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Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 131
Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 131
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 131
ေဒါက္တာဘဟန္ (၁၈၉၀-၁၉၆၉)
txl;aqmif;yg;
ဘဝမွတ္တမ္း ႏွင္းပန္းအိမ္
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 131
txl;aqmif;yg;
ဘဝမွတ္တမ္း ႏွင္းပန္းအိမ္
ဴမန္မာအမဵိႂးသမီး လူေမႀာင္ခိုကူးမႁ
တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္မႀာ မဵားဴပားလာ
yHkEdSyfrSwfwrf;
အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္
Digest
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ အဓမၼ လုပ္အားေပးကိစၥေတြနဲ႔
ကေလးစစ္သားကိစၥေတြကို တုိင္ၾကားဖို႔ အိုင္အယ္လ္အို
အေနနဲ႔ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕က ထရိတ္ဒါး ဟိုတယ္ မွာ ရံုးခန္းတခု
ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့လည္း ျပည္သူလူထု
အတြက္ကေတာ့ အဲဒီအထိ သြားေရာက္တိုင္တန္းဖို႔ဆိုတာ
အခက္အခဲ၊ ျပႆနာေတြ ရွိေနတုန္းပဲလို႔လည္း ေရွ႕ေန
ဦးေအးျမင့္က ေျပာျပသြားပါတယ္။
ႎိုင္ငံေရးအကဵဥ္းသားေတၾကို အကူအညီေပးခဲ့တဲ့
ကိုစိန္လိႁင္၊ လိႁင္႓မိႂႚနယ္ အမဵိႂးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖၾဲႚခဵႂပ္
အဖၾဲႚဝင္ ကိုေ႟ၿဂဵိႂးနဲႛ ေဒၞဴမင့္ဴမင့္စိုးတိုႛ သံုးဦးကို
မတရားအသင္း ဆက္သၾယ္မႁနဲႛ အင္းစိန္ေထာင္
ဒုကၡသည္ေတၾကို အကာအကၾယ္ေပးဖိုႛ
ထိုင္းဝန္႒ကီးခဵႂပ္ထံ အေမရိကန္
လၿတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ေတၾ ေတာင္းဆို
2010-02-05
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/us_lawmakers_ask_for_protection_of_refu
gees-02052010095525.html/story_main?textonly=1
ကရင္ ဒုကၡသည္ေတၾဴပန္ပိုႛမဲ့အေရး
လူႛအခၾင့္အေရးအဖၾဲႚေတၾ စိုးရိမ္
2010-02-05
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/rights_organizations_concern_deportation_
of_refugees-02052010104152.html/story_main?textonly=1
ဴမန္မာအမဵိႂးသမီး လူေမႀာင္ခိုကူးမႁ
တ႟ုတ္ဴမန္မာနယ္စပ္မႀာ မဵားဴပားလာ
2010-02-05
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/women_trafficking_to_china_increased-
02052010111332.html/story_main?textonly=1
အိႎိၬယေရာက္ ကခဵင္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတၾ
ဴမန္မာအေရးလႁပ္ရႀားသူေတၾ စု႟ံုးဆႎၬဴပ
2010-02-05 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/protest_in_india-
02052010130135.html/story_main?textonly=1
(ကိုဝိုင္းတည္းျဖတ္သည္)
ျပည္ပေရာက္ ကခ်င္မ်ားကလည္း
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ လက္မခံ
အိမ့္ခ်ယ္ရီ | ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၀၅ ရက္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၂၀ နာရီ ၀၆ မိနစ္
နယူးေဒလီ (မဇၥ်ိမ)။ ။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကို လက္မခံႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း
ယေန႔ က်ေရာက္သည့္ ၄၉ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ကခ်င္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႔တြင္ အိႏၵိယေရာက္
ကခ်င္အဖဲြ႔ အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားက ေျပာဆိုလိုက္ၾကသည္။
စစ္အစိုးရက တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္မ်ားကို ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ႏွစ္ ဧၿပီလမွ စတင္ကာ
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ အျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲရန္ အဆိုျပဳထားသည့္အေပၚ ၎တို႔အေနျဖင့္
လက္မခံႏုိင္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား တန္းတူအခြင့္အေရး ရရွိရန္
ဆက္လက္၍ လႈပ္ရွားသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
“က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢေတြအေနနဲ႔လည္း ပန္းတိုင္မေရာက္မခ်င္း KIO/KIA
ေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္လက္ၿပီး တိုက္ပြဲဝင္သြားမယ္” ဟု နယူးေဒလီ အေျခစိုက္
ကခ်င္ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ား သမဂၢ AKSYU မွ ႐ံုးတာဝန္ခံ ကိုအာဒမ္က မဇၥ်ိမကို
ေျပာသည္။
KIA တပ္သားေဟာင္း ကိုေရာ္ဘင္ကလည္း “က်ေနာ္တို႔ KIO/KIA (ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသား
လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး အဖဲြ႔/ တပ္မေတာ္) ေတြအေနနဲ႔ လုိအပ္တဲ့ပန္းတိုင္ မေရာက္မခ်င္း
ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ လက္နက္ခ်မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္လည္း ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ
လုပ္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ မရမခ်င္း တိုက္ခိုက္သြားမယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္လ ၂၉ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ KIO တာဝန္ရွိသူမ်ားသည္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္အျဖစ္
အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရး အတြက္ နအဖ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ၁၁ ၾကိမ္ေျမာက္အျဖစ္
ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ေျပလည္မႈ မရေသးပါ။
ခ်င္း၊ ကခ်င္၊ ရွမ္းႏွင့္ ဗမာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားသည္ ၁၉၄၇ ခု ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ ၁၂ ရက္ေန႔တြင္
ရွမ္းျပည္ ပင္လံုရြာ၌ ေတြ႔ဆံုကာ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား တန္းတူအခြင့္အေရး ရွိရမည္ဟူေသာ
သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ျဖင့္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕လက္ေအာက္မွ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရယူခဲ့ေသာေၾကာင့္
ထိုအတုိင္း ရရွိမည္ဆုိလွ်င္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ မဆိုထားႏွင့္ ၎တို႔၏ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကိုပင္
စြန္႔လႊတ္မည္ဟု KIO က တံု႔ျပန္ ေျပာဆိုထားသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္ စစ္အစိုးရက ထိုေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္အေပၚ တစံုတရာ ေျဖၾကားေဆြးေႏြးျခင္း
မရွိေသးပါ။
ယေန႔က်ေရာက္သည့္ ၄၉ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ကခ်င္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႔တြင္ နယူးေဒလီရွိ
ကခ်င္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ အင္အားစုမွ လူဦးေရ ၆ဝ ခန္႔က
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ကိစၥႏွင့္ ေမခ-မလိခ ျမစ္ဆံုတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရ ေရကာတာ
တည္ေဆာက္ေနသည္မ်ားကို လက္မခံႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း ၿမိဳ႕လည္ ဂ်န္တားမန္တား အရပ္တြင္
ဆႏၵျပကာ ကန္႔ကြက္ခဲ့ၾကေသးသည္။
ဘဝမွတ္တမ္း
ႏွင္းပန္းအိမ္ | ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၀၅ ရက္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၂၀ နာရီ ၄၇ မိနစ္
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/edop/songpa/4743-2010-02-05-14-40-38.
အစိမ္းရင့္ေရာင္ေတာင္ေတြၾကားက ပုလဲလို ၾကဲပက္ထားတဲ့ ႏွင္းစက္ေတြနဲ႔
ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေလးမွာ သတင္းေတြနဲ႔ အိပ္ယာက ႏိုးရပါတယ္။ ဝါးၾကမ္းခင္းထဲကုိ
ကလူက်ီစယ္လိုက္တဲ့ ေဆာင္းေလကို ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ေဘထုတ္အေႏြးထည္နဲ႔
ကာကြယ္ထားရတယ္။ ေဘမကယ္ ေသဘြယ္ရာရိွတဲ့ ေနရာေလ၊ သတင္းေတြ
မရွိရင္လည္း မျဖစ္တဲ့ ေနရာေပါ့။
၁၉၉၈ မွာ ခင္ပြန္းသည္ကို ေဝးလံေခါင္သီတဲ့ ကေလးအက်ဥ္းေထာင္ကို ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၁၄
ႏွစ္နဲ႔ ပို႔လိုက္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ က်မ အေတာ္ဒုကၡေရာက္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ အခ်ိန္ေပါ့။ က်မရဲ႕
ဒုကၡကိုျမင္တဲ့ ဆရာၾကီးဦးတင္မိုးက ဘဝမွာ အၿမဲအမွတ္ရေနမယ့္စကား ေျပာပါတယ္။
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၅၊ ၂၀၁၀
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ေနအိမ္
ျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား ရပ္ဆုိင္းထားရ
ဓာတ္ပုံသတင္း
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၅၊ ၂၀၁၀
လူတေယာက္နဲ႔ ဝက္တေကာင္
ေမာင္သာရ
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၆၊ ၂၀၁၀
http://moemaka.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5833&It
ေျပာရအံုးမယ္။ သည္အေမရိကားမွက
တိရစၦာန္ေမြးျမဴေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ ဥပေဒစည္းကမ္းေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ၿပီး
ႏိုင္ငံတိုင္းမွာလိုပဲ s.p.c.a ဆုိတဲ့ တိရစၦာန္ႏွပ္စက္ညွဥ္းပမ္းမႈ ကာကြယ္ေရး ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔
သီးသန္႔ရွိတယ္။ တျခား မႈခင္းရဲေတြလို လက္နက္ကိုင္ ယႏၱရားတပ္ဖြဲ႔ပဲ။ ရဲကားေတြ
အခ်ဳပ္ကားေတြ တိရစၦာန္နာတင္ကားေတြ သူနာျပဳေတြနဲ႔။ လမ္းႀကိဳ လမ္းၾကားေတြကအစ
အျမဲတမ္း ကင္းလွည့္ေနၾကတာ။ အဲ … မေတာ္လို႔မ်ား သနားၾကင္နာတတ္တဲ့
တစံုတေယာက္က သူတို႔ကို လွမ္းဖံုးဆက္တိုင္ၾကားလိုက္ရင္ … ပိုင္ရွင္ေတာ့ ရွင္းေလေရာ။
ဝလင္ေအာင္ ေကၽြးစရာ၊ ဆရာဝန္ျပ ေဆးကုသစရာ ပိုက္ဆံမတတ္ႏိုင္လို႔ပါ … ဆိုတဲ့
ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္လဲ လက္မခံဘူး။ အဲ ႏွိပ္စက္ညွဥ္းပမ္းမႈပဲ။ မတတ္ႏိုင္ရင္ ေမြးမထားနဲ႔ပဲ။
သူတို႔အဖြဲ႔ကိုအေၾကာင္းၾကားၿပီး အပ္ႏွံရမယ္တဲ့။ ‘မုတ္ဆိတ္ေမြးမႏိုင္ပဲ ပဲႀကီးဟင္း
မေသာက္နဲ႔’ ဆိုသလိုေပ့ါ။ ျပတ္တယ္။
တပုိ႔တဲြလ ထမနဲပဲြ
ဓာတ္ပုံသတင္း
ယခုႏွစ္တြင္လည္း ေက်ာ္သူ
အကယ္ဒမီပဲြဖိတ္စာ မရ
THURSDAY, 04 FEBRUARY 2010 19:02 သဲသဲ
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2547-2010-02-04-12-
06-25
စေနေန႔တြင္ က်င္းပမည့္ အကယ္ဒမီဆုေပးပြဲ အခမ္းအနားသုိ႔ တက္ေရာက္ရန္
ဖိတ္ၾကားျခင္း မခံရေၾကာင္း သ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ ေက်ာ္သူက ေျပာသည္။
အကယ္ဒမီဆုဟု ထင္ရွားသည့္ ျမန္မာ့႐ုပ္ရွင္ ထူးခြ်န္ဆု ခ်ီးျမွင့္ပဲြ ဖိတ္စာ မရရွိခဲ့သည္မွာ
၂ ႏွစ္ ဆက္တုိက္ ရွိၿပီျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိသည္။
သေဘၤာသား ျဖစ္ေရး
ပုိလြယ္ကူေတာ့မည္ဟုဆုိ
FRIDAY, 05 FEBRUARY 2010 14:51 ဧရာဝတီ
ႏုိင္ငံျခား၀င္ေငြ ရွာေဖြေပးႏုိင္သည့္ ပင္လယ္ကူး သေဘၤာသား အေရအတြက္ တုိးျမွင့္ရန္
အလုပ္အကုိင္ ဆုိ္င္ရာ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို စတင္ ဖယ္ရွားလိုက္ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း
ေရေၾကာင္း ပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး ညႊန္ၾကားမႈ ဦးစီးဌာန အရာရိွႀကီးတဦးက အဂၤါေန႔တြင္
ေျပာၾကားလုိက္သည္။
နည္းျပ ဒရာဂိုမာမစ္
ခိုင္ရႊန္းလဲ့ရည္မိသားစု
နာေရးကူညီမႈအသင္းကုိ သိန္း ၁၅၀ လႉ
FRIDAY, 05 FEBRUARY 2010 17:11 သန္းထိုက္ဦး
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2555-2010-02-05-10-
မခိုင္ရႊန္းလဲ့ရည္၏ မိသားစုက နာေရးကူညီမႈ အသင္း၏ သုခကုသုိလ္ျဖစ္
ေဆးခန္းအတြက္ ဓာတ္မွန္ အေဆာက္အအံု ေဆာက္လုပ္ရန္ က်ပ္ သိန္း ၁၅၀
လႉဒါန္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အသင္း တာ၀န္ခံ တဦး ျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးေက်ာ္သူက ယေန႔
ေျပာၾကားလိုက္သည္။ ဓာတ္မွန္ အေဆာက္အအံုကုိ ယခုလကုန္တြင္ စတင္
ေဆာက္လုပ္မည္ ဟု ဦးေက်ာ္သူက ေျပာသည္။
(burmavjmovie.com)
မဲေဆာက္ရွိ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားေနအိမ္
ထိုင္းရဲ၀င္စီး
THURSDAY, 04 FEBRUARY 2010 18:45 ဘေစာတင္
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2546-2010-02-04-11-4
ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ရွိေသာ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အစည္းအ႐ုံး (KNU) ဒု ဥကၠဌ ဖဒို
ေဒးဗစ္ သာကေပါ၏ ေနအိမ္ေဟာင္းႏွင့္ ကရင္ သတင္းဌာန (KIC) ရံုးခန္းမ်ားကို
ထိုင္းရဲမ်ားက ယေန႔နံနက္ ၆ နာရီခန္႔တြင္ ၀င္ေရာက္ ရွာေဖြမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ သြားေၾကာင္း
သတင္းရရွိသည္၊KIC တာ၀န္ခံ ေဒၚနန္းေဖာေဂက “မနက္က ထိုင္းရဲ ေတြနဲ
့ထိုင္းစစ္သားေတြ ၂၀ ၀န္းက်င္ေလာက္ က်မတို႔ ကရင္သတင္း ဌာန ရံုးခန္းနဲ႔ ဖဒို ေဒးဗစ္
သာကေပါ ေနသြားတဲ့ အခန္းေဟာင္းကို ၀င္ရွာသြားတယ္၊ ၀င္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပစၥည္းေတြကို
စစ္သြားတယ္၊ ဓာတ္ပံုေတြ ဘာေတြ ရိုက္သြားတယ္၊ ပစၥည္းယူသြားတာ၊ ဖမ္းဆီး
သြားတာမ်ိဳးေတာ့ မရွိပါဘူး”ဟု ဧရာ၀တီသို႔ ေျပာသည္။ အဆိုပါ ထိုင္းအာဏာ
ပိုင္မ်ားသည္ ကရင္သတင္းဌာန ရံုးခန္းကို ၀င္ေရာက္ ရွာေဖြရာတြင္ အခန္းကို ေသာ့ဖြင့္၍
၀င္ျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ ကပ္လ်က္ အခန္းမွတဆင့္ အေပၚထပ္ ျပတင္းေပါက္ကို ဖြင့္ကာ
၀င္ေရာက္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု သိရသည္၊
ပထမ ျမန္မာပါရဂူတဦး
(၁)
ေဒါက္တာဘဟန္ (၁၈၉၀-၁၉၆၉)
(၂)
(၃)
စာကုိး
နန္းခင္ေထြးျမင့္
ေနာက္အစိုးရကို နအဖက
ဘာအေမြေတြေပးခဲ့မလဲ
ဖိုးသံေခ်ာင္း
၅/ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၀၁၀
http://www.khitpyaing.org/articles/2010/february/5210.php
Visi tors shop at the Burma exhibtion during the 4th China-Asean
Expo (CAEXPO) in October, 2007, in Nanning, China. the CAEXPO
is the only major internat ional economic and trading event co-
sponsored by the governments of China and the 10 Asean
members, which is aimed at promoting the China- asean Free
trade area. (Photo: AFP)
The deal comes as Asian countries in general are coping better with the
global economic downturn than counterparts in Europe and North
America. Part of China’s strategy has been to pump money into its
private sector as stimulus spending designed to offset the impact of the
downturn. Often the lines between the state and private sectors are
blurred, however, and China’s resources mean that Asean-based
business rivals could be at a disadvantage to the economic giant.
As is often the case with such agreements, CAFTA falls short of genuine
free trade. Each country can register hundreds of sensitive goods on
which tariffs will continue to apply, in many cases until at least 2020.
Such sensitive products include various types of electronic equipment,
motor vehicles and automotive parts, chemicals and miscellaneous items
such as popcorn, snowboarding equipment and toilet paper.
And like many other FTAs, non-tariff barriers will remain. Razeen Sally,
a director of the Brussels-based European Centre for International
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Political Economy, said: “Basically it [CAFTA] takes down the tariffs but
does little on all the non-tariff barriers (NTBs) where you would have
much bigger gains to trade.” Asean members see NTBs as a key hedge
against Chinese competition.
CAFTA will not apply across the board in Asean, for now at least. Burma,
Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos have been given until 2015 to cut tariffs,
reflecting the disparities within Asean between member-states, and
acknowledging that local industries could not compete with Chinese
rivals. Wide economic disparity has hindered Asean’s internal efforts to
form a single market, as the purchasing power of the group’s four richest
countries was 10 times greater than that of the other members last year.
As for Burma, the agreement will not make much difference for now,
according to Sean Turnell, who edits the Burma Economic Watch.
“Formal tariff barriers are not the principal obstacles to trade or business
with the country,” he said.
Burma will not benefit from CAFTA unless the country undergoes real
political change that removes economic sanctions and presumably leads
to the end of Burma’s current economic system, which is characterized
by profound mismanagement and corruption. An exception could be the
natural resource sector, where Asean member-states anticipate Chinese
demand for energy and raw materials to increase under CAFTA.
However, in Burma’s case, increased resource revenues would merely
bolster the military regime and perpetuate its economically disastrous
rule.
As trade grows, the coming years should see greater Chinese investment
in transport and infrastructure in Asean member-states. Prior to CAFTA,
China launched a $10 billion infrastructure investment fund to improve
road, railway, airlines and information telecommunications links
between China and Southeast Asia and is also providing a $15 billion
credit facility to promote regional integration and connectivity.
Just days after CAFTA was signed, China overtook Germany to become
the world’s largest exporter. Beijing’s economic success is appealing to
Asean’s member-states, all of which hope to boost their economic growth
through interaction with the world’s most dynamic economy.
COVER STORY
The costly arms buildup—in countries where millions still live on less
than one dollar a day—is also fueled by rivalry between the armaments
industries of China and Russia, although European countries are also
suppliers. Singapore, for instance, buys German arms, and Malaysia is
buying French-Spanish submarines.
Other countries are even more hard-pressed to meet the cost of this
recent round of military expansion, but this hasn’t prevented them from
trying to keep up with others in the region.
Some military experts believe that a cargo plane full of weapons seized in
Bangkok in December was destined for Burma and not Iran or Sri Lanka
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as speculated. The plane was carrying anti-insurgency arms—rocket-
propelled grenades, small missiles and small arms ammunition—from
North Korea, which has a history of clandestine dealing with the
Burmese junta.
Since last year, Naypyidaw has intensified its drive to eliminate active
resistance by groups such as the Karen National Union, which has waged
an ethnic-based insurgency for more than six decades. The regime has
also been preparing for a showdown with cease-fire groups that have so
far refused to accede to demands to form themselves into border guard
forces under Burmese military command.
The Burmese regime, however, had bought 12 MiGs from Russia in 2001
following a border clash with Thailand, and announced its plan to
purcahse a new fleet of MiG-29s only a few weeks after a trip to Burma
by Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, whose public comments about
strengthening economic ties probably masked the real reason for his
visit: to persuade the junta to buy Chinese planes instead of the Russian
MiGs.
Some have seen the move as part of an effort to reduce the regime’s
reliance on Chinese support, particularly in the wake of last year’s attack
on the Chinese-speaking Kokang ethnic minority, which sent some
37,000 refugees into China and earned the Burmese junta a rare rebuke
from Beijing.
But other observers see the decision in economic rather than political
terms.
“It looks like the Burmese did their homework. They might be closer to
Beijing than to Moscow, but they still want value for their money,” said a
military analyst at a Western embassy in Bangkok, noting that the flying
life of a Chinese plane is less than half that of a MiG.
For the time being, China also appears content to prioritize economic
considerations over other issues in its relations with Southeast Asia. But
even as Beijing dramatically increases its trade with Asean through
recently secured free trade agreements, it has also sought to assert
military dominance of the South China Sea, which is bordered by Asean
members Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia.
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Vietnam’s big Russian weapons deal comes after China attempted to
warn Vietnam and the Philippines off claims to the Spratly and Paracel
islands, both linked to oil and gas prospecting hopes.
Taking their cue from Aung San Suu Kyi, many women in
Burma remain firmly committed to the struggle for democracy
For most, the source of their conviction is the example of Aung San Suu
Kyi, who has inspired many women to join the National League for
Democracy (NLD). Although we also have immense respect for our male
leaders, Suu Kyi has done the most to nurture our political awareness.
She is not just someone we admire, but a role model for all women who
want to make a difference in Burma.
This means that many women who work for democracy in Burma must
do so without attracting attention to themselves. But even so, they face
harassment from a regime that is intent on silencing dissent. For
example, here in Karen State many are threatened with arrest because
they have relatives who have illegally entered Thailand in search of
work. In this way, the junta is able to put pressure on those who wish to
engage in political work.
Perhaps a more daunting factor that stands in the way of women who
want to participate in politics is the need to make a living. Economic
survival is most people’s number one priority in Burma, and for many
women, especially those with children, the demands of everyday life
often make it impossible for them to devote themselves to political
activism.
Fortunately for me, I do not face such pressure in my life, although some
have tried to persuade me to stay away from politics and focus instead on
business. But even those who are relatively free of worries about their
livelihood must bear in mind that they, too, can lose it all if they chose to
openly oppose the regime.
Many doctors and lawyers have been stripped of their licenses for
contributing their time and energy to the cause of Burmese democracy,
and many businesses have been shut down because of their owners’
political sympathies. Thousands have been dragged away from their
families and imprisoned, and many have died in detention.
We must never forget the sacrifices of those who have paid a heavy price
for their political convictions. At the same time, however, we should
remember that no one is safe from such abuses in Burma, whether they
are involved in politics or not.
Both men and women are routinely denied their most basic rights in this
country. At one time, Burmese soldiers in Karen State only forced men to
work as porters, but now women are also expected to perform this
backbreaking, often deadly labor. Other forms of forced labor are also
widespread, resulting in further economic hardship for the country’s
poor.
Against this grim backdrop, it is difficult to see any real prospect for
political reform in Burma. Some see a glimmer of hope in the election
that will take place sometime this year, but I personally don’t believe it
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will make any difference. Only our own determination to continue with
the struggle for democracy will prevent the country from succumbing to
the darkness of continuing oppression.
Although I don’t think the NLD should take part in this election unless
the Constitution is thoroughly revised, I believe that it will attract more
women than the 1990 election. This is because women have become
more politically aware over the past two decades.
But these constitutional barriers are only part of the problem. No one
believes that this election will be free and fair. Candidates who are not
backed by the junta will know that they face almost insurmountable
odds.
Nan Khin Htway Myint is a member of the NLD and the MP-elect for
the No. 3 constituency in Pa-an Township, Karen State.
PHOTO ESSAY
A Fragile Peace
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17702
By YENI FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
Within the KIA, which now has 4,000 to 5,000 soldiers in five brigades
and one infantry division, there is growing suspicion and distrust of the
Burma regime. The Kachin, who fought against Burma’s central
government for near 40 years, have already rejected the regime’s
demand to transform the KIA into a border guard force.
Instead, the KIA is recruiting and training more soldiers and preparing
for resumed hostilities with the Burmese army. Additionally, it formed a
military alliance with the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the largest
ethnic army with 20,000 soldiers, and the National Democratic Alliance
Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA-ESS), aka the Mongla group, with an
army of about 3,000 soldiers.
Five Kachin leaders, including Dr. Tuja, the vice chairman of the Kachin
Independence Organization (KIO), its political wing, have resigned to
focus on building up the Kachin State Progressive Party, jointly founded
in March 2009 with three Kachin cease-fire groups and the Kachin
National Consultative Assembly, the largest political umbrella
organization, to contest the junta’s general election this year. “The
Kachin must have a political party,” said a Kachin leader. “If not, they
will lose their identity.”Engaging in electoral politics is part of the Kachin
strategy to prepare for its political and military future. In the meantime,
the KIO/KIA control their autonomous zones, building hospitals, teacher
training colleges and Christian churches in both Kachin State and
northern Shan State, in the remote northern reaches of the country.
The water level on the Irrawaddy River has been decreasing in recent
years and looks set to drop farther, as several hydroelectric dams are
being constructed Born and bred on the banks of the Irrawaddy River,
Ko Soe says he knows the river like the back of his hand. As a child he
swam, fished and played with friends in the Irrawaddy, and today he
makes a living from steering boats to and from Mandalay and on the
many tributaries that stream into Burma’s longest river.
Now 36, he knows all the waterways, the currents and the shallows, as
well as the best places for mooring and fishing on this stretch of the
Irrawaddy. But lately, Ko Soe, has found navigating the river a tiresome
task. “I’ve seen very low water levels recently and the appearance of
sandbanks and islets,” he said. “Sometimes the water is as low as two
feet, so many boats cannot pass through. Many vessels get stuck on
sandbars.”
A Town of Widows
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17693
By PHYU PHYU THIN FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
Even if the drivers are aware of the problem and want to protect
themselves, condoms are often unavailable in rural stores dimly lit by
oil-lamps, where snacks, tobacco and liquor are sold along with the
services of garishly made-up teenagers in a tin hut out back. As a result,
when men return to their families in Kyaukpadaung, they often take
HIV/AIDS with them.Kyaukpadaung was an ideal place for our group to
put our HIV/AIDS prevention and care training into action. As youth
members of the National League for Democracy, we had been selected by
NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi to train at the UN Development
Programme office in Rangoon.
On my first visit, I went to the town to help organize assistance from our
group. By working with Kyaukpadaung’s people, we helped them to learn
how to confront the disease as a community. They have become aware of
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how HIV is spread and are now more adept at preventing infection
among newborn infants and children. Those infected by HIV/AIDS now
encourage each other to be open about their affliction, and many are
willing to talk about their disease and have formed their own support
group to assist each other.They are ready to help others experiencing
difficulties, such as when antiretroviral medicines fail to arrive on
schedule due to supply problems in Rangoon or breakdowns in Burma’s
antiquated transportation. Those who have remaining stocks of medicine
willingly share with those who have run out and will be repaid in kind
when new supplies arrive.
Phyu Phyu Thin, 37, has cared for HIV and AIDS patients since 2002,
providing counseling and education, sending them to clinics and
providing accommodation in Rangoon to those coming for treatment
from outlying areas. Due to her political affiliation and strong support
for the NLD, she faces harassment in her work and has been arrested
and jailed on several occasions.
ARTICLE
“Another issue that has bothered me over the years … has to do with
inadequacies in our society regarding conflict resolution and our
inability to satisfactorily deal with those who hold views and ideas and
who recommend courses of action that we disagree with,” said U Myint.
“Despite being devout Buddhists, we do not appear to be good at
mediation and reconciliation, and we do not seem to have sufficient
capacity to resolve conflict and differences of opinion among ourselves in
an amicable and peaceful manner.”Some Burma observers were critical
of the economic forum in December, saying that the presence of Stiglitz,
who was in the country to gather information about the Burmese
economy and offer advice to the generals, only served to help the junta
reduce international political pressure before the election, which is to be
held later this year. But the forum also offered a platform for economic
reformers like U Myint to state their views—always a risky business for
those who dare to criticize the generals’ economic mismanagement while
trying to engage them in a dialogue.“It does not matter if the mouse is
black or white, as long as it is not caught by the cat,” said U Myint,
reversing former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s famous maxim
advocating economic pragmatism. “Keep in mind that mice take
considerable personal risks in trying to bring about change in Myanmar
[Burma].”Although the Stiglitz visit provided a rare opportunity for other
economists to offer their views, this was not the first time that seminars
U Myint
VIEWPOINT
No Escape from the 31 Planes of
Existence
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17705
By AUNG ZAW FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
Why am I so certain of this, when others have suggested that the junta
will probably try to find some pretext to put the vote off indefinitely?
Because the clearest evidence of the junta’s intentions can be found in
Naypyidaw, where construction of new parliamentary buildings is
proceeding apace.This news is not entirely reassuring, however.
According to a recent Reuters report, much work remains to be done on
the new legislature, “from unfinished roads to painting many of the
parliamentary complex’s 31 buildings, with pagoda-style roofs sheathed
in scaffolding.” But others who have been to the junta’s capital say that
they are amazed at how much progress has been made since last March,
when only the main building of the Hluttaw, or Parliament, had been
completed. In recent months, the regime has ordered army engineers
and construction workers to work even faster to meet their deadline—
whenever that might be. While some people are preoccupied with the
question of when the buildings will be finished, I am more intrigued by
the number being built—31.
Whatever Than Shwe is thinking, it’s clear that he still feels he has some
important business to take care of down here among us mere
mortals.Besides the election, he has recently been cleaning house,
purging the military of anyone he suspects of disloyalty. Two officials
have already been sentenced to death, accused of leaking documents
relating to a secret trip to North Korea by the junta’s No. 3, Gen Shwe
Mann, in November 2008. Another has been given a long prison
sentence for involvement in the case.Meanwhile, a reshuffle at the War
Office—including the reassignment of five colonels to inactive posts—
also points to an ongoing effort to neutralize any elements within the
ranks of the military whose loyalties to Than Shwe are suspect.
As all of this goes on, Than Shwe is putting the finishing touches on his
line-up of leaders who will assume key positions after the election.
Nothing has been settled yet—it remains unclear, for instance, whether
Shwe Mann will become president or simply retire—but military sources
say Than Shwe has been giving this task his full attention. Who is likely
to occupy which position changes on a daily basis, they say, depending
on the general’s blood pressure.
But Than Shwe is clearly not satisfied with deciding who will ostensibly
rule in the years immediately after he steps into the shadows. He also
wants to make a more permanent mark on Burma. Hence, his
determination to complete the parliament buildings in
CULTURE
In Other Words
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17706
By ARKAR MOE FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
Although the days are long gone when Burma’s publishers could produce
such politically charged works as George Orwell’s “Animal Farm” in the
Burmese language, the country’s literati still dream of establishing a
truly independent and effective translation society.
Orwell and other Western authors were translated into Burmese when
the country had an active Translation Society, founded in 1947 by the
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country’s first prime minister, U Nu, who also worked as a translator for
a time at Rangoon’s Judson College.The Translation Society was
renamed Sarpay Beikhman—“Building Great Literature”—in 1963, one
year after the coup that brought Ne Win to power. But it has never lived
up to its grandiose title.Although Sarpay Beikhman hands out annual
awards, few translators are honored. No translation prize at all was
awarded in 2008.Some complained that the Sarpay Beikhman society
was also to blame because its awards favored government policies and
practices.
The first venture into these new waters was made in 1904 by James Hla
Kyaw, who adapted part of the Alexandre Dumas novel “The Count of
Monte Cristo” in a Burmese translation titled “Maung Yin Maung Ma
Me Ma.”The appearance of James Hla Kyaw’s ground-breaking
translation led others to realize that exposure to world literature,
particularly books of the West, would greatly assist efforts to modernize
Burmese writing.Translators such as Thakin Ba Taung, Shwe U Daung,
Zaw Gyi, Mya Than Tint, Dagon Shwe Hmyar, Maung Htun Thu and
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Maung Moe Thu introduced Burmese readers to virtually the entire
repertoire of Western and Russian writing. Mya Than Tint won Burma’s
National Literature Award five times for his translations of such major
works as “War and Peace” and “Gone with the Wind.”
The well-known Burmese writer Maung Wun Tha agreed, telling The
Irrawaddy: “Translated literature can be a bridge between different
countries, peoples, culture, philosophy and technology.”Ohn Kyaing, a
veteran journalist, said translations were needed not only of English-
language works but also of books written in Chinese, French, Japanese
and Hindi. The government should create a “good translation society,”
he told The Irrawaddy.The government has the necessary resources,
said Phone Thet Paing, editor of the journal Myanmar Thit (New
Myanmar). Universities, libraries and academics should also support
efforts to revive Burma’s translation tradition, he told The Irrawaddy.
BOOK REVIEW
Victoria's Ark
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17707
By JIM ANDREWS FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
“Songs and stories reveal the wisdom of the first ancestors, passing in an
unbroken chain from mother to daughter, father to son, shaman to
apprentice,” she says in the book based on her exhaustive research. “I
spent about 40 percent of my time in Burma,” Vorreiter told The
Irrawaddy. Weighed down by cameras and recording equipment, she
ventured deep into the jungles and mountains of central and eastern
Burma, hiking to remote villages of the Akha, Karen, Lahu and
Lisu.There, and in neighboring Thailand and Laos, she found “an
extraordinary, unique world, distinctive in language, customs, arts,
A Lahu Shi man with his baby and his drum. Photos:
VLCTORIA VORRELTER
She was fascinated to find that music played a central part in every
aspect of community life, from birth until death.“Traditional peoples
listen to the songs, ceremonies and stories of their forebears at a deep
level and with great reverence,” she writes in her richly illustrated
book.“These are the living archives of centuries of accumulated culture,
history and tenets of faith, providing the eternal link between those who
have gone before with those who will follow.”From her interest in hill
tribe music has grown a determination to do all she can to keep it alive
and to help it resist the threat posed by outside influences, particularly
from the West and China.
That’s quite a body of work for a woman who began her professional
career as a musician. She is an accomplished violinist who graduated in
the US with a master’s degree in music and researched the music of
Morocco before settling in Chiang Mai in northern Thailand. A “cultural
Noah’s Ark” is how her work has been described by others in her field of
research. Like Noah, she probably has a long way to go yet before her
task of protection and preservation is done.
When popular film actress Khine Hnin Wai divorced her husband in
December 2009, Burmese glossies reported fully on the breakup of the
marriage. She told The Irrawaddy that the coverage had won her a lot of
sympathy, which had helped her through the crisis.The editor of one pop
journal said journalists now hunt for scandal and scoops.“Readers are
eager for such news,” said one woman journalist. “A scoop means more
sales and more income for a magazine.”
Political satire was not the only item on the program of a stage
performance in Chiang Mai by the Cho Lin Pyar troupe and members of
the Burmese Women’s Union (BWU). One sketch that wowed a large
audience at a Chiang Mai hotel hit home with a dig at the reputedly
talkative nature of women.In an encounter between a king and one of his
ministers, the monarch is told that women are demanding a 30 percent
participation in decision making.“Why 30 percent?” asks the
king.“Because they have big mouths,” the minister replies—referring to
the popular (male) prejudice that women are naturally loquacious.
Thwe Zin Toe (second left) and her colleagues from Burmese
Women’s Union entertain an audience at the Grand View hotel in
Chiang Mai. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)
The sketch also earned enthusiastic applause because the roles of the
king and his minister were taken by two women—Thwe Zin Toe and Zin
Mar Phyo.The BWU event, which celebrated the organization’s 15th
anniversary, brought together members and such professional
entertainers as dancers Mya Sabe Ngon and comedian Zee Thee. BWU
members Khin San Htwe and Wint War Khine won applause as dancers
in appearances with Zee Thee.Much of the comedy in the program was
directed at the women themselves and their role in politics and society.
“The audience was laughing before we actually got going with our
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performance,” said Zin Mar Phyo, an assistant editor of Cho Lin Pyar’s
journal.
NEWS IN BRIEF
BRIEFLY NOTED (February 2010)
FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
Security forces said nearly a third of all Philippine cities and towns are in
danger of erupting in violence during elections in May. National Police
Chief Jesus Verzosa said 558 of the country’s 1,634 cities and
municipalities have been identified as areas of concern and will get
added attention from security forces ahead of the national and local
polls, which include a vote for the president. Elections Commission
Chairman Jose Melo asked the police and military to put extra effort into
gathering evidence against political warlords who maintain their own
private armies so that they can be charged and disqualified from the
vote. The private armies were thrust into the spotlight in November,
when 57 people in an election convoy, including 30 journalists, were
massacred, allegedly by members of a rival clan.
BUSINESS
FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
The Htoo Trading Co Ltd., owned by Tay Za, a business crony of senior
Burmese generals, and other companies were awarded a contract to
build, operate and sell electricity from two hydro power projects in
Burma. Sources in the Rangoon business community said the contract
between the government and Htoo Co. was for 75 years. Observers in
Rangoon say privatizing hydro-power projects could be a first step in the
military government’s attempt to resolve electricity shortages in the
country. Almost the entire country lacks enough electricity to fill its
needs.
“We want to be sure that Aung San Suu Kyi has the possibility and
opportunity to interact with her party colleagues ... to decide how
they will approach the elections, whether they will participate or
not participate.” — Marty Natalegawa, Indonesian foreign minister
The first sentence dispels rumors that the election would be postponed.
It also signaled that a review of the 2008 Constitution—a goal of the
democratic opposition—would not take place.
Military in Retreat?
There are two election camps: pro-election and anti-election. The former
is small, and the latter big—at least so far. Veteran politician Thu Wai,
who is pro-election, formed the new Democratic Party late last year (the
government has yet to issue a party registration law). “I don’t think the
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army is moving forward, but rather it’s in retreat,” he said. “They are
withdrawing by taking a role under the Constitution.” on Dec. 20, a
similar idea was advanced in an article titled “The Best Policy” in the
state-run New Light of Myanmar: “When the people consider that
Tatmadaw [military] members of parliament are no longer needed in
the Hluttaw [Parliament] according to the international and national
situations ... the Tatmadaw will comply with the wishes of the people in
line with the laws adopted by the people’s representatives.” Many people
in the larger, anti-election camp, which includes the United Nationalities
Alliance, a coalition of 12 ethnic groups based in Rangoon, say they won’t
take part in the election unless the Constitution is reviewed—especially
in regard to the equality and autonomy of ethnic people. In the coming
months, that position will be put to the test as more pragmatic leaders
stress the benefits and opportunities of having elected representatives in
the Parliament in Naypyidaw.
On the Record:
သမိုင္း၀င္ သွ်မ္းေတာ္လွန္ေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္
ကြယ္လြန္
စေနေန႕၊ 06 ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ 2010 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္
သွ်မ္းေတာ္လွန္ေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗုိလ္ေဒ၀ိန္
“The Wa are not out of the game yet, not by a long shot,” said a young trader
on the Tachilek-Maesai border. “But the political winds are changing, so is the
drug trade. The Wa used to be Number One. Now the militias are Number
One.”
The United Wa State Army (UWSA) and several other ceasefire groups have
since 2008 increasingly been under pressure to come into the fold of the
Burma Army The UWSA and 5 other groups say they would not give up their
arms until their autonomy demands are met.
“Since then, the militia’s stars have been on the rise,” agreed another
businessman. “The ceasefire groups’ trucks are searched, but the militias’ are
not. The result is even the ceasefire groups have to turn to the militias for the
safe transit of their drug consignments.”
One businessmen earlier told SHAN that Thai entrepreneurs had been trying
to take advantage of the situation by investing with the militias. “They are the
ones who bring in precursors like caffeine and pseudo ephedrine you have
been hearing about,” he said. “They, unlike the Wa, like to churn out the pills
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131 138
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
first and look for the customers later.”
The Wa, he says, “never make pills without order.” They also are choosy with
their customers: either they must pay cash on delivery or they must be long
standing loyal customers.
But why do most smugglers say they were carrying “Wa goods” and not
others’? “It’s to discourage rival groups from trying to hijack the goods,” one
businessman replied. “If you say you are carrying Wa goods, no one will dare
touch you. Also when you are caught on the Thai side and the media ask you
where it comes from, the answer “Wa” will shut them up.”
Most of the junta backed militia groups are said to be involved in the drug
production and trade. The most well-known is the group from Punako,
Mongtoom tract, Monghsat township, opposite Chiangrai’s Mae Fa Luang
district. The Burma Army’s Light Infantry Battalions (LIBs) 553 and 554 are
stationed near their village.
Yet despite their stars rising, their products are still low-quality compared to
the Wa’s. “But just give them sufficient time,” said the source, “I think the
Number One chemists from the Wa will be moving over to the militias.”
ပဲခူး အင္တာနက္ဆိုင္ပိုင္ရႀင္မဵား
အသံုးဴပႂသူမႀတ္တမ္း လုပ္ေပးရ
2010-02-06 http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Internet_restrictions_in_Pegu-
02062010120033.html/story_main?textonly=1
ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ကိုလၿတ္သင့္ေဳကာင္း
ဖိလစ္ပိုင္ႎိုင္ငံဴခားေရးဝန္႒ကီး ေဴပာဆို
2010-02-06
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Philippine_FM_urges_Burma_to_release_D
ASSK-02062010111208.html/story_main?textonly=1
အပိုင္း - ၁
(အပိုင္း ၂)
ဆင္သတင္းဇာတ္ကား ျပင္သစ္အဖြဲ႕
လာေရာက္႐ိုက္ကူး
http://www.nfacforburma.info/2010/02/life-size-memories.html
ျပင္သစ္ ႏိုင္ငံ အေျခစိုက္ Compass Films ကုမၸဏီ မွ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အပါ အ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေပါင္း
ေလးႏိုင္ငံ ရွိ ဆင္မ်ား အေၾကာင္း ကို အေျခခံ၍ သတင္း ဇာတ္ကား ႐ုိက္ကူး လ်က္ရွိရာ
ယခုႏွစ္ကုန္ တြင္ ႐ိုက္ကူးမႈ ၿပီးစီးမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထုတ္လုပ္သူ Ms Frédérique
Lengainge က ေျပာသည္။ အဆိုပါ သတင္း ဇာတ္ကား အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္
႐ိုက္ကူးမႈ အပိုင္းကို ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလမွ စတင္၍ ၂၀၁၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္၊ ဧၿပီလ အထိ
ပဲခူး႐ိုးမ အေရွ႕၊ အေနာက္ ႏွင့္ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း အတြင္းရွိ ျမန္မာ့သစ္ လုပ္ငန္း ေအာက္ ရွိ
ဆင္စခန္းမ်ား တြင္ ႐ိုက္ကူးသြား မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎က ေျပာသည္။ ယင္းသတင္း
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131 162
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ဇာတ္ကားကို 'ဘ၀ မွတ္တမ္းမ်ား' (Life Size Memories) ဟု ယာယီ အားျဖင့္ အမည္ေပး
ထားၿပီး ျပသခ်ိန္ မိနစ္ ၉၀ ၾကာျမင့္ မည္ ျဖစ္ကာ National Geographic ႐ုပ္သံ လိုင္းတြင္
ျပသမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ "သတင္း ဇာတ္ကား ႐ိုက္ကူးေရး ပိုင္းကေတာ့ ဒီႏွစ္ ကုန္မွာ
ၿပီးလိမ့္မယ္။ ၂၀၁၁ ႏွစ္၀က္မွာ ျပႏိုင္မယ္လို႔ မွန္းထား ပါတယ္"ဟု Mr Klaus က
ေျပာသည္။
မ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး
၆ . ၂ . ၂၀၁၀ l MM
ရင္ထဲက စက္တင္ဘာရာဇ၀င္
၂၆ . ၉ . ၂၀၀၉ ( စေနေန႕) ၊ ဇာနည္ (ပခုကၠဴ)
http://www.nfacforburma.info/2009/11/blog-post_3478.html
က်ေနာ္ဟာ ဧရာဝတီနဲ႔ ခ်င္းတြင္းျမစ္ ျမစ္ႏွစ္မႊာဆံုတဲ့ ေအာက္ဘက္နားက ဧရာဝတီျမစ္ရဲ႔
အေနာက္ဘက္ကမ္း ကမ္းျမိဳ႕ေတာ္လို႔ တင္စားေခၚေဝၚတဲ့ ျမိဳ႔ေလးကပါ။ စက္တင္ဘာ
သံဃာလႈပ္ရွားမႈ စတင္ျမစ္ဖ်ားခံရာ ပခုကၠဴျမိဳ႕ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ လူသိပိုမ်ားမွာပါ။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ ပခုကၠဴဟာ အေရာင္းအဝယ္ အခ်က္အျခာက်တဲ့ ေနရာတခုျဖစ္တဲ့အျပင္
စီးပြားေရးလည္း ဖြံျဖိဳးျပီး မႏၱေလးၿပီးရင္ ဗုဒၶသာသနာ ေနလိုလလို ထြန္းကားတဲ့အရပ္ပါ။
တန္ခိုးႀကီး ဘုရားေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ သီဟိုဠ္ရွင္၊ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ တံကဲရွိတဲ့ ေရႊကူဘုရား၊
ေဖါင္ေတာ္ဦးနဲ႔ ျမစ္ကမ္းနေဘးက သာယာတင့္တယ္စြာ သပၸါယ္တည္ရွိေနတဲ့
ေရႊမုေ႒ာဘုရားတို႔ဟာ ပခုကၠဴရဲ႔ က်က္သေရေဆာင္ေတြပါ။
စီမံသူ ဦးဘုိးလွဲ႔ဆိုတဲ့ စာတန္းေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးေတြ႔ရတဲ့ မဟာဝိဇယာရာမ ပါဠိတကၠသိုလ္
အေရွ႔တိုက္မွာ စာသင္သားသံဃာ ၆ဝဝ ေက်ာ္၊ အဂၤလန္နိုင္ငံက ေဂးလက္အင္ဂြၽန္စတင္
လီမီတက္က လာေဆာက္ေပးတဲ့ နာရီစင္ႀကီးရွိတဲ့ မဟာဝိသုတာရာမ ပါဠိတကၠသိုလ္၊
အလယ္တိုက္မွာ စာသင္သား တေထာင္ေက်ာ္၊ ေနာက္ သာသနာ့ ဝိပုလာရာမ
ပါဠိတကၠသိုလ္လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အေနာက္တိုက္မွာ စာသင္သား ၂ဝဝ ေက်ာ္နဲ႔ သာသနာ
ျပန္‹ပြားေအာင္ ဗုဒၶသာသာနာကို လက္ဆင့္ကမ္း သယ္ေနၾကတဲ့ အနယ္နယ္အရပ္ရပ္က
သံဃာေတာ္ ေတြစာဝါ လိုက္ေနတဲ့ ေနရာႀကိီးေတြ ရွိတယ္ဗ်ာ။ဒီလို ပရိယတ္တင္
မဟုတ္ဘူး၊ ပရိပတ္ေတြပါ နည္းေပးလမ္းျပေနတဲ့ မိုးကုတ္ရိပ္သာလို၊
မဟာစည္ရိပ္သာတို႔လုိ ကမၼဌာန္း ဘဝနာ နည္းေပးတဲ့ ရိပ္သာေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးဗ်။
သီလရွင္ေတြအတြက္ စာဝါပို႔ခ်ေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ။ ပရိယတ္ဘက္မွာ
စာဝါလိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ပခုကၠဴ စာခ်နည္းကို မသင္ဘူးတဲ့ ဘုန္းႀကီးဟာ ပညာစံုတယ္လုိ႔
ေ႐ႊဥေဒါင္းနဲ႔ သြားတူတာ
ပုရစ္ေၾကာ္စားေတာ့ ေဒၚေဒၚ (လူထုအေမမာ)ကို ေျပးသတိရမိတယ္။
ေဒၚေဒၚကသိပ္ႀကိဳက္တာ။ သူႀကိဳက္႐ံုသာမ ဟုတ္ေသးဘူး၊ ပုရစ္ေတြေပၚၿပီဆိုတာနဲ႔
ခ်က္ခ်င္းပို႔ခိုင္းတာ။ ေအာင္ဒင္သရက္ သီးေပၚလည္းအတူတူပဲ။ ေပၚဦးေပၚဖ်ား
ပို႔ခိုင္းတာပဲ။ ေဒၚေဒၚကိုယ္တုိင္ေစ်း သြားႏိုင္တုန္းကဆို ပုရစ္၀ယ္ရင္ဥပါတဲ့
အမေတြေ႐ြး၀ယ္တာ။ အိမ္ေရာက္ေတာ့လည္းဂ်င္း(ခ်င္း)နဲ႔ ၾကက္သြန္ျဖဴေထာင္း ၿပီး
ဖင္ကေဖာက္ထည့္ခိုင္းလိုက္ေသး တယ္။ ေဒၚေဒၚကသူ႕ဦးေလးသိန္း(ဆရာ
ႀကီးေ႐ႊဥေဒါင္း)နဲ႔သြားတူတာ။ ဆရာ ႀကီးလိုပဲ အစားေကာင္းႀကိဳက္ၿပီး ၾကံ
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131 172
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ၾကံဖန္ဖန္ေတြလည္း စားတတ္တယ္။ ျပင္ဦးလြင္မႇာ ေႏြရက္ေတြအတူေနၾက ေတာ့
ေဒၚေဒၚ့အသက္က ၉၀နားနီး ၉၀ ေက်ာ္ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ ဒါလည္း ေဒၚေဒၚ့ သမီးႀကီး
ေဒါက္တာျမမဥၨဴရဲ့ မိတ္ေဆြ ေတြ ပခုကၠဴကပို႔ေပးတဲ့ ပဒတ္ေၾကာ္ ေတြလည္းစားတုန္းပဲ။
ျပင္ဦးလြင္မႇာပဲရတဲ့ ေတာင္ပုဇဥ္းေၾကာ္လည္း စားတာပဲ။ အ ေၾကာင္းမသိသူေတြ
သိပ္အံ့ၾသၾကတယ္။
ပါးစပ္သိခ်ၤဳိင္းေတြ
သမီးပါေမာကၡသမားေတာ္ႀကီးက လည္းသူကိုယ္တိုင္က အစားေကာင္း
အေသာက္ေကာင္းႀကိဳက္တဲ့ သူဆိုေတာ့ အစားအေသာက္နဲ႔ပတ္ရင္ေတာ့ ပိတ္ပင္
တားဆီးမလုပ္ဘူး။ အလိုလိုက္တယ္။ တျခားဟာေတြသာ သူကဟိုဟာမလုပ္နဲ႔
ဒီဟာမလုပ္နဲ႔ပိတ္တာ။အစားအေသာက္ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ေဒၚေဒၚႀကိဳက္တတ္တာေလး ေတြကို
မရမကရႇာေဖြမႇာယူၿပီးကို ေကြၽး တယ္။ ေဒၚေဒၚကလည္း သူမ်ားလူႀကီး ေတြလိုမဟုတ္ဘူး။
သူႀကိဳက္ရင္စား တာပဲ။ သူ႕မႇာမတည့္တာတည့္တာမရႇိ ဘူး။ ႀကိဳက္ရင္အကုန္တည့္တာပဲ။
ဦးေလးနဲ႔ေတာ့ လံုး၀တျခားစီျဖစ္တယ္။ ဦး ေလးကအေနအထိုင္ သန္႔ရႇင္းသလို
အစားအေသာက္မႇာလည္း သိပ္သန္႔ရႇင္း တယ္။ မႏၲေလးသားေတြလိုေပါက္တတ္
ကရစားတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေဒၚေဒၚပုရစ္ေၾကာ္ေတြ တႂကြပ္ႂကြပ္၀ါးစား ေနၿပီဆိုရင္
ႏႇာေခါင္း႐ႈံ႕ၿပီး 'မင္းတို႔ပါးစပ္ေတြက လည္း သခၤ်ဳိင္းကုန္းက်ေနတာပဲ'လို႔
ေတာင္ေျပာတတ္တာ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အစား အေသာက္သန္႔ရႇင္းၿပီး က်န္းမာေရးကို
သိပ္ဂ႐ုစိုက္တဲ့ ဦးေလးက အရင္ကြယ္ လြန္သြားရႇာတယ္။
ယုန္သားလည္းစားရၿပီ
ပုရစ္ေၾကာ္မစားရခင္ တစ္ပတ္ ေလာက္ကလည္း မႏၲေလးက မိတ္ေဆြ တစ္ေယာက္က
ကားဂိတ္ကတစ္ဆင့္ ယုန္သားကင္ပို႔ေပးလိုက္ေသးတယ္။ ဘုတလင္ကို အလႇဴသြားရင္း
ရလာခဲ့လို႔ ပို႔လုိက္တာတဲ့။ ၀မ္းသာလုိက္တာ။ ယုန္သားကို တမ္းတေနတာၾကာလႇၿပီ။
ရန္ကုန္ေရာက္ကတည္းက မစားရတာ ဆိုေတာ့ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းငါးဆယ္နီးပါးရႇိေနၿပီ။
ငယ္ငယ္ကေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္တန္းေစ်းမႇာ အၿမဲရတတ္ေတာ့ အေမကယုန္သား
ျပဳတ္ေထာင္းၿပီး ၾကက္သြန္နီႏိုင္းခ်င္းနဲ႔ သုပ္ေပးေလ့ရႇိတယ္။ အ႐ိုးေတြခတ္ထား တဲ့
ေခြးေတာက္႐ြက္ဟင္းခ်ိဳ၊ ယုန္သား ေထာင္းနဲ႔ မရန္းသီးေထာင္းဆို သိပ္ လိုက္ဖက္လြန္းလို႔
ရန္ကုန္မႇာ မရန္းသီး ေထာင္းစားတိုင္းယုန္သားကို လြမ္းခဲ့ရ တာ။
အခုေတာ့မိတ္ေဆြေကာင္းမႈနဲ႔ ျမင္ ရေတာ့တာ။ ေရာက္ေရာက္ခ်င္းပဲ ယုန္ သားကို
ႏူးေအာင္ျပဳတ္၊ ေထာင္းၿပီးၾကက္ သြန္၊ င႐ုတ္သီးနဲ႔ေၾကာ္ခိုင္းတယ္။ တစ္ ပိုင္းလိုေတာ့
ငယ္ငယ္တုန္းကစားရသလို သုပ္စားလိုက္တယ္။ အရသာရႇိလုိက္ တာ။
ဘာသားနဲ႔မႇကိုမတူဘူး။ ၾကက္ သားလို ခ်ိဳတာခ်င္းတူေပမယ့္ ၾကက္
သားထက္ပိုႏူးညံ့တယ္။ ပို႔လိုက္တဲ့ မိတ္ ေဆြကို ေက်းဇူးတင္လိုက္ရတာ။
စြဲစရာေတြမ်ားလို႔ စြဲၾကတာ
မႏၲေလးသားေတြေဒသစြဲသိပ္ႀကီး တာပဲလို႔ကဲ့ရဲ႕ၾကတာ အဆိုးမဆိုပါဘူး။
စြဲစရာေတြကမ်ားလြန္းေတာ့ မစြဲဘဲဘယ္ သူမႇမေနပါဘူး။ စြဲစရာအစားအေသာက္
ေတြဆိုတာေအာက္အရပ္ထက္ပိုေပါတာ ကိုး။ ပုရစ္ေၾကာ္၊ ေတာင္ပုဇဥ္းေၾကာ္၊
ပဒတ္ေၾကာ္၊ ပူးသား၊ ယုန္သား၊ ေ>မသား၊ စာကေလးေၾကာ္၊ မယ္ညိဳစတာေတြက
လည္းေပါတယ္။ ထေနာင္း႐ြက္သုပ္၊ မန္က်ည္း႐ြက္သုပ္၊ ျမဴ႐ြက္သုပ္၊ တ႐ုတ္စံ
ကားပြင့္သုပ္၊ လက္ပံပြင့္စတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ မႇာမရႇိတဲ့ စားစရာေတြကလည္း ေပါတယ္။
သြားရည္စာ(သေရစာ)ဆိုတာေတြက ေတာ့ ေျပာမေနနဲ႔ေတာ့။ ရန္ကုန္လို အုန္းႏို႔ေခါက္ဆြဲ၊
မုန္႔ဟင္းခါးနဲ႔ ဘိန္းမုန္႔ေလာက္ရႇိတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ပြဲလမ္း သဘင္ဆိုတာလည္း
ေရႇးကဆိုဆယ့္ႏႇစ္ လစလံုးျပတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ အခုလို သီတင္းကြၽတ္၊ တန္ေဆာင္မုန္းဆို
အျငိမ့္စင္နဲ႔ ဇာတ္စင္ေတြကိုေရႇာင္ကြင္း သြားေနရတာနဲ႔ ခရီးအေတာ္ဖင့္တာ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္
မႏၲေလးကို သဘင္တကၠသိုလ္ လို႔ေတာင္ေခၚခဲ့ၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။
ဆီးျဖဴသီးဆားစိမ္နဲ႔ဘာလေခ်ာင္ေၾကာ္
သတင္းသမားဆိုေတာ့ ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံတစ္နံတစ္လ်ား အမ်ားႀကီးသြားခဲ့ဖူး ပါတယ္။
ေပါင္းတည္စြယ္ေတာ္ပြဲ၊ အင္းေလးေဖာင္ေတာ္ဦးပြဲ၊ ေ႐ႊက်င္မီးေမ်ာပြဲနဲ႔ က်ိဳက္မေရာ
မီးေမ်ာပြဲေတြလည္း သိပ္ေပ်ာ္စရာေကာင္းပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တန္ ေဆာင္တိုင္ပြဲေတာ္နဲ႔
သႀကၤန္မႇာေတာ့ မႏၲေလးေလာက္ ေပ်ာ္စရာေကာင္းတာ ဘယ္မႇာမႇရႇိမယ္မထင္ပါဘူး။
သႀကၤန္ကေတာ့ လူတိုင္းသိေနတာမို႔ မေျပာေတာ့ပါဘူး။ တန္ေဆာင္တိုင္ပြဲေတာ္ဆိုတာက
တစ္ၿမိဳ႕လံုးလႇည့္ေနေလႇေအာင္းျမင္း ေဇာင္းမက်န္ပါ၀င္ဆင္ႏႊဲၾကတဲ့ ပြဲျဖစ္ တယ္။
ပြဲေတာ္ရက္ေတြမႇာဆို ရပ္ကြက္ ထဲရႇိ အိမ္တိုင္းက တတ္ႏိုင္သေလာက္
အေကြၽးအေမြးလုပ္ၾကတယ္။ တစ္အိမ္ နဲ႔တစ္အိမ္ကူးလူးၿပီး၀င္ထြက္စားေသာက္
ၾကတာေပ်ာ္စရာေကာင္းလႇပါတယ္။ သိသိမသိသိ ဘယ္အိမ္၀င္စားစားလာသမ်
လူေကြၽးၾကတာပါ။ စားေသာက္ၿပီးရင္ ေတာ့ လက္ဖက္သုပ္၊ ခ်င္းသုပ္နဲ႔အတူ
ဆီးျဖဴသီးဆားစိမ္နဲ႔ ဘာလေခ်ာင္ေၾကာ္ ကလည္း အိမ္တိုင္းမႇာပါၾကပါတယ္။ အဖိတ္ေန႔
ညစစ္ကိုင္းေတာင္႐ိုးမႇာလည္း လမ္းေဘးမႇာ ဆီးျဖဴသီးဆားစိမ္နဲ႔ ဘာလေခ်ာင္ေၾကာ္
လင္ပန္းေတြ တန္းစီေနတာပါပဲ။ တစ္ညလံုးတစ္ေခ်ာင္၀င္တစ္
ေခ်ာင္ထြက္သြားေနၾကတာဆိုေတာ့ ဆီး ျဖဴသီးဆားစိမ္စားၿပီးေရေသာက္ ရတာ
အင္မတန္အရသာရႇိလႇပါတယ္။
ၿခိမ့္ၿခိမ့္သဲပြဲေတြကို လြမ္းတာ
ဒါေတြကကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ေကာလိပ္ ေက်ာင္းသားအရြယ္ေလာက္က ေပ်ာ္စ ရာေတြပါ။
ခုေတာ့ မတူေတာ့ပါဘူး။ အမ်ားႀကီးေျပာင္းလဲသြားပါၿပီ။ အၿငိမ့္ေတြ
ဇာတ္ေတြဗလာဆိုင္းေတြေနရာမႇာစတိတ္ ႐ိႈးပြဲေတြကေနရာယူသြားၾကၿပီ။ ေခတ္
ကေလးေတြေပ်ာ္ေစခ်င္တယ္
ဒီေခတ္လူငယ္ေတြရဲ့ ေရာ့ခ္ေတြ ဟစ္ပေဟာ့ေတြကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ႏႇစ္ သက္ပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔က အၿငိမ့္ေတြ၊ ဇာတ္ေတြေနရာမႇာ၀င္ၿပီး အစားထိုးႏိုင္ေသးတာ
မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခုေလာေလာဆယ္မႇာ အၿငိမ့္ေတြ ဇာတ္ ေတြကေတာ့
တစ္ျဖဳတ္ျဖဳတ္နဲ႔ေႂကြေန ၾကတာခုဆို သဘင္တကၠသိုလ္လို႔ေခၚ ၾကရတဲ့ မႏၲေလး
ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ႀကီးမႇာေတာင္ အၿငိမ့္ေတြ၊ ဇာတ္ေတြ မ်ားမ်ားစားစား မရႇိေတာ့ပါဘူး။
အေဟာင္းေတြခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္း ရတာဓမၼတာမို႔ ဆန္းတယ္မထင္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္
အေဟာင္းေတြေနရာမႇာ အ စားထိုး၀င္ေရာက္ေနရာယူမယ့္ အသစ္ ဆိုတာကလည္း
အခုထိပီပီျပင္ျပင္ရႇိ မလာေသးေတာ့ ကြက္လပ္ႀကီး ျဖစ္ေန တာအေတာ္ၾကာေနၿပီ။
မီးေရာင္ေတြ ထိန္ထိန္ညီးၿပီး စည္ေျဗာသံေတြညံေန တဲ့ ပြဲလမ္းသဘင္ေတြဆိတ္သုဥ္းေနၿပီ
ဆိုေတာ့ သနားစရာ အေကာင္းဆံုးက ကေလးေလးေတြပဲ။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ငယ္
ငယ္ကလိုသူတို႔ေလးေတြ မေပ်ာ္ၾကရရႇာ ဘူး။ ကေလးေတြေပ်ာ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေပးဖို႔
ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ လူႀကီးေတြမႇာ တာ၀န္ရႇိ တယ္မဟုတ္လားခင္ဗ်ာ။
စတုတၳအၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ေတာ္ဘုရားကေလး
စာေပဆုေပးပြဲ က်င္းပ
မိုးယံမခ
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၆၊ ၂၀၁၀
ေတာ္ဘုရားကေလး၏ဇနီး ေဒၚခင္ေမ
ေတာ္ဘုရားေလးမိသားစု၏ ေ နအိမ္
ဒဂုန္တာရာ
ဦးေဆြ (ဒသနိက)
ဆရာအံ့ေမာင္
ဆရာအံ့ေမာင္ ကဗ်ာဖတ္ေနစဥ္
ဆရာ ထက္ျမက္၊
ဆရာ လင္းထင္
ဆရာ ေ ဇာ္ေနာင္
ဦးထြန္းလြင္
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၇၊ ၂၀၁၀
လာျပီ။
ျပည္တြင္းအတိုက္အခံမ်ားအတြက္
ေနျပည္ေတာ္အကယ္ဒမီပြဲၾကီးမွသည္ ၂၀၁၀
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲၾကီးဆီသို႔
မုိင္အကယ္ဒမီစိန္
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၇၊ ၂၀၁၀
http://moemaka.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5839&Ite
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၇၊ ၂၀၁၀
၀င္းေဖလြယ္အိတ္ ၁၄
ဘီဘီစီ အပတ္စဥ္အစီအစဥ္
၀င္းေဖ
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၇၊ ၂၀၁၀
ေသာတရွင္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ျမန္မာ့အႏုပညာရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕
ပန္းခ်ီျပပြဲ
07 February 2010 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2010-02-07-voa2.cfm
ခ်င္းျပည္နယ္မွာ ၀က္တုပ္ေကြး
ေလးေယာက္ထပ္ေတြ႔
06 February 2010 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2010-02-06-voa5.cfm
ကယားဴပည္နယ္ ေကဵးရၾာတရၾာ
အစိုးရစစ္တပ္ အႎိုင္ကဵင့္ႎႀိပ္စက္
2010-02-07
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/villagers_in_Kayah_State_flee_from_junta_
troops-02072010115545.html/story_main?textonly=1
ရႀမ္းဴပည္နယ္ေနႛအခမ္းအနားမဵား ဴပည္တၾင္း
ဴပည္ပမႀာကဵင္းပ
2010-02-07
http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/Shan_state_day_commemorated_in_Rang
oon_and_SSA_region-02072010124257.html/story_main?textonly=1
ခင္ေမာင္ညိဳ
(ေဘာဂေဗဒပညာရွင္)
အခုလိုမ်ဳိး ပုဂၢလိကပိုင္ လုပ္ငန္းေတြ ခ်ေပးေနတဲ့အေပၚမွာ ဘယ္လိုျမင္သလဲ။
စစ္႐ုံးၾကက္ၿခံတြင္ အျပင္းစား
ၾကက္ငွက္တုပ္ေကြးျဖစ္
ျမင့္ေမာင္၊ မ်ဳိးသိဏ္း | စေနေန႔၊ ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၀၆ ရက္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၂၂ နာရီ ၄၃ မိနစ္
ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ စခန္းမႉး႐ုံး လက္ေအာက္ခံ ေမာ္ေတာ္ယာဥ္ တပ္ရင္းတစုရွိ
တပ္ရင္းၾကက္ျခံတြင္ အျပင္းစား ၾကက္ငွက္တုပ္ေကြးေရာဂါ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ (၆) ရက္ စေနေန႔ထုတ္ အစိုးရ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ မရမ္းကုန္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အမွတ္
(၅) ရပ္ကြက္ရွိ ၾကက္ေမြးျမဴေရး ျခံတျခံ၌ အျပင္းစား ၾကက္ငွက္တုပ္ေကြးေရာဂါ (Highly
Pathogenic Avian Influenza - HPAI) ျဖစ္ပြားေၾကာင္း ေမြးျမဴေရးႏွင့္
ေရလုပ္ငန္းဝန္ၾကီးဌာန၊ ေမြးျမဴေရးႏွင့္ ကုသေရးဌာနမွ အတည္ျပဳထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္။
COMMENTARY
How to Select a UN Special
Envoy?
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17731
By AUNG ZAW Wednesday, February 3, 2010
EDITORIAL
Thailand Must Not Repatriate
Karen Refugees
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17744
Thursday, February 4, 2010
Tomorrow Thailand will start its repatriation of more than 3,000 Karen
refugees who are staying in Tha Song Yang in Tak Province. The
refugees, including many women and children, entered the country last
June to seek safety after weeks of heavy fighting between a joint force of
Burmese government troops and their local allies, the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA), and their traditional foe, the Karen National
Liberation Army (KNLA), in Karen State.This is the second largest
repatriation of refugees from Thailand ever, and comes just months after
the Thai government decided to send thousands of ethnic Hmong
asylum-seekers back to Laos despite international objections. These
developments are doing nothing to improve Thailand's already tarnished
reputation. According to a survey by the US Committee for Refugees and
Immigrants, Thailand is one of the world's worst places to be a refugee.
This scathing assessment is due in part to reports early last year that the
Thai Navy had pushed Rohingya boat people out into the open sea with
little food or water to prevent them from coming ashore.
However, the refugees themselves are well aware of how precarious any
semblance of peace can be in their homeland. This is why they don't
want to go back, and why groups such as the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, the Thailand Burma Border Consortium
and the Karen Women's Organization say they should be allowed to stay.
They are all urgently appealing to the Thai government not to forcibly
push the refugees across the border into a heavily mined conflict zone.
For the refugees who are already here, there is no desire to return to a
life of fleeing conflict and massive human rights violations. All they want
is to remain in a country where they are safe. To Thailand's credit, it has
already sheltered hundreds of thousands of refugees from Burma over
the past 25 years. But this is not the time to start taking a tougher line
with refugees. Until Burma is finally free of civil war, Thailand should be
prepared to continue helping those who have suffered most in this
deadly, decades-old conflict.
The second reason for not using its leverage is related to China's
geopolitical strategy that aims to undermine the feasibility and
desirability of a US policy of containment mainly by forging solid
working relations with its smaller neighbors and other major powers.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131 221
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
While China continued its program of economic and military
modernization through the 1990s, it wants to minimize the risk that
others, most notably the member-states of the Association of Southeast
Asia Nations (Asean), will view China as an unacceptably dangerous
threat which must be parried or perhaps even forestalled.
These concerns would coincide with the current South China Sea dispute
between China and some Asean members over territorial claims and
resources. China's leaders have decided to follow Deng Xiaoping's cryptic
instruction: "Hide our capacities and bide our time, but also get some
things done." (tao guang yang hui you suo zuo hui). China has adopted
an opportunistic foreign policy of maintaining relations with any
government that would remain friendly to China and serve China's
security and economic interests, irrespective of that government's
propensity for reform.
In the wake of Khin Nyunt's fall from grace, Than Shwe visited India and
agreed to the latter's bid for a UN Security Council seat. He later
backtracked on that policy. The junta chief also reached out to Russia
and North Korea, another gesture that irritated the Chinese. To top it off,
Burma recently chose to buy a fleet of Russian MiG-29 fighter jets,
despite China's offer to sell its latest J-10 and FC-1 fighters at a bargain
price.
The risk is imminent and urgent because the regime has set 2010 as an
election year and has to impose a deadline on cease-fire groups joining
the Burmese army's Border Guard Forces.
While low-key foreign policy does not influence the events taking place a
few kilometers across China's border, such as the junta's attack on the
Kokang, Beijing has resolved to review its foreign policy. Sources
confirm that China has now set up a "Fact-finding Commission" on last
year's Kokang conflict and its impact on China.
Some may argue that there are two disincentives for China to modify its
current policy. First, the junta may retaliate by disrupting economic
cooperation with China (for instance, the gas pipeline deal). The second
factor would be with respect to Washington's new policy toward the
junta.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131 223
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
The first option would be suicidal for Than Shwe since his regime can't
afford the return of a late 1960s scenario in Sino-Burmese relations. And
the second factor is a grave concern among China's policy elites.
If the highest level leaders of US and Asean make it clear to China that
they will coordinate with Beijing to facilitate change in Burma, aiming
for minimalist goals which do not radically upset the interests of
Naypyidaw and Beijing, China would likely take on the role of working
toward national reconciliation in Burma (in more concrete terms, the
removal of Than Shwe if the latter resisted.)
If this goal cannot be achieved with persuasion, China may use sticks
such as abstention in UNSC or support the status quo (i.e. encouraging
ethnic cease-fire groups to resist the Burmese army) as the best fallback
policy option. To that end, the US must make the first move: to liaise
with China. It will perhaps best serve a common interest and workable
task for both countries to refresh the tension-ridden Sino-US
relationship which has spiked over the recent sale of US arms to Taiwan,
friction over trade, the Dalai Lama and allegations of cyber-spying.
Under the rule of Gen Saw Maung following the 1988 coup d'état, a
“Multi-party Democracy Election Commission Law” was issued three
days after he took power. A political party registration law was enacted
on Sept. 27. 1988. The Election Law was issued on May 31, 1989, one
year in advance of the May 27, 1990, election. Political parties and
ordinary citizens were able to make suggestions and comment on the
proposed election law.
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 131 225
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
The current regime has yet to enact an election law for the 2010 election.
Standards for holding a credible election have been detailed by the
United Nations. A UN handbook on the legal, technical and human
rights aspects of elections states: "Each time elections are scheduled, the
dates set out in the electoral calendar for each phase of the process must
allow adequate time for effective campaigning and public information
efforts, for voters to inform themselves, and for the necessary
administrative, legal, training and logistic arrangements to be made."
Ahead of the 2010 election, the Burmese people must ask whether the
role of “union level” civil society groups and the role of elected members
of parliament will be competing or complementary in the new
Constitution. Some Burmese politicians and pro-democracy scholars
inside and outside the country have begun talking about a gradual move
to democratization and a more normal society after the 2010 election.
Some go back to the colonial era and early independence. The UMFCCI
and MRCS were formed in 1919 and 1920, and the MMA in 1949. Unlike
them, the USDA, which was formed in 1993 by the current military
generals, plays a dual role as a social as well as paramilitary
organization. The USDA has been used to launch violent public attacks
on democratic icon Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters, reminiscent of
similar violent acts by the Pyu Saw Hti, a paramilitary group formed in
the parliamentary democratic era of the country.Although some of the
organizations, such as the USDA, claim to be non-profit voluntary social
organizations, they don't embrace the international humanitarian norms
of “independence and impartiality.”
The high death toll from Cyclone Nargis, estimated at around 140,000,
has often been ascribed to the junta's reluctance to allow international
aid workers into the country in the critical weeks immediately after the
disaster struck.Although Haiti also faced delays in the initial stages of the
relief effort, these were mostly due to severely damaged infrastructure
and the virtual collapse of the government in the impoverished
Traveling from Chiang Mai, it took two days to reach the New Mon State
Party (NMSP)-controlled area near Three Pagoda Pass on the Thai-
Burma border. The Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) is based in
Palanjapan village, in the Mon liberated area, the scene of fierce battles
between Mon and Karen in 1988. The Irrawaddy visited the area for the
63rd Mon National Day celebration, which attracted about 1,000 local
residents and visitors from Bangkok.
To reach it from Sangkalaburi, it takes more than a day and half by car in
good weather, after crossing many streams and rivers. In the rainy
reason, it can only be reached on foot. Mon leaders say it is easier to
work together if everyone is at the headquarters in the jungle. Some
observers say Mon leaders are needlessly isolating themselves, cutting
themselves off from communication with the outside world. The leaders
say they have access to a satellite phone if they want to communicate, but
it's expensive and they don't use it often.Aung Thu Nyein, a Burmese
political analyst and former senior leader of the All Burma Students’
Democratic Front, said that Mon leaders are more focused on politics
than on business. Even so, he said in the past when he's requested to
join a meeting, they failed to respond back in time. In the 14-year, cease-
fire, there has been far less local development than in Kachin-controlled
areas. The Mon say their area doesn't have rich natural resources like
Kachin areas. Also, they say many of their leaders are more like
politicians than businessmen. The NMSP now has about 700 soldiers,
according to a retired NMLA colonel, a much smaller force than before
the cease-fire. The Burmese military has about 400,000 troops. In 2004,
when I visited NMSP headquarters, the party leaders said that if war
broke out again with the regime, they would wage a guerrilla war.
Since then, the NMSP hasn't formed a new battalion, and it acts more
like a guerrilla army
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Nai Zay Ya, the NMSP's army chief, said he believes that the cease-fire
agreement will be revoked this year because the NMSP will refuse to
serve as a border guard force under the authority of the regime. “We will
have to use armed struggle again because we see now we can't get any
benefits from the Constitution,” he said. Mon leaders say the 2008
Constitution offers no democracy or ethnic rights, and many Mon seem
to agree.Nai Htaw Mon said, “We haven't reached our goal yet. As long
as Mon don't have their own freedom, we can't stop our revolution.”If
the regime demands that the Mon take part in the border guard force,
many Mon who attended the ceremony expressed support to end the
cease-fire. Nai Kyaw Aye, 60, a former NMSP member, said that the
junta treats the NMSP like a dog that's given a bone which has no
meat.According to the cease-fire agreement, there are 12 military areas
under Mon control, and if junta troops enter the areas, the terms of the
agreement are violated.Nai Htaw Mon said that the future of the cease-
fire will depend on how the junta honors the terms of the cease-fire
agreement and the border guard force issue.
The NHCR chair confirmed in an interview with The Irrawaddy that the
body had raised concerns about the proposed repatriation on Monday,
and received a verbal response from the government that it would look
into the issue. The government told the NHCR that it was satisfied that
the area was free of landmines and that there was no prospect of armed
conflict between the rebel Karen National Liberation Army and the pro-
junta Democratic Karen Buddhist Army.Sending refugees back to
country of origin against their will and without guarantees that they will
be safe is contrary to the international human rights and refugee
principle of non-refoulement. However, Dr. Panitan said “the process
will be undertaken in accordance with international human rights
standards and in compliance with Thai law, that is the Immigration Law
of 1979."
According to the UN's refugee agency, UNHCR, “the refugees are very
nervous about going back to Burma.”
THA SONG YANG, Thailand — Last night, under the light of the stars, I
guided myself through the paddy field toward the flickering flames on
the top of the hill. Dashing across a dirt path, I narrowly miss a Thai
security bike and arrive at the Noh Boe temporary refugee
camp.Immediately, I am whisked into a flimsy bamboo shelter to avoid
the Thai soldiers, who the residents say are always circling the camp on
patrol. Quickly, someone lights a candle—a precious commodity in a
place with no electricity—and various residents tell me of their
heartache.
“The Thais are like the Burmese regime. All my life I have been on the
run and now it feels like I have to run away from the Thais. Even if I tell
them I don’t want to go back, they tell us we have to,” she said.She added
that the Thai authorities told her the NGOs no longer wanted to give her
food, so she had to leave the camp. Although no one from the Thailand
Burma Border Consortium (TBBC), which handles distribution of food
and other basic necessities for refugees on the border, was available for
comment, the group has explicitly stated in the past that it will provide
food to the refugees whether they are on the Thai side or the Burmese
side.Lighting a traditional Karen pipe, another man said that the Thai
authorities also told him that he had to leave because “foreigners
wouldn’t give them food any more.”He said he felt as though he had no
choice but to leave, saying that to stay within the camp, enduring Thai
pressure, would be unbearable for him and his family. He expressed
overwhelming sadness at being forced to take his children to the heavily
landmined area.“What can I do if my children are playing with birds and
the bird flies into a landmine area?” he asked.“I can do nothing. There
are so many landmines in that area, if they accidentally step on one, their
lives will be over.”
Two huts away, I visited a man in his 30s who had lost both his legs
while gathering food for his family during the offensive last June that
had forced these refugees across the border into Thailand. With five
children to feed, the injury has been a huge burden for him and his wife.
“We are so worried about going back. If we go back, we will have so many
problems trying to find food, especially if we are separated from our
friends, who we depend on for our survival,” his wife said. Almost
everyone I spoke to in the camp said they had been forced to work as
porters by the DKBA and were worried that they would have to do so
again. “If we are forced to go back, the DKBA might make us be porters
again. In my family there is only me, my wife and my daughter. If I have
to work for a long time, then I have to leave my family alone in a
dangerous area for them to try and survive,” said one refugee. “The only
reason the DKBA wants us to go back is because they have no people to
help them with their business,” said another refugee.In a recent report,
the Karen Human Rights Group claimed that the DKBA wants the
refugees to go back to provide labor for logging businesses. “It is highly
likely the villagers returning to the Ler Per Her area will be forced to
work as unpaid laborers for the DKBA and [the Burmese junta],” the
report states. With orders being made to evict the remaining refugees, it
appears that Thailand has ignored international pressure again and will
repatriate the Karen refugees.However, with fighting looming across the
border and the situation still dangerous, most of the refugees say they
don’t think they will stay long.Putting out the candle to end our
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interview, one resident said: “Forcing us back won’t solve the problem.
The situation is so terrible under the DKBA we will have to come back
again soon.”
China’s growing influence in the Indian Ocean region appears to have injected
new momentum in India’s efforts to fortify its farthest military outpost, the
Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
Plans are afoot to upgrade airstrips to support fighter operations, induct 5,000
more troops and deploy additional warships, senior officials said.
Myanmar’s Coco Islands, where the Chinese navy has reportedly set up a
surveillance post, are barely 40 km from the Andamans’ northernmost tip
Landfall.
New Delhi may not openly flag concerns about China’s strategic moves to
squeeze India with its presence in Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, but there
is a growing realisation the Andamans hold the key to dominating a vital
maritime zone.
its brigade-level deployment (around 3,000 soldiers) with three more battalions
and support units. An officer said, “There are plans to induct a mechanised
infantry battalion, an artillery regiment and an infantry unit.”
The navy, too, is deploying more warships and patrol vessels in the region.
Asked if the navy was concerned about the Chinese navy’s expansion in the
IOR, navy chief Admiral Nirmal Verma said, “The navy’s plans are guided by
what’s happening in the region… not just by what a particular country is
doing.”
With China steadily increasing its foot print in the Indian Ocean Region,
India has decided to upgrade two fighter bases in Andaman and Nicobar
Islands that will increase its reach in South Asia by more than 1,200 km.
Two airstrips — at Shibpur in the Andamans and at Campbell Bay in
Nicobar Islands — will be turned into all weather bases that can support
fighter operations.
“Two airstrips in the Andaman Nicobar Command are being upgraded
from the existing 3,200 feet to12,000 feet to allow all types of aircraft,
including fighters,to operate,” Commander-in-Chief of Andaman Nicobar
Command Vice-Admiral D K Joshi said.
Since fighter aircraft already operate from Port Blair Naval base and Car
Nicobar Air Force base, the upgraded air bases will significantly increase
India’s reach in the region and give the tri-services command at
Andaman Nicobar more options to deploy aircraft.
January 25, 2010
In late December 2009, reports surfaced that Myanmar (formerly Burma) had
signed a EUR 400 million (about $571 million) deal with Russia’s
Rosoboronexport for 20 MiG-29D fighters. Some sources add a deal for more
Mi-35 attack helicopters, and place the entire package at EUR 450 million.
The Russian bid reportedly beat a Chinese offer to supply 4+ generation J-10/
FC-20 fighters, or the cheaper JF-17/ FC-1 Thunder lightweight fighter.
Implicitly, it also edged out neighboring Malaysia, who is preparing to sell its
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MiG-29N fleet at a discounted price. This is good news for RAC-MiG, whose
financial troubles and low order volume led to a shotgun merger with Russia’s
state-owned United Aircraft Corporation, government bailouts, and doubts
about the long-term future of its technologies.
By comparison, the Tripartite Core Group (UN, ASEAN, and Burma’s Junta)
launched [PDF] a 3-year Post-[Cyclone] Nargis Recovery and Preparedness
Plan (PONREPP) in February 2009, appealing for international donations of
$691 million…
China has close relations with Myanmar, and remains one of its main
international supporters, so its presence as Russia’s main arms competitor in
Myanmar is hardly surprising. Russia’s MiGs gave it a foothold of its own, and
the SPDC regime is also cooperating with Russia to build a nuclear power plant,
reportedly a Russian 10-megawatt design with low enriched (under 20% U-235)
uranium.
rav;&Sm;avwyf
ျပည္သူ႔ဥယ်ာဥ္ႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔ရင္ျပင္ကို
ပုဂၢလိကသို႔ ေရာင္းၿပီ
MONDAY, 08 FEBRUARY 2010 14:03 ဧရာဝတီ
ရန္ကုန္ ၿမိဳ႕လယ္ရွိ ေရႊတိဂုံဘုရား အေနာက္ဘက္ မုခ္ႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေရွ႕တြင္
တည္ရွိေသာ ဧက ၁၃၀ က်ယ္၀န္းသည့္ ျပည္သူ႔ ရင္ျပင္ႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႔ ဥယ်ာဥ္ကို
စစ္အစိုးရက ျပည္တြင္း ကုမၸဏီတခုသို႔ ေရာင္းခ်လိုက္ၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
ေငြလဲႏႈန္း
ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ ၃၊ ၂၀၁၀
၁ ေဒၚလာ = ၁၀၀၅ က်ပ္
၁ ဘတ္ = ၂၉.၉၅ က်ပ္
ကမၻာ့ ဒုတိယအႀကီးဆံုး
ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတုံုးႀကီးကို ေက်ာက္မ်က္ရတနာ
ျပပြဲတြင္ ျပမည္
MONDAY, 08 FEBRUARY 2010 15:48 ေရွာင္ဆန္႔
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2560-2010-02-08-08-5
လာမည့္ မတ္လတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္မည့္ ျမန္မာ့ ေက်ာက္မ်က္ ရတနာ ျပပြဲတြင္ ကမၻာ့ ဒုတိယ
အႀကီးဆံုး ဧရာမ ေက်ာက္စိမ္း အ႐ိုင္းတံုးႀကီးကို ျပသမည္ဟု ၾကားသိရသည္။
အညံ့ဆံုးမ်ားထဲမွာ အေကာင္းဆံုးကိုေရြး၍
ဇာတ္ကားဆုေပးခဲ့ ဟုဆို
MONDAY, 08 FEBRUARY 2010 18:27 သဲသဲ
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2563-2010-02-08-11-
၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္အတြက္ ေပးအပ္ခဲ့သည့္ အကယ္ဒမီ ထူးခၽြန္ဆု ေပးပြဲ၏ ဇာတ္ကားဆုမွာ
အညံ့ဆုံးထဲမွ အေကာင္းဆုံးကို ေရြးခ်ယ္ ေပးလိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဒါ႐ုိက္တာ
အကယ္ဒမီ ပန္းခ်ီစုိးမိုး က ဧရာ၀တီကုိ ေျပာသည္။
aemufqufwGJ
Appendix