Professional Documents
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Adaptations To Climatic Variability
Adaptations To Climatic Variability
58 Mayank Kumar
same time more rewarding as most of the societies in the past interacted
with both the dispositions simultaneously. In general, the larger agrarian
profile of the society emerged in response to the particularistic character
of water being available at regular intervals and in more or less defined
quantities. However, the flux associated with the water tested the resilience
of any society. This two-fold characteristic of water was and still is more
pronounced in monsoon dependent agrarian societies. Recurrence of
monsoon induced rain was always full of uncertainty which kept most
of the societies at the edge of either prosperity or scarcity. It is now very
well documented that apart from regular flux associated with monsoon
induced rains, there has been long term variability both spatially and
temporally. Without being deterministic, it can be safely argued that
societies with the capacity to negotiate this dual character of water with
social and/or technical ingenuity could sustain and flourish. It will not be an
exaggeration to argue that the humannature interactions in north-western
Rajasthan and adjoining areas are dictated by the monsoon. Directly or
indirectly, the monsoon has been the primary determinant of water and
thereby agriculture. Variation in all or in any one of these factors resulted
in continuous adaptations by humans.2 The present article argues that flux
in the given waterscape generated different negotiations in the region of
north-western Rajasthan and adjoining areas. The focus of the article will
be on the developments in Jaisalmer and the adjoining regions which
were colonised by the Bhatis during early medieval times. It is necessary
to appreciate the fact that the dynamics inherent in humanwaterscape
interactions more often than not culminated in continuous negotiations and
renegotiations. In pre-modern times, a unidirectional growth of societies
can be postulated only in cases where long-term flux in waterscape was
minimal. Given the nature of historical sources coupled with limited
excavations for the period under consideration, these negotiations have
often been, unfortunately, examined in terms of the histories of dynasties.3
Nonetheless, it will not be inappropriate to state that adherence to
stationarity4 is clearly visible in the examination of the humannature
interface. Despite tremendous advance in our understanding of the
past climates primarily due to recent developments in the field of
Kumar, Situating the Environment.
A detailed historiography can be seen in the Introduction of Kumar, Monsoon Ecologies:
1550.
4
Milly et al., Stationarity is Dead.
2
3
The
Climate Variability
It is not surprising to note that any investigation of the past or present
climate/s of the Indian subcontinent will most probably begin with
5
However, it is important to note that science/s which can map the historical process
of changes in vegetation are still in nascent stages...Hannah et al. Ecohydrology and
Hydroecology.
6
Madella and Fuller, Palaeoecology and the Harappan Civilisation. One can also see
limitations of new tools/disciplines in predicting the precipitation. Rad et al., A 5000-yr
Record of Climate Change.
7
Chattopadhyaya, State and Economy in North India: 337.
60 Mayank Kumar
The
political apparatus under new ruling class.14 Interestingly, this period also
saw the emergence of settlements in the agriculturally marginal areas
towards the interiors of the desert.15
Furthermore, this period itself has been deciphered to have witnessed
considerable climatic variability. Dhavalikar, relying on the assumption
of global tele-connections as manifested in ENSO events and visible on
the Nilometer argues that,
In the four centuries from 6001000 AD, the Nile levels were extremely low
for some 128 years, more particularly during 687696, 770782, 788802,
945951 and 96367 AD. It seems that 770802 was the long phase of low
Nile levels, and we may not therefore be far off the mark if we infer that these
were years of severe droughts in India.16
It is equally important to point out that even the other regions of the
Indian peninsula witnessed noticeable fluctuations in the climate during the
early medieval period.17 Dandin, the author of Dasakumara-Charita gives
us an eye-witnesss account of harrowing conditions in the city of Trigarta
due to severe famine.18 The Vayu Purana refers to a curse which made the
city of Varanasi desolate.19 Varahmihira, writing his Brhat Samhita
in the latter half of the fifth century and the earlier part of the sixth century,
predicted the downfall of several cities in North and South India including
Taxila, Mathura, Ujjain, Mithila, Tripuri, Varanasi, Avanti, etc. He predicted
evils days for the people of Ganarda.In sum, the north and central India
during the post Gupta period were in decay whereas Western India and the
Deccan were facing severe droughts.20
62 Mayank Kumar
during the post-Gupta period.21 Even in central and western India and the
Deccan there is a break in the habitation after the Satavahana period and
the sites are inhabited only in Medieval period and the same story repeats
in Karnatak, Andhara Pradesh and Tamil Nadu.22 Climate variability and
generally accepted enhanced aridity in the region are considered as factors
initially reflected in the general desiccation and gradually extension of
desert conditions towards the north and north-east.23 The Vamana Purana
states that several holy places were suffering because of the advance of
sand dunes.24
Nevertheless, the decline of urban centres during this period cannot be
ignored though it should be equated with the general agrarian decline.
The decline of ancient towns in early medieval times cannot be considered an
indicator of decline of overall economic growth. What emerges now is a new
type of economy marked by urban contraction and agrarian expansion. Urban
decline and stagnation resulted in agrarian expansion, which was promoted by
land grants made by chiefs and princes. The emergence of numerous states in
the early middle ages is a significant pointer to agrarian expansion. Nearly, fifty
states existed in the fifth to the seventh centuries, and many of them appeared
in such areas as had never experienced any regular state machinery.25
The
able to recognise that given their dependence on monsoon rains they should
develop mechanisms to mitigate the impacts of droughts.
Like any other region solely dependent upon the monsoon, the climatic
variability in the case of Rajasthan also is greatly associated with the timely
onset and regular spread of the monsoon. It is all the more applicable for
this region, that is, western Rajasthan, simply because monsoon rains are
the only source of water. There is not a single perennial river in the region
and ground water is available at great depth and is often brackish.26 It has
been suggested that this was not the case earlier when at least two rivers
flowed through adjoining region and sustained human settlements.27 It
has been a matter of debate to argue the relative significance of these
rivers with respect to their contribution to the growth and/or decline of
the urban settlements or who were the architects of these settlements.28 For
me what is more relevant is the fact that general dry climatic conditions
in the region were aggravated by a gradual shift in the course of these
two rivers perhaps due to tectonic movement.29 However, the dry climatic
conditions in the region during this time cannot be ignored and demand
an investigation in the process of adaptation which resulted in the growth
of settlements with a sufficient agrarian base. This adaptation also took
care of the flux associated with water which is usually more pronounced
in monsoon-dependent economies.
Given the duration of long periods of arid conditions it was but natural
to witness changes in the settlement patterns. Here it is important to keep
in mind that Harappan, and later on during the Rangmahal culture,
agriculture was primarily riparian and was dependent on annual floods
for agrarian production. B.D. Chattopadhyaya has argued that, the
evidence seems to be more specific at Rang Mahal where in early times
a high rainfall rate and annual flooding of the Ghaggar, facilitating rice
cultivation.30 However, changes in river flows must have affected
annual floods and as a result agrarian production possibilities must have
also been hampered. It must have forced large-scale social negotiations
with the changed climatic conditions. A. Ghosh has argued that possibly
it led to the decline of the Rangmahal culture resulting in migration after
Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Vol. 2: 286.
Ghosh, The Rajputana Desert.
28
Rajalakshmi, The Riddle of a River.
29
Ghosh, The Rajputana Desert.
30
Chattopadhyaya, Irrigation in Early Medieval Rajasthan: 301.
26
27
64 Mayank Kumar
the seventh century and encouraged nomadic life.31 Whereas Madella and
Fuller, arguing for an earlier period suggest that, it is also probably during
the later fourth to early third millennium cal BC that pastoralism became
more widespread in Gujarat and Rajasthan. It is plausible that the wetter
mid Holocene created more potential grazing area.32 It is not surprising
to note that two diagonally opposite waterscapes have been described as a
cause for the emergence of pastoralism in the region. Nevertheless, it can
be safely argued that in this region agriculture and pastoralism coexisted
and may have possibly helped local communities mitigate climatic
variability. Moreover, it was during the early medieval times that we get
evidence for the introduction of camels in the region.33
The decline of the Rangmahal culture in the beginning of the early
medieval period is not contested any more but the reasons for the decline
are yet to be clearly formulated. Most of the historians and archaeologists
argue that the decline of Rangmahal was coterminous with the decline
of water flow in the rivers Ghaggar and Hakra.34 These two rivers were
converted to seasonal rivers of monsoon. However, G.S.L. Devra has
challenged this coupling and suggests that the decline of the Rangmahal
culture, on the one hand, was not coterminous with the decline of water flow
in the river Ghaggar and Hakra, neither did it lead to a decline of urbanisation
in the region, on the other.35 While accepting that the seventh and eighth
centuries witnessed long eras of deficient rainfall, he cites evidence for the
continuance of urban settlement in the region till the medieval centuries.36
He argues that deficient rainfall does not symbolise an extension of aridity
and desert climate in the area till late in the middle ages.37 North and northwest Rajasthan had flourishing agrarian economy.38 Moreover continuance
of the Lakhi Jungle till at least the thirteenth century is clear evidence to
suggest that the desert had not reached Bhatner and adjoining areas.39
Ghosh, The Rajputana Desert.
Madella and Fuller, Palaeoecology and the Harappan Civilisation: 1297.
33
Gupta, Reconstructing the Political and Economic Profile: 61.
34
Dhavalikar, Green Imperialism.
35
Devra, Physiography and Environment.
36
Chachnama testifies that either side of the Thar Desert had flourishing urban centres
and these were connected with extensive trade networks. Kalichbeg, The ChachnamaAn
Account of History of Sindh.
37
Devra, Problems in the Delimitation of the Rajputana Desert.
38
Al-Biruni, Berunis India: 92102.
39
Devra, Desertification and Problems of Delimitation.
31
32
The
66 Mayank Kumar
political structures, as well as their level of technological development.In
most cases we may never know the motivations of such populations and why
they succeeded or failed.42
The
Source: Photograph by the author and Courtesy to Reeta Rajasekhar for section
diagram.
Adams, The Western Rajputana States: 28.
Lavee et al., Evidence of High Efficiency Water-Harvesting.
51
Mallah, An Archaeological Assessment of Taung Valley.
49
50
68 Mayank Kumar
The
70 Mayank Kumar
The
72 Mayank Kumar
The migration of Brahmins from the towns and urban centres to enjoy
land grants has been very painstakingly documented by R.S. Sharma for the
Gujarat region.71 At the level of conjecture I suggest that the migration of
Paliwal Brahmins to the Jaisalmer region does not seem improbable; rather
it represents a trend visible in other parts of the Indian peninsula.72
Moreover, this system of irrigation thus supposedly developed by the
Paliwal Brahmins was well adapted for this region as these systems
not only provided water for irrigation but also helped in ensuring the
productivity of the land by accumulating sediments carried from the hills.
It must have also raised the water level which could have been used to
secure potable water through wells.73 The application of a similar principal
has been documented for a later period for the same region.74 For example,
bera, a type of well, was constructed near a water body or on the dry bed
of a water body.75 Since, the areas in and around water-bodies had higher
water tables, it was easy to collect water through percolation in the wells.
This technique was quite prevalent especially in western Rajasthan.76 The
village Godhali of pargana Phalodi had beri, which received water from
nearby seasonal streams.77 Similarly, village Naberi of pargana Phalodi
could harness water in the dry bed of seasonal stream.78 The village
Bhabhclai of pargana Jodhpur had no source for drinking water, its
underground water being salty/brackish. The only source of water was
a beri sustained on a nearby tank.79 Similarly village Mahev in pargana
Sojhat had a bera in a talab, which could retain water only for eight to ten
R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India: 18690.
Although epigraphic evidences for settlements of Bhatis in the close vicinity of Jaisalmer
are available only from the twelfth century but it is interesting to note that at least first three
inscriptions were associated with water-bodies. A Vijayasar Goverdhan inscription dated to
the 541 Bhattic era (1165 AD) describes construction of a tank. Simialrly a Chamunda Mata
inscription dated to the 543 Bhattic era and a Bhanvar Talai inscription of the 552 Bhattic
era, are also associated with construction of water bodies. These epigraphs are on display
at the Rajasthan State Museum, Jaisalmer. One can also refer Singh, Jaisalmer RajGharane
ka Kendriya Satta se Sambadh: 16573.
73
Rezavi, Kuldhara in Jaisalmer State.
74
Bhadani, Well-irrigation in Marwar in the 17th Century; Kumar, Flexibility and
Adaptability.
75
Boileau, Personal Tour: 3334, 37, 49, 105.
76
Misra, Rajasthan Ki Rajat Boonden.
77
Nainsi, Marwar-ra-Pargana-ri-Vigat, Vol. 2: 21.
78
Ibid., Vol. 2: 25.
79
Ibid., Vol. 1: 263.
71
72
The
months.80 Village Chanda Vasani also had a bera. In Jaisalmer the bed of
Amarsagar has several beri. The tanks tend to retain water for only six to
eight months and for the remaining period these beris supplied water for
drinking purposes.81 The technique described above was used in those parts
of Rajasthan where ground water was very deep and retention of water in
the ponds was possible only for a few months. In such a situation, people
used to dig wells on the bed of dried ponds. Water could be retrieved
because of its percolation in the bed.82
Moreover, epigraphic evidences very clearly point towards the growth
of water management systems. Two epigraphs recorded in the Vikrama
samvat (viz. V.S. 1053/AD 997 and V.S. 1097/AD 1040), located at
Dabala (approximately nine miles south-east of Jaisalmer town) mention
the foundation of a tank and well by the mahidhara (king) Vatsya, son
of the Sodha Jajjila83 Similarly, An epigraph of July AD 1031
records the establishment of a tank by Rinapara, the servant of one Raja
sri Kambhasimha, near Budha Dumgar. Furthermore, one can still locate
wells, step-wells close to the water bodies especially on the periphery of
the khareens in the interior parts of the Thar Desert.
In the interior of the Thar Desert one can see the prevalence of another
unique system to harness rainwater and it was known as a kuin or par
or teen.84 In appearance it was similar to a well but with a different
mechanism which evolved to adapt to the particular environmental niche.
It was difficult to construct a talab or tank in the sandy soil of Churu,
Bikaner, Jaisalmer and Barmer districts of modern Rajasthan. Sandy soils
of the region made it difficult to construct a talab or tank as water could
permeate deep and traditional wells could not be constructed. However,
these districts had an underground layer of chalk or limestone, which
restricted percolated rainwater from mingling with the brackish ground
water. The presence of the underground layer of limestone ensured that
rainwater would remain potable and could be appropriated.85 Moreover,
sand does not bind up like soil, hence restricting the possibilities of
Ibid., Vol. 1: 457.
Chand, Tawarikh Jaisalmer: 4951.
82
Kumar, Flexibility and Adaptability: 4142.
83
A detailed discussion can be seen in OBrien, The Ancient Chronology of Thar:
5152.
84
Nainsi, Marwar-ra-Pargana-ri-Vigat, Vol. 2: 96.
85
Misra, Rajasthan Ki Rajat Booden.
80
81
74 Mayank Kumar
The
76 Mayank Kumar
The
78 Mayank Kumar
The cattle/herds required pastures, the natural vegetation for most part of
the arid region. Yet, we come across the social practice of keeping common
land accessible for animals near the village. This had the states approval as
well. This was known as Jor.108 The case of the camel is self-explanatory as
the camel seems to be designed for arid conditions and it has been suggested
that precisely during the period of our study the camel was introduced in
Rajasthan. In the process of growing settlements in Rajasthan, the role of the
camel cannot be undermined. S.P. Gupta has suggested that the introduction
of dromedaries, or camels with single humpscould have given a new
It is a combination of two terms, go (cow) and vardhana (increase).
Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Vol. 2: 128 and Nainsi, MunhotNainsiriKhyat, Vol.
3: 202.
105
Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Vol. 3: 63. Pabuji promised his sister that he would
give camels in her dowry.
106
Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Vol. 2: 144; Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Vol. 3: 15.
107
Agarwal, Rajasthan ke Jan-Jeevan aur Lok Sahitya main Oont: 20.
108
Nainsi, Marwar-ra-Pargana-ri-Vigat, Vol. 1: 448, 452, 457, 461, 514, 516; Nainsi,
Marwar-ra-Pargana-ri-Vigat, Vol. 2: 328, 342.
103
104
The
economic profile to the Thar just on the eve of the middle-ages.109 The role
of the camel has generally been relegated to the obvious and not enough
attention has been paid to the significance of this animal. It is not surprising
to note that Richard W. Bulliet was puzzled to note that from Morocco to
Afghanistan, Why did the camel replace the wheel at the particular point
in history when it did, that is to say, apparently after the third and before
the seventh century AD?110 Examining the reasons for his hypothesis, he
points out that as late as the later part of the nineteenth century the imperial
power of Britain was seriously evaluating the feasibility of the camel over
other modes of transportation in the arid landscape of Africa. Commenting
on the significance of the camel, which holds good for early medieval
Rajasthan as well, he writes that
No similar comparison of a camel with Roman ox is available, but Major
Leonord did put in writing his estimation of the relative advantages of a pack
camel and an oxcart ...the special advantage of camel over ox transport.
1. Can carry or draw twice as much. 2. Faster, and able to cover more ground
daily. 3. Can do from 20 to 25 miles in one stretch. 4. Will make many more
journeys in a year and in their respective lifetimes. 5. Able to traverse ground that
a wagon will stick in. 6.No trouble fording rivers, where wagons would have to
be unloaded. 7. [Not germane]. 8. Live and work four times as long. 9. Greater
powers of abstinence from food and water. 10. Greater tenacity and endurance.
11. Wagon liable to break down, upset, or stick. Consequent loss of time and
additional expense in former case, besides. 12. Lastly, the additional dead weight
of the wagon which is considerableat least a ton, I should say.111
According to local traditions, the camel has been placed above the goat.
Camels must have had greater usefulness in the desert conditions of the
western part of Rajasthan. It was given as a gift by wealthy sections to
poets, charans, etc. The following saying testifies this tradition,
,slk Fkk ineka daoj] djus dk yVdk
fgd fgd dfo dks] lefIk;k] dVgyk dVdk112
80 Mayank Kumar
All three animals were useful in more than one way. Apart from milk
and meat all of them must have contributed in the form of manure. We
have evidence that peasants invited cattle and camel herders to put their
animals on their farms.115 If need be cows and camels were capable of
draught power and should have further enhanced the capacity of the
peasant to cultivate larger areas, if the waterscape permitted which was
defined and redefined every year depending upon the amount, duration
and timing of rains received during the monsoon. All these factors should
have contributed in the initial settlement in the region even during arid
conditions.
Enhanced possibilities of irrigation combined with pastoral activities
and possibilities of trade with salt as merchandise may have supported the
growth of habitation in the region. It will not be off the mark to reiterate
the need of salt in the diet of agrarian societies. Where people ate a
diet consisting largely of grains and vegetables,procuring salt became
a necessity of life116 Moreover, it is equally important to note that
Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Vol. 2: 94, 159, 175.
Ibid.: 223.
115
Though studied for a later period, the significance of cow dung in the agrarian economy
can be gauged by the following example. Disputes over the use of cow dung were also
settled by the state. It is important to note that cow dung was treated as a resource and its
collection from the common land of the village was allowed to a particular caste only. Sanad
Parwana Bahi, 2, 1822 vs Jodh. Rec. RSAB. An examination of conflict and contest over
natural resources in this region can be seen in the following works: Kavoori, Pastoralism
in Expansion; Kumar, Claims on Natural Resources.
116
Kurlansky, Salt: A World History: 11.
113
114
The
Animals also need saltWild carnivores, like humans, can meet their salt
needs by eating meats. Wild herbivores forage for it.But domesticated
animals need to be fed salt. A horse can require five times the salt intake of
a human and a cow needs as much as ten times the amount of salt a human
requires.117 Therefore, it can be safely argued that salt manufacturing and
integration with the long-distance trade became important supplement to
the mixed agriculturalpastoral economy.
There were various rituals and social-religious practices where the
protection of livestock was envisaged. The significance of livestock can
be gauged from the fact that the five famous saints (PanjPir) of Rajasthan
were related to the protection of livestock. Saint Gogaji died while rescuing
cows.118 Similarly, Pabuji is worshipped by his rural devotees as a saviour
of mankind and pastoral wealth.119 According to one tradition, the founder
of a local sect, Pabuji is identified as a protector of camels. It is said that
Pabuji not only brought the reddish-brown she-camel to Marwar....120
Another saint, Tejaji, also sacrificed his life to protect livestock from
invaders.121
Summing Up
Human adaptations to the supposedly increased aridity can be seen in
varied responses beginning from abandoning their settlements, mostly
urban, and dispersal over a wider area. There are also evidences that
human habitations grew in climatically more challenged areas and these
cases have been at the centre of this investigation. Introduction and/
or development of new technologies offering better adaptation to the
changes in the ecological contexts coupled with reliance on age-old and
often forgotten traditions offered necessary resilience to these societies
to grow and consolidate in a variable climate. Equally important have
been the diverse sustenance strategies practiced among these successful
habitations. It is now a well-recognised fact that particularly vulnerable
were the more specialized complex societies that had approached or
Ibid.: 10.
Pemaram, The Religious Movements in Medieval Rajasthan: 33.
119
Sharma, Social Life in Medieval Rajasthan: 227.
120
Srivastava, The Rathore Rajput Heroes of Rajasthan: 59799.
121
Pemaram, The Religious Movements in Medieval Rajasthan: 37.
117
118
82 Mayank Kumar
The
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