Hmenican DSournal of Fayohiod es, a BE, Vol IHD CL). Developmental Psychiatry Comes of Age John Bowlby ‘Although Meyer and Freud believed that the seeds of mental health are sown in childhood, systematic re- earch has proved dificult and disappointing, and theory has remained intensely controversial. Research of the past two decades by developmental psycholo- fists using an ethologically based theory of socioemo- fional bonds, however, is yielding findings that consis- tently confirm predictions. The author outlines thi= research, giving examples of the results, which are ‘shown to be compatible with findings of epidemiolog- ical studies of depressed adults. He holds that a person's degree of vulnerability to stressors is strongly influenced by the development and current state of his ‘or her intimate relationsbips. (Am J Psychi 1988; 145:1-10) D uring the first third of this century there were two: -at proponents of developmental psychiatry— ‘Adolf Meyer and Sigmund Freud. Both believed that the seeds of mental health and ill health are sown in childhood and that, if we are to understand the present-day functioning of a person, itis necessary to know how he or she has become the man or woman ‘we meet today. In their approaches to the field, Meyer and Freud took very diferent routes. Initially, Freed focused on traumatic family relationships, including incest, but for reasons that remain obscure, he later claimed that the real-life events he had originally invoked as patho- genic had never occurred and that the patient had only ‘imagined them. Thenceforward the emphasis was on fantasy. Consequently, Freud's interests became fo- cused on a person's internal world of mental processes, especially on the powerful influence that unconscious Pocesses haveon the way a person fel, thinks, and haves and, above all, on the defensive processes that actively keep them unconscious. Meyer, by contrast, continued to emphasize the role of real-life events in shaping personality, but he was never very specific about the nature of the ones that matter, nor did he advance any theory of how being exposed to some event or situation affects a person's mental state. Nonetheless, Meyet’s approach played a ‘major part in promoting the mental hygiene movement fand child psychiatry. In both these revolutionizing movements the notion that the environment in which a child grows up plays a critical part in determining his, ‘or her future mental health has always been a stub- bornly held if ill-defined assumption. Morcover, these are the fields in which Freud’s original ideas about the role of childhood trauma have not only persisted but bore valuable fruits, "We can see now that the tremendous strides being made today in developmental pychiaty owe 3 deal to both these pioneers. To Adolf Meyer is due the credit for having continued to emphasize the influen- tial role of the events and situations people meet with during their development. To Sigmund Freud is due the credit for having emphasized the influence on how people think, feel, and behave that is exerted by their Internal world—namely, by the way they perceive, construe, and structure the events and situations they encounter. Today we know that the central task of developmental psychiatry is to study the endless inter- faction of internal and external and how the one is constantly influencing the other, not only during child- hhood but during adolescence and adult life as well. Evidence that happenings within the family during childhood and adolescence play a major role in deter- mining whether a person grows up to be mentally healthy or not is now formidable, and a review of the important epidemiological findings appeared in 1985 (1), For that reason, in this paper I will present only a limited amount of data, some epidemiological and retrospective and some ethological and prospective, and will give most attention to the conceptual frame- work within which I believe the different sets of Findings can best be comprehended. ‘As an example of fetrospective data I draw on the findings of the group led by George Brown and Tirril Harris, which has been undertaking sophisticated ep- idemiclogical studies to explore the roles of family experience and other social variables as antecedents of depressive and anxiety disorders in adult life. As an ‘example of prospective data, I draw on the work of those developmental psychologists who have been inspired by and are busy expanding the brilliant pio-54 neering studies of Mary Ainsworth. This research into the development of a young child’s capacity to make intimate emotionally mediated relationships with par- ents is probably little known as yet among general psychiatrists. Since the findings from these two quite different approaches ate highly compatible, the result- 8 scientific structure can be likened to’ trilithon made up of two stout pillars of evidence and a crosspiece of theory. A major conclusion is. that, whatever influence variations in genetic endowment may exert on personality development and psychopa- thol ony, a immense influence is unquestionably ex- certed by environmental variables of the kinds now being systematically explored. EMOTIONALLY MEDIATED BONDS AND MENTAL HEALTH For many years, sensitive clinicians have been aware that a person’s mental state is deeply influenced by whether his or her intimate personal relationships are warm and harmonious or tense, angry, anxious, emo- tionally remote, or, possibly, nonexistent. Among cli- ici cael a variry of terms ae in, wie; te co ceymbiogi” “object relations.” Nevertheless, although a field of manifest importance to peychiatry, there has been no a ‘on how best to conceptualize it. A number of theorecal systems have been almost all ‘of them derived in some sort of way from psychoanal- ysis, and a mountain of jargon has accumulated. Yet none has generated sustained productive research. In scientific quarters the whole field still struggles for recognition. Some years ago, as a family psychiatrist researching the effects on young children of being removed from their home to the care of strange people, I was faced with a problem. Since young children in that situation are intensely distressed and show every sign that they desperately wish to recover their mother, the question arises: How do we understand the origin and nature of this extraordinarily strong tie between child and mother? The only theory extant at that time was that a child becomes emotionally linked to his mother because she feeds him. Dissatisfied with that expla- nation, | was lucky enough to be introduced to the ideas of Konrad Lorenz. Ethologists, I discovered, t as interested in the strong bonds between ind parents in a range of animal species as I cof the human species, Moreover, as pro- fessional biologists, their approach was radically dif- reht from anything I had met with among peycholo- st8 and psychiatrists. Bonds between individuals, 1 eafttd; which occur in a great array of mammalian anduavian species, could be studied experimentally and he al function considere light of evo- it d in the light of evo. Here then was a possible new approach to our problem and one that seemed to ft our data, Not only that, but the ethologists lad developed sensitive means for observing and recording and were sophisticated fefentats with thet feet firmly planted in che biological sciences. The upshot was that I fell for this approach and decided to explore its ials. Now, 30 years later, Lam glad I embarked on the gamble. Thanks to the work of many gifted colleagues, the bare bones of theory are becoming clothed with hard-wearing empir- ical garments, and there are now several productive research programs studying the different ways in which intimate personal relationships can develop, with their causes and consequences. research programs are as firmly rooted in biology as are those of the physiological psychiatrists who have improperly kidnapped the label “biological psychiatry” ‘Not only are ethological concepts proving extremely fruitful when applied to our field, but present-day science provides us many other concepts, not available to Meyer Fred, thar lp us ela our data. For example, additional ts of high explanatory value in our field come ‘control theory and cognitive psychology, including human information PriAmong the principal propositions of this new ap- e proach (2, 3) are the following: 1) Emotionally signif- icant bonds individuals have basic survival a ee fabng cporncaeayeene iw be systems be goer by pring ene rs fect of maintaining proximity of ready accessibility of each partner to the other. 3) In order for the systems to efficiently, each partner builds in his or her ind working models of self and of other and of the patterns of interaction that have developed between the) Present knowledge requis that theory of developmental pathways should replace theories that invoke specific phases of development in which it is postulated @ person may become fixated and/or to Gihich he of she may regress. 5 “The bonds with which developmental psychistry is principally concerned are those of child to parent and the comy jentary bond of parent to child. The hypothesis is that variations in the way these bor areclop and become organized during the infancy and childhood of different individuals are major determi- fant of whesher a person grows up to be mentally healthy. Before discussing variations, however, it is necessary to consider how the bonds themselves are best conceived. FUNCTION AND ORGANIZATION OF EMOTIONAL BONDS Ethological theory regards the propensity to make scfong cteodonal bonds to particular individals 38 a basic component of human nature, already present in germinal form in the neonate and continuing through ‘adult life into old age. During infancy and childhood, bonds are with parents (or parent substitutes), who are55 looked to for protection, comfort, and assistance. situations that terminate care seeking and release the During healthy adolescence and adult life those bonds child for other activites are comfort and reassurance, persist but are complemented by new bonds, com- Since control systems are themselves sources of activ- monly of @ heterosexual nature, Although food and ity, traditional theories of motivation that invoke a sex sometimes play important roles in such relation- buildup of psychic energy or drive are rendered obso- ships thetelatonsip cxssininown igh andbasen Tee, _ * important fanction of its own—namely, Control systems, by nature, can operate effectively ation, Thin, wishin the atuackment Iumework, only within a epecded exviconment. For exemple the bonds are acen as neither subordinate to nor derivative system regulating body temperature cannot maintain from food and sex. Nor is the urgent desire for comfort an appropriate temperature when environmental con- and support in adversity regarded as childish, as ditions become either too hot or too cold, which means dependency theory implies: Instead, the cpacty to that whenever conditions go beyond certsn Kimi the make bonds with other individuals, sometimes in the whole organism becomes stressed or dies. Viewed in an seeking role and sometimes in the caregiving one, evolutionary ive, i is evident that variation = ‘asa principal feature of effective personal- and natural have rested in each oganisn's ity functioning and mental health, physiological sysiems being so constructed that they ‘As a rule, care seeking is shown by a weaker and less operate effectively in the environment to which the experienced individual toward someone regarded as species has become adapted and that they will become stronger and/or wiser. A child or older person in the stressed or fail in others. Gaze geking roe hepa within range ofthe aregivez, An evolutionary perspective k nectar ao if we the degree of closeness or of ready accessibility are to understand psychological stress and the enviroc- pending on circumstances; hence, the concept of at- mental conditions that cause it. Like other control tachment behavior. gystems, the aytem porening harman stachment be. ‘Another basic component of human nature is the havior is 50 a5 to promote survival in the urge to explore the environment, to play, and to take environment in which man evolved. Since in such an par in varied aciviies with peers. This behavior is of environment tis essential for survival that an infant ot course, antithetical to attachment behavior. When older child has an attentive and responsive caregiver to individuals of any age are feeling secure they arelikely whom to goin an it follows that his or her to explore away from their attachment figure. When attachment system will be constructed so 2s to operate alarmed, anxious, tired, or unwell they feel an urge most efficiently in interaction with a person who the toward proximity. Thus, we se the typical pare of child beleyes wil respond promply and efectvely interaction between child and parent ‘at explo- when called upon. It is not at all surprising, therefore, ration from a secure base, Provided the is that a failure in response of his or her familiar known to be accessible and will be responsive when caregiver, whether due to physical absence or a failure called upon, a healthy child feels secure enough to to respond appropriately, should always cause stress explore. At first these explorations are limited both in and sometimes be traumatic. time and space. Around the middle of the 3rd year, This leads to consideration of the third major com- however, # cure thid begilt to Become onlin’ ponent of human nature relevant to this exposition — increase time and distance away—firat to namely, caregiving, which is the prime role of parents half-days and later to whole days, As he or he grows and complementary to attachment behavior. When into adolescence, the excursions are extended to weeks looked at in terms of evolution theory the occurrence > 0x months, but a secure home base remains indispens-<& of altustic care of the young is readily understood, able nonetheless for optimal functioning and mental since it serves to promote the survival of offspring (and \ealth. No concept pe the attachment framework often of other relatives as well) and thereby the indi- ‘more central to developmental prychiatry than that —_vidual's own genes. Nevertheless, this form of expla- of the secure base. nation constitutes a radical shift from most psycholog- ‘An obvious way to conceptualize the behavior ob- ical theorizing, including Freud's, which has mistak- scrved is to postulate the existence of a control system nly assumed that individuals are by nature essentially Within the CNS analogous to the physiological control selfish and that they consider the interests of others systems that maintain physiological measures, such as only when constrained to do so by social pressures and biood pressure and body temperature, within set lim- sanctions. Nothing, 1 believe, that stems from an its, Thus, the theory proposes that, ina way analogous —_ethological perspective has more far-reaching implica- ‘0 physiological homeostasis, the at mnt control tions for understanding human nature than this reap- |_O2tm maieins «person's elation Se na. aaa at eee y/ Seackment figure between certain limits of distance It is evident that, to operate efficiently, the attach- and accessibility. As such, it can be regarded as an ment control system within the child requires to have Example of what can usefully be termed “environmen- at its disposal as much information as possible about tal homeostasis” (3), Among situations that activate the self and the attachment figure, not only in regard to care seeking are anything that frightens a child or their respective locations and capabilities but in regard Signals that he or she is tied or unwell. Among also to how each is likely to respond to the other as56 environmental and other conditions change. Observa- tions lead us to conclude that toward the end of the first year of life children are acquiring considerable knowledge of their immediate world and that during subsequent years this knowledge is best irded as becoming organized in the form of internal working models, including models of self and mother. The function of these models is to simulate happenings in the real world, thereby enabling individuals to plan their behavior with all the advantages of insight and foresight. The more adequate and accurate the simu- lation, of course, the better adapted is the behavior based on it likely to be (4). Although our knowledge of the rate at which these models develop during the earliest years is still scanty, there is good evidence that by their Sth birthday most children are using a sophis- ticated working mode! of mother or mother-substitute which includes knowledge of her interests, moods, and intentions, all of which the child can then take into account G. ‘With a complementary model of self, the is already engaging in a complex intersubjective relationship with the mother, who, of course, has her ‘own working models both of her child and of herself, Because these models are in constant use, day in and day out, their influence on thought, feeling, and behav- ior becomes routine and largely outside of awareness, As clinicians we know that long before children reach the age of 5 the patterns of interaction between them and their mother range vastly in diversity, from ‘smooth running and happy to filled with friction and distress of every kind and degree. We also know that these patterns are apt to persist; therefore, the more we i about how: - oe the ie It is here it recent researc mental sists has made such ge shes ements PHO PATTERNS OF ATTACHMENT AND THEIR DETERMINANTS ‘Three principal pattems of attachment present dut- ing the early years have now been reliably identified, together with the family conditions that promote them. One of these patterns is consistent with the child's developing healthily, and two are predictive of disturbed development. Which patra any one indi vidual develops during these years has been found to be profoundly influenced by the way his or her parents (or other parent-type figures) treat him or her. This conclusion, which is as important as it has been controversial, is unpopular in some citcles and, in consequence, is constantly challenged, Yet the evi- dence for itis now weighty and derives from a number of prospective research studies of socioemotional de- velopment during the first 5 years. This research tradition was frst set by Ainsworth etal, (6-8) and has tince been exploited and expanded, notably in the United States by Main et al, (9-11), Sroufe (12,13), and Waters et al. (14,15) and in Germany by Gross- mann et al. (16), The pattern of at sistent with healthy devopaent i Beat ee ae ae iment, in which individuals are confident that their parent (or parent figure) will be available, responsive, and helpful should they encounter adverse or frightening situations. With this assurance, they feel bold in their explorations of the world and also competent in dealing with it. This pattern is found to be promoted by a parent (in the tatty year, expecially by the mother) being. readily avaiable, sensitive to he cis signals, and lovingly responsive when he or she secks protection andlor ‘comfort andlor assistance. ‘A second pattern is that of anxious resistant attach- meat in which the individual is uncertain whether Bis ot her parent will be available or responsive or when called upon, Because of this uncertainty the is always prone to separation anxi clinging, and is anxious about exploring the world, This pate is promoted by a parent being available and helpful on some occasions but not on others, by separations, and, later, especially by threats of aban- donment used as a means of control. A third pattern is at of apxious avoidant attach ment in which individuals have no confidence that ‘when they seek care they will be responded to helpfull but, on the contrary, expect to be rebuffed. Su individuals attempt to live ther life without the love and support of others, This partern isthe result ofthe individuals’ mother constantly rebuffing them when they approach her for comfort of protection, The most ‘extreme cases result from ted rejection and ill- treatment or prolonged institutionalization, Clinical evidence suggests that, if it persists, this pattern leads to a variety of personality disorders, from compul- sively self-sufcient individuals to persistently delin- quent ones, ‘There is much evidence that, at least in families where caregiving arrangements continue to be stable, the pattern of attachment between child and mother, ‘once established, tends to persist. For example, in two different samples (Californian (11) and German [17]) the patterns of ateachment to mother at 12 months of age were found, with but few exceptions, still to be pvent at 6 years, Furthermore, prospective studies in inneapolis (12) have shown that the pattern of attachment characteristic of the pair when the child was aged 12 months was highly predictive of behavior outside the home in a nursery group 3¥4 years later, Thus, children who had shown a secure pattern with their’ mother at 12 months old ‘were likely to be described at 3¥4 years old by their nursery teachers as cheerful and cooperative, popular ‘with other children, resilient, and resourceful. Those who had shown an anxious avoidant pattem were likely to be described later as emotionally insulated, hostile, or antisocial and as unduly seeking of attention. Those who had shown an anxious resistant pattern were also likely to be described as unduly seeking of attention and as either tense, impulsive, and easily frustrated or passive and helpless.Ample confirmation of the teachers’ descriptions comes. from i it observers and laboratory assessments of the same children (12, 18). Similarly, an experimental study done in Germany (19) showed that at 3 year of age children earlier assessed as securely tached responded to potential failure with increased tffor, whereas the insecurely attached did the oppo- ended wih conkdeoce snd Kope tha hey could sponded with confidence and hope that they cou Succeed, whereas the insecure already showed signs of helplessness and defeatism. In a number of these studies, detailed observations have been made of the inch the children’s mothers treated them, Great variability was seen, with high Contlations between a. mothers style of interaction and the child’s pattern of attachment to her. For ‘example, in one such study (20), done when the Ghildren were 24 years old) mothers were observed while their children were attempting a task that they could not manage without a little help. Mothers of secure toddlers ee their ieee re ee task, respected their attempts to comy it on their and ‘with the required help. when upon, thers of insecure infants were less Toloocnr connetat suenleesead snforioee fiving support and help when appealed to or intruding when the chil ‘were striving to solve the problem themselves, In discussing these and similar findings, Bretherton (21) emphasized the easy flow of communication be- tween a mother and her child in secure partnerships and concluded that this easy communication is possi- ble only when a mother is intuitively alive to the crucal part she plays in providing her child with a secure base, variously encouraging autonomy, provid- ing necessary help, of giving comfort according to bet child’s state of mind. Mothers of insecus fants deviate from this sensi- tive pattern of mothering in a great variety of ways. One, common among mothers of avoidant infants, is to scoff at her child's bids for comfort and support (11). Another, well-known to clinicians, the effects of which are now being observed by deve! lists (22, 23), sa mother who fails to respect her child's dete ft atonomy and ducourages exploration, This is usually a mother who, not having had a secure home base during her own childhood, is consciously or unconsciously seeking to invert the relationship by making her child her own attachment figure. In the Patt this has too often been labeled “overindulgence” ‘or “spoiling,” which has led to appalling confusion about what is best for a child. It is not difficult to understand why patterns of attachment, once developed, tend to persist. One rea- son is that the way a parent treats a child, whether for or for worse, tends to continue unchanged; another is that each pattem tends to be self-perpetu- ating, Thus, a secure child is a happier and more rewarding child to care for as well as less demanding than an anxious one, An anxious ambivalent child is new relationships 7 apt so be whiny and clinging, and an anxious avoiden ild keeps his or her distance, is bad- and is Bone to ball other chlden In cach of thes later ‘cases the child’s behavior is likely to elicit an unfavor- able response from the parent, 40 that vicious circles lop. For the reasons given, patterns, once formed, are likely to persist, but this is by no means necessarily s0. Evidence shows that during the first 2 or 3 years the pattern of attachment is a property of the relationship. For example, the pattern of child to mother may dif from the pattern of child to father; also, ifthe parent treats the child differently the pattern will change accordingly. These changes are among much evidence reviewed by Sroufe (13) that stability of pattern, when it occurs, cannot be attributed to the child’s inborn temperament, as has often been claimed. On the contrary, the evidence points unmistakably to the corclusion that a host of personal characteristics tra- ditionally described as temperamental and often as- cribed to heredity are environmentally induced. True, nconates differ from each other in many ways. Yer the evidence is crystal clear from repeated studies that infants described as dffcult during their early dayr are ‘enabled by sensitive mothering to happy, easy toddlers. Contrariwise, placid newborns can be turned into anxious, moody, ing, or awkward tod- dlers by insensitive of rejecting mothering, Not only did Ainsworth et al, (6) demonstrate this in their ‘original study, but ithas been found again and again in subsequent ones. Those who attribute so much to inborn temperament will have to think again. ‘Thus, during the earliest years, features of personal- ig crucial to payciaey.emsin relatively open to ange because they are still responsive to the environ- ment. AS a child dence shows that ‘pattern of attachment and the personality features that go with it become increas- ingly a property ofthe child himself or herself and also increasingly resistant to change. This means that the child tends 0 impose it, or some derivative of it, upon new relationships, as with a teacher in the Minneapolis: study (12). Similarly, experience shows that the child tends also to impose it or some derivative of it on a foster mother or a therapist, ‘These tendencies to impose earlier patterns onto ‘and in some measure to persist in doing so despite absence of fit are, of course, the phenomena hat gave bh to psychoanalysis. They ae also the phenomena that during recent decades have led an increasing number of analysts to embrace an interpzrsonal ot object relations version of psychoana- lytic theory and, in my own case, to advance the .ttachment version with its postulate of internal work- ing models of self and attachment figure in interaction. Thus far, therefore, the picture presented can be looked upon as a much modified and updated variant of traditional psychoanalytic thinking in which great ‘emphasis is placed on the particular pattern into which each personality comes to be organized during the ‘older, however, clinical evi-<—58 FIGURE 1. Developmental Pathway Deviating Toward Antious AI- tachment and Depressica early years, with its own distinctive working models (or, to use the traditional term, “internal world”) and ‘on the strong influence thereafter that each individual's models have in shaping his or her life. CONTINUITY AND DISCONTINUITY: ‘VULNERABILITY AND RESILIENCE One of the long-running debates between analysts and others in our field turns on the extent to which it is believed that personality, once developed during the carly years, is open to change. Analysts have empha- sized a strong tendency toward stability and continuity and have explained it as due to the powerful influence ofthe individual's existing internal world on ow he or ¢ construes and responds to every new situation. Critics have emphasized the extent t0 which an indi- ‘duals performance can change given changed con. ditions of life. If we are to do justice to the plethora of data now available, we must abandon simple dichor- omies. First, a sharp distinction must be drawn be- tween current functioning, measured in terms of pres- ‘nee o absence of psychiatric disorder, and personal- ity structure, measured in terms of greater or less vulnerability’ to adverse life events and situations. Linked closely to degrees of vulnerability, moreover, are the very differenc ways that people feel about their lives, either as mostly enjoyable and to be lived to the full or else asa burden to be endured, as an emotion- ally rich and varied experience or an emotional desert. Second, we have at all times to think in terms of the interactions and transactions that are constantly oc- curring between an ever-developing personality and FIGURE 2. j Ta it FIGURE 2. Deeopmental Patheny Deiating Toward Hoey and the environment, especially the people in it. This ‘means that itis necessary to think of each personality as moving through life along some developmental athway, with the particular pathway followed always Eeing determined By the interaction of the personalty as it has s0 far developed and the environment in which it then finds itself. If as developmental psychia- tists we adopt these ways of thinking, we need to picture each personality as moving through life along sown unique pathway. So long as family conditions are favorable, the pathway will stare and continue within the bounds of healthy and resilient devel ment, but should conditions become sufciently unta- ‘orableat any time itmay deviate to a lesser or greater ‘extent toward some form of disturbed and vulnerable development. Conversely, should an infant be born into unfavorable conditions, the pathway along which it develops may become deviant very eatly; yet once again, should there be change, in this case for the better, there is a chance of the deviation diminishing to ‘a lesser or a greater extent. Examples of two such deviant pathways are illustrated in figures 1 and 2. This leads me back to patterns of attachment, since my hypothesis is that the pathway followed by each developing individual and the extent to which he o she becomes resilient.to stressful life events is deter- mined to a very significant degree by the pattern of attachment he or she develops during the early years. Furthermore, this implies that, in identifying the family gaperiences that resin diferent children developing different patterns of attachment, my colleagues are identifying also some of the major determinants of ‘each person’s future resilience or vulnerability to life's sihazards as well as the extent to which he or she will be able to srioy, C2 Jy, the detailed . To date, unfortunate! 1e rospective ruhes deeribed earlier of how some of the diferent ratterns of attachment come into being and of their Felative persistence have so far not been carried beyond the 6th year. This means that the hypothesis, however plausible, will be without rigorous testing for some Plars yet, Meanviile, however, backers ofthe hypoth {sis point to much supporting evidence coming from the ther major schol of rescatch fered neti in this paper—namely, epidemiological studies of adults who a suffering one or another of a wide of psychiatric disabilities, including anxiety and de- pressive states, suicidal ior, line condi-. tions, and sociopathic personality. From among a large array of epidemiological studies I have chosen the work of George Brown and Tirril Harris to illustrate my thesis because it not only is of the highest quality ‘but also pays attention to variables ‘of the kind ‘that the prospective research already described is showing to be so very influential, In addition, they are using a sophisticated model of developmental pathways for interpreting their find- een sr, splay large representative samples of the tion, fwe in'loner Loudon "boroughs, oe in. tn cone borough, and one in a remote rural area of the Scoctish Highlands. (In two of their studies they explored the effects of loss of the father during childhood because there is often'a higher incidence of such loss am samples of depressed women than among control subjects. Since detailed analyses show that loss of the father has much less influence on vulnerability than loss of the mother, further reference to itis omitted.) ‘The aim of these researchers has been to identi women suffering from depression of a clinically signi icant degree and to compare them with other women inthe same community who are not depressed in order toddacover whether there are any fal or other socal variables that distinguish the two groups. The findings of the first such study, done in the inner London borough of Camberwell were published 10 years ago (24) and are becoming well-known. Init they identified four classes of variables that were found significantly more often among the depressed members of the Population. Three of these concemed current events and conditions: 1) a severe adverse event, usually involving an important personal loss or disappoint- ‘ment, that had occurred within the year before onset, 2) the absence of a companion in whom to confide, and 3) chronically difficult living conditions, including. extremely bad housing and cesponsibility for caring for a number of children under the age of 14, The fourth variable associated with current incepac- itating depression is a historical one—namely, a Woman’s loss of her mother due to death or prolonged Separation before her 11th birthday. In subsequent studies of two other large and mainly working-class 39 ‘samples, in Walthamstow and Islington (25-28), find- ings of similar sort have been the rule. The incidence ‘current affective disorder in women who had lost their mother before their 11th birchday compared with those who had not done so were, in the three samples, 43% versus 14%, 25% versus 7%, and 34% versus 17%, respectively. Moreover, in the second and third studies (26, 27) it was found that women who had lost their mother during adolescence (between their 11th and 17th birthdays) were also more prone to develop depression than control subjects, although less so than those who had lost their mother when they were younger. The consistency of these findings, together with findings from a long-term prospective study re- ported by Wadsworth (29), gives strong support to the clinically derived that childhood loss of one’s mother is likely to lead a person to become excessively prone to develop psychiatric symptoms and to do s0 especially when current personal relationships g0 wrong. Jn their Walthamstow study (27), members of the Brown-Harris group undertook a prolonged and ex- tensive interview with each woman in order to gain as Imuch information as possible abou the family cium stances during her chi ‘and adolescence and also Pare pent ie cou, ining, for exam- jot boyfriends, any premar- ital , and her husband and children (if any). ‘With the sample deliberately structured to include a high proportion of women who had suffered a child- hood loss or prolonged separation, it became possible to analyze the extent to which family variables other than loss may have contributed to a woman's current vulnerability. In keeping with expectations it was found chat both the family circumstances which had led to the child- hood lost and the adequacy of care the gil had received afterwards were it con! tworve the family circumstances before the lose and the more inadequate the care after it the more vulnerable to depression the woman had become. ‘The very detailed analyses of these data carried out by the researchers have led them to explain their findings in terms of developmental pathways that, through the continuing interactions of social and per- sonality factors, result in a working-class woman in London who loses her mother for any reason to be at ‘an appallingly high risk of becoming depressed. In th= first place, they found, such a loss carried with it a high likelihood that she will not receive adequate care; in the Walthamstow study (27) the chances were found to be no better than 50-50, Subsequently, her troubles were likely to snowball. Should the care she received have been poor, risks were high that she would become pregnant before marriage and/or that she would ven- ture on an early and ill-advised marriage. These two ‘occurrences were found to be strongly associated with later depression, in part because they usually resulted in her living in very unfavorable conditions at high risk of suffering a severe adverse event and with no one in60 FIGURE 3. Female Pathways to Depression® (hams pss and ow set-in Asus saci! Adapted from Harris tal. (27) whom to confide. For these reasons a working-class her mother was al too likely to find herself on a slippery slope. Figure 3, adapted from one designed by Hari tal (27), attempts to illustrate these interacting processes. ‘The thick upper line represents the woman's mental state. The middle line represents what may for conve niience be described a8 her family environment. The thin lower line represents her socioeconomic environ- ment, in this case urban working class. The broken lines indicate the endless ways in which mental state and environment interact, with environmental happen- ings affecting mental state and mental state, in turn, affecting the way the girl or young woman deals with aspects of her environment. ‘Two further findings, both from the Islington study (28), illustrate this interaction. A woman who had received inadequate care, either in or out of her family, was found to be twice as likely to have developed a negative self-image as a woman who had received adequate care. The figures were 54% compared with 27%, Similar differences have been reported from Edinburgh (30). Furthermore, the marriage she had entered into was more likely to have failed than was that of the more fortunate woman. Here the figures were 36% and 23%. The high risk of this happening was evidently the recult of a chain of adverse happenings. For example, when a young woman has no caring home base she may become desperate to find a boyfriend who will care for her. That, combined with het f- make unduly intense demands on her husband and, should he fail to meet them, to treat him badly. No ‘wonder one in three of these marriages broke up. ‘Gloomy though these conclusions are, we must remember always that a disastrous outcome is not inevitable, The more wecure an anachment ¢ woman experienced during years, we can confi. dently: predict, the ge Oa Ge her chances of ‘eacaping the slippery slope. CONCLUSIONS In conclusion, 1 refer, first, to some of the scientific problems that clamor for attention second, to some of the practical implications of our wali sie tak to explore snd tet the yypothesis, stated earlier, that ¢ach person’s resilience of vlnerabilty to sre is event deermioed a very significant degre by the pattem of artachment he of she develops during the early years and, more expecially, to clay to what degres and in what wa the early-developed patterns influence subsequent velopment, Since, however, there are many subpat- tems of each of the three main patterns, to elucidate the influence of each will be a long and time- consuming task, An integral part of such research is the further examination of precisely what environmen- tal conditions, impinging earlier and/or later, enable a person to retain or attain a greater degree of resilience and, conversely, what conditions push him or her toward greater deprees of valerbilty. Yet another substantial group of variables tobe taken into account are the heritable differences that must be a sumed to exist berween diferent individualstal hazards, especially inadequate parenting, which influence vulnerability. Im undeaking such a sexes of esearch programs, an early requirement is the development of psycholog- ical method for assessing partes of attachment and their derivatives at each phase ofthe life cycle. Main et al, (11) and other developmental psychologists are already making some promising moves in this direc- tion. To cast light on problems of continuity and discontinuity, both of patterns of attachment and also of erent depress of resience and vulersbiliy, rospective studies following iy ment Ehrough diferent phates of the life cyce and fn if ferent environments are plainly indispensable, despite their being very costly. aus progam of reewch ie deopmeal pepe, mous program of research in eycho- pathology (31), one that will clearly require genera tions of research workers. Both in magnitude and in the biological principles informing it it can best be compared to the vast program of research that has been and is still being undertaken in immunology. Here, as in our own eld, research workers are con- cerned with the extraordinarily complex interactions and transactions that occur between an organism as it develops over the years and the array of hazards present and potentially preset init environment cepts analogous to those in our field include the degree to which an organism is immune to a wide variety of hazards and the extent to which an existing state of immunity will persist or change over time. ‘What then are the practical implications of our present knowledge? For the clinician concerned with the assessment and treatment of a wide range of psychiatric patients of all ages it provides a develop mental psychopathology that is biologically based, coherent, and already empirically wel As such it can provide guidance for under wa Patient's problems and symptoms have evolved in his or her transactions with the particular environments he or she has encountered from infancy to the present day, thus providing an updated and detailed version of the life chart, which Adolf Meyer (32) so rightly advocated. Furthermore, it can provide guidance also for planning therapeutic intervention. Although much detailed work is still required in these areas, promising starts have been made (33-36). ‘What, however, is even more important (and would be especially welcome to Adolf Meyer) is the firm guidance it gives for prevention, As I have emphasized throughout, 1 believe there is already sufficient evi- dence, coming from diverse and independent sources, that points to the very substantial influence on person: ality development and mental health of the way an individual’s parents (or in some cases parent substi- tutes) treat him or her. Given affectionate and respon- sive parents who throughout infancy, childhood, and adolescence provide a boy or girl with a secure base from which to explore the world and to which to return when in difficulty, it is more than likely that a 61 child will grow up to be a cheerful, socially coopera- tive, and elective cltzen and to be unlikely to Break down in adversity. Furthermore, such persons are far more likely than those who come from less stable and supportive homes to make stable marriages and to provide their children with the same favorable condi- tions for healthy development that they enjoyed them- selves (37, 38). These, of course, are age-old truths, but they are now underpinned by far more solid evidence than ever before, Unfortunately, as we also know, there is another and lest happy’ sde to the, picture, Childen and lescents who grow up without their home base Providing the necessary and encouragement are likely to be less to ind life—-especily intimate relationships—dificult, and to be vulnerable in conditions of adversity. In addition, they are likely to have difficulties when they come to marry and have children of their own. It is fortunate, of course, that despite these handicaps some manage to stru through, often at a much cost to their emotional life than me. the undiscernis . 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