tir abit to citcae Sn. challenge Whe spntem inthe future? 5) Does it oveaken Pulirehal contol of solely stitutions and lp women fun power over ten Ever reform wil ot necessarily advance al five exter, bt no reform that we undertake shouldbe In postion to ay at Bunch contin, Reforms should he judged by how they actually affect women some sound good in theory, at work against womens materi needs For example ofa dioree. In other words, reforms that are proposed to counter the abstract Idea of “sexism,” rather than trying to help. women tvereome their clas oppression, may ot be helpful for women ‘The iden that women have had special rights that men, 100, should shares Iikely tobe used agatnst women, asi has been i the area of eid custody, as many men who try to obtain custody - | | Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 227 ‘oftheir children are now obtaining (Criteria such as ability to ford eare for the children, which ofcourse men beter ful, re ‘resting a new disadvantage fr women) Most radical femilsts are too practical, too concerned about ‘the conerte reality af womens daily ves, to accept the premise ‘oceaionally pit forth by some less that reforms are dangerous because they placate the people into acceptance of thelr lot Radial feminists certainly try to counter the idea that equallty has already arrived, but they do not oppose al reforms for fear of renathening the state. (However, some feminists do question particular reforms, sick as the MacKinnon-Dworkdn ordinance ving women the power to sue over damages done to them by pornography, on te grounds that tht particular reform-—oF any {hat could involve resections on poblleations—would give the state to much power, [See pages 1978, above). Feminists fener fly assume thatthe more freedom women have, Wie more they Wil Reform may of may not involve confrontational polities, Lobby: Ing often has a “respectable” siye, but I i a means of dealing face-to-face with the elas in power. Marching oF Sng as a ‘june to lobag makes it more confrontational. ‘Often radial feruinsts and (particulary lesbian feminists have found stasteful to deal with men In power iret in order to try to obtain reform. Asking fr legislative change and, especially, being polte may seem to imply aeknowiedging Ul ight to make les By the mld-1070s, the larger narber of radial and lesbian feminists turned away from this type of polities. Radial feminists have different perspectives on liberal: Some see them as potential radicals o as part of spectrum which “appeal to all women, Others see Heras (or some of them) as ‘diverting women from real feminism, because the Uberals present feminism in a fate light. In "The Liberal Takeover of Womens Liberation,” Redstocking Cara Hanisch wrote Today the women’s theration movement in the ands of a frou of iberal opportunist and Gerefore inthe hands ofthe {Enteral male establishment. These women-—Me. magazine, ome of he Village Voce writers and the -woren' les Ih ‘ommsniies all over the coutryare serambling frantiealy er the few crumbe tha ie have thrown os hen we Fadicals begun to expose the truth and demand some change These are the womwn who Rave access tothe press and MORE.228 Love and Polities ‘They are upporealy te Header’ ofthe womens movement, ba ‘hey ae leading us down the road to afew respectable reforms fn nothing more "They reftse Co name men asthe enemy (oppressor) and talk ‘ndlesty aboot that age monster city a ing respons ble for all They claim that women ate brainwashed and damaged nd consent to Weir own oppression at tate, oor things, treat women bealy because they Have Been socal Frther, they talk about women's heaton as egal aes tion, as getting some legislation passed wil solve our setion [Never is question of the realities of pomer, eal power = ‘economic (who ons), lary (whose phywieal strength) and Political rho rales) Tee tower a question of ate mean 0 take tat power and dseae fe among al Alternatives, Not Confrontation mn the early and mid-10705, there was a turn by radical and lesbian feminists not only fom working fr lelsated reforms hit also fom any sort of demonstrations or direc confrontation with ‘the male power structure. Buses “Reform Too! Ki” atcle was lan exception, no an indication of the most conspewous practice Creating independent projects whether thee were publications, bookstores, restaurants, reeord companies, eredit unions or ape nisi centers—was seen by many’ as & more productive way of ‘opposing the system. Creating an akernative sytem was see | ‘more radical than diretiy confronting the power structure, The alternative strategy is derived from the 1960 counterclare, bat so ultimately from anarehist and utopian socialist principles. ‘Some radial feminists saw the turn to establishing altertives as a dversion from radieaiem and. at trlumph for liberals, However, even these feminists saw the need for an alternative press; they di not oppose al alternatives Radical feminist writer Brooke has criticized both feminist businesses and cultural feminism She noted that fenalst bus nesses cannot provide jobs for the major of women Setting ap ‘alternative’ situations doesnt realy work, Most iterates reach ey ew people ‘Concenration on alternatives’ causes & movement to re ounce overtrow of the nurounding sclty for peaceful ‘existence with Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 229 Brooke erteted cultural feminism, not the work of artists per se, ut the idea that cultural change could bring about poitial change. “The Ines of women’s oppression, therfore snot ear but owen clas power Sine womens oppression Ix a poll al mater affctng all women, Ix necemary Tor wosten to ‘rete a mass, poltial women’s movement tO verhtow male omever, many revolutionary movements have viewed “cultural revolution” as an important part ofthe effort to mobilize people politely, The extent to which the content of music and art produced now i directed toward this goal is debatable, Artists ‘Such as Bernice Johnson Reagon, Alix Dobkin and Holly Neat are Consciously trying to spread a polteal message, but many others fre not. Like many other sectors of the movement, feminists ‘gaged in cultural work preach tothe already converted The pressures on radicals to coexist with a given soclety are almost overnhelning art of the problem of maintaining one radical identity and seeing beyond coexistence or cooptation 1s that the process of working for radical change ean Teave one exhausted and hopeless—"hucned ut” Cultural work that val ‘ates lesbianisay and radical femniam ean help mitigate solo land, at bes inspire new action, Lesbian feminist Susanna Sturgis in response to a ert of| cultural feminism by Christine Delpy in 198, wrote a letter to ‘four backs saving that etal feminisn’—she points out that fod calls herself cularal feminist” notte only possible form of eseape for feminists. Maintaining feist and lesbian spaces Is eruial form of (Of course some wore use these spaces asthe ice in feist theorising and research to avoid the KUL TENCE tlemands of feist actives. Others tse their Seven night Mrenkimeeingscedle to avid thinking about wha they are ning ok around sou. Theory and activism can be and are teig used as eccnpes as steceafully and destuctvely as are cle and spirituality230 Love and Politics Do Some Tactics Reinforce Male Dominance? Some lesbians have questioned whether strategies oF tactics that could reinforce or salvage the instttlon of heterosexvality| could be revolutionary. Abortion and birth contol or example, foul be seen as perpetuating the institution of sexual Inter ‘course ofthe standard variety, whic has been developed around male desires. It may be necessary to secure the avalability of abortion and birth contro for women at the present time bit, fone women have complete control er how and when the ‘sexuality is expressed, abortion might become rare or unneces Sars acording to these lesbian erties “il Johnston writes: Alle feminist irses— abortion child cate, prostitution, poli al representation, equal payare i telat to the hgh Tn tothe words in relation to Feproduetie sexuality. Within which {he woman remain rapped as Sex monet. In ather word, for Johnston, withdrawal of women's exal and other services to men would be the mast radical strategy, the only ‘ne that gives women a chance of real collective or individual Independence: Under tbe present systm, a reform such as freely svalabe abortion ean serve to make women more easily avaiable 8s sexual objects fr men oF could lead to situations in which men forced women to have abortons, Under male nipremacy, reforms are always open to abuse Johnston goes onto say, [Ate there are proper chil care centers and free sbortons fan easy contraception and al pay and eptesentation and Job opportunitis-then what? There sil be aman, And ology x definitely destiny, The woman in ration to the man istorialy ha always been defested™ ‘This position sounds quite literally defeats “Biology s destiny” 1s the antithesis of Firestone and the radial feminists who agree Johnstons solution Is the formation of lesbian nation, of tribal grouping ‘iba groupings of such women, the fie Lesbian Nation, ‘have begun and Will ontnae to sere as sustaining apport ad poyehie power bases within the movement Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 231 ‘Are a tribal grouping and a nation the same thing? If one Is seriously trying to establish a nation, how does one go about I fone’ goal 8 lesbian or womans sate, cbviouly one cant ‘obtain thy dict demand from men. Hele. .a state that woman cant achive ty demand from the male bastion tt only fom within fom excuse woman eengtnbulding ies own istttions of sek support and deny Johnston sald she advocated matriarch, historialy and futurstely, not necessary akin at allto the patriarchy In its domination of one sex y anather 1 do mean "hat form fsck in which women ne complete contol over thee oin bodies, deste and produce" ‘The term “mmatearehy” is oten used loosly: Johnston's dein ton sounds more ike a definition of e-determination. However, she does suggest a return to some previous era. "We're moving Dbackward now We cant go back fast enough "= ‘leary, this emphasis on going backwards must be anathema to chose radical femilata who believe that women always have been appressed by men, Paradoxiealy emphasis onthe ies that things were better one, under matriarch.” does not fit so well, with the idea that men are biologically destined to be oppressors. Why would these biologically oppressive creatures hav allowed smatearehy to develop? Somewhat surprisingly, if one takes seriously her earlier ‘comment that biology is destiny Johnston suggests that society no longer be organized into “male” and “female polarities, However, dohnston suggest that most of the changing must be done by men (iy cant aman be more ikea woman) ‘The lm is an end to the organization of society around the Sexual polarities of mate’ and ema” An end in ler words to Seal oat othe ewo-sex stem and a pradueleoluionery ‘movement through the massive Mheration of homens ack (othe tue partenogene species All men start olf a> women fd thats te way they end up bey dont desteoy us al est Whether rule by women or mothers through matrarchy Is consistent with turing men into "woamer”s questionable,282 Love and Polties Finally, Johnston says that women deserve to rule because they ‘The present urgent projet of women Is to reestabish harmony {nthe word by reclaiming the cll prerogtive whieh fin sgreement with her natural iloieal potion ux parent prime" In other words, women deserve to rule, Tey deserve “prerogt tive" Ts Johnston really suggesting ending the “male” and "ema incipes oF establishing the superiority ofthe female principe ‘The order of the day for all women immediatly is peyehic parthenogenesis ® In other words, Johnston suggests that psyche independence fron men isthe most crucial element in change, in addition to Donding th other women ‘Without sharing al of Johnstons ideas, many lesbians did come to believe that trying to establish this kindof psychi indepen dence was the fundamental bulding block on whieh all else must ‘be created ad that oer iss hd less sigifeane Part ofthe appeal ofthis strategy, this focus on ones self and on forming bonds with other women, maybe its non-voenee What About Organizing? Downplaying Confrontation Many radical and lesbian feminist writers simply have not Aiscussed organization Like a mmber of other radical feminists veriting in the late 10605, Kate Mitt says that change wil come through coalitions, tut she doesnot elaborate, ‘The changes in fiedemental vals auch coalition of expr Plated groups-biacs, youth, women, the pour would sek fre eepecall pertinent co reaizng not onl sexual revolution uta gathering impetus toward freedom from rank or prescrip. tive oe oneual or atherwae Fort actually change the aut Ofte to transform personality, and this earaat be done ‘without freeing humarity from the yranny of sexual-scia Category and conformity to sexant werotype-ras ell Ae hosting aca caste and econo lass” ShulamithFirestones The Dialect of Sex shows tle sense of| strategy or tactics. Although she was involved in demonstrations as an early radical feminist, she did not write about how to Cnganize oF demonstrate, She seemed to assime that change will Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 233 ‘come from techroloy—revolutionizing the ehlldbearing process ‘om one hand and changing the system of lbor on the other (any feminists are now more critical of the tse of new reproductive techwologies than Firestone was. In the 1080s, several books have challenged the use of these technologies as a possible way of giving men more control over reproduction —and ‘women leas contro" Festone sald tha women's jobs will become more automated and many women wl be Tored out of the workforce Massive unwest of the young, the poor, the unemployed wil Increase: as jobs Become more dif ta obi and hee fe to ciationing of the cultural shock by edueation for fesure, ‘evolutionary fermen Ise to become a staple. Ts all ie fl, eybernation may aguravace the rusteation that women ‘ead Teo in her roles pushing the no elution Prrestone does not say how that revolution Isto take place Nelther does she note that unemployed people do nat necessary ‘become raticals ofthe Lat. They may instead become radicals of the Right. Firestone understanding of revoltion also can Be calle into question if one looks at her diagram, "2D Revolution.” whieh shows, for example, Socialisn’s Dictatorship ofthe Proletariat” followed by "Self-Determinations ‘Communist Anarchy!" That Js not what tends ¢o follow proclaimed “dictatorships of the proletariat” historically dictatorship by the stronest evolution [ny party (es the Bolsheviks over other leftists inthe emerging Soviet Union) and by the elite ofthat party and is bureaucracy, tends to flow Firestone’ frequent references to revolution seem to indicate that she expected that there would be some sort of confonta ‘onal and possibly violent change. Is less clear that feminists writing. later in’ the 1970s expected “such confrontation, Confrontational ets was not their major focus Th Of Woman Bory, Adrienne Rich describes the radial part of ‘The extent and influence of the antpatiaetal women’s ‘movement Is dificult to grasp. It isnot defined by specific Cremation runing fin, wh ae ae ommuniations asa rowing body of anal and theory."2a Love and Polities Se says practically nothing about organizations. Like OF Woman Borw, most other mid- and late-1070s feminist books dont discoe strategy and tactics, moch ts strocture The Danger of Male-Defined Politics Mary Daly emphasizes the dangers of accepting male or tradi onal definitions of polis and’ puting al of femnists energy into fighting bales over asus that wil give wotnen ony sal measure of contea over oat lives. In Beyond God the Father, Daly ‘Sice the, the experience of ating power structures head-on (ea. churehes universes) ites an intensification of hs kind of vison of women agunet each er many are comin 10 exone the probe of where to foc energy. Tae ust pointed out that here Is a species of delusion lnolved in Dating the objectified products of male externalization ro- Immutable ‘ature central problem ico get to eeogiton of ‘our own Interalaation of such soo-hrining products and tmove toward exteralxing aur wn being in objective socal eal Thi is another ay of ying thatthe craton of ew Space involves facing nothingness and discovering power of ting Does this mean that thee is no value in strung onthe ley of plea power? Sieh aconcaton would be simplistic ‘would suggest thatthe point sto avold wnrelite expecta tions concerning the outcome, The point s not to negate the {ale ofthe rena ers made by wore ota ie Im other words, the institations that oppress us are not the ‘whole world—although they may control most of che word. Ie “ways define ourselves in elation to aur acceptance by churches, Universities, the poltcal system, ee, we will ot ehange as much ‘ts we ean by seing thelr iniations and trying to create our wn Daly continues, ‘The process of ighting? then, has value as an edueative and radhnng ctv, ut there i a ely nici that Comes ‘wth recognition that a place in sexist soci is not the oa. Tn ight with Sueh spac, we should alow Kt only Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 235, ‘he minimal degre of power over our expenures of enerBes {hae wl ere our own purposes. As 8 cognitive minority, oar tra ota deep level It with the prevaling seve of rea, ‘ecordling to which we must be related to nonin Oar feateecovery, in part, depends upon our refi to take dis realty too seria. To pu his tr anole way, we hae to learn to Ive now the fare we are fighting for, rater than ‘compromising in ain hope of fate hat aay deferred. ‘ways uneeal™ As radical feminists, creating new ideas and organizations, we actually are creating new space and tte, Day says We live in the future when we ve with women asthe center of oar ives, or women eneance into our awn space nd tine is another sway of expresing integrity tnd transformation. To stayin Some other radical feminists might criticize this dlscusson of space and time on the grounds tha i could discourage women from fighting to create change fr all worpen Now, Some might sy, ving in women's space and time may be a privilege that ‘many women cannot afford orto whlch they have Ite access. On the ether hand, a least some poor women are able to center thelr emotional ives on women In Gyn /Beoloy, Daly eriticives both the radical/lesbian and the reformist wings of the moverent. Referring 0 the former, she guests chat at polnts during the 1970s there was too lee fight Ing against pateare She says thatthe change from the term the women’s movement” to the wsmen's community Isa “sytem of ett for too itl, of etling down, of being to comfortable." (Quitea few other feminists have made similar observations about ‘hat change in terms), ‘On the other hand, Daly was stil most etal of acepting male cstabishment definitions of feminem and fighting only for goals ‘hich aint lesisative categories Pscudo-eminiam has boon actively promoted by the pat "The rl rebels renegade have heen driven way fom pos Sons of pararchaly defined power, replaced by reformist and obotile tokens236 Love and Polities Daly particulary woried about tokenism oF ooptation As long as that..estem of [patriarchal] mya) preva Cnecvable that thee bea society comprised eve of 50 per ‘on female tokens omen with antemial female bodies bat otalymaleeentid male posenscd brain’ apna. The ‘myth spi te of paoeractiam must be broken In other words, Daty does not simply believe in challenging rayths, but she believes that th whole inteletsal and polial framework ofthe world be changed, She challenges tokenism in many forms. ‘Tokenism—whieh Is commonly disgust as qual Rights Sed Clem vtores--detiets and shorcreies emery, 50 that female power, gabvanied under deceptive slogans of Ste hood rswallowed by The Fraternity. When the oppressed are ‘wor tithe ga of easing the elusive shadow of Sactes, Tome tuceseesare permitted to occur victor which ea faully be. withdrawn, wen the tins enrages have been estore Suber, women are ued ito repeatingeffore to eguin the har won apparent gains [She cles the hstry ofthe “tragaes for abortion rights afimative action and the Equal Rights Amendment a examen] ‘This tokenem i nadiousy destructive of sterhod, for it istorte the warvior aspect af Amazon boring both by magn {bing i and hy mining Te magniies the importance of fuhting back tothe exten of mang It devour the transcen ent being sisterhood, edacing Ito a copy of comradeship ‘Ath sme tine, i miimlaes the Amazon ariorarpet by ontlning it, miadireting and sorting Ue seuss Daly fears that token victories will de-adialize women, that too rmuch energy will be channeled into reform. Daly does not, however, discuss when actions may be radial She focuses on developing consciousness and bonding between women. she may fision other actions besides tha, but se doesnot say what ‘Daly suggests that large nombers may not be necessary or ra cal change Perhape that Is why she doesnot discus organization. ‘Since wo have been conditioned to think quantiatvly, fem ists often begin the Journey with dhe misconception that We Feguire large numbers In order to have a realise hope of ve tory Te mistake x rooted ins seriou underestimation o the foreifr of ema bonding Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 237 {tis not clear what victory she believes canbe achieved by small ‘numbers of women sts «revolution by example? ‘On the other hand, Daly feels the absence of women wh do not suppor radial feminists, She points out repeatedly that women two become truly radial often are burt or attacked by other ‘women, whose goa top at token, ‘The Uae ony I] the deserson of courageous Searchers! Spinsters by threatened paeadosister, whose eowardice ab Sence casts stg Women ito the role af mary seapegoa fortis Perhaps no other feminist has written so much about the pain caused by women who allow themselves to be used by men to ‘onttl or hurt other women Despite here ofthe Amazon warrior image, al’ vision of| change seems rather non-vlent. Tt also seems non-confonts ‘onal The focus away from confrontation seems co come not fom {ear of radicalism or desire to "help" men oF not blame ther, but from a fear of deradialzation, a concern that batting on mes tf eould be sel defeating ‘Daly as sald in an interview with four backs that se doesnot think in terms of strategies and goals However, she doesnot wish tobe critical of women who are working on feminist ations” aly suerte in Pure Lust that conerete goal are not very plausible in the midst of change, She suggests tht there Is Something wrong with the question, "What find of society do you ‘ropose forthe year 20007" ‘What i wrong with such a question it implied underestina ton ofthe ietfable scope of biopic woman's Otherness in relation to all the prefabricated or imaginable shapes. of patriarchal reality” Such Otherness is underestimation by the "uesioer, so aso the enormity ofthe tsk of Stape sing ‘The proces of Shape-tifting sll shortchanged In thls ptriechal mode of questioning. Daly apparently is suggesting that lfe—especially a ie with radical changes—does not develop ina set of actions dirceted by plans made advance In her 1987 book Going Out of Our Minds: The Metaphysics of Liberation, Sonia Johnson carries Daly's ea of focusing ot Tpesing” and concern over simply reacting. against men, to the ‘timate extreme Johnson had been an activist in the National238 Love and Politics ‘Organization for Women Inunched her own demonstrations opus for ratification ofthe Equal Rights Amendment, including a fast in ‘thelobby ofthe Ilinslepsature, and even ran fr president of the United Sates in 198i, However ater her presidential campaign she turned against activism, Tein we can trust women, When a whole nation fll of women Simply canst get excited about protests or about cl disobe Aleee, weve otto take tat Judgment seriously Because has ‘what fy aJidgment aginst reaction. Women dort want to do une souma tome that thos ot there who are determined to 8 women demonstrating and protesting aed reiting have got {think haed about ow much they ust other" womens When we ret, en we resins, We re ot Hee, we are boand to the perpetrators, dependent pn thelr every ‘move altached to them as if with puppeteer srng ey pl ‘our strings and we dance (Cv asi theresa sen ageenen, 4 ‘contracts But we reise the contrat, f we refuse the ‘einvcity~in eur atts in or feetings—if wo dloentot fom thelr stings, no amoute of pulling can make ws dance Were tree Pacing, not doing, makes @ movement. Our feeling at this ‘moment tx everything The fate lve in i Ie ete source of {he Tuture.-We ean change patriarchy by changing a fe Ings, but we dont change for that reason” We change becaine ‘we want to be our own genuine selves. Is nota process ICs one own feelings the whole movement, there ino movement. Perhaps working so much in, or confronting the lewsatve and ‘lector process—which might well engender a Sense of utty~ ‘turned Johnson away from acts, ‘To say, as Johnson does, that If (most) women dont want to do someting it must be the wrona thing to do, assumes that al ‘women fully understand what all of their options are and whit ‘would be the consequences of al possible courses of action If one has chat muh fath in womeis ably to know what too, why ot say they must be Tight to be housewives? Johnson, who Fepudlatd that life herself, clearly doesnot think tha, Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 239 Strategically-Minded Feminists TisGrace Atkinson ‘TuGrace Atkinson has discussed strategy and tactis more than ‘many other radial feminist writer No doubt hiss rked tothe fact Atkinson uses more specifically politeal language thaa other rivers “Oppresor,” "oppressed elas” "enemy," -srategs" and tactis" are words that she uses more commonly than others do For example, an essay in Amazon Odyssey, se wrote 1 lplomacy fl, hat Is, your enemy retss to stop attack tna gem, 0 mast fore him to stop. Ths ogres 4 tens Incling wich aie information E'Who ste enemy? 2. Where the located? 81s e geting material support? materia? fom where? 5. What the hest ammunition to knock them out? 5. What weapons i ewig? How ean you counerac the? 5. What is our plan of attack on im to force dplomate ego ‘lation? program of action Cling peanitis) echigie Atkinson fears that women will not confront men enough. Like Daly (of course, Athansons Amazon Odyssey was writen earlier than Dalys major works), be fears that women wil be deralied by reforms, bat unlike Daly, she stresses confrontation as @ counter strate ‘The master mht tolerate many reforms in slavery but none the would threaten his essential role aw ester Women have own this and since et and ociety” are in fee synany- ‘mous, they have feared confor hin. Without this conor ftcion anda dead understanding of what Ms bale strategy hha horn. the ‘Womets Movement worse tan useless Tt ‘tes cklash from men, ad no progress for women Atkinson exprestes concern that seeking reforms wil be tact: cally unsnesaful and debilitating to the movement, insofar as this deflects women from sorking on more sweeping radical analysis and action {As fr what the Moveront labels right activities seh as ‘hein jo dsriminstion, i sould be evident by now that240 Love and Politics these are facets of womens oppression, ate in tht sense secondary, and ret the roe assigned to women within the ‘major sex institutions Fghtingjob dscrinaton as plary ttekon the oppression af women, somewhat analogs tthe ‘cis Mghting ob discrimination as a primary atack onthe oppression of back inthe Ibs Tactical sue (in more recent years, Aican-Amercan feminists have sid they dislike the use ofthe condition of Blacks a8 & metaphor by ‘whit feminists, boeause It sugests that all women are white) In Amazon Odyssey, Atkinson devotes & numberof chapters to strategy, and ilustrates these chapters with charts showing the ‘movements of “rebels™radical feminists—against the oppres- ‘She does not crust all women to become feminists. There would be rebel, tere would bea ber of esians outlaws and pros tutes who would bear the Brunt of mens attacks and there would be neutral women who could be won over. However, there would be ant-eminist women who eo no realy be won over Atkinson sty that some anti feminist women would be neutral tue toward the movement only from pradenee, not conection For some of these women, pressure would have t0 come from neutralized men. "Only men eould modiy these women, because ‘he women's identification with men runs 40 very deeply through ‘ut their personality. {Im other words, Atkinson thought that some men could be won ‘over more easily than some wornen. Men, whom the defines as Imemnbers of the oppressor clas, were thettacves sometimes ‘oppressed by other men and could postbly become ales of ‘ial feminist We must survey the onemy/s terior for any rat ns. ‘Wie must st ook for factions within the oppressor class being denied certain eights by other factions within the opps sor els These dened rights, for xan freedom of move men, economic freedom, ifestle freedoms, shuld, in some eases, coinelde with eruclal deed rights to members ofthe ‘Oppressed inthe ex ele peter. it coud be that smlar sclutons are requredFor example, where economic dept. ‘ation Is the problem-—whether fe stems from der: oF wn {employment ee housing fe food, the nationalization of Con Bison and telephone sersic, tee transportation, and other nina ving prerequisites, could ben cmon station | Strategies and Tactics: Taking Power? 241 ‘Atkinson thought that revolution would be led by o primarily ‘make your life meaningal or sip to havea god time. That ‘loesit necessary ean that you have no comprebension ofthe ‘ppressions that yo share with me. And ou see White worn sth class pewege done share oppresion with white men ‘wore and other women of olor deity share oppressed ‘Sevakn ih mem of thei ace” In her introduction to the 1983 book, Home Gila: A Black Feminist Anthony, Batbara Sith finds the argument tha whlte ‘women’s separatim from men means separation from racist men, Inadequate as a defense of separatist pols: 1 have often addressed the pits of Lesbian separatism as practiced by mot white women, which males at ieology out ‘stasance and he extisan fcr even i that ‘the is ‘wens eel white male appeesson260 Love and Politics ‘To Sith, separatism apparently implies seing another group as 2 biologically constituted “other” rather than a prop that May Contain possible ales. Smith contines that separa may most injure those who choose to separate: “The worst eet of separa {isms not upon whomever we define a 'nemy,but upon ourselves ‘a1 lsolatea a rom each ober" Ta the above passage she ix discussing Black women who reject ‘other Black women for working with white women; but the per spective seems to be the same as her analysis of separatism generally However, Smith does think there are times when mem bers of & cass (a Socaly constituted group) ean appropriately choose to work only with each other, f they donot use this ‘decision as lub aginst others who make a different choice Black women can legimately chose nat to work with white women What is ot legimate is estealzing other Black women Sith sugaests that atonomy is different from separatism and “Autonomy and separatism ae fundamentally diferent. Whereas !itonamy comes from a postion of strength separatism cores from a pit of far. When mete Iruly evtnomovs we can wich otier Kinds o people, mutipicy of nes, and with rece, cate we have foined ald bse of trength with ‘those with whom we share Ment) and/or plea! commit. Barbara Smith defines separatism, apparently only asthe total rejection of another group In all aspects of ife--not as forming Independent organizations that restrict membership by group. Some other feminist, suchas Bavlyn Frye, ell the ater x form of Sseparatim, while Smith ell st stonom. Bernice Johnson Reagon: ‘There is No Hiding Place...” Bernice Johnson Reagon, who has along history af avoverent in Chil Rights, Black, womens and ther politi, suggested na speech tothe West Coast Womeis Mase Festival in 1081 tha even Stparatism in the sense of providing separate places ke “women's space”-—was obsolete and ot constructs. ‘Weve prety mich come tothe end a tine wen you can have space that is yours only—Jost fr the people you want tobe ‘here: Even when we have sur women-ondTetvals there Separatism: When and How Long? 261 i no auch thing. There is no hiding place, Ther ie nowtese sow eam go and ony be with people mo are he ou. 1 ve (That festival was held in Yosemite National Park in California ‘The Michigan Womers Music Festival, which Is held on Tand ted by the women who put i on ad thus Is easler to Keep ‘eomen-onty, sil draws thousands of women year. Reagon mean, has een part of the group that started another ‘womets msl festival, Sisterfir, to which everyone is welcome) Reagon continues: In that tte barred room where yu check everybody a he oor, you ac out community. You preted tha your rom is 8 wert ‘OF course the problem with the experiment i that here at nobody in here ut fll ke yo, wich by plication mea You wouldnt know what todo Ifyou were running it with ll of the other people who are out there inthe world, Now thas ‘atonalism men fs nortorng hu lo atonalisn. AL a ertain sage nationalism is ruc oa people itso are going tolever impact asa geoup in sour own Inverse Nationals at nother pot becomes reactionary beemuse es totaly nade "tate for wring in wor ith many peoples” Like many’ Back feminist, Reson sees separatam as nation ais and any form of nationalism as too limited, Continuing Reaffirmation of Separatism stelle Freedman suggests ina 1079 aril In Feminist Studies that separatiem isa necessary component of suceessfl integra ‘oni strategies. She sees separate institutions, "a female publ sphere as necessary power bases AL certain teastional periods, the creation ofa public female “hnere might be he ony able pola strategy fr women The creation of a separate, publi female sphere blped rile women [nthe nineteenth cetary and gained pola Teverage inthe larger soil. A separatist pote sate, whieh eter o as ermal nstttion bling ered fro the Ileclase women's estre of the nineteenth century. ts istry sagen tha in our ow Une, aswell womens culture an be negra feb polis202 Love and Polities ‘The kinds of institutions she suggests are“Temale interest groupe land support systems” In otter words, by separatism Freedman Ineans Separate political organizations and friendship networks for women In the trms used by Barbara Smith, she is discussing ‘autonomy rather than separatism. (See page 280, abot). writes; she defines It broadly and views it positively. ‘The theme of separation in ts muliude variations, there In ‘eegthing from divore to exclusive lesbian separsist comms ‘oes studies programs to womeis bas, rom expansion af Adayeare to abortion on demand... The theme af separatism Is fotceably abrewe or heavy qualified in most of the things 1 {ale tate personal solutions ad banda pojct, ke lea laation of prostution, bral marriage contacts, iproverant tthe treatment of rape victims and irmaive aton ™ Frye writes about how the institntion of heterosexuality and white womens connections with white men have been tied to "acs In white supremacist soe. ‘White womens attachments to white men have a great deal to do with our race piige, with our rain and with ou nab. tiesto understand these, Race and acim alo have a reat ‘ea todo wth white womens tachment ta white men Frye points out there would be no white race (or pePhaps race period) if women abd ten didnot select sex partners a least in Dart onthe basis of race When the women star talking up feminism an lesbian fei hsm, we ae ory common challenged withthe aim tha we had! oar wa, the speces woul i out. What the eres are stying once is decoded, that the white race might de out Loyalty to white men in some circumstances may exclude the possibility for white women of fyaly to Waren of Color. That Is ‘ost obviously tre when the men support or administer poliles that keep Women of Calor oppressed, but there may be more subtle variations on the Chen, as when white couple hives & ye does not specially say that separatism per se combats racism, bat she suggests that involvement with white men ean be ‘connected with certain forms of acim that a woman must leat tov Separatism: When and How Long? 26 Successive Waves of Separatists Im 1082 esblan separatist Sidney Splaster wrote a history of separatism that noted that eaely separatists did think about race find clans nsves ‘The Lesbian Separatist Group in Seattle. [wrote that} white Dykes shouldnt use our Separatism to beoke among ed world people when Women of olor have chosen to itera Wit nen Later they concluded, astaly ha twas racine > ‘redt Thid World. wiowin with the ability to soothe Spinster points out that there is diference between women who became separatists during the early 1970s, and those who became separatists in the late 19705 and early 1980s and were Influenced by writers Ike Mary Daly and Marilyn rye. Some ofthe remaining frst-vave separatists Were not stisfed with Daly Many fst wave Separatiss biter resent Oym/Beotony for publishing with a prick pblser(chireh-afited moles) and forripping off tof Sep developed concepts and words while ‘ving te credit een. To mary the Radical Femiio of (Gyn Beoiany was a eady-coatd version of Separatis, mins snyrace and cass ants [Daly redefinition of Sepaatsm, which exorcised all the remaining Leftist mase-movenen mentality and sepaced i with Sn anachronistic peraonalied (woranie?) new of women Spinstr says that the-puriiation” many (especialy fs-wave) separatists went through —sving away old possessions, severing ties with relatives and such one a separatisms more controversial faspects~is “separate and. distinct from Separatisn por sa” Eventually, she says, “most Lesbians loosen up thei standards wen the state of party ceases to be a healing experience, oF they “no longer define themseves as Separatist" The Separatists’ Anti-Critique In a 1985 series of articles inthe journal Lesbian Ethics, lla Penelope defended lesbian separatism. She now calls herself a lesbian rather than a lesbian feminist—becetie she believes the Teminise movement Is increasingly concerned with respectability264 Love and Politics and thus expects lesbians to be invisible, with their problems placed on the back burner Penelope particularly erties the Combate River Collective's vBlack Feist Seaterent’ In Tho Combahoe River Catetive Statement om Lesbian Separaus’ [pe], a goup of Black Soclaist eed to negate Separatist analysis by claiming the superior of thet own anata ‘By implicit calming that Separatists are white wimmin, tiny parposly ignore the face that Separatist ke any rou ‘ot witunin are racy tnd exttorally diverse, and eteate to skin privloge the decision to work fr and wit wimmin ony In ‘order to somehow validate the tefusal o give fst pioity to {heir oppression ax wimmin, they had to resort to distortion But that wasnt enough elther to make their decision con ‘incing. Having ld that Separais lita wah analyser politia strategy fr them they fe perfect jstied i further ‘scerting tha Separatist an adoqute and prowesave poltialanalsi and strategy, even for those who practice ‘They might at Test have let up 0 us to decide whether ce ot Separaim deat for Inher 1984 book Pure Lust, Mary Daly counters the eitics of separatism. Justa he Ibe man-hate in Woma-Hating Society functions to stop thought, so als the ngntvely charged use he label ‘Separate hinders women from Be Frening = However, Daly wrote that the word separaiiem “does not ‘emphasize the direction, or final cause of our movement bt rather an essential condition of this movement tinder the cond tlons of patiarely,..the whole point of feminist separation Is optic communication’ partiipation in Being." Some lesbians such ab Maryn Frye and the singer Alix Doblin now prefer the term “lesbian connectionist” as desribing thelr lives mare securatey than "separatist." That I cel empha is ‘on forming bonds with other lesblans rather than on the men from whom they are separating In 1968, Sarah Hoagland sald that separatism or withdrawal ‘deserves recogition as an eehieal or politcal choice, Separatism: 1 relied that traditional ethics doesnot recognize with “ral, separation, as a legate etic! option. Within 8 ‘Solty of dominance, separatism sa tor-hole This judgrent [i veflected wang lesbians. Too many lesbians bold the perce tom that separa i aot active that separatist ae ding from reality and ignore che lange plture: This judgment is an ‘tase ofthe orl and pola petion of separation ‘Wo live within aapstem of values, a sytem which constructs what ve pereeve fat When oe engnge In that sytem, {hei we ages colts values. We contribute by conscnnus ott underlying structure even wban slo challenging by etempting {o reform or deny such values ..To withdraw oF separate Isto ‘fuse to act according othe jstems rules and Tramework and Separatam i not eecogized as amoral an politial choice ‘case those in power do aot want usta pereeveparpation seachoie When and How Long? 265, Hoagland does not say that separatism isthe only option, just ‘that es one option ‘Within gen station ora agen moment, here ae often 00d reasons for ether hole [separatism at direct challenge). Fortier, both choices tmolve considerable ric neither one ‘comes with arantees: we etl callergng something ean ‘alidce it withdrawing may allow to contin essentially ‘unhampere Janice Raymond's Synthesis Janice Raymond tempts a synthesis between separatists and ron separatists by calling for bath separate eonnetions between ‘women, and workin the Word. Raymond writs that some feist Separatite have made dissoclaton ftom the world a. polltial Ideal and reality... Becoming] ignorant of condtions in the ‘eal ‘world may militate against their very survival"™ Raymond suggests that becoming an inside outsider” working the world to change while not accepting prevailing wales, she ‘most useful role fo feminists ‘The inside qutsider™.. question the than-made word bt does not dlsociate from assimilate to Allow it a define her asa itt nit Se destnds her place nit fa woman whose aifniten are with women266 Love and Polities Raymond suggests that feminists ean create their oe pols, oF politcal world that isnot necessarily a geographical community, through friendships with women; this community ean enable feminists to actin the outer world a8 wel, Female rendship..ereaes a pivae and public sphere where happiness ean become a realy" Coalitions Women of Colors emphasis on activism has contributed to the rectalzation ofthe feminist movement, Bernice Reagon maintains that eotlition polities $6 the onty ‘able polities warns how dtficul i Mutual trust eafnot ‘bea prerequisite for entering a coalition, she waits, ‘eet fm gonna kee over ary’ minute and die. That soften wnt i fet Ie yore really dong oan work yon fot Uhreatened tothe core and if you dont eae not realy doing tocoalescng ‘ou dont into coalition work because you jut lke it The ‘nly posible reason soa would consider ring team op with Sorted who could possiby kl you, Deause thats te only tray you can figure you can saya Barbara Smith suggests that contin polities are necessary for a suecesfal movement. What 1 realy fos radial trying to make coatitions with People win are dierent from 0, fee seal tobe dealing Wrth race an lass seul enti ale ome tne Since Atkinson and Milt early work, many radical feminists especially those of he “elassle" group, have sugested or assured that coalcon poll of some Kind would be necessary at some point But many wosried that feminist fsuee would be ignored In Celestine Ware, writing inthe late 1960s, hal less of a sense ‘hat coalitions were an appropriate strategy than many other Black feminints do now. This ference may reflect diference between the Left then andthe Lat now. ‘Tei the Hoston group Bren & Roses ble har women are United With poor spd black men at oppresed peopl recon Clble with theft hat women as a group have dierent Separatism: When and How Long? 267 Ware ended her book Woman Power with a statement of relief that feminists were Becoming les intrested in coaltons. Best ofall fe coalitions withthe New Lat hae distuslned ‘many forinints about the nature of See support fom male ‘ups. There may be no expedent concessions ths ie” Wares warinesssbout coalitions was not based onan idea that coalitions were necessarily wrong in themeelves-bt that the Teftist men involved would abuse them, Both Separatism and Coalitions Some lesbian separatists may have & broader deinitlon of separation than elie suggest. Some separatists have troadened tr redefined their separatism In response to eriticsm by Women of Color. Some women who define themselves as lesbian separatists may accept coalition politi and may already be engaging In I specially inthe ant-nelear movement. A hole range of tates, Including perhaps confrontational ones, ere posible for these Jesbian separatists Im one essay in the book Fight Back, Thrace mentions many ‘possible tactics tha lesbian separatists can use—including deve ‘ping lesbian schools, lesbian centers, lesbian ibrar, and lesbian “lines, She also suggest statewide meeting, saying tha lesbians in hchigan have beld such mecings sine 1074. Other suggestions include homes for older dykes, halfway houses, sa defense and ‘ing grows ‘The economic alternatives that Thrace suggests for lesbians tnetude ‘We can pledge Sof or inomes to olecive Lesbian activites, Insitutions series and pola! actions teaching services Drovided for fee by Labia to eachother. ‘We need to openiy rapport Lesbian jb advocates [0 ght siaesinnation Lesbian separatist Susan Cavin also has suggested forming ‘economic networks: Cavin’ proposed network also woud inlude ‘networking with vnderdround economic exchange systems among ‘other oppressed groups.208 Love and Politics “Thraces article on lesbian separatist tats includes confront tional protest T doit advocate reform potitics so Tm not talking about sectoral participation. 1'do not Want to participate ino patton the patriarchy tut rather use more revlutonary ase community organizing, mas protest kids a ates. ‘We can protest the mistreatment of Lesbian ty the ple schools hasta ental eal nds, piso old peoples homes orphanages, and welfare Although she defines her polities a separatist, Trace says that lesbians ean work with "womyats groups who wil respect Lesbian leadership” She mentions actions that might not sppeat on evry fone’ lst of separatist activities “isues sch asthe thea from Navin, KKK & Moral Majority, attacks ‘on labor “unions fire bombings of Lasban ‘and wom centers and abortion lines" This kind of separatism amounts to coalition pobties with a strong lesbian consclousness Ina different approach, Sidney Spinster comments that some sroups of men are oppressed under the patriarchy. She does nat Fue ou coalitions between radical feminists and these men How fever, she saym, phallocracy i tone degree or another fn thle lnverests" Ultimately, se suggests working With these men in coalitions only “on single Issue problems for finite period of Coalitions with Whom? “The question is not only whether there should be coalitions, but ‘what form such coalitions should take: Feminists mast conelder| ‘who should be included in coalitions and what organiatonal Torms should be oned Tn conference on women meeting the challenges of the Right whieh was held at Johns Hopkins University ia April 18, ‘socialise feminists ZilahEisensteln and Barbara Ehrenreich su ested diferent ditectlons for feminist organizing and coalitions. Eisenstein concluded, trom her own research and experience, ‘that eral feminists are potentially radical, 8 they ar alieady ‘roceeding on the assumption that women are oppressed by men, Therefore, she proposed. that radical and. socialist feminists should concentrate on Woeking with Mera ein, Separatism: When and How Long? 269 Barbara Ehrentech disagreed, saying that forming coalitions with other socialists and selrdentiied radicals was more likely to beetlecive-sinceUberals have mote ofa stake Inthe system, na sense thi disagreement comes close to some old disagree rents between radical feminists and socialist feminists, with Zillah Eisenstein taking a position sar to what is more com ‘monly seen as radial feiist position Should a movement {or social change be based along the lines of ex clas or economic class? Can we do both simultaneously, or must we tend ne way forthe otter? Often, coalition polities means coalitions with he leading activists in other political groups, rather than working directly With many people from the other groups. There are both advan- ges and disadvantages to this arrangement. One advantage Is that It scene mpler for afew leading activists to cultivate & ‘minimal sensthity to te differences between the groups tan for large numbers of people from very different backgrounds to be able co work together. It may be easier to find s few community factvists who ae capable of acting n ways that are not racist oF heterorexat and do not offend each other than, say, a ereate large groups in which many people of diferent races and sexual lorentaions willbe working toseter A major pal of coalition polities ls chat it ean make groups feel they are "reaching the people” when in reality, they ae oni reaching afew other leaders "Of course, we do outreach,” activists tay say "We belong toa coalition, We met Wednesday night with leaders of Black and Hispanic groups” Tt Is possible that these same activists have done virtually nothing t reach the peopl, fen those belonging to “their own constituency” who have not yet ben organized Ihe other rateal groups one is interacting with tend also to ignore the unorganized, the problem is compounded, This type of coalition a-the-top may reinforce the prestige of particular individuals from the vari onprested arp, wile bypassing che people at the grassroots. Tt one Black worn, oF white lesbian, or white or Black gay male comes to be seen as Fepresenting her or his "eonstitueney” for a whole eit, thea It other tile mont of their "constituents" remain on the side Ties, unafeted by the existence of such a coalition.270 Love and Polities Aco, sch activist leaders may have more sharply defied ldeologcaldiferences among thomselves than do other members of thelr groups, because the lenders may be more focused on taeotoa. No doubt i is somewhat easier to deal with people who are already radia, but most North Americans aren ready radical ‘To igore those who are not already radicalized Isto be doomed todeteat. “Another question about coalitions is when they are appropriate whether coalitions are appropriate on every iste oF ono some Issues. Some feminists, for example, have ft at Is [appropriate to include men in marches against volence against ‘women, since the marches are designed to emphasize that women ‘an walk on the streets at night by themselves without fear, Other ‘women who have worked on these marches belive tht there should bea focus on eating and organizing men against rape fand battering, and. therefore ten should participate in. the ‘marches. Some fermilsts and lesbians may be wiling to march with ‘men on some issues, such as opposition to the Reagan/ Bush “administration—but not on others, soch as “ake back the night” marches, What Issues are Feminist? Since the late 1970s, a number of socialist feminists and some radial feminists have urged a eater emphasis on ee sues that ‘may be of particular concern to Africat-American and working lass women, although they’ are not primarily women’s iss, Karen Kollas suggested that transportation polices should be & prority*" Nancy Martsock suggested that transportation and tity rates are important issues or frist Sara Bennett and Joan Gitte wrote: ‘Such Issves as public hospital closings, gentieation,patce ‘rata, the rie of the Right, ete are lesbian les our ‘pinion, and the refusal to work on them or even recoglae ‘lr importance 6a manestation of rai ad clam Im other words, advocates of such a redinection of feminist tactics have not only suggested alternatives, bat somecines mal thin that racism and classe are the only reasons why not all dicl and lesbian feminists have adopted thove suagentons | | | | | | | | Separatism: When and How Long? 271 Barbara Smith has suggested that feminists should choose 6+ sues to work on by looking at what women the issues wl attract, What wee got to look ats what the nature of those ees tae get maltopressed women involved in noveeat work, Poor omen have teen Svoled nse ke tenants rights ot welfare organizing." Feminists with a slightly diferent perspective contend that since our numbers are small andthe amounts of time and energy Wwe ave ae limited, nse tht most specially affect women women, sich as reproductive rights or violence against women, should receive priority. The argument for fcusing on womens of lesbian issues generally scat if we dot no one else wilwhich Seams to be true. But it should be noted that early radical feminists sueh as Ti-Grace Atkinson expected feminists to work fom a wide variety of issues, and gives the example of publle tities (Se page 240, above), This is not to say that feminist work does not benefit poor ‘women. Labtying for Medicaid funding for abortions and working gains workplace sexal harassment, for instance, clearly Denti ‘mang poor and working class women ‘While many feminists do focus on lesues that affect all women (suchas reproductive rights), middle-class frist do not often focus on Iss that primarily affect poor women, Reasan/ Bush aulministration budget cuts that posed severe problems for poor ‘women did prompt some Tobying against them by groups like she ‘National Organization for Women: but radical lesan and social fst feminists did not go out to help organize demonstrations in local socal service agencies. (There is much Tess of an active welfare rights movement to spur such actions than there was it the late 1960s and early 1970s-—but that dows not ently excuse the absence of action). ‘White feminists ae not serving even their own interests when they ignore issues that seem primarily to alfes Women of Color. Problems that Women of Color face ft, beeaise oftheir mare ‘economically vulnerable situation, may hit white women later. Tn 170, Celestine Ware entiizedwive feminists for not focusing fon teenage pregnancy and shgle mothers, because those were not perceived as white women’s problems "Seant tention has been ald by women’s eration tn problems of women who esd hhowseholds" Ware wrote" Now, the number of white singlear Love and Politics mothers and pregnant teenagers has increase, and white fem nists pay more attention to women in those situations. African-American feminist June Jordas has noted, Most Americans have imagined that problems alecting Black ‘ie follow fom pathogenic stesbate of Black people and not {rom he malfnetonng of estate suggest that as longa sate power serves the powertl ‘more an more of the people ofthe desnocrary will become powerless, At longs we have economic system protected Dy the sate rather than state protection against economic raga les and depredation, then sour and ny welfare become expen diab considerations" Several questions are involved in this debate, ts fein poltical theory or se of ideas that ean be sed to anal every ‘social problom, or an analysis that pertains only to lssues that Imost divedy and obviossty affect women diferenty than men (reproductive rights, sexrality, lence against women, womeis ‘employment and housework)? fone believes tht feminet feneral theory oF perspective on the word, thew there ace Feminist perspectives on housing. transporeation, militarism and very possible social question. By many defiaions, » radical Teminise perspective would seek solutioas that involve the last possible hierarchical or dominance structire and the pretest Amount of cooperative decision-making for example, housing ‘or transportation system that not only distributed housing oF transportation more equally, it that was controlled by those ho use i. The perspetive would show how women are patteu- lary harmed by inadequate housing transportation, ete However, itis possible to have a general perspective that aims at radical feminist goals on every issue, while focusing on fewer Issues for practical work Bost indsiduals have time for only one major project and perhaps lest intense or occasional work on other projets (espetilly since mor of tis mus support ourselves in jobs that do not contribute directly to bling the feminist ‘movement, Almost all of our projects are understaffed. ‘Almost any repressive o alos social pole wil affect women most severly because women are poorer than ten, Women, expe flay women tving without men, ll have the wort Housing and transportation, wil find It hardeeto pay grocery an uit bills and will face more assaults by men because they have Tess ‘Separatism: When and How Long? 273 adequate shelter or must walle further from transportation points fy foreing women to seek men for protection, women’s poverty serves to renforee the institution of heterosexuality. Tt takes Ife very hard for women who do not want @ man or, for bother reasons, donot have a man to provide “protection” whlch ‘many poor tne ay not be ina poston to provide, anyway. Responding to the 1980s Feminists inthe 1080s seemed to be more interested ln tactics that could be called director confrontational, than many radial feminists and lesbian feminists were inthe 1970s. To be sure, Some radical feminists such as Atkinson and Redstockings, and lesbian feminists Uke Bunch, have supported a confrontational or fctvist polities even in years when many others didnot. Now, many lesbian feminists whose emphasis has been on creating ternative insiations are perceiving a need for confrontational politics such as demonstrations, and for organizing politica coal tions Ofte, those who ae shifting of broadening le tacts are hot giving credit to. and rometimes are not aware of those feminists who have expounded direct action tacties consistently ‘Gradually the Equal Rights Amendment ratification seemed threatened, more radial feminists joined the strug for the ERA [Ant abortion measures bought more radical ferinsts to lb oF “demonstrate directly vis vi legislators. Radical and lesbian fem sts have also demonstrated against militarism and attacks on “Mirmative ational for lesbian and ay ei ght. ‘There seem to be several reasons for @ renewed interest in activi, One was the eletion of Ronald Reagan, a president who ‘Opposed the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion, and whose ‘eonomic policies cut off government. assistance many low-income’ women, Ben some previously separatist feminists ‘lcided there wes need tn workin coalition With other groups ‘gains Reagan and his polices. ‘Also, poiial statements published by Feminists of Color, the ‘ast majority of whom have supported a polis of direct engage ment and of coalitions, have prompted many white feminists to rthinkstategy and tactics ‘Another, somewhat different source of renewed activism has ‘cen the growing movement against sexist vslence and porno raphy, Feminists working on these issues are not tying to bald274 Love and Politics traditional berl coalitons—since many members ofthe Hiberal onions do not se pornography as roe, ord hey Fras ‘Raher, feminists who hod «varey of views —ranging from the bei that men are Intinsicaly more violent than women, to the bie that men are damaged by pornography bat could have better sexual relations with women If pornography’ influence were. shaken—have demonstrated against violence against women and worked to provide series for women, These detion strations Include takeback the-night- marches “or marches Seporing violence against women, protests against ims that make violence against women seem attractive, and protests at and zap actions against stores tha sel portography. Somewhat less confontational actions include holding work shops teaching children and adults that voce against women ‘wrong—and attempting to change laws on ape, battering and pornography, to make iteaser for women to go to curt when they fave been treated violently. Sometimes these groups have Sought to include men in their ranks, though more often they hve ot. ‘The renewed diseassion of activist strategies has not brought uch new organizing of women who are not already Involved I Some white fembist individuals and onganzations have re sponded tothe questions raised by Women af Color by trying to clude at least some Women of Color In their networks, Some conferences, such as the National Women's Studies Association's fnmual meetings, make attempts to inehide Women of Color as speakers, partielpants, and, most important, 38 planers—often tfter a great of pressure from Women of Col has forced the fesue ‘There has heen litle movement frm networking to organizing, however. Iti not "just that many feminists are not including Wien of Color in thelr organising efforts, The point is that there are virtually no general onganiing effort, "The most general organizing occurs when & major demonstra don such as a march is planned. Usually, there # n0 follow-up afterwards to ste that women who were contacted have soe place to go to ben touch withthe movement Separatism: When and How Long? 275 Pethaps one reason “networking” has ben substituted for orga zing i the conspicuous position in the movement of academic find other profesional women, who need networking to. bein {ouch with other women with their interests, (There ls kely to be ‘onlyone woman teaching ay, feminist theory, aa particular schoo). Another reason forthe prominence of networking over organizing may be that many white lesblan feminists, searching for way C0 trork with Women of Color and address Issues raised fr tem by Rengars presidency, have no prior history or interests In organ ang they feel unconnected with the organizing attempts ofthe (not ‘ery lesan) radial feminist moverent in the late 1860s. Creating & broader network I a good thing, but it isnot the same things onganizing “Networking” has become a poplar tactic, endorsed by every fone from Adrlenne Bich to women incorporations, but wha does ‘mean? In practic in the contemporary United States, “etork ing can be une to mean inereased contacts between midale-class professional women, with no alm but thelr indvdual or mutual professional advancement really in view. On the other hand, she ter also ls used to deseribe situations in whieh women depend on ‘cach other for thelr existence and use the network to resist thelr ‘oppression as lesbians, poor Women, Third World women, ete Tages that the term has been coopted by professional women ‘wha may oF may not be feminists, an might a8 well be dropped, Besides, not all womens networks are necessary radialaing, even though bringing oppressed people to connect with each ther often can be radiealiing. Conservative woes groups rich asthe Daughters ofthe American Revolution are ot pote flay radicalizing Nationalism and Integrationism Lake some other social movements, the women’s movement includes both tore who would ke to see the development of @ [ind of nationalism, and those whose polities could be eae rmore Inegrationist (hetween women and men: feminists ofall races five atleast verbal support tothe idea of racial integration), That Js the movement Includes women who wood like to see women 1 8 group separate and Independent from men, and others who276 Love and Politics feel that at some point, perhaps in the future, women and men should create a new society together, perhaps with no soci Aistintions between them, ‘This nationalist rs. inkerationistdistintion cuts across the pacifist re. “ty-anymeane necessary dlstinton Bath women Advoeate non-violence and women whe belive that some use of| force might be needed to change the social system could havea Incegratonst perspective on men They might wat to work with ‘men in some present actions for socal change aor they might believe that ia Fatre society women and men should participate sual. Similarly, nationalists could either advocate non-violent resis tance, or strsle “hy any means necessary.” (Bn the womens ‘moverent, they almost always advocate non-violence). ‘There are several different possible scales for discussing niltaney or radicalism. Some women may soe militancy oF Fadicalism linked with willingness to resort to violence others might see radicalism in willingness to renownce violence. Some bellow that militancy or radicalism is necessary ied to abolish Ing gender differences in an inceatioist (with men) context. Others would say that’ woman nationaliam (some forms, of separatism) i the true adem Although some revolutionaries like Karl Marx have rejected nationalist Weology as reactionary, revolutionary movenients in ‘many’ (Uf ot all) countries have expressed atleast sone nation. alist Sentiment inorder to enlist the support of thee people Also, imperialist fom Europe, the nied States and the Soviet Unton has generated and fled nationalist felings by imposing foreign poiial ard econome systems on other peoples, Oppressed people area east a likely to embrace nationalistic sentiments as socialist ones-resentng the “Toreigness” ofthe ‘oppressors as well as thelr dominance In fact, the same people ‘often respond in both ways, both with somewhat nationalist fel Ings and somewhat socialist feeling, (The reader may note tha the words “national socialism” were use by he Nazi n Geran; undoutedly the term “nationalist” described them accurately, but “socialist” ald not, Many very diferent politial lenders such as doset Stalin in the Soviet Union, dawaharial Nehru in India Mao Zedong in China, Joseph Broz Tito in Yugoslavia, Julius Nyerere In Tanzania end Piel Ee Separatism: When and How Long? 277 castro in Cuba—have drawn on Hoth socialism and nationalism Snsome form to raly thelr peoples to change) ‘Many people—including some white American feminists, some Amnerian feminists of Color, some Black en who are activist, 42nd palitcaly active woren snd men in countries oppressed by Colotalsy or neo solonalsm are neither wholly nationalist, or wholly Integrationist/ socialist in thelr polities. There are many positions long the spectrum, Few of us are wholly nationalist or wholly socaist/integra ‘ont and yet we often condict ovr potitiel dialogue asi most ‘of us were solily one wayor the other. Any of us are both hationatist and integratlonst, both separatist and activi. Al of| ‘our close associates may be women, while We work for 8 coal Honst state. We may attend both women's music festival and tonferences on occupational health, We may live i household inswhich only women can visit and yet participate in a women’s soup in a mixed peace orev rights demonstration. We may Tike fo read both Mary Daly ad Zillah Bisenstln. We may fol that tur polities ate perfectly clear, not seeing that some aspects of then could be contradictory. The contradictions in olher Wonets lives maybe easier to ident. Tm a sens, this borrowing from a variety of sources may be Antelectualy incoherent In a sense, ie may be sane Could a ‘woman beenlely of a pece stright ine flower of one line of| politics tothe ultimate dearee? Perhaps if we realize what amalgams al! of our polities are, we can be more tolerant ofeach othe. Surely ifs preferable for us to be amalgams, than to refrain from reading books or even from knowing Women Who belong diferent poitieal tendencies.Chapter I5 Violence and Non-Violence as Tactics In the 19605, there was wot much discussion of whether violence should be a tactic for radicals Feminists who jolned the movement inthe 1980s were sometimes surprised to learn that the use af iolence asa revolutionary tool had en debated — though gener ally rejected even as an Mea —by radia! feminist who had been politically socialized in the 1960s, when sch discussions were more common. Although there has been debate over this question, there hast been mit--orany—aetal violent ction on the par ‘of even those feminists who have defended Against Violence ‘Amumbor of radial feminists have explicitly disavowed violence, Kate Millet for instance, believes in on-volene, ‘We are speaking, the, of ctrl reatution, which, whe i must necessary lvoe the polite and ecoumiereorganta ‘lon traditionally implied ty the term revolt, et Bo far Tejon this a> ell Ant ete K would seem tha the most ‘Profound changes implied are oes accompli by. human frowth and true reeducaton, rather than those arrived. at "rough the theatres of armed sruasle—even shoud the ater 28 Violence and Non-Violence as Tactics 279 Seca nae There math reo we a he ‘oul-even render untecenay the Usa e-destructive retort {over tactics Ye no eng evolutionary proce ned Be Imp here ater the deere speed fostered by modern Comimlcation, In an age when groupe Ruch as stents fot txample can come ogazed nn aret number ofcoutiein ‘The mpllcation is that Mets stratgy although non-violent, is confrontational. Lisa Leghorn and Katherine Parker generally are opposed to lence {The change mst come about by explisily emale-alueased ‘means, 20 a6 not to recreate patriarchal power dynam in dierent torms..To use patriarchal means~-such scene land, berarcical soca orgorization, of iolence—in ether hing pasar sits or bgntlarchal on For women to choote silence goes very mich against the rain, But this represents a tramendous problem, gen that ‘men tesuently respond. to gains In womens_ power, with ‘olene against women on a idividual and/or group evel [Women] Rave, forthe most par, used Matence only In sel eles or tei edd or Boup sure, fom defending themssves aginst lent hisband, to participating in era ton movements fighting lent ard presi eines. ‘When women ave wed wen tacts, thelr violence has fa more often been ected. against property than people Wowsts respect for ie temendoanty inks thelr aby to Senay ya he fc at most oper ome yen Robin Morgan suggests violence and other traditional revolt: onary tactics are "jaculory” or male behavior. Instead, she Ssugaests using tactics based on what she considers to be the patterns of the female body Because f Mans revolutions have heen premature i thelr readiness, jacultary nthe abrupt syle, ad mostly impotent {in ringing abot real change, then the sy of women might be280 Love and Politics ‘ong ender, gradually increasing attention to detailed foe play—which some would call earefl organizing. Tis amounts to respect for onestlf and one's partners), learning whats erate and desired earning wht wl work earning how to tuvance and recede, and being open to experisetation. Taso Amounts to a delight In the proces of communication Jor is te ae a High Sous Pay an mot ol Tor some a ‘Proceeding only when everyone concered els ready (or even cases ‘Morgan may be suggesting a model of change that isnt vibe (Can major changes. happen if activists wait until "everyone concerned feels ready? Who ls everyone? All radical? All women? very person ina sock? Criticisms of Nonviolence On the other hand, some feminists crite the idea that ‘women are inherent aon ile. Bell Hooks points out that ~.masses of women inthe United ‘States are not antt-inperialist, are not against rlitarsm, and do ‘ot oppose the use of violence tsa fran of social control. Until ‘hese women change their values, they must be seen as clinging Ice their male counterparts, toa perspective on hur elation ships that embraces soa! domination." In Our Blood Andrea Dworkin warns that women must not be ‘on solet in submissive wa Any commitment £0 nonviolence which is real, Which Is futher must begin in the recognition of the forme and degrees of lence perpetuated aguinst momen by the Bender ‘As women, noiolence mat bei for usin the refusal to be olatd, nthe refusal tobe vitae We must ot acept..male rotons of what nonviolence i ‘Those notions never condemned the estate volnee against Howover, Dworkin dedicates the book to Barbara Deming, & wellknown pacifist, Dworkin, therefore. does not believe that hon-wolene is necessarily submissive | | Violence and Non-Violence as Tactics. 281 ‘TLGrace Atkinson suggests that aking an absoltely non-let position Is masochist: Te simply emphasizes how much palin fromen can fer without fighting back: Women may be ho Molent because they have never believed Dat anything ese was posable, The governitent doesnot fenr feminist, because it has Feason to believe that we wont do anything lent Atkinson ‘doesnt see anything good about this situation “inlene’ snot cole for ws, Every woman iin it up to, and parently ope her eyeballs Violence for her fens, we all sccepe Our enemies, we worry aban ‘Wee ny here ean about using lene, because we know sweat tone to wae! Prat we gto Be out it the street ‘Then we got to pe some dietion Ten, all we got to do Is "Vilece as a suplon energy oF force I valle as a tate ‘only tothe oppresor clase within any given system. tam not Inaking any vale judgment bere ut simply posting that, in politcal theory, olenee'Is by definition a eas function, Te is ruanized welght oF presrare to malnaln the statu quo. As ‘ch, ole’ ivlevant as a concept and unevalble a8 8 teete to he oppressed. ‘Some people might suggest that this in why “olence is obgerved at tactic of the Oppressed primarily when is practiced within iso elas 1 isnot agreed inal political theory that violence canbe used only hy the oppressors o the stat, although radial theory often posits this "The editors of Questions Piminists also considered the ree tion of violence as tool an unvrarranted restriction on wornes tse of our capacities Ther argument follows the tradition of| Beas. We should claim ours all aman poteciaites, including those unduly decreed to be maul, hat Ir monoplized BS tnen._Por exemple lence il ip to ort choose Is forms td objetine, but Is necessary to ae against the lence Lesbian separatist Sidney Spinster agrees with Atkinson that pacifism for worn may be selfsaceelng Father than radical She questions why women absorb so much hostility from men22 Love and Polities harassing noiolent demonstrations, “It could be because wee good wt taking hl from men withoit iting back Were fod at Tomine aelfsariice tothe ease, This Sor of Deitsacritce permeates noneent defense methods" ‘Lesbian feist efor Alen gst that olen part the female role impored with the setem of heterosexuality ad that Tesbinns ned to ge wp their allepance to ths role, The Content of her conleration of vlene i dicusion Of ape dene ber. By assigning to women the pst of momlence,teterse: ba wrtoe focus he case of wanes Wetnstin ot ‘omen, blames the vines too the ti, Beer “hates thology of ne eeement whlch Kea reas ‘Alen cies Beauvoir statement "Vilence th authente prot ot each on loyalty to inset.” [enue hal thought te fit wo use wolence was posiive thing foe men al ts lac deerinental to women) However, Allen ad "Toul fren tite, however, ax Bear does ot, beoween the male defn silence a patiarey, wich assumes the conta conjunction of Vitenes and nonblene, ace and” pave, powered Powerless anda ibeating lence hat fe esbin ' lesbian vole i nether an le wor pro-death, for 8 xs aanuty no equation between Wolo tnd desu Sim tion een and coro of ed, befding And eng what i gon ad af Soler than ‘rstom ia wen oman tt dangrone ts Ptr ‘unrecoverable by it...2 mh eis not clear that what Alen cals wlece could be recognize by others as wolence Evident he means self aration ad Sicdetense Tes notable that most fens interested in seledefense are Interested in the fase lent form of udtnse, hand hand ombat-wich sas the form in whch women aye a he ‘eats lsdvantge nts we ae hgh shied. ‘Mchacle Uscla an save Kaye Karo, in thle ate “siomens Capacity for Resistance crite the tenth women donot have the capac fr vse, Anyone ws en of Denard ah overlie mathe: i gent nadie bsp me ony sees e sak ‘th adrna who O00 knoe we an bene Violence and Non-Violence as Tactics 283 ‘So why thls fantasy that we arent lent, that they are he ont sex? The doeteiee at Adealzes us may be leant Sih they say or ae es we ae Ineeeally arti, inher cry gente Such an enais dooms us to Inappropriate kindness an pas sine, overools both cur eapacty for and our experience With ‘ote tors fac everything boat us hat we do ke The woman whois violent announces not ony ha hings are Ingolerete (hugh ber volnt lense may 2et er go on tolerating she alo announces that we are not who they sy we fre Womens lence sometimes serves women, somes Most radicals would agree that wolence includes far more than direct physical attack that creating @ situation that systema cally ensures that people wl be hungy, unemployed, or nab to nae basle choices about thelr ves violent. The classe radical frgumnet le thatthe vnlenee of the oppressed is less violent, less pervasive and damaging than that ofthe state trying to suppress ‘hem_—althoagh perips the rebels’ iene i more obviows 1s self defense violent? Whats self-defense sighting back st selfdefense tthe wlence ie not breathing down one's neck? Feve Itany radical feminists are 0 abeoltely pacifist that they would think ¢ woman dit not have the right to fight back against a ‘would-be rapist who was grabbing her. However, even radical Feminists differ about whether @ woman has the right Lo fight ‘back the day’ after an attack Feminists also might differ over whether helping someone else fight back is part of eel defense, or in what elcumstances Ii. Feminists probably dont all agree about whether carrying out fetons against ksown rapists and woran-beaters is acceptable Tadical and lesbian feminists rarely discus full-scale armed rebellion, Probably, many would agree that there are circum: Stances were it could be justified, such as in Naat Germany and pethape present day South Aiea, even if they do not think ts Appropriate or posse in the United States. Why the Lack of Strategy? ‘Why dont most radical feminist waters discus goals strategies or tactics in detall? Surely a failure of the moverent that 80 many do no, fst because they are too subtle to write anything284 Love and Politics 0 blatant? Is silence really the best strategy? Is i tre that we are brewing. stewing and percolating our goals and strategies and are simply much too clever to aounce them antl the brew Is ‘brewed and the people have drunk half the potion? ‘are radical feminists afraid of going to prison because our strategy would involve advocating. olen averthrow of the fovernment? Certainly not many radial feminists ave advocating hat Are radical feminists avoiding these qvestions then, because we fear losing our jobs? Or are radical feminists raid of sounding foolish, utopian? Or, have radi! feminist simply been to lag to {ink our thoughts through to thelr possible implications or (nthe other hand st possible that radical feminists have not talked much about strategies or goals because we have thought 8 ‘reat deal and our conclsons are pesinatie? Perhaps we dont ‘ant to spread pessimism? Or have we become mote pessimistic ‘over the years than we were intl? ‘There are several possible forms that a radical feminist pessimism could take. Some of them may spring from the fear that perhaps women and men realy ave diferent by natute that ‘men wont change, and that women wont or cant force them to change Another possible fear that, while men may not be diferent by nature, they have such a Tong history of power and have accu mulated such an arsenal of weapons that they wil not willingly ‘change—and that women will nt be wing or able to force them, “Another variation on this is the fear that although ten could ‘change, they wont change in time, before a nuclear war, Some ‘women might think that radical feminism could sueceed i there ‘was time bat fear there wont be. Chapter 16 What We Want, and How to Get There Feminists have not much discussed what sorts of power bases for women we ant, beyond our interest in specific issues. For Instance, do feminists want women’s influence In making social ‘cisions to be proportional to the stake that women as a group have inthe outcome? Feminists could seek collective power fr women to decide ses ‘that particulary affect women, suchas abortion and rape, Tow fever, itis na obvious how such elletive power could be insta Uonaized A the preset time, any body that could be created to “Speak fr women, ike the Ministry for Womens Affairs thar existed Under Pranee's Socials government for several ears inthe 19803, ‘would. not be controled. by radical feminists and could be Trulnereble to takeover attempts by conservative or right-wing ‘Even in a democrat, socialist society that was trying co move away from blerarchy, should we manage ta achieve one, I not ‘Sbvous what sorts of organizations would best represent womens Interests or deed, could nay what womens ncrests are 285286 Love and Politics Plural Outcomes {In moving away from a society with a multiplicity of oppression Ht may be necessary co have multiple strategies for change and rltipe changes. Socaists Michael Albert and Robin Haha! have sugested that a plurality of outcomes—many outcomes, aswell as 4 plurality of stagestions and of decision malkers~io: posible when differen people have diferent, ut nonoppressive ess ad heeds in a more democratic society. ‘Unde sociatism, beyond aplraity of approaches, we also seek a plurals of outcomes. Th rintation that thee sone Fight ‘waa view common to patriarchy, racism and authoritarian Tam alike is superseded. Diversity and th posit of more ‘han one val pole. are the ales soils respect For feminists, a plurality of outeomes could mean both & ‘onhierarchiea,noneapialst society in which women and men were more equal, with power bass for women, and more oppor unites for community among women, including. separate ‘communities. Indeed, T do not see how oat very pital feminism ‘ould lead to any outcome that was not plutal, without toring the needs of many women. Whether or not we want plurality of ‘eas and strategies, we have them, Such an idea of plurality wil not win complete acceptance Radical feminist writer Brooke for instance, ha rte the Wea of pluralist in the movement. ‘Mliant plurality” (a term coined by Kirsten Grimstad and Susan Rennie The New Women’s Surv Source) besides coin very worn out part offical US. Meloy, esenialy Ineans everyting i righ. including outright eotereetel onary endeavors. whe a movement moves rough dverstty ‘of views and infighting, in order to tay a movement thas to ‘ove in one direction. Militant pra ends up rowing in a ‘sccurate way of perceling aituation, which means thee Is Aiference between tlng the teath abst stuation and ng Sout i..mass confusion an goalleenes eau and where "ere iso goal there sno movement ‘The real rick to this positon eat being ant-paty Hes and antec tenon bra What We Want, and How to Get There 287 Although pluralism can mean Weralism, it does not have 0 reject radicalism, Thete are many radical groups fn this country, there generally ave several radical groups im any county, unless one of them are wiped out asthe Bolsheviks repressed other ‘adic groups during their consoldation of power in the Soviet Union, There are plasal oppresions in western society, paral interests in ending them and plural needs to meet ad Wrongs to redress. Tactics: Linked to Goals? ‘Often, tactics cannot be directly linked with a particular longterm goal. Is 4 woman who believes thal women and men llimately ean live together with autonomous organizational power for women, more likely to protest curbs on abortion than troman who believes that's separate society for women or Iesbians would be preferable? Perhaps, but not necessarily. Wil the latter woman be more likely to organize a lesbian center than 2 womens center? Maybe, but either woman could make either Choice, Wul one of them be more Likely to be involved ina flemonsration agaist US. involvement in Nlaragua than the tther? Not necessary, In a demonstration against racism? Not fneessaiy. Wil one of ttn be more hkely to study oF teach tromnen about self-defense? Not necessarily. Could we say that the Former might be more likely to operate a shelter for battered ‘women, and the latter to teach women self-defense? Possibly. But {ren if the to worten did choose those diffrent tactics because ‘tthe diferent theories, the fo actons seem complementary. ‘Wie probably eat assume that a radial or Hsblan feminist who believes that men are lnrisleally more violent and that a sep rate women’s nation isthe most desirable goal is Ikely to be a lesbian and perhaps to stress orgalang lesbians, but that Is not necessarily If one assumes that men are basically bilogealy awed (more violent) and ses either separate Women's nation or rule by tromen as a goal, then fe seems unlikely that she would choose Tactics that involve trying to reform men, such as teaching men bot to batter women. However the assumption may not aways be ald. Holliday, thoogh she sees men as flawed, says women Should try to change men. And most radial feminists, including a reat many who do not belie that the Dilogical’ differences288 Love and Politics Detween women and men are the causes of different behavior, do not emphasize working to reform men, tt to organize women, ‘Ofcourse, some tactics are better suited to some goals than to ‘others If one believes that a separate women's nation isthe best fom, then she Is not Ukely to participate in electoral polities ‘Those who anticipate revolution, either through. violent oF riltant pacifist action, are not likely to become involved. In tlectoral polities ether. Those who believe that feminist oF Socialist eansformation ean take place gradually th this society ‘may, at times, parilpate in losing and electoral polities However there are often exceptions to these general tend ‘ies Radical and fesbian feminists with widely dering goal ay be wiling to campaign against repressive governmental measures, seh as proposals to discriminate further agalnst lesbians nd ‘ays, and may be wiling to campaign against politicians who ‘spouse them. Feminists may alka see opposition to racism a9 being so important that, whatever thee eventual goal, they will ‘work temporarily In efor coaltions to prevent the adoption of| ‘more racist polices. Fr example, some lesbians, Hike the New York group Dykes Against Raciam Everywhere, worked for exten stan of the federal Voting Rights Act, or a lesbian feminist, as opposed toa radia! feminist whois a lesbian (o the limited ‘extent that we can make these distinc tons), lesbianism Is one of the major strategies for changing ‘womer's ves and ending male supremacy as well x being an etd In ite Lesbians is goa, strategy, and a tactic, oF working In support of lesbians is tactile Different esban feminists pat different emphases on this tactic In the early 1070s, it was more common for lesbian feminists to focus on the promotion of lesbians as ther ole strategy and ‘acti; itis more common now to focus also on other Ise and Strategies aswell, eventhough an emphasis on lesbians and fritique of heterosexuality remain primary aspects of lesbian feminist analsi ‘There are many reasons for cooperation between radical ad lesbian feminists with diferent goals For one thing as suggested aie, even very diferent goals are not mutually exclusive Sepa Tatist and mixed soeeties can eoexist, For another reason, many ‘women, even though they have diferent goals, are interested in similar’ tactics or strategies. If they are radical or lesbian feminists, presumably they often will be concerned about lasuex What We Want, and How to Get There 289 that involve sexuality or violence against women, Bren when ‘women are not involved inthe same actions, thelr work may be “omplementary, a5 the example of shelters and self-defense courses ftasteates. Women's organizations, centers, plications, and demonstra ‘ions are needed esblan organizations, center, publications and demonstrations are needed. It 8 unfortunate that “our small hubers sometimes seem to force these activities Into compet tion for our ne, ince Both are necessary In recent years, some of those who have been the readiest 10 think in terms of Stategy and tactics have becom les active in the movement —for Instance, T-Grace Atkinson and Rita Mae Brown, (Atkinson now is invaved in a study to learn why women Ihave eft the movement). AlUhough there probably are many {actors involved, one reason for women becoming less active may bbe the frustration of proposing specie tactics and finding that few if any, women seem tobe acting on these proposals. Women leave the feminist movement for a variety of reasons Women who. see themselves ax heterosexual sometimes leave because they feel the movement i too aatiimale or €00 ant heterosexual Lesbians somatimes say they no longer want to call themives lesbian feminists because heterosexual feminists are {oo reformist and opprestive of lesbians. Some women leave because they decide to focus on their personal careers or other [aspects of thelr lives Others leave because they find fights within ‘the movement painful (So do feminists who remain acts), Feminist Structures: Small Groups vs. Large Organizations The anarchist tendency—which affects many women who do rot think of themselves az anarchists aa well as those who {Go—has had a major effect on radical and lesbian feminist group Structures The typical radical or lesbian feminist organization Is Sina group, very often, there are no speifie leadership positions in the group. Responsibities are shaved. Tasks are shared na Touhy equal way, or rotated. Many, fot most radical and Tesbian feminists have strong commitment to this way of working290 Love and Politics A number of other radical feminists, such as Jo Fema, have criticized these tendenles and have sid the movement wad be better organized If some form of responsible, accoustae, and changeable leadership were ncepted However, the moverneat has proceeded without drastic changes In structure Some groups such as the staf of the newspaper er ‘our backs have thived ae collectives, A comitaent 0 sal Collective groups stl Is common, although some feminists have ‘ied them and noe liked the, ‘Questions about structure, such as whether there sould be acknowledged feminist leaders, ean be seen either as strategie ot ‘85 more fundamental Those who are committed to stall groups for colectives are more key to see the question a a fundamen Issue of valves, while others may be more likely #9 sce the ‘question as strate ‘What kind of organizations does the radical fesnist movement red? Some feminists, particulary Rita ae Brown, have Sul fested that @ large national party should be formed, on the ‘rounds that sze really eceatary for “lout in this county. ASCs, men, including those onthe Left, end to recognize only large organizations as legtimate The lack fa large organization makes It easier for them to pretend we do not realy exist. The fovernment feels no need to negotiate with mall roups; the Lett futside the feminist movement does not either For instance, Socialist and. other progressive groupe sometimes. invite the president of the National Organization for Women (NOW) and Gloria Steinem of Ms. magazine to speak for women, rather than Inviting radical feminists: sometimes even Socal feminists are rot included prominent Lis possible tha in order to have effective coalitions with the nixed Let, womens berationlsts would have to have large Aroups of ur own, ‘Nationa, mass membership groups also would provide a place for greater “numbers of women to join the radical feminist ‘movement. A'natonal organization that would be mone radial than NOW might be able to draw both the more radical NOW ‘members and many feminists who do not belong to organizations because nothing seems quite Fight. Such women may see many small groups as not aclon-orieted enough, but NOW as C00 conservative What We Want, and How fo Get There 291 Yet radical font sem automatically drawn to forming mal groupe Te preference formal ospe an fr lowes ‘Nocused aye tapering hus coe major pare of he delta eulure of rae Temi, wouldnt be sary {Cora that Was dental to change renetion. Past ‘Stomper oform national radial fein a lesan font Sraunatons fave ded ery que However, lean ard {RES ae now orking on epaatons for non esblan Conference robbly in 101, cht ay latch 8 atonal lesbian ‘reanston "Rother reson wy ara groups have not developed may bo the nnn over wheter He re appropriate to form 8 Tait feminist leben gm. An tie ra! fins tetans form a soup, ths cold bes etn, Dt sal gon jeter eo te onda TE ore portent co ata target ponble numberof women wing acct a radia ana an tak Tada! [Sons an form rea font mp Oe more portant {6 promote esr vsbily and for lean teint op? Is {eer portant ofench vormen mh ee emsdves hetero. Sa oresbina whe hve ty Joned he foe move: ont hl perhaps would not joins rgnastion els a ‘ea “stan Obs, an ane to this question wl be ett chrge. Some ae fonts Cading tbs) ibm wan tot thw tian ener estan organ tron wile some lesan fest ipped st they are working in Srnivaton iat arent spectealy areas bin ‘at nota mtn oranda it oe was not primary on Congest and the federal government? Most Rata onaneton sre ota a tong oon on isto prota ria minor shan orgaaton wold rot Rave such a mr lov for, bt wld hy tote fenton at repressive and fr we pation. Anata Srnunizaton coud yt eno sity he easter train to-draw mote omen inthe movement. ecu brink ‘omen together, sponsor demonstains and ening nd help Tre! et could sre asa form tr debate wtin the no tis posse to frm lol and sae rae! feminist or recian orpaiatone tate ether primary membership ore Tieton callon of extn ee a bia groupe In202 Love and Politics Washington DC, for example, the DC Area Feminist Alliance was founded in 1977 as an organization compoced of anos a the feminist groups inthe area Each group was supposed to send a representative to the each meeting Individual memberships also were allowed. Within afew years the groups stopped participating Actively, andthe Alliance became primarily an” individual membership organization. The membership probably calnued to bbe more diverse (in the umber of groupe whose. tnembers belonged) Uhan It would have been ithe Allance had rot had | Nistory of group membership. However, the Alliance Noundered and died infer years. {teal alinees or coalitions thrived, such groups cold form the basis for state or regonal organizations, as Brown suggested ‘The alliances could form larger alliances. A natonal alliance could form from the grassroots up. Such connections could be formaliaed, or made in less formal way ‘One problem with coalitions, alliances and large onganizations |s that they tend to become somewhat parisentary —that i, to ‘emphasize formal debate and the wltig of precisely worded Principles. Moving ffom parllamentaris to action Is not easy ‘Often, such groups may need to make and (perhaps) approve proposal in one meting, delegate members to work on i, then ‘wall a least unt the next meeting to approve pans for how the ‘proposal wil be carried out By then, the situation that prompted the desire for action may have changed. For instance, movie that a local group Is considering whether to picket may have let Also in large group there may be fess room forthe Joking the tangential poltieal discussion, the informal way of speaking that faften are present when the members ofa feminist small group work weil together. The informality and sense of immediate Participation may be among the greatest attractions that the Feminist movement has forts members 1s it etter to accept our small group orSentation as a part of ‘our radical feminist political eulture that fas value of ie wn, land devise all ons plans with this cultare and structure as fivens—or, to approach that orientation criticly, sing what Sorts of polities it excludes aa well as thove it encourages and perhaps trying to push ourselves to develop other sors of orga ations? I don think the answer fs clear What We Want, and How to Get There 293 If radical and lesan feminists do not want to work in large “organizations, does tht mean there ix something the matter with Fadia! and lesbian feasts, or something the matter with large ‘organizations? Is this emphasis on working mainly witha sina, Sumber of people, whom one ean get to know and with whom one fan commieate rather fey the result ofan anarchist wisdom, instinctively grasping the Limits of other forms of organizing — oF {sa withdrawal frm realty? Ora bit of both? sit possible that federations or alliances of small groups can ceqal or improve on the political strength of traditional large Inembership organizatons with powerful centers and relatively homogenous local structures? Ina way, the des of smaller political units combining to form a larger one is similar to oh, radial traditions such a organizing ‘on the basle of the "ell The eel could provide political support tnd channel for sel-expression. However, ln many or most such faaiel parties, cell members had no knowledge of What was happening in other cells or volee in what happened at higher level of the party’ or seeretsoctety. Such seretiveness reeds Soviet style governments and is antithetical to the openness hich isa lghly valued, consciodsy chosen aspect of frist politica ealure. ‘So, i the base radical feminist small group more like a party coll of lke a New England town meeting? Iti like the town meeting in not being controlled from above and in discussing tatters freely, including revising decisions But its more ke the party cell in having ideoiogial prerequisites for membership ~not "nyone can Belong. you have to be some sort of radical lesbian or perhaps socialist feminist roughly the same kind as other mem bets ofthe group. These ideological requirements for membership fre more obvious than the ideological eriteria for membership In local Republean or Democratic party structures, in part because North Americans donot perceive acceptance af che current politcal sytem asa deoony ‘Although there certainly have been radlal politcal movements in US, history—ineluding much ofthe earlier feminist movement "post North Amnelean women are not used to polis that are consciously and overtly based on theory or ideology Given tis, I Islimpesave tha feminism has drawn as many women as I has.204 Love and Politics ‘There are aspects of radial ferninist politcal culture that are sot 0 different trom the common North American, poltical ultre: Our emphasis on free communication and on self deter ‘mination could be seen as falling within the framework of the traditional value (theoretical, though certainty noe ways in practice) placed on independence and free speech. Our emphasls fn men as a class and’ our anger at what has been dane to Women, However, are very differen from general US. politica Culture, which plas down any kind of class conti, (Of course, there is also'a populist taditon that has not ignored clase confit). | suspect that the informality and open expression of ideas in mang of our meetings strikes chord in many women. Ou prac tc, although flawed, may havea wider appeal than our theory. ‘Our small group political culture may have more potential to spread than does the conventionally stractured NOW, and may Grav In far more women Usan we previously have, only they Jew texinted. There ae fee instieuions in thls society in which ‘ne ean become an important member overnight, speak freely, Aiscuss ones own Ife aswell as more generalise, and not be ‘controlled by some hierarchy. As women participate in tis exper fence, we change In Tatking Back, Bell Hooks notes ow useful small groups ca bbe (in her diseusslon, she ts contrasting them with womers studies classes and conferences). "An especially important aspect ‘of the small group setting isthe emphasis on communicating Feminist thinking feminist theory, in manner that ean be easly ‘understood. In smal groups individuals donot need to be equally literate oF iterate at all ecause the information Ie primarily shared through conversation... Reforming sual groups, would Subvert the appropriation of feminist hiking by select group of| Academie worn and men, usualy white, wall fom prleged ‘lass backgrounds 1 our small groups are an integral part of our polities oF & valuable part of our politcal experince, then we need to spresd theron a Tar wider Seale. Also, i we bul Inger onganzations, ‘we may want to preserve small groups by heeping the sal froups as integral members. The. ant+-mdclear alliances ound ‘ways of doing ths, feminists could also. What We Want, and How to Get There 295 A this point, specialized segments of the feminist movernent have developed connections between smal groups and occasion ally formed larger organlaatons, Groups working inthe battered ‘women's movement, for example, Have conferences and networks, 185 do those in rape crisis centers and those working on pornos Faphy. There are also organizations for feminist and lesbian publishers, and feminist and lesbian printers ‘However, the orgaaations in these different feds generally do not hold larger conferences, uch less bud organizations, In ‘which alt radial feminists can communiate, discover our common Droblems, and learn from one another. Have the women working Against sexist violence, for example learned things thatthe rest of | {do not yet ksow? Areal elnits who tlle on government fonds or grants now in nancial dificales? Hae certain types of feminist organizations been more repressive to lesbians than ‘others and, fo, is this just their problem or ist a problem for ‘he whole movement? It hasbeen reported tat groups eying on fowernment funding, particularly shelters, have required thelr Iesbian members to be in the lost for fear of jeopardiaing these funds" Shouldnt the whole feminist. movement be devising alternate solutions perhaps raising money from alternate sources? ‘The National Network af Womeats Funds sane sh attempt) Perhaps many of us resist organizing movement-wide confer- ‘ences of organizations Becase we are aad they would blow Up In ou faces, oF come unravelled in dispates, rather than being constructive. Is our fear realise, exagaerated, or cowardly? Or have we just been around long enough to see how frequently ‘organizers get heaxy criticism? (Much more immediate erties fn therefore more dificult ¢o deal with tan the sort of eis ‘that comes in a book review), These fears are not unrealistie, but how ean we le and operate politically with uch imitations? Can a Radical Feminist Recruit? “The reasons for feminists Ick of empha on “recrulting” more ‘women Include a reluctance to "preach," to set themselves up as futhoritative Perhaps one way of overcoming this reluctance may te to emphasize thatthe ideas are what fe lnportane, and that ‘women simply will not hear the lesa least not ina radial form—unless we commaniete them. Women ean recele oF act fn them as they think best but fist they must be clear on wha the ideas are296 ‘Love and Politics ‘ven If al of us who curently are active feminists spent all of our tie in active comminication, and all of the women we reach ‘peat allo their ime in active communication, we would tl be ‘ery far from reaching all women in the nation with our ideas, “Another reason why we do nat spend more time in outreach” ‘our personal vulnerability. The more radial that we become, the ‘reater the number of women who wil tune cut whatever we say ‘once they learn even the elementary facts of our lives. If we ste lesbians, thats particularly tre. The more radial our ideas, the ‘more difficult It wil be to communica them ln away that ‘women wil be willing to hear. The more radical oar ideas and lives are, the more chance Wwe have of being rencted by the women we are trying to reach, Ts not easy to speak 0. group of Ywornen about lesbianism and be received hy thunders sence, few defensive questions, and perhaps one or two comments after: Ward that you are “brave” Feminists generally have an open poltical style. They do not ‘operate like 1980s Communists in front orgaizatons, Nding their most vadieal kdeas in an attempt to inflrate,” Most feminists would ste such an approach as) manipulative and patronising ‘Being rejected by other women because our polities are too pro-woman can seem intolerable. It ean be hard not to become fangy at mainstream women, not to fel that they are dust collaborating in eating ther Own throats and that they deserve fo better i they’ ate unwilling to ear our message, Ct may be tapecially dificut not to feel that way after seeing that most White US, women voters chose Renn in his second presidential lection in 1984, afler i was clear what sort of president he ‘was —and many, though nota majority, voted for George Bush in 1088, despite his opposition to abortion). Protecting ourselves from developing such biter feelings toward other women Is one resson we dont try harder to reach them. Perhaps the feelings are already there, latent, unaekow! ‘edged, and that is why we do not ty harder. Perhaps we anti pate rejection oo realy. Peehaps we are too pessimistic about ‘ther women. Perhaps reaching one woman is worth being appar ently rejected by ninety-nine ifwe can sand "There are many form of communistion me have not tried yet, Why not try standing on stret corners and talking to omen? Tt might not work. Then again It might reach a few women, What What We Want, and How to Get There 297 does it mean to sty that tactic has worked? That thousands of pple have read messige, oF that one woman has become a Tecan speak, speak, speak whenever pose 10 all and {atmos any kinds of womens groupe referably, whenever We tefl, speak, or demonstrate, we sould mention some organize tion hat women ea ated sme way that they ean Jn. We ‘Mould et hem kaw sot feminist ok, oo. "Even going door todoortomect women explain os ieas a owt Dl ols mentions this a posable tactic in Feminist Theory. From Margin to Conte Yo, sound evangelistic No, It doesn sound ether socaly respectable coo Dat how else ean ‘eereach woment'The mass media are ot donating ine apace ‘oration Perhaps it maybe harder for women to come to radical conclusions about their problems when the are Hsing In conser Sate tines, Those of who became Steen the 1060s oF riy 1970s already were famior with radial Was, hey were Durt ofthe air we breathed. We aleady were dsenchanted with {tr overnment snd sclety. A woman loa may not come {otemnism with the sme eas or balground that we had ‘Consciousesyratsing for example, might lad to less radical conchstons for women who are nt already reical. Perhaps i ould be motified to Include reading and session of feminist. Soks wo that the woman would atleast be exposed to radical ideas Is not inuting to rove as fo hiking: We ll need ‘Some feminists have ceived the tate of etaishing serves suchas battered worers sbsters and rape crisis centers a Tandald solutions to problems However, al that fests Show other women thet we Fell are about them. may seem ‘Svs to feminists that Finis care about women, but 5 mat ‘visa to women who are not imolved In the movement. Of Course ifthe sence are taken oer by government agence, they to longer serve this parpore and may even provide the Service 'vepessve way ouch at reuing women who are Taped {0 eportit tothe pole even they dont want 0). Tn he late 1070s numberof ena bebe that wlence inst women ight eset of nses that would nie all ‘Tomer, becewe all women are afected Dy Ht (OF course, they eneraly realized that the problem of lence against womenPo 298 Love and Polities rnust be confronted in a manner that explitly refuses racist ‘etntions and that reeognies most wolence dane to women by ‘men they already know). However, dlision over how to oppose ‘iotenee such as whether to ielude men sant lence work ad ‘whether portagraphy’and sadomasochism constitute violence, ave sho th Pains olen nota ing as int ‘The workplaces another major area fr feminist organizing. For Instance, the campaign for "comparable worth” pay afferts both clerical workers and professional women sich as Hbrafans and teachers, However, the difeuties of organizing are formidable, And trying to be at once an out lesbian on the jb, an out radical Feminist and aa office organizer, Is lkely to endanger one's job ‘Thre are tines when women can take those risks and other ines ‘when they cannot, oF when they ean ont take some of thet, Before {aking the risk of eying to organize, maybe prudent to ascertain ‘whether ones coworkers are also wlio take risks. Many of us suspect that not all women are potentially reach able at this time. An increasing number of more o ess conser tive professional women Inthe United States are gaining carers in corporations or the government-—or sot sem one has lived in Washington DC during the Reagan administration. Those women are_probably ess reachable than Uberal women with jos housewives, women on welfare, and students Perhaps a friendly, non-threatening approach to other women Who are not yet feminists might hep to make radiesl message Tess ightening, One demonstration where a Washington De group approached women by saving, “Happy International Womens Day.” Arew more interested response than many other appronches Our weaknesses are not always a drawbacke Women do not rocessarily respond negatively to feminist who Ink insecure ‘ceaslonaly hunt for words, or who admit tht Elke to then bout radical subjects frightens us, too. Women may respond Detter to the real person than to a gre orator ‘Wie need to communicate the more deeply satisfying aspects of| Feminism as well as the horrors of patiarehy. If we only emph size the violence and oppression that women face, women may {eel that they need man for protection Janice Raymond suggests What We Want, and How to Get There 299 ‘One-dimensional emphasis on the State of Atrocity’ in feminist literate. can inedvercetly Impress women withthe fact ‘hat woman for man.” Raymond emphasizes that feminists must make other wormen more aware that fern volves or ean involve affectionate, Fevrarding conection as wel a poltieal bates. Mary some have dfeed feminsm ony in pola terms, ‘scencatng strung against male fray. They have fae to ee tht. feminism mast ha aut to women the promise of ‘What happiness?"—women faiiar with intra movement con fice may ase Ie re that dispates in the feminist movement often take a personal edge as women vent their pent-p rage at one fnother Tf tre that long term feminists usualy have learned to Inaloreape with cars inflicted thin he moverbent as well as by patriarchy Ie true that feminists need to find more chaceabe ‘ways of disageecng with each other. ‘Nevertheless, there is a happiness in belonging to the feminst movement, even a flawed movement. A sense of purpose and. ‘iretion and a connection with others who area least somewhat like-minded provide satisfaction that many women outside the movement lack I realy more satisfying Worrying about how to fesnlve politcal diferenees in the movement than about ow to afford the latest consumer product. Thats part ofthe message that feminists need to convey Conclusion an we reconcile the diferent radical feminist and lesbian feminist ideas? Docs # make sense to identi nese as part of tradition that includes T-Grace Atkinson and Mary Daly oe the Redstockings and the Pues? TE we look at theories of the origins of mets oppression of woten, we sce that all feminists believe that there are some Diologial iferences between women and men and that. men have used these differences bith to suppress womens actions and to degrade or devalue those physial characteristics that are Possessed. by the beings called women, Virtually all feminist writers belleve that men ste capable in some way of moving ‘his evr, willingly oF unwillingly All believe that women must300 Love and Politics ‘obtain the power necessary to prevent their actons being ‘contri or their Dodis belng used against their wishes we lok atthe theories of lve and sexuality, we se east @ seneral agreement: that sexuality in most societies. has eet ‘etined by men, that historical and current relationships between zmen and women have been mich affected by mets contra of polltcal, social and economic power, and that this unequal dst bution of power should no longer continue. A sexvality based on tale dominance is unaceeptable to feminists A sexuality that excludes the possiblity of sexual commitment to women also fs tmacceptabe we lok at goals, stratepes and tactics, we se that al radial and lesbian feminists are (by definition) determined to end male Supremacy: There Is 4 common list of changes that ‘we see Steps along the way: an end to volence against women; abolition of restrictions on reproductive freedom; economic independance or women; an end to capitalism, other forms of ite lass economic and politcal domination, and whe supremacy, and ‘most of us now would add an end 0 the Institutioaleation of Deteronenaality, There are many ways of working to accomplish these changes and, of course, we wont all agree or says agree fon the means, ‘One ean see the point of the Redstockingpro-voman line Which says that everyting women have done as survival tactics has been necessary and should not draw bashe—and yet agree With the Furies that women can hurt or betray other women in Pursuit ofa survival strategy that we must eriticie (Iam sure thatthe Redstockings really do not believe that every survival strategy ever taken by a woman, including cooperation in Tnalnalning fascism or acim, canbe een as accept), tis dificult to recone the ideas of radical feist such as Atkinson who use the word strategy” and advocate direct action, vith the ideas of those suck as Daly who do ot use the word ‘strategy and who war that women may become too involved In Inconcusive actions over Issues that men, wlkimately, can man ate. But one can see the wisdom of incorporating the latter view into an analysis of ations without giving up eniely on direct oF confrontational action "The cru” Is dificult co discover. We don ow exactly how male supremacy developed. We dont know exactly what love Is What We Want, and How to Get There 301 ‘We dont know whether the earth will survive, much less which of| ‘ur fons ean be accomplished. We don't know exactly what eae tion each of ur tacties il produce, We don knov which of our ideas wil be most appealing to women; but we do know tha every idea appeals to some women ike others before us, we must act with less than perfect owed We mus