The continuous process of globalization has led to changes in the direction of

sociolinguistic research over the past few years. This article presents Korea through a
sociolinguistic lens while looking at the growing value placed on English in South Korea
as a source of cultural capital as a result of the neolibralization of South Korea. Through
this discussion, the authors are able to explore important points such as the shift of
language as an integral part of a persons identity to a valuable commodity, the challenges
that Koreans who participate in early study abroad face, and the unique Korean context
that English learners must navigate.
Under neoliberalism, language is not seen as an integral part of an individuals
identity, disrupting the one languageone nationone culture paradigm traditionally
held in Korea (Park and Lo, 150). Because language is no longer a matter of identity, it
can be commoditized as a form of cultural capital. In the context of English in South
Korea, this shift in perspective has allowed for Koreas English boom. This has also
made English education much more competitive by making it a skill that is needed to be
successful in the new neoliberal market of Korea, leading to what can be considered
extreme measures such as early study abroad and wild goose families.
The focus on English in particular is not simply due to the usefulness that English
presents on the international stage, though that certainly does play an important role. One
of the reasons that English has come to the forefront in Korea is because the United
States has played such an active role in the history of South Korea through both its role in
the Korean War and the disproportionate amount of trade that the United States has done
with Korea in comparison with other countries (Park and Lo, 156). Due to the
disproportionate influence of the United States in Korean society, English has also come
to hold disproportionate importance beyond that of simply an international language.
Furthermore, the pursuit of English is not limited to the local level. After the Asian
financial crisis of 1997 Korean society became more based on neoliberalism, causing
English to be an important skill when trying to find a place in this market (Park and Lo,
156-7). Under this neoliberal order, increased competition came to the forefront and
English began to be seen as an important skill to display ability. Therefore, it can be said
that Koreas obsession with English goes beyond a mere reflection of the value of English
globally.
EFL in Korea is clearly a complex and layered industry. For this reason, it is vital
to look at the context of Korea when creating lessons for a Korean EFL classroom. For
example, the fact that English can be seen as a means of getting ahead in a highly
competitive society greatly influences the motivation of Korean EFL students (Park and
Lo, 149). When the goal of English learning is proficiency in English specifically, lessons
must be created to increase fluency in all areas of the language. In the case of Korea,
however, for many learners proficiency in English pales as a goal in comparison to the
desire to use English as a skill to get ahead on various exams such as the Korean SAT. If
high scores are the goals of students, then, rather than focusing on functional proficiency
of the language, students may be more interested in lessons focusing on what they view

as the most necessary skills, including vocabulary and grammar. In order to teach
effectively, it is important to understand these motivations and plan accordingly.
The amount of focus that Koreans place on learning English can lead to many
tensions for students. The clearest example can be seen in those who participate in early
study abroad. In order to improve their skill in English, early study abroad students are
sent to English speaking countries at some point before college. While this certainly is
one way to improve English skills, students often encounter problems upon their return
due to the tension between the new neoliberal views of language and the essentialist view
of language as a component of identity, which still exists in Korea. Koreaness is
sometimes seen as endangering English skill (Park and Lo, 159). At the same time, it can
be said that by learning English Koreans are endangering their personal Koreaness.
This means that the identities of students who participate in early study abroad are both
enhanced and endangered by their acquisition of English skill.
In the context of Kyunghwa, I feel the perception of English as a commodity in
the existence of the English Business (EB) High School. One of the main goals of the EB
high school is to increase the English ability of girls who are mostly planning on going
directly into the workforce rather than continuing on to university. By virtue of not going
to university, most of the girls will not need to take the Korean SAT. Therefore, this focus
on English must be because it is seen as a skill that will help them advance in the working
world, framing English as a skill through which they can gain cultural capital.
Park and Lo also asserted capital is only valuable by virtue of its rarity (159).
While high school across South Korea teach English, there are very few English business
high schools. Upon reading this article, I began to wonder if one of the reasons for the
creation of the EB high school was to provide a higher level of English education than is
offered at other skills to combat how common a basic command of English is becoming.
This would elevate students skills to a level of rarity once more.