Signs of Cherokee Culture Sequoyah’s Syllabary in Eastern Cherokee Life Margaret Bender The University of North Carolina Press Chapel ill & London 2002Cherokee Aphalet. D: Sin On ‘Pro Wo Sve Oss terns Goan Bis Os Qos Wes Bie Los Gin Mi Gorn Dra R. Fee Pre Cre Ane Mow T Va ni Lu Hoi Figure s. Cherokee syllabary cha originally published in 2898. (From Beginning Cherote, 2 ed. Norman: University of Bradley Holmes and Betty Sharp Smith, p. Oklahoma Press, 1976, 19771) Introduction 5 standing why this is so and what the purposes and meanings ing system might be necessitates a grasp of th (o carry meaning on a variety of levels, Fe ly provides a parallel to US, ideals o tion” and points to a radical break with U.S. c ure and its No matter how “acculturated” the Eastern Cherokee population is considered to be, there is something to being "Cherokee" that is not co- termi jh being "American." Former principal chief Joyce Dugan lescribed as thinking" after the battering it had take the years” Gaillard and. DeMeritt 2998: 26). This living cultural difference is strongly impli- beliefs about how language use contributes to the production of various types of community members, how it marks community boundaries, and so on, The study of literacy in particular, because ofits links with Cherokee history and self-representation, touches directly ‘on the questions of how this cultural difference is maintained, hov it ‘changes, and how it might be threatened. Language plays a interactions between subordinated groups and the dominant society and more generally in power rela- ons among groups in society. In particular, writing has been at the same time a tool of the dominant culture's oppression and a tool of independence and resistance—and for many of the same reasons —for example, beca s been held by users to be an agent of “ci Other researchers have documented resistance to literacy in manyChapter One Pride and Ambivalence The Syllabary’s Received History and Interpretation bbary was received in av. native speakers, missionaries, and Cherokee and white pol leaders, Was ita blessing or a curse? Wa tool for ass Would ees to Christianity through the written word of interfere ‘0 teach English and pro, assist the Cherokees in their quest for progress at the civilized reception and use 1ue to reemerge in the writings of his- tovians, inguists as they seek to categorize the syllabary and to describe its history. These tensions are furthermore evident in the current usage and packaging for tourism of the sylla- bary by Cherokees themselves, as will be discussed in later chapters. As a fellow anthropologist has pointed out (Terry Straus, pers. com., April 1995), the persistence of a tension or controversy may be a very al persistence indeed, For itis within the parameters at much of what we call “identity” is nent or prevent their access to the bet negotiated. ‘The history of Cherokee reading and writing in the syllabary pro-24 Prideand Ambivalence ‘century rules about the place of ‘According to these rules, Native American languages were us (until missionaries or other outside nd thus were not part of a ateness and Indi suggested that in the move: ness may have a long, oral language and culture.’This characterization to be meaningful only in the context of Baropean self-characte as literate. Peter Wogan (1994) faults historians for taking at face value e: modern reports of Native American awe at European writing, Bai counts suggesting that native North Americans considered European veriting to be inherently powerful and mystical cont - gues Wogan, of European ideologies of literacy or other: This conception of Native Americans as eategori torical treatment of Cheroke part explain the early involving a brief, assimilative burst of energy with the qual miracle and the focus on a few outstanding individuals, ‘The syllabary’s history challenged this racialized, evolutionary ‘scheme, but it reinforced other components of nineteenth-century lit: Cherokees were no longer seen as Indian by the dominant society. ‘During the first Bush administration (1988-92), just before I began this project, literacy emerged as a foes and Legislative efforts. Pride and Ambivalence 25 important symbols of power. progress, and culture. Indeed, writing may be seen as having played a central and formative role in the history of native North America. Treaties, maps, and the changing of offic place names have all been means of asserting a new social and political order on the ground through witten language ‘The syllabary thus stands in a pivotal position—between the re- rarchy andits dismantling; between self-defi and external categorization; between independence and nationalism ‘on the one hand and assimilation on the other. And as this book is, intended to demonstrate, the study of writing cannot help but be the study of culture, history. and power. A Brief History of the Syllabary In the Cherokee syllabary, each symbol represents 2 vowel or conso- ant plus vowel, with the exception of the character (0), represent: ing /s/+ See Figure 1 for the syllabary chart most commonly used today. Historians generally agree that Sequoyah developed in 1821. system pers. com., 1993), Sequoyah recapi in the “evolution of literacy.” His eacly a tem were destroyed by a fire, It was started with a pictographic or ideographic system (eg,, see Mooney 1982: 219)2 Once Sequoyah perfected his system, he convinced Chero- kee national authorities ofits efficacy with the help of his young daugh- jot of each other, were able to exchange messages via the new writing system. Th demonsiration, followed by the successful training in the new syste! of several Cherokee youths, led to the general acceptance of the Dory (Foreman 1938: 2 Once the syllabary a. rowledge, literacy report spread quickly co the extent that a majority of the Cherokee people ‘were literate in It within nionths. Cherokees began using the new writ- ing in personal correspondence, to translate portions of the Bibl 1026 Pride and Ambivalence cord-keeping and ac al leaders, who had made use of translators to record their proceedings and correspondence in produce government documents in Cherokee. With the est ‘were now able to lishment Despite the vi most Cherokees to In¢ century, In the twentieth century, hovvever, less material was printed in Cherokee, probably in k the Cherokee Nation wi the 1980s there was a resurgence of interest 1e, some Oklahoma Cherokees pi Janguage administered by the University of Chicago (Tax and Thomas 1968). is project directly produced & ve jety of informational and educa- ‘may have provided the impetus for the use of In the mid-1070s, within a year of exch ning textbook were published in Oklahoma (Feeling 1975; Holmes and ). ime in North Carolina a linguist and an an- ist produced a grammar and a dictionary of Eastern Chero- kee (Cook 1979; King 1975). Bilingual education programs were started in both the East and the West. The technology associated with the syl- labary continued to grow, and an IBM Selectric ball was developed for the syllabary and, ultimately, computer for In sum, Cherokee literacy has been a dy ciated with changing institutional associati texts of usage. . a dictionary and begin- and Nationalism: Suspicion, Pride, Ciotization, Contemporaries The Reactions of Sequoyah A story that appeared in the Cherokee Advocate, a newspaper printed in \¢ postremoval Cherokee Nation, gives us some sense of how Sequo- yah's invention was originally received: Pride and Ambivalence “27 he Cherokee alphabet, was try- jeople, about 1822, some of them that Indians had no business with ‘grou ceived a bow and arrows. Each wa dian was so neg isbook that the white man soon stole place, so that books and read- ing now belong of right to the white man, while the Indian ought iving, (Cherokee Advocate, 26 October from him, leaving the bow James Mooney, who collected myths among the Eastern Cherokees during the 18808, did not hear this story told himself, but, nating that ick and Elias Boudinot* recorded similar tales, says e believes the story to be a popular one. Mooney reproduces the fol lowing, which Butrick obtained from an elderly Cherokee: “God gave the red man a book and a paper and told him to write, but he merely as he could not read or write, the Lord gave him a bow and arrows, and gave the book to the white man” (Mooney 1982: 483). Mooney also quotes Boudinot as follows: “They led down from their ancestors, that the book which the jade marks on the paper. people bought it of the Indians lost credit, offended the 1982: 483). This story of the book anid the bow had fallen m by the time Mooney arrived in western North Caro- 18, One might reasonably propose that the story was rendered obso- lete by the invention of Sequoyah’s syllabary. The poignancy of the story is somehow lost once the Indians have regained what was truly leis to begin with. But it seems possible that a narrative could out re technological obsolescence if inued to fit into or support a specific cultural framework. Ifthe narrative of the book and bow were read today, a second reversal would be implied; che Indians, having ‘once lost what was theirs, have gained it back in spectacular fa30. Pride and Ambivalence ‘As Raymond Fogelson has pointed out: Important ... in understanding Sequoyah's preeminence in the Cherokee pantheon of culture heroes are the uncer rounding critical events in his life, lacunae that ca selves to mythmaking, Three such events stand out. First, thereis the matter of Sequoyah’s paternity... The process of discovery in inventing the syllabary is also wrapped in mystery. The last days of Sequoyah are also subject to much specola of 1842, he set out with several companions to vi party got lost, and the old man was left behind while the others ‘went for help. Sequoyah’s mortal remains have never b ered. Like Laotze and other great semi-mythi disappeared into the wilderness. The sca Jesus, (1974; 107-8) Fogelson's analogy Is a powerful one, since most Eastern Cherokees today see both Sequoyah and Jesus as important sources of “the word.” ‘of Sequoyah's name is even a source of myster wge from “he guessed it” to “pigina pen” (Kil ke many Cherokee names, this one does not enjoy agreed-upon meaning, Jack Ki suggested that the name isa foreign bos Sequoyah's background has also been the sul authors make much of his mixed parentage, ‘was the white trader and friend of George Washington, Nath: (Foreman 1938). Others have denied not only Sequoyah’s white an: cestry but also the n secret society to which Sequoyah belonged. The sylabary’s very gene- sis, thea, isa source of conflicting interpretation. Even accord the syllabary's inventor (all published accounts, essentially, exc that found in Traveller Bird 1971), the Cherokee writing (now called Pride and Ambivalence 31 Sequoyan by some) emerged out of circumstances that seemed suspi- cious at the time. Sequoyah's mot id intentions were questioned; as mentioned above, many accused him of witchcraft” His wife's rela 8 reportedly burned down the hut containing his earliest efforts, i his obsession as, at the very least, an abandonment of his id the story, “He was half I think by hearing people lk that’s where he got the idea that we should have our own language, I guess. And then he worked so hard at it, you know, cause I think they sald his wife burned his first batch of papers, (Laughing) And he had ‘to do it again. So he had a hard time getting this together, in a way.” Grant Foreman claimed to have gotten the following account of Sequoyah’s of a doctor who served on t tion with Sequoyah's son; “| location where he could carry on his studies in private, Constantly en- gaged in making queer marks on stones and bark and scraps of paper, from morning to night making unaccountable and unintelligible wged botical plan to destroy the nation they succeeded in drawing him from hi -edged sword that could either civi- the Cherokees. Adopting the syllabary as their ‘major means of reading and wri written corpus. it would certainly, they feared, strengthen and prolong the Cherokees’ attachment to their own language and culture, Others were less vehemently opposed but simply did not under- leader, referred to Sequoyah's effort as a “foolish undertaking which Sequoyah had become obsessed,’ and Elias Boudinot, who was to become the first editor of the Cherokee Phoentx, was indifferent, ig-32 Pride and Ambivalence for their own reasons, ‘would do about-faces on the value of the syllabary and about Sequoyabs self, but it would take some convincing. Perdue (1994: 122) notes has Boudinot had difficulty ac- tended to favor the gist whom a Protestant missionary society had employed to develop a system for writing native langaages and translating le. The vast majority of Cherokees, however, would have nothing to do with Plckering’s grammar.” Pickering’s orthography was an alphabetic system that. made use of roman characters. It would have been convenient for Engli speaking missionaries and other outsiders wishing to communicate But Samuel Wor: 1, with the people's choice: “Whether or not the perception superiority of their own. iphabet for their own use, that impression they have to be eradicated. It would be a vain attempt to persuade them to re- linguish their own method of writing 1f books are printed in Guess’ character, they willbe read; ifn any other, they willie useless” (Wor cester quoted in Perdue 1994: 12 syllabary and to stress its esse of Boudinot would later not only pra people ing in comparison Sequoyah for his invention 832, in an address to not yet too) late to do justice to this great benefactor who, by his powers, has raised them to an elevation unattained by and made them a reading and intellectual peop! his part, Ross would go on to praise Sequoyah and present th a medal “as a token of respect and admiration for hhis ingenuity in the invention of the Cherokee alphabetical characters” (Ross quoted in Foreman 1938: 8). In the beginning, then, some reactions to the sy bivalent. Some Cherokees treated Sequoyah’s project with suspicion, Bride and Ambivalence 33 ‘viewing writing asa supernatural gift rather than a neutral technology inspiration and hard work. 1e Indian had lost the 7 regained now without success in the invention be- came apparent, many Cherokees came to see the syllabary as “evidence of their spiritual worth, and their rapid mastery of it was an affirmation of themselves as a people” (Perdue 1994: 122). There were doubtless other responses to Sequoyah's creation of which we know nothing today. Not only are we looking at the past through the selective lens of historical documents and the historian’s ed out (1977), there may have been a good deal mn and selective reporting going on at the Phoenix and elsewhere because of the interest elite Cherokees had in presenting a “civilized” image of their people. ‘This image—of the Cherokees as foremost among the “ivilized tribes" of the Southeast—has long been touted by scholars, in part be- cause of the syllabary (e.g, Brown 1938; Foreman 1934: S Woodward 1963). Among the character this label of urged by ing extents Jong ago; how cou! ay? But as Sequoyal of misreprosental of a mi joi ees, It is also sometimes unclear whose view o' referred to, a “white” (eg, US. government view or a purported Cherokee view. ‘Two ofthe most widely referenced accounts of Sequoyah’s life, Grant page thus: “A complete biogra- dl whose wonderful life has been woven the manners, customs and beliefs of the early Cherokees gether with a recital of their wrongs and wonderful progress toward civilization” (Roster 1885). In this accou spired dreamer, whose invention is th Sequoyah is seen as an in- “Key of progress,” both social34. Pride and Ambivalence ‘and moral, Overall, the account is also intended as a testament to the jonary work, Although this work was wr about by technological innovations including the fledgling Cherokee civilizati _quoyah is to be remembered for bringing the Cherokees, of American civilization. “Most significant and lasting memorial to the immortal Sequoyah is and culture of a fine body of sectly traceable to Sequoyah's works, exercised a beneficent influence on other tribes of Indians and contributed substantially to the civiliza eluding Foster] have subscribed to the cated theory that Sequoyah’s father was a vagabond itiner- t German named George Gist, whose rovings brought him in the Cherokee Nation. ‘That the amazing genius of this remarkabl wast have been sired by a man of vastly superior quali foreman goes on to attempt to prove that Sequoyah’s father was N ‘of George Washington. He even gives evidence of G breeding stock, by pointing out oon to make marriages atthe highe tween Sequoyah's writing system and the goals of ci society remains strong in many people's beliefs about and representa: of Sequoyah and the syllabary. But later accounts (eg. ML 1986; Perdue 1994) have departed from the vis Pride and Ambivalence 35 lized with the following trends: the implement ing and ranching methods, the development of private land and other property ownership, nuclear family homesteading, the transfer of 1e outlawing of clan revenge (e.g,, Foreman Yoodward 1963). The Cherokees participated in such trends 10). By 1821, a small group and held a considerable number of black judicial, exeeut often given of their of, and attempt to blend For many it may have represented an attempt to may have signaled a loss of power Jin 1986). ‘The developmet werokee has often been seen as the pinnacle of this variously characterized Cherokee other developments discussed above, this one must be understood in its own political and social context. Sequoyah was not an assimila- ist; the sketchy data available about him suggest that he disliked nges whites and some Cherokees were trying to bring about in ation. Like the the dl Cherokee society and felt that his system could be used to make the herokees more independent of whites. tis important to tease out the different dimensions of opposition and tension in attitudes toward the syllabary and toward the changes nineteenth century generally, For a Cherokee to advocate some: ing monogamy, developing a bicameral systemn of government similar38 Pride and Ambivalence ferred system of values were held to be. Literacy therefore became a mn of the values of one social group on another) and of social \gment and categorization of societal groups on values that is at least pact century Cherokee society were trying to establish themselves as liter ate and civilized in the heart of a nation in which, Soltow and Stevens sracy and civilization was a creative these two processes (the development, alization of Cherokee literacy and the distribution ization of American Engl kee Nation by various wh missionaries) were adopted in highly vatiable ways an rokee society, there is no reason to ce groups (state and federal governments, nance” (1985: 743). ‘The authority of a language, Woolard argues, “is established and in- culcated not most ‘hough schools and other formal in- invidious is, whatever linkage there was between Cherokee literacy and notions of civilization, progress, siderable ex And this saciety was surely not exc of the larger US. society. One would expect to find considerable resistance on the part of \d enlightenment must have come to a con from ively a hegemonic reproduction Pride and Ambivalence 39 nineteenth-century US, politicians and educators to the possibility suggest (1981), literacy in nineteenth-century America was a through which intellect was intrinsically linked with a spe: inkage of what he acquisition of lit may be why many 8 of the Cherokee writing system and of the place of lter- acy in nineteenth-century Cherokee history tend to deemphasize the counterhegemonic aspects of the syllabary and its uses. aces of these other assoc eracy) th a competing system of values, rokee place names. A Cherokee man told me labary was never supposed to change anything about Chero- ke life or culture—it was “Just a tool” —a very powerful tool, perhaps, but just a tool, From a culturally conservative point of view, the sllabary’s popularity, Theda Perdue argues, ness, a point also made by Mooney (1892). As force of revitalization, it gave Cherokees a sense of pride and indeed was taken as “evidence rth” (Perdue 1994: 32a). John Gulick notes that ineteenth century “the Cherokees’ sim was to accommodate themselves to the ways ofthe whites only in such @ manner as would peacefully preserve their independence” (1973: 42). ‘The tensions evident in nineteenth-century accounts of the s bary are still evident in cor show apters. In private discu assumptions revealed in the classroom, both caution toward and pride in the sylla- bary are revealed. In many contexts, including formal language educa tion, the syllabary seems to be almost avoided. Nevertheless, the c ter bary T-shirts that are produced every year for students.40 Pride and Ambivalence In Cherokee, North Carolina, today, there is a tendency to stress both the importance inaccessibility. Yet included, and no educational material or program seems to be consid- ered complete without some presentation of the syllabary. layered treatment of the syllabary suggests the influence of both schol ars of the Cherokee syllabary’s limitations or omitted it from their work altogether (e.g, Pickering, in Krueger 1963) and those who have treated the syllabary as an integral part of their subject (¢.g., Chafe and Kilpatrick 1965; Feeling and Pulte 1975; Holmes and Smith 1977; Scancarelli 1992, 1996a, 1996b: Walker s075; Walker and Sarbaugh 1993; White 1962). Students (at the ele- mentary and high schools, and in adult education) are expected to be familiar with the syllabary. This may mean only that they are visually exposed toiit or that they are capable of looking up phon: syllabary chart. For some high school and adi that they are expected to memorize, for a time, the phonet the characters, But rarely does it mean place phonetic writing, and J never saw sy ar oF large amounts of vocabulary. James Mooney argued erroneously, it turns out kees were unlikely to adopt any other writing system for their own language, the syllabary would not be in use much longer either: When Sequoyah’s alphabet was invented, seventy years ago, the Gulf States, the Ohio valley, and the Great West were all Indian had a commercial and even a in English, and the full-blood, who cannet speak Engl becoming « rarity, The Cherokees are rapidly becoming ‘men, and when the last full-bloods discard their old alphabet— which they love because (2892: 64) rub Pride and Ambivalence 41 Mooney was suggesting that the Cherokee syllabary would be replaced not by another system for writing Cherokee but by the universal use of writen English. Time has proven Mooney wrong in two ways: most Cherokees who can read and write Cherokee today are fa son ing ofthe North Carolina a bert 1978), and possibly later and there are st ‘ly speakers today who feel more comfortable using Cherokee th: ish, The two trends that Mooney is reporting do ring true~a simulta- neous love for the syllabary as a source of Indianness and an alienation from it on the part of the mixed sh-speaking elite b surely existed atthe time of his research, Instead of these trends result ingin the disappearance of the s they have somehow fused so that the syllabary has been retained as a sy identity alongside phonetic spellings that are accessi nonspeakers of Cherokee Mooney's prediction that syllabic writing of Cherokee would be not take into account the ‘on thatis now taking place. A love of and pride inthe syllabary exist side by side with a preference in some contexts for phonetic spelling,