5750

Gregory

of Cyprus-:

of Church arc? Culture

A ! 'turfy

in Tate. Thirteenth

Century Byzantium

Andrew J. Sopko

Submitted

Kin's

for

the PhD Degree

College,

OBIBI..

London

BEST COPY

AVAILABLE
Variable print quality

1.
Andrew J.

Sopko

'GreGory of Cyprus: A Study of

Church and Culture
in Tate
Thirteenth
Century Byzantium'

Gregory II of Cyprus (1241-1290),

a. late thirteenth
century
figure
in the cultural
Patriarch
of Constantinople,
was a leading
its recapture
from
which occurred at Byzantium following
revival
in 1261.
the Latins
Althou. -h born on Cyprus, he later
became
involved
closely
with the re-establishment
of education,
classical
thought under the early Palaiologoi.
studies
and theological
While a lay teacher of rhetoric
in the imperial
he became
capital,
Michael VIII's
Union of Lyons.
Later,
a unionist
and supported
a
renunciation
after
he was made
of his unionist
activities,
Patriarch
During his Patriarchate,
the
of Constantinople.
difficulties
ecclesiastical
from the Union of Lyons
which resulted
disrupted
his reign.
Foremost of these difficulties
was the
problem of the Procession
of the Holy Spirit
which he attempted
to settle
His viewpoint,
with a compromise solution.
although
Orthodox,
by his contemporaries
was largely
misunderstood
and
in his abdication.
resulted
in tracing
the career of Gregory of Cyprus, biographical
details
illuminate
his primary role in the early Palaiologan
impetus
revival.
As. classicist
he
the
ecclesiastic,
provided
and
for cultural
revival
and
and advancement in both the 'Hellenic
Christian
literateur,
As educator,
civilisation.
spheres of Byzantine
he helped
the long Constantinopolitan
and theologian,
rejuvinate
tradition
cultural
which had been broken by the Latin occupation.
Above all,
that'the
his career demonstrates
Church played an
in
theothis
tradition,
active
only
role in the revival
not
of
literary
logical
thought
but also in the continuation
of classical
studies.

2.

Table

of Content-3.
P

Abstract
List
Short

""sIs""""..

of Abbreviations...
Titles

. ".. ""..

The Setting's
Constantinople

". """".

""

""""".

III.

Unionist

IV.

Patriarch

V.

The Pneurnatological

VI.

6r%jorl's'L.;,

VIT.

The Legacy

Early

"".......

7-19

Problem

of Gregory

..........

of Cyprus

Theology
Thought

...

144-61
62-fin

............

(1283-1290)

t eirs-: A ReINi<c1
-

89-128

........,.,

..........

6.,.

n"-. of 1-its_
,
_......
=nellec+kal' _: MiI
leu
...................

: Its t; ethod an: 1 Place, in

.......
.....................

to Gregory

Attribuited
Work. Erroneously
of Cyprus .................................

Abdication
A Letter

of Cyprus
to Gregory

.....
,

Documents ......................
to the Emperor ...

...........................................

Cer+a%vl cbansc,-s
+e, + of{ er
+he
is

sometlme5

A-1txO VS.

157-171

216-212

2344-235

of Gregory of Cyprus ..........

of John Cheilas

129-156

172-215

The Works of Gregory of Cyprus ............

The Letters

20-1+3

..................

(1273-12e2)

of Constantinople

t! or; cs Attributed

Note:

4.6

".. " .........................

and Anti-Unionist

: Gregory's
Byzantine

Bibliography

"""""""""""""e""
"". """"..

(1241-1273)

Life

". ". """".

Byzantium from the Recapture of

to the End of the Arsen1te Schism

Gregory's

Appendices t

". ""..........

"..

""""...

II.

Conclusion

"...

"....

.............

Introduction
I.

""..

. """".

26

236

237-24.5
246

247-248
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no +he.
bindin50 Alihot. 5}1 The pc 5%na_+iotn

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is con_
r

3"

List

ASS

of Abbreviations

Acta Sanctorun

AB

Analecta

Byzantion

BNJ

Byzantinisch-neugriechische

BS

Daa ntinoslavica

AZ

Byzantinische

Zeitschrift

CC

Christianskoe

6tenie

CflH

Cambridge

CSHB

Corpus

DOP

Dunbarton

DTC

Dictionaire

EF

't:

Bollandiana

Jahrbicher

History

Hodieval

Byzantinae

Scri, ptoru: n Historiae

Oaks Papers
de theologie

catholique

, q;.

xxlc6tZrtiLX

EO

Echos d'Orient

GRBS

Greek Roman and Byzantine

................

JORB

Jahrbuch

MPG

J. F. Migne,

OCP

Orientalia

REB

Revue des Etudes

W.

Yizanti.

O:.E

t+1cxFVx?
i. xz

der

Studies

osterreichischen
Patrologia

Christiana

series

byzantinischen
Graeco-Latina

Periodica

Byzantines

jski j Vremennik
'itcx'

":
-:v"c1o:c ea:

Gesellschaft

Short Titles

(Leipzig,

Anold

et Societe

ed. A. Heisenberg

1903) Volume I,

His toria,

Theodori

M. Angold,

A Byzantine

Government

Government

and Society

Under the Laskarids

Art

(London,

addita'aenta.

*a Byzance sous les

E. Barker,

Barker

%cpL EjwV

cc.

19-30.

Thought in

and Political

Social

Byzantium (0xford,, 1957,1961).

;

H. Beck,

Kirche

byzantinischen

Reich

L.

Brehier,

r, vilisation
Eustratiades

EALcseal

(Munich,

Curriculum

N. Blemmydes,

.
Literatur

und theologische

ed. A. Heisenberg
Brehier

Palaeol: oFues

1971).

eaviv
xaG'

Blemmydes

of

Gregory of Cyprus,

Autobiography

Beck

in Exile:

1975).

et Societe

(Venice,

Scutariotae

Brevi. arium

'Histbriae,

Nicaea
Art

Opera;

C. Akropolites,

Akropolites

1959)"

Vitae

(Leipzig,

et Carmina,

1696).
III,

Le monde byzantin

(Paris,

byzantine

la

1970).

Pp7oaioL_ zri, i{vtiov,

,
ed. S. Eustratiades,

EF 1-5

(Alexandria,

1910).
1

(1908)

(1908)

im

pp.

76-106

Introduction

107-108

Letter

409-439

Letters

2-45

195-211

Letters

46-65

1908-

5.

(cont. )

3 (1909)

5-48

Letters-66-115

281-296

Letters

116-130

5-29

Letters

131-141

97-128

Letters

142-166

213-226

Letters

167-173

339-352

Letters

171+-184

445-451

Letters

185-187

489-500 Letters

188-197

Fuchs

F. Fuchs, Die hheren Schulen von Konstantinopel

Eustratiades

pp.

4 (1909)

5 (1910)

(Leipzig,

im Mittelalter

1926, reprinted

Amster-

dam, 1964).
Geanakoplos

D. J. Geanakoplos,

Emperor

Michael

(Hamden,
the
West
Conn.,
and

Gregoras,

N. Gregors,

Byzantina

Palaeologos

1973).

CSHB, ed. L'.

Historia,

Schopen, 3 volumes (Bonn, 1829-55)"

Hill

Sir

G. F. Hill,

A History

of Cys,

volumes

(Cambridge,
3
1948).
and
Janin

R.. Janin,

Les eglises
(second

Constantinople
Kariye

Djami

P. Underwood,

ed.,

Krumbacher

the Art

von Justinian

(Munich,
Reiches
mischen
Metochites

C. Metochites,

Nicol

Parts

(Princeton,

Djani

Studies
1975).

der byzantinischen
stroEnde
des
zum

bis

1897).

I,

bibliotheca

8 (1871) and III,

D. H. Nicol,

The Last

(London, 1972).

4 volumes

Volume 4:

dcgmatica,

Historia

and G. Cozza-Luzi,

Diarii,

1966-75).

K. Krumbacher, Geschichte
Litteratur

1969).

Paris,

edition,

of the Kariye

de

monacteres

The Kariye

(Kew York-, Princeton

in

et les

Centuries

II

ed. A. Mai

Nova Patrum

10 (1905).
of Byzantium

6.
03trogorsky

(oxford
Pachymeres

History-of

G. 0strogorsky,

De Michaele

Palaeol. ogi. 5, CSHB, ed. I.

Regestes

1835).

,V. ' Laurent,

Sykoutres

I.

Statb

Les R4estcs
'l,

1309 (Paris,

Sykoutres,

` raii. Lx1,2

et Andronico
Bekker,

2 volumes

do Constantinople,
1208'a'

line

1968).

G. Pachymeres,

(Bonn,

the

des Actes'du,

part

4;

Patriarcat

Les Regestes

de

1971)"

-,)v 'ApcEVCaTwv,
Wept ,rb cXict. ia E,

(1929) pp.

267-332 3-4930) PP-'15-44P

5 (1932) PP- 107-126.

Troitskij

London, ' 1973)".

Vasiliev

Arsen

T. E. Troitskij,

A. A. Vasiliev,

i i-Arsenity

(reprint,

"

History

of the Byzantine

Emnire

(Madison and Milwaukee,. 1964).

YlkL

7.
Introduction

in Late

Culture

'Gregory

the title

In choosing

Century

Thirteenth

intentions

the two concurrent

of the thirteenth

of my thesis.

force.

as a cultural
for

point

this

with

the cultural

The phoronenon--of
Constantinople

the-cultural

under

the difficult

social

upon the past

broughta

it

not be thought

a complete' rediscovery
This renewed cultural
a renaissance

of the late

fourteenth,

this

in the

heritage

denonstrated

with

century

thirteenth

has been scrupulously

century

significance

and its

avoided

was not

the past on, the

Use of the term 'renaissance',

in assessing, the true

of Cyprus

by the Byzantines.

thirteenth

of contact

of early

of Gregory

renewed awareness

of the late

retrospection

of Byzantine

roots

:; ork

Despite

nature.

the period,

of

of the

awareness

that

GreCory-participated

PalaioloE; oi had a dual

but an intensification

caused Bone confusion

contribut-

of Palalologan

hich

of something long forgotten

(1)

but

special

receive

revival-in

are present

activity

of the Byzantines.

revival

these will

Greece and in the Patristic

Both elenents

part

of his time,

Because his greatest

conditions

renewed

Christianity.
shculd

early

and political

in ancient

civilization

the

focal

6T. edifdation. '

the revival-

especially

Church

and churchman, he was

developments

and rhetorical;

century

of the Byzantine

but he was also involved. in other aspects

attention,

but

to the second emphasis

As both scholar

many of them.

ions were theological

at

Gregory II.

in the late' thirteenth

culture

type of study.

responsible'for

culture,

ip, a biography

Gregory of Cyprus serves as an ideal

not only in contact

actually

it

of Constantinople,.

given to the role

attention

withparticular

of Church and

my aim was to demonstrate

First,

and work leads directly

of my work, Constantinopolitan

A Study

Byzantium',

Patriarch

century

A study of his life

of Cyprus:

continuation

in what follows

which has

of the cultural
in the
here.

(2)

8.
intensification

Whatever the reason for this

past,
of the

it. co: ipletely

curiosity,

be to demonstrate

aim will

" manifested

itself

Naturally,

this

Revival

(i. e. classical),
of Hellenic

studies

Gregory
studies

(particularly

showed his

interest

and classical

scholarship

greatest

work.

continued

his classical

interests,

in
this
place

thesis.

although-of

cultural

often

his

much of his output

thought,

in the revival

monastery,

century

might imply an overall

culture,

as a
his

a reduced scale.

secondary importance

it

holds

his Patriarchate,

albeit-on

his. role

I thought

of

theology

connection, with a Constantinopolitan

Byzantine

the, official

Because he.

but which probably

my title

of churchmen.

example

his
Patriarchate
predated
which also

Although

occurred

and classical

revival.

of his theological

Finally,

to the Church.

theology

a prime

predates

Patriarch,

compared with the originality

to both

Although

scholar

while

and

the efforts

as a theologian,

originality

only.

to flourish.

in the

participation

it.

realm but

on the part-of

attitude

provides

rhetoric)

Hnd classical

rhetorician

relationship

own devotion

of place in this

pride

intensification

both religious

revival,

learning

classical

other

discipline

bore a direct

a tolerant

of Cyprus'

ecclesiastical

to this

of the Church or through

Even, when uninvolved,

Church allowed

cultural

culture

Church helped nurture

was not confined

of the Palaiologan

under the auspices

its

thesis,

be most obvious in the theological

will

The dual nature

'secular'

how this

and how the Byzantine

influence

the Church's

of this

nature

of scholarly
of Byzantine

aspect

every

in the face

crisis

the consequence

permeated

to the biographical

In addition
primary

or just

of the Nest

threat

of an identity

the result

whether partially

in their

of interest

will

Thus,

when
have a

of education,
occurred

in

also be explored.

study of late

thirteenth

more advantageous to-devote

(3).

9.

the bulk of riy study to those aspects 'which concerned CreGory directly.

the most prominent

These aspects were really

century

Constantinople

revival.

thew currents

their

in this

roots

Constantinople

and the actual

first

in philosophy,

scientific

the following

and artistic

a precursory

still

the

view of early

Palalologan

period.

the

ecclesiastical

of the

ecclesiastical

in this

duality

ment of both secular

the teaching

allowance

attached

to monasteries.
ecclesiastical

six would circunstances

the early

will

and religious
for

Falaiologan

century

period.

to return

of

chapters

two and three.

classical-

in the re-establishand also in the

education

subjects

in schools

by necessity

in content.
to the classical

Here, the letters

nature

of this

of classical

and theological

difficulty

evidence

Chapters four and five,

allow

the dual

best be'seen
higher

give

of*Cyprus.

added another

stressed

in

hereto

in

A number of studies

received.

be found

duality

Church's

was necessary

introduction,

first

will

this

it

figure

a. major

certainly

Having

of my presentation.

In these chapters,

completely

thirteenth

of the late

revival

significance,

none has been done on Gregory

have been done on Bekkos;

The events

and trends

of the confused events of

period,

he hs normally,

than

these

A survey

figures

obscured Gregory's

case of John Bekkos,

events

attention

the Palaiologan

at

By relating

culture.

cultural

unmentioned)

unappreciated-because

the
_."In

format

at

I hope to have provided

thesis,

(and therefore

a significance

to the

culture

seven.

found in this

of the time would have further

him less

had

and art

In order to present

Palaiologan

in chapter

matters

to the other material

of unrelated

thought,

I have devoted a small amount of: space to philosophic,

Constantinople,

at least

of the Palaiologan

fruits

century.

of early

as complete a view as possible

bcientific,

thirteenth

but these did not come to fruition

period,

until

at late

written

are

Only in chapter
revival-of
by the Patriarch

10.

to his

Gregory

of the

are used as proof

me to

finally

aspects
at

of the

theolgical

with

a preoccupation

was the

of his

part

reign

This, enabled

revival.

classical/ecclesiastical

in chapter

n revival

This

some conclusions.

of that

continuation

make a comparison

of the Palaiologa,

the latter

during

Raoulaina

friend

seven and to arrive

practicable

only

solution,

marks almost, the

matters

since

entire

period.

While this

intends

thesis

thirteenth

of the late

and cultural

life

by reference

to both the life

of Gregory of Cyprus and the principal

and the same - the events of Gregory's

is difficult

ecclesiastical

of. Lyons with

one of the most troubled

of the Arsenite

and analysis
Lyons but
elusion

to

incorporate

in the text

a general

in the

thirteenth

century,

introduction

ing the principal

ensuing chapters

association

events from the recapture

will

is also hoped that

relate

schism in 1310.
Gregorys life

the'-relationship

scenario
of the
description
with
in-

warrant

of Cyprus.

Gregory

was evident

schism-. -.,

associated

which

of the events of

the need for 'a chapter

Chapter one serves this

political-

a complete

aspects
with

civilisation.

history

events

complicated-nature

to the period

to the end of the Arsenite

internal

to provide

particular

the

provide

movemsrt and the

very often

ception, of my work.

It

Byzantine

The Arsenite

consequences

periods

those

thrd'agh

Because of-the
the late

to decide.

has. not been my intention,

It

Empire.

its

those
with

are interwoven

life

whether these events should be considered

Just as often,

for

these are one

Often,

the course of late

episodes which would determine

and the Union

can only do this

it

century,

events of the period..

political/ecclesiastical

and/or

a survey of the intellectual

to provide

which provided

to me from-the

in-

briefly

present-

of Constantinople

in 1261

purpose,

It

is hoped that

to these principal

betrleen Gregory's

life,

the
events.
these

11.
principal

and intellectual

and the cultural

events,

developments

vri11 then become. clearer.

two Palaiologoi

under the first

the more. General

of the

nature

first

I designed

chapter,

to serve as a guide to the basic literature

footnotes

the more detailed

I now give a brief

in the attempt

resume of'the

to provide

it

describes.

originally

of late

information,

from

the Byzantine
but

detailed
which

proved

one, but

chapter

still

appeared

in 1973,

also

useful
for

its

useful,

in volumes

I.
two,

sone of the documents important

lacks
but
schism
because of its
Arsenites

'fepi
and five

Rounaire-Bulletin
In addition

as a detailed

de la section
to surveying

two is concerned with

of

nature

of

Less

chapters.

%6 cy cic

'ApcevLaT';
vwv
vI,

'EXX
of .
vix,

study.

scrutinizes

of the Arsenite
Also important

of the documents which reconciled

'Les Brandes crises

du schisne Arserite',

a wealth

of many passages

to an understanding

to the Church is V. Laurent's

%Byzance - La fin

chapter

to later

the cohesion of Troitskij's

inclusion

between 1867

Containing

analyses

Sykoutres'
three,

of the events

the more general

illuminating
important

historians,

Having

to, be superseded

for

only

used

of I. E. Troitskij,

6tenie

Byzantium.
not

tools

remains only to mention

i Arsenity

Arsenii

has yet

thirteenth-century

it

one, it

in numbers of Christianskoe

published

without

the

research

to an understanding

The monumental

and 1872 and reprinted

history

individually,

chapters

to these problems.

solutions

those works which were most helpful

which

chapters

to these more basic worIts.

devoted some space to chapter

already

the later

problems posed in them, and the chief

particular

apparatus

I was then able to provide

necessary for

the encumbrance of references

its

the principal

concerning

and events of the period.

personalities

Because of

the
religieuses

which appeared in Acaderiie

in 1945.

historique
the early

life

of Gregory of Cypru3,

the legacy of Nicaean culture

f

and its

12.
role

of the Palaiologan

as a progenitor

a source for Gregory's

authoritative
biography

in volume

his

rhetorical

other

142 of I"iigne's

Gregory's

source which describes

Tho principal

the amount of secondary

evident

from the

institutions

footnotes,

of secular

in the

late

offers

some illumination

1260's

Pachymeres,

youth,

the

other

aspect

for

source

higher

for

on the

(5)

the

institurevival.

on the problem,
of two distinct

education

at Constantinople

own autobiography-

course. of Akropolites

so much of the material

re-establishment

Because of the

was necessary

of the

cultural

existence

Gregory's

while
in this

of religious
of information,

paucity

the

concerning

only

acquisition

educational

speculation

ambiguous.

a few lines

some speculation

source

on the secular

by Holobolos.

education.

to the

As the

is immeasurable.

value

of the Palaiologan

and religious

the primary

offers

Patriarch's

the proof

remains

its

years,

well

where many of

be found.

of Constantinopolitari

Despite

thesis,

early

marked the beginning

which

Graeca,

works will

itself

the re-establishment

chapter,
tions

lends

education,

of a-decent

Patrologia

of the future

concern

years than his own auto-

early

and theological

can be no more

There

revival.

between

relationship

these institutions.
An examination
beginning
this

three.

of chapter

chapter

in which
studies

was the

educational

tradition

with

teacher

and belletrist

rhetorical

works

of classical

heavy with rhetoric,

period

of his life.

principal

result

Gregory

as prime

taking

help construct
existence

the

life

A growing
of the

examined

of education

in

at
interest

re-established

lead-as

Both his

examples

The letters

Their

revival

participated.

of the period.

serve

studies.

in the

he himself

in Hellenic

also marks the

The decade of Gregory's

saw a continuatibn

Constantinople

institutions

of educational

the

letters

chief

and his

of the'period's'intensification

of Gregory

of Cyprus,

although

a Hore complete picture

in European libraries

of this
was noted

13.
asvthe late

only as recently

S. Eustratiades

century,

for

extant)

in a single

edited

but the book is now virtually

While the merit

of Eustratiades'

and usefulness

cannot be denied,

ignored

he unfortunately

the manuscript

in his chronology.

some of the-letters

situation

was rectified

by W. Lameere in his La tradition

of the letters

the student

apparatus,

the apparatus
actual

by Lameere's

manuscript

1085 provides

the

and I have depended

Eustratiades'
gaps,

group.

however,

light

codex, for

Va:ticanus

graecus

career

the other aspect of the third

role

it

Although
of Gregory,

chapter,

letters

they

Gregory's

feelings

of his later

stormy Patriarchate

graecus

found

contains

letters
in

some
graecus

shed particular

do not

illuminate

the Union of Lyons and Gregory's

is never a clue as. to when his unionist

to the anti-unionist

not

letters

in

by their

of the

were in Vaticanus
the

by

Vaticanus

manuscript

Pachymeres and Gregoras give accounts

in it.

but there

82.

followed

1085 also

found'in

not

in the

identified

are

to Lameere,

graecus

tool

research

edit

notation

those

the

to the letters

not

and most reliable

on this

the
academic
upon

he did

According

manuscrite

To avoid confusion

chronological

and letters

1696 and Mutinensis

which

location.
oldest

a vital

to the numbers given

Those letters

This

which examines all

and thus provides

I have adhered

Eustratiades.

de Churre,

of Gregory of Cyprus.

of the

edition

and misplaced

for

"vOoL

xat

a copy I found

tradition

manuscripts

published

i ov btL c"toaat

except for

unobtainable

de la corresDondance do Gregoire

"

of the Patriarch-

Library.

in the Vatican

letters

the over 240

journal

i ov roZ Ku

in this

Early

These were also

Vrpo5.

rpmor

entitled

of the

five

'ExxaTJccacrLxy

volume

century.

(197.0f
them
many of.

one through

volumes

of Alexandria,

ate

nineteenth

(6)

of his participation
sentiments

gave way

life.

serves as the dominant theme

14.
for

chapter

to Gregory's

Gregoras'
wrote

resignation.

it

of the

narrative
can hardly

Metochites
author

Gregory acted throcghout

wolf that

supplement

letters,

Chapter

on the

help

clarify

turn

of a word and it
for

the reasons

all

of Gregory's

debates

The theological

is

the

hoped that

devoted
a work

to cultural

thesis

this

which disrupted

should closely
Gregory's

implications
of the late

thirteenth

century.

new awareness of the Patristic

another

puzzle,

intellectual
the
was

of-the
very

chapter

in the

fourth.

it

seems proper

together

the filioque

tradition

dimension to the Palaiolcgan

problem

More than a senantic

Gregory's

Being

of 3cmantics-.

history,

and cultural

often

fifth

examine the pneu4inatological

Patriarchate.

theological
a
merely
and. not

the

described

however, were more than a matter

and intellectual

are described.

reign

of the 12e0's

events

des

of the patriarchal

an extension

These debates,

that

An excellent

Legestes

it,

be considered

can actually

chapter.

preceding
depended

and other

five

In

documents

the

work offers

of Pachymeres.

is V. Laurent's

accounts

since

to conceal

fox....

this

Nonetheless,

de Constantinople.

du Patriarcat

decrees,

will

these

to all

of George

to Metochites,

'like-a,

not found in the description

information

actes

(8)

of interest.

*observation

According

his Patriarchate

he

since

useful

of John Bekkos,

supporters

chief

he was'.

of them.

dogmatica

an unbiased

opponent of the Patriarch.

theological

the real

period,

his

events,

passages

the Historia

be considered

the
one
of
was

less

contains

still

afterwards,

many years

The third

-its

more abbreviated

account,

to these

and also

leading

events

to the reconstruction

important

of the

account

of 1285 and the

Council

As an eyewitness

was especially

account

the

especially

circumstances,

a detailed

has left

Pachyrieres

four.

problem

with

its

problem 'paar excellence'

solution

demonstrated

at Byzantium and provide.

revival,

although

his approach

15

his

confcunded
appears

if

as its

chief

contemporaries

did

Gregory,
his

Gregory's

In presenting

'approach'.

of his

in

thought.

Although
at the

to place

the pneumatology

This

section

West to the problem,

the Patriarch
of both

six

Palaiologoi

early

A primary

his

ecclesiastical

to

order
use

foundations

'Gregoire
appeared

which

the Patriarch's
'background'

section
in

seemed a necessity
its

in

his

concerning

Clement's

the

nature,

proper

order

perspective.

in the approach

after'

of East

and
that

due to the fact

upon the views

reflection

the

letters

of

the

classsical

the

all

the

Gregory

as a guide

revival

under

is

Gregory

managed

This
to

his

Raoulaina

graecu;

1085

for

the

and editors

have

ignored

the
in

who participated

chapter

Patriarch.
he wrote

which

of

individuals

those
of

while

consider

Vaticanus

commentators

upon

involvement,

letters
to

to

and

studies

classical
the'many

theological

consideration

solution

ideals

intention

it.

in

focuses

intellectual

the

an important

reached

from his

traditions.

Chapter
to

greatly

of Gregory

his

something.

in appreciating

the divergence

underlines

for

an article

of the chapter

beginning

count

the Patristic

Esprit',

even

vitality

has appeared

of a more general

included

its

theology

be made of Olivier

de Saint

stressed

should-be

his

many passages

very-little

should

aids

also

a creative

that

fact

should

to stress

length

in 1972 that

Istina

the

Surely

Orthodox

de l'ekDor6se

de ChUre,

demonstrated

To date,

but mention

theology,

spokesman,

solution,

were quoted, at

writings

it

century,

not.

proclaimed

was eventually

Church

thirteenth

Church

of the

opposition

of the Byzantine

my concept

in the late

force

cultural
that

opponents.

to negate

the general

If

to

show that,
to

despite

can be discerned
friend
letters,

research.
the

Theodora
it

his

continue

from
Raoulaina.

was necessary
Because

manuscript

past

tradition,

a list

of

16.
has never appeared nor have the documents been studied

these letters
in their

historical

context.

'rho seventh

and his historical

firnt

for

centuries

as well.

the influence

As for

theologians.

of his pupil

writings

then returns

chapter
thirteenth
while

the

at

nature

is a brief

spheres

of Christendom

thirteenth

century.

The growth

is

coincide

his

of Nicaean

nature

Gregory's

own frustrating

the

re-establishment

participation
future

cultural

culture

that

of the

culture

search

of higher
future

development.

for

which

Upon the

Greeox-j's

is

cultural
the rather

education.

at Constantinople

education
in

of the

decades

own

much

achievements
under-

can be compared with

a decent

patriarch

the two

He contributed

early

it.
theology

Gregory's

accompanies

there

First,

in

role

between

comparison
in the last

own efforts.

developed

Church's

Vest which

its
of
many
and

the

concerning

no mere coincidence.

revival

cultur. l milieu

that

existed

of Palaiologaii

to the Palaiologan
with

to the

cultural

as they

as a thinker

progress

the

culture'and

of the reaction

there

represents,

in

place

the

legacy,
of the late

some conclusions

offering

Palaiologan

because

Finally,.

assessing

same time

of early

made to him in. the

to the narrower perspective

century,

non-theological

of the Patriarch's

Gregory's

Palamas

Having examined the

Chounnos.

duality

ecclesiastical/classical

The

between the two

of the Patriarch's

Pikephoros

historical

of Gregory

the link

is best seen in the references

this

century

attention.

A"Study

in understanding

helpful

was- especially

concerns,

book,

of John Meyondorff'o

chapter

of Cyprus

Here, Gregory's

of Pa1amao, receives

as a forerunner

importance

of Gregory

not only the thirteenth

significance

the ersuizg

but for

the legacy

zurveys

chapter

it,

the scene is

foundation

Then, ' with

and the
set

for

of new educational

27
the classical

institutions,

the
professorship
Frith
contemporary

roughly

Palaiologan

revival,

Finally,

initiator.
developments,

Gregory,

in the fourteenth

the difficult

its

century,

equally

but

the

threat

brief

reference

cern.

Within

culture

external

the

cultural
of

contributions

of the revival

flowering

it

since

was just

which
stands
it

and without,

and economic cir-

Because this

flourished.
internal

life,

should

a mention of'

in what follows

not be ignored
as great,

on the periphery
was a time

be neglected.

not

creativity.
own personal

life

of my primary

of crisis,

yet

of his life

by marry of these crises

contributions

to the Palaiologan

and times enables us to appreciate

It

on the merit

of history.

recounted...

and transmits
century

a
con-

Byzantine

of great

these
was Gregory of Cyprus, whose
rank of

was disrupted

lasting
to
make
managed

only

receives

weathered the storm and produced personalities

Late thirteenth

its

Empire at the end of the

situation

of the West will

In the first

account

life

the Empire's

threat,.

Turkish

is

of Cyprus

century

political,

the Byzantine

cultural

problematic

The recurrent

thirteenth

among them being

religious,

study concerns primarily

its

spec-

century.

cumstances which tormented

thirteenth

of the

he must be considered

that

late

by the

theological

of creative

the impetus for the full

establish

Despite

of these

the least

not

scholarship

second aspect

the work of Gregory

development

all

and clacsical

the

for

Once again,

from this

so inseparable

impetus

the reappearance

at Byzantium.

ulation
,

the

of Lyons provide

begins,

period

Next, the problems created

of. Gregory at Constantinople.

Union

of the Palaiologan

revival

'permits
to posterity

the praise
subjects

yet who still

revival.

his own judgement

or blame of those
worthy of admiration'.

Byzantium bequeathed such a subject

person of Gregory hiziself.

An

in the

(9)

l.

Note: -

Although Gregory's
his election
the text

for

actual

as Patriarch,

name was George until

the time of

Gregory has been used throughout

the sake of continuity.

1?.
Notes - Introduction
(1)

Cf. I.
the

(2)

renaiscance

Historische

Zeitschrift

(Paris,

pp. 215-32.

For an explanation

of the thirteenth

Western
(4)

This

Cultures

Constant

references

Planudes'will

be found

since

Although

period

principal
century

()6

P. K. Enepekides,

The Letters

K t,hera (Athens,

1970),

(i}

G. Iiletochites

(9)

Gregory

and

the sake of
such as Maxiios
in a significant

Conversely,

in the late

unrelated

Manuel
his

century,

the early

belongs-to

no

poet

thirteenth

cc. 25C-28A, Pachymeres I`p.

B zartine

for

to a figure

fourteenth

to Gregory's.

283.

of Maximos"N'arEunios,

Bishoes of

pp. 17-18:

Cf. also the remarks of J. Darrouzes,

de

Byzantine

merely

is completely

Autobiography

ine

'Sibling'

of Gregory.

of creativity

(5)

1'EZI.

see

to someone such as the

he lived

and his output

situations,

he was connected

milieu

be found

will

references
Philes..

cultural

in lieht

1976).

convenience.

way with

(7)

of the

(New Haven,

revival

century

does not mean I have eliminated

the

1970).

of comparable social

Interaction

91(1903),

work by S. Runciman,

Renaissance (Cambridge,

D. J. Geanakoplos,

P1ice'horo

Zeitschrift

Historische

The Tant Byzantine

studies

sur

them

'Byzantinische
C.
Newmann,
294-95
and
pp..

1926),

Note also the more recent

of the recent

the concept of a

Essai

of R. Guillana,

und Renaissancekulture',

Kultur

4, p. 19.

Djami

133(1926), pp. 393-412 and contrast

views

opposing

Chora, and

'Das Problem der Renaiscanco in Byzance',

in his

Gre, oral

Kariyo

of A. Heisenberg against

Cf. the arguients

the

of His Time',

Trends

Intellectual

with

(3)

remarks in 'Theodore Met.achitez,

Sevicerko's

(Paris,

Recherches sur les

1970) 9 p. 455.

1 p. 36.

of Gyfprus, Laudatio

Andsonici',

MPG 142,

c. 388B.

'O;,? xca

20.
The Setting:

I.

Byzantium from the Recapture of Constantinoplo

to the End of the Arsenite Schism
was seized from the Latins

of Constantinople

When the city

1261 by the armies of the Byzantine

A half

ended and an Orthodox Emperor ruled

The Latin

the Bosporus.

of the Fourth

-result
its

serious

Nicaea,

for

the prize

centre

the almost

1261 and reaped

Tho. Empire
occupation

Fourth

'coup

effortless
prize

of 1licaca

had been established

last

Under the Laskarids,

Crusade.

Within

the confines
to function

continued
to flourish,

albeit

family,

restored

to Byzantine

and longest

And it
reigning

sovereignty,

in

the

a son-in-law
to. the

prior
adjacent

region

of the former Empire.

the imperial

government.

'and cultural
It

on a reduced scale.

and-the

version

and the ecclesiastical

however, who ruled

Laskaris

Palaiologos.

of the Nicaean state

after

Laskaris,

of Byzantium

Nicaca

became
Asia
Minor
a miniature
western
of

Latins

shortly

by Theodore
Emperors

to the

which

and legitimacy.

of Constantinople

of Constantinople

Greece,

and a constant

gras Nicaca

de grace'

one other

of northern

the Latins

But it

of Nicaea.

owed

of the

was at least

Epiros
-

against

the
it

been weak;

disunity

there

of Empire

of resistance

one of the

III,

of Alexios

the

capital.

founded-as

had always

Besides

to the aspirations

Latin

in 1204,

themselves.

the, earliest

delivered

of Constantinople,

to the general

contender

threat

Empire

Crusade

existence

age-old

once again from the shores of

chiefly

prolonged

Byzantines

in its

at the hands of Western invaders-had

of humiliation

century

at Nicaea,

government-in-exile

Empire was once again established

the Byzantine

in

institutions

was not a memnbsrof the

at Nicaea when Constantinople

but'a

nobleman

named Michael,

was with

Michael

VIII

imperial

dynasty

of Byzantiu, -a began.

Palaiolo;

was

os that

the

last

21.

In 1258, Michael had been elected

way to becoming

on his

(1)

sole

and his

and Michael

an ominous

for

note

ment of Michael's

festivities

the

(2).

ever regaining
Equally
Patriarch

of the rightful

pwer had not gone down well

who felt

it

but

a person

double

he sent himself

some protest

to take Arsenios'

and his

exile,

had died and the patriarchal

Within

a year,

wife

(and
his
Empire
his authority)
of

to protest
man,

and uneducated

at

the

to perform

Nicaea.

refusing

Consequently,

to have any

instigation,

anew Patriarch

and not
was elected

however, the new Patriarch

a Patriarch.

a second coronation

'"J

simple

throne : gas once-again

had a new Emperor but was without

Arsenios,

of the Empire,

At Michael's

from the episcopacy,

place.

Michael desired

'

of

usurpation

Patriarch

had been forced

a self-imposed
the Emperor.

communication with

the announce-

of, John IV Laskaris

with-the

a very

convictions,

of Palalologos

into

strike
not

did

the end of the

Michael's

conscience

Arsenios,

of strong

coronation

without

as the moral

actions.

the

was the absence of the

(4)

himself.

imperial

the Emperor's

at

at the celebrations

of Constantinople

duty

maturity'

(3)

his. throne.

his

the

When Michael

Emperor,.

removed the:. possibility,.

conspicuous

his

in, itself

this

If

son as heir-presumptive

completely

was

in 1261,, it, was he who, led

city.

future

Michael

rise

At his.. instigation,

were crowned instead.

the

his

for

end,

was postponed

into

procession

By year's

'until

of Constantinople

possession

triumphal

wife

Palaiologos

to'believe,

sovereign.

of the young Emperor

coronation

took

not difficult
it.

following

to power was swift

well

is

in the crime

had some part

That Michael

George 1louzalon.

of the Emperor,

to

and guardian

the murder of the current

following

the boy :mperor John IV Laskaris

guardian

as-new recent

vacant.

Byzantium

(5)

to mark the re-establishment

at Constantinople

but this

was not

22.
possible

without

in exile.

remained

the uncanonical

many recalled

candidates,

Following

the former

Patriarch

performed.

(6)

It

the threat

Constantinople

in addition

Any hope for

the Empire's

to

these

of Asia 1;inor,

months of existence
emanated from
again

lectuals

over

this

of internal
VIII

to

be revitalised

threat

to his plans.

action

which traditionally

he immediately
years,

a state

Arsenios

Michael's

many personal

first

Empire's

of confidence

which

Arsenios

once
its

of

Christianity.

for

the Emperor

himself.

that

the

the

continued

existence

posed the primary

throne.

To

he had the young-Emperor blinded,

a person from holding
Arsenios
(7)

learned

an

the

of the crime,

For the next two

existed

between the Patriarch

to lift

the excommunication
Finally,

Dut

ephemeral.

to occupy

entreaties.

Intel-

learning

continue

disqualified

refused

upon a solution

whose reputation

excommunicated the Emperor.

Emperor.

state.

certain

Secretly,

of polarity

to recapture

of making

When the Patriarch

office.

attempt

itself.

under

intention

would

his mind, John IV Laskaris'

and 1la,cedonia.

of Latin

proved

in the

Thrace,

of renewed awareness

to a capital

had every

was restricted

of islands

dependsd

feeling

experience

tranquility

of Pala, iologos

imperial

possessed

returned

was about

presided

of the Epirote

of Constantinople

the

apology,

the reconstituted

a general

after

and culture

dynasty

survival

a Church

and artists

Michael

continued

reflected

especially

period

'pretensions'

the possession

presided

Orthodoxy,

to the

Internally,

who

second coronation

of a renewed Latin

threats.

external

and the

of no more than a handful

consisted

was always

of Artenios,

and an imperial

Empire over which Michael

Aegean, the western extremities

There

the search for

dismissal

necotiationz

was reinstated,

The re-established
in extent.

Even as he instituted

a Patriarch.

and the
despite

in the spring

the Emperor convened a synod designed to remove the Patriarch

of'126'+,
on

23.

Michael's

excommunication.

appointed

and likewise

into

of the excommunication

at this

turn

brought

enough, but the termination

intolerable
political

to them.

between

Conflict
Church had its
Ecumenical

Council

Church again.
especially

was absolutely

when former
this,

for

struggle

between two parties,

late

eighth

iconoclasts
not

control

contrast,

the moderates,

century

at

agreed

with

the Byzantine

the Seventh
into

the decision,
time

oriented

control,

mass of uneducated clergy

supported

there

zealots

('no),ctcxoL'). (11)

state

the

administration

to Orthodoxy and drew their

a group largely

(10)

From this

monastic

moderates

the independence of the Church fron

the monks and the great

within

of ecclesiastical

the conservative,

adherents

parties

were received

everyone

religious-

Constantinople.

of monasticism.

and the more flexible

were stringent

between

struggle

to be renewed at

the representatives

was a constant

(y,nXrat)

of the excommunication

in the

Despite

enraged

were especially

had been bad

religious-political

origins

to Byzantium.

of Arsenios

The centuries-old

was about

parties

the lifting

I-ionetheless,

Arsenios

the deposition

of events;

Joseph I,.

was chosen.

healing
than
more pain

of the Patriarch

he was

a year,

in 1267, Michael was

wishes'and
(9)

was

in as many years,

throne

the Church once again.

Former supporters

Within

and yet another Patriarch

occupant of the patriarchal

received

for

to remove it.

conceded to the Emperor's

finally

Germanos III,

Patriarch,

Another

refused

to resign

also forced

did not end

from the Patriarchate

The removal of Arsenios

and

(8)

died.

where he later

exile

the third

grounds for his

At the end of May 1264, he was removed from office

deposition.
sent into

In

to appear but refused.

became one of the principal

his refusal

effect,

was invited

Arsenios

trumped-up charges.

Fighters

the zealots
support

And people.

from
In

by the secular

24.

the
educated classes,
and

clergy

Church so long as its

at

of the Empire

establishment

that

Following
it

Constantinople,

a suitable

With the pardon of the Emperor by the Patriarch

of Arsenios
in

became the chief

thirteenth

late

Eager that

not

hold

their

communion with

the

rest

of the

society

for

others

disrupt

Byzantine

Church,

took. words from St.

(2: 21)

not,

'Touch

handle

to be no dealinCs
Emperor

and all

of the

true

the faith.

Church,

all

Despite

their

motivations

who led

the Laskaris
reflected
but with

the party

family.

his usurpation

In spite

dangers which threatened

Byzantine

forces,

Epiros

As their

meant that

there

of his

their

their

the

grcup

representatives
betrayed

having

fany

policies.

:dinor,

a centre

the Arsenite

the ecclesiastical

policies

policy

his Empire.

there
of the

of loyalty

very inception,

with

(12)

excommunication.

of canon law and morals,

in

were

i. e. the

had condemned;

themselves

ideals

sued for

motto,

they

of power as well.

foreign

would

By this,

outside

of his difficulties

to conduct a vigorous

that

a schism

Colossians

came from Asia

anger not only with

off

to the

inherent

From its

with

Epistle

considered

high

broke

a century.

whom*Arsenios

others

with

Paul's

the removal

who accepted

were political
bishops

those

with

the Arsenites

In reality,

not'.

ideal

by contact

'Arsenites'

creating
half

almost

of both parties.

associated

themselves

the

views,

the Arsenites

circumstance

position.

they should not pollute

trho did

the

until

Joseph, the followers

those

while

the more 'moderate'

Joseph had adopted

the re-

of the. 'zealot'

representatives
Byzantium

century

was not

of the identities

the reassertion

for

had been created

remained intact.

Arsenios

of the Patriarch

deposition

permitted'ctate

orthodoxy

upon the

influence

to

schism
of Michael VIII,

(13)

the Church, Michael

continued

in response to the external

In 1264, after

peace and recognized

its

defeat

by

the sovereignty

25.
(14)

of Michael.

dilemma.

Empire's

Crusade had failed

threat

-recaptured Constantinople,
and there

the Papacy,

inaugurate
-would

to rid
for

the latter's

Especially

ambitious
Count

of the Pope, Charles came to Italy

At the invitation

the Papacy of its

to

the Roman pontiff

the East was Charles of Anjou,

to lead such a campaign against

of Provence.

that

to take the city.

a new attempt

When the

would.

blow had been dealt

a great

the danger

was always

of invasion

to end the schism

between the Churches as the Papacy had hoped it

Byzantines

of the

only solved part

the constant

There was still

The Fourth

from the West.

temporary victory

But this

hated enemy, Manfred Hohenstaufen,

in exchange

Once Manfred had been defeated,

Kingdom of Sicily.

Charles turned his full

attention

the Papacy, an alliance

was concluded in 1267 between the former Latin

Emperor of Constantinople,
purpose of the recapture
With

of his

effort

Church

itself

in the hope that

Charles

might

Pope,

Clement

current

of negotiations

was divided

for

Gregory X was elected

for
he
plans
announced
ment,

IV,

The object

to whom he suggested
This

Church union.

when the Byzantine

problem

but

the Emperor's

it

proved

the Churches of Rome and Constantinople.

for

union;

benefit.

of Peter remained vacant

Pope in 1271.

the convocation

1274 which would, among other matters,

the Papacy with his desire

diplo-

a concentrated

attract-

he could envisage no union except on his

Clement died and the chair

years until

more and more

be restrained.

at a time

by the Arsenite

in
he
down
set
writing
which

afterwards,
three

concerning

mayshave been unrealistic

ive to the Pope, although

terms,

becoming

in making

the reinstitution
suggestion

of Anjou
no time

VIII

was the

efforts

(15)

of Constantinople.

of Charles

of

the explicit

and Charles with

Baldwin II

wasted

Michael

apparent,
matic

the threat

Under the auspices

to the East.

Michael
in response,

Soon
for

Upon his enthrone-

of a Church council

address itself

own

in

to the union of

once again approached

the Pope demanded

2G
complete submission to the see of Tome and the Roman faith
terms

exact
in

down by Clement

laid

the proposed

Michael

could

(16)

council.
iGnore.

not

If

IV before
It

was a tall

could
but

order,

not comply,

he did

and any hope for

would soon attack

Byzantium

on tho

one which

Charles

the preservation

participate

of Anjou

of the Empire

would vanish.

his Enpire

himself

found

Michael

would fall

he alienated

before

It

worsen.

by paradox.

If

he alienated

the renewed attacks-of

the West.

his own people by overtures

of the Empire,

situation

trapped

schism would

was a choice between the lesser

of two evils

and the

already

submission

to Rome. After

between

of union
The very

union with Rome appeared

Church

of the

mention

could

proposal.

elicited

the good of the

angry

to Rome was so basically

of mind that

both

the

inter

of Papal

without
provided

mean complete

supremacy

was the adoption

made to the

an addition
the

necessary

the basis

Church.

for

assent
its

(17)

Also

inherent

Formost

council.

the

Creed.

ntinopolitan

as the

of

and practices

among these. stood

Nicene-Coast,

as far

ideal

to

in any acceptance

doctrines

of. alien

but this

Submission

of the apostolic

of an ecunenical
rejection

the Pope of Rome

Patriarchates

not authority.

refutation

and equality.

to the Western

indigenous
filioque,

among the pentarchy'of

pares'

independence

episcopal

of

oppose it.

a precedence of honour,

the Papacy would

to the

and the moderates

zealots.

in

opposition

repugnant

Byzantium had always been prepared to recognise

as 'primus

1?
onethelecs

to persuade his people of the

Rome and Constantinople"for.

submission

frame

Byzantine

reflected

and religious

at Byzantium and Michael must have known this.

Constantinople;

the

the cultural

Crusade, the chances for

he had no other choice but to attempt

Empire.

to Rome the internal

the Arsenite

shock of the Fourth

necessity

If

plagued'by

Emperor opted for

very slight

Rome,

This

Byzantines

in. itself
Sere

27.
concerned.

The Arsenites,

for

plans

dismay

Church displayed

when they

and outrage

doxy of their

Church would be sacrificed.

and moderates

now had a common cause for

While

in collaboration

not

to the Papacy which

concession
The narrower
ly

those

their

with

concerns

of the

of the Arsenites,

felt

there

could be no relations

innovations

intention

his

his

with

success

Michael's

mass of support

had little
anti-unionist
denounced
supported
year

Church

in attracting

body of support

or bring

him into

and threw

tiny

remained

to show for

almost
his

a year
labours.

cause continued
the filioqe
resistance.

away and the

to grow,

and published
(22)

Gregory

inevitable

invasion

for

especially

an apologia
X's

proposed

of Charles

to

to the Emperor.

Michael

gave Bekkos

prison.

(20)

Outside

of concerted
Support

Nonetheless,

in comparison

few sympathised with the Emperor's

after

doctrinal

the person

insult

led

Bekkos

Joseph.

to

supporters,

his opponents had gathered.

of the literati,
of 1273,

the

to. do either

opportunity

middle

in

Sophia,

heretics.

than

applied
4

since their

the Latins

rather

particular-

(19)

of Saint

of being

Churches.

as both

of the Patriarch

suspicion

of any

parties,

the background

with

to resign

dissensions

cause further

little

them under

laid

he announced

Furious

with

Ortho-

zealots

of the

the union

(chartophylax)

the support

both

both disapproved

to the plan of union.

John Bekkos, the archivist

the moderate party

into

receded

the

to the Emperor.

two religious-political

in opposition

energies

to

Byzantine

that

realised

opposition

lead

would

of the

Accordingly,

one another,

their

concerning

Even the moderates

to Rome.

(18)

implications.

indignant

were especially

policies,

submission

theological

by the Emperor for

persecuted

already

to his

opposition
his

to its

But they also objected

with

the

of a few members
position.

effort,

the Emperor

the Patriarch
after

Joseph

and encyclical
council
of Anjou

By the

and the
had
which

was only

loomed closer.

PAGE
NUMBERS
CUT OFF
IN
ORIGINAL

2?.

Well aware that

time remained to bring

little

Michael searched for

a personality

who night

the overwhelming

refute

He chose Bekkos, who still

opposition

of the anti-unionists.

imprisoned

for his own anti-unionist

policy.

on the Holy Spirit

treatise
a
and
passages

his plan to fruition,

A selection

of Patristic

by the Byzantine

scholar

NikephorI os Blemmydes which showed the commonbeliefs

to his

Churches was delivered

he made a complete 'volte

feasible

than he had first

Delckos assumed the role

but this

of Byzantine

the possibility

of further

of submission

to the Papacy.

for

further

Church which

France, was only

By early
written'a

and'had

party

was added a personal

and his

to

1274, '
statement

profession
(24)

son Andronikos.

' The

convene at Lyons,

a few months away and Tittle

time

remained

of Charles of Anjou,

but to submit to Rome, Michael des-

his
small unionist
of
patched members
of Byzantium,

thus removing

to a monastery,

GreGory X had decided

and having no other alternative

presentative

from
support
much

Alarmed by the threat

deliberation.

to form a unionist

encyclicals.

To this

by the Emperor

of the Roman faith

of the

confined

the unionist

had joined

cause.

Hoping to weaken the opposition,

anti-unionist

a few bishops

southern

the unionist

number of the clergy

society.

the Emperor had the Patriarch

in

spokesman for

of chief

of his position,

group never succeeded in attracting

the remainder

council

the reversal

following

He managed to persuade a small

party

(23)

believed.

Released from prison

the texts,

pore
union seemed

and announced that

face'

held by both

some time with

After

cell.

remained

party,

to Lyons in order

a group totally
to placate

unre-

the Pope and

save the Empire.

The details

of the

second

their

Council

plicated.

Following

leadership

of the Grand LoGothete

documents of submission

of Lyons

are brief

the Byzantine

arrival,

George Akropolitcs

to the Pope.

After

and uncm...
under

the.

presented

its

party

owearing an oath on the

_..

29.
Emperor's
adherence

to the Roman faith

question

any other

to comply.

quick

showed

For the moment, the Papacy appeared

satisfied

policies

for the past two hundred years,

Crusade,

intolerable
for

was the

the union.

small

most of the population

politician,

depended

it.

to enforce
I

vehement

opponent

1275 and installed

Arsenios

union

Michael

knew that

the

Michael

of union,

Bekkos in his

a decade earlier

with

had no choice

as the

formation

office

patriarchal
in particular,
for

as well

depositions

as well

as for

his unionist

of a separatist

that

all

anti-unionists

policies.

opposition

Michael answered the opposition

declaring

of

results;

now opposed the Emperor for

became the symbol of virtuous

non-unionists.

persecution,

as Arsenites

in I-lay

removal

Joseph
the
the
Church,
in
of
similar
produced
removal
group
'Josephites'

but

to be such a

continued

Just

As a

of the Empire

survival

removed him from

had caused the

Consequently,

Rome.

He therefore

place.

the very

for

the Emperor.

to-accept

Joseph

responsibility

except

refused

the Patriarch

Since

betrayed

of the union.

on the survival

bore

himself

who supported

of unionists

proportion

realistic

itself

Especially

so easily.

the Emperor

felt

Byzantium

life

the internal

widespread at Byzantium since

not be eradicated
that

fact

the Empire.

campaign against

the Latins,

could

Michael VIII

of the Churches

the reunion

consequences for

had fatal

Hatred for

of the Empire.
the Fourth

goals of its

had been realised.

' for

satisfaction,

Charles'
the
of
abandonment
meant
policy

or

Rome expected

and the Byzantine

reunion

Michael's

(25)

the,
the
Churches,
chief
of
one
of

a special

it

concerning

council.

that'the

felt
have
must

filioque

party

any argument

without

compliance

itself

of doctrine

the

the Creed with

discussions

at the

their

proclaimed

companions

by reciting

There were no theological

addition.

full

and his

Akropolites

behalf,

his
Joseph,

to the Emperor

with widespread

were traitors.

(26)

Jc"

Imprisonment,

of property,

confiscation

and blirdi. tZ.

mutilation,

became commonplace but these punishments only strengthened

of the anti-unionists.

resolve

(27)

themselves.

Byzantines

five

that

been accepted at Byzantium.

not really

but Michael

demands of submission
already

filled

inspire

the anti-unionist

legations

papal

The continua. l turmoil

demonstrated

clearly

and. anti-unionists

than

and further

between unionists

the Union of Lyons had

impatiently

His pris6ns

could not comply.

persecution

for

only created

succeeded in having a Pope elected

When Martin
the schisri.
plans

IV secured

of the Byzantines

an important

-eliminated

skill

success,
Michael's
Charles
conquest

that

against

of the West.

to thwart

of Anjou,

Once again,

were enacted

(29)

by papal

with

(28)

Rome that

renained

Although

had

order

the West.

The excommunicand emphasised

he never renounced the

of his military

11ichael's

Cold prccured
Sicilian

the Sicilians

destroying

of Byzantium.

by force.

strength

and

the plans of Charles and. the Papacy.

of the so-called

instigation,

that

announced

of Constantinople

exccruiunication

of union

and Byzantine

negotiations

he immediately

be ended only

the Emperor employed all

Roman faith,
diplomatic

threat

the East,

blessing.

defence

ended any semblance

the recurrent

throne,

would

Michael's

a year,

that

his cause.

who would support

the recapture

the Pope's

with

Within

ation

for

and alliances

by Charles

the papal

to

Charles of Anjou,
to attack

the opportunity

were

more martyrs

By 1281, the Papacy realised

cause.

waited

increased

Rome responded with

the union could never be implemented at Byzantium.

who still

came to

the endorsement of the union by the

to verify

Constantinople

no less

From 1274 to 1280,

the

greatest

Vespers of 1282.
overthrew

diplomatic
Through

the government of

both his power and his hopes for

The Empire's

Frenzied

survival

the

of yet another

31.

crisis

was clue largely

little

gratitude

profound

as that

Latins'.

(30)

'the

was Michael's

as the Emperor
that

suffering
quickly

the

renounced

Union

Josephites
council

rose

to

deposed

which
clergy.

unionist

demonstrated

the

that

his

of his

deterioration

quick

With Andronikos'
worsened.

accession

His father's

the Turkish

territory

and a resurgence,

the external-situation

involvement

threat

increased

host of Asia Minor had been lost

of the Empire

brought

other
nce again

pituation,

but

in strength

(31)
of the Empire

to the growing Turkish

By the time Andronikos

had certainly

the

with Western Europe had never

the former Emperor to address himself

in
Asia
Minor.
problem

century

health

in the

to convene a

of the

control

advisors.

The

as Patriarch

soon changed the course of events.

Arsenites
the
among

allowed

party

step

Byzantium.

the Emperor

and

his
of

suggestion

of Joseph

in
full
was

and

Andronikos

Bekkos. and punished

The reinstatement

the

the Patriarch

Byzantines

by the division

from

forcing

occasion,

shattered.

marked the first

merely

die
not

had become as

had caused,

policies

of Lyons at the
act

unionist

death he ascended the

Horrified

'contamination'

of Latin

removal

complete

this

his

probably

consequences of division

to*the

II.

unionist

To the anti-unionists,

had divided.

At his father's

Andronikos

Michael's

would

of Lyons did

Byzantium

within

yesterday

son, Andronikos.

people

peace had been completely

in succession

first

Naturally,

months of the

him for

consequences

division

only

which

his

to forgive

the

internal

that

noted

he had lived,

died,

but he received

abilities,

He died within

hearts

their

the Empire's

Pachymeres

throne

in

When Michael

him;

with

and even if

it

not have found

policies.

political

for his efforts.

Vespers,

Sicilian

to Michael's

economic

came to the throne,

and by the turn

to the Turks.

distress

due to

of the

The limited
the

32.
in resources

decrease

inevitable

both

decline,

economic

the army and the navy suffered..

whims of the Venetians

ative

leaving

disbanded,

navy was completely

of the state

the strength

the sea routes

In

internal

all

of Andronikos'

the Arsenites

In March 1283 the Patriarch

and the

Josephites

th-1 layman Gregory

The Josephites

Instead,

below,

accepted

him,

Foremost
Blachernai

among these
which

of the Empire remained

belonged

: Both the Arsenites

own to be elevated

Gregory,

concessionb

to neither

provided

the Arsenites

foremost

new Patriarch

proved short-lived,

enemies.

the

even after

began to identify
The patriarchal

took upon himself

the responsibility

the Patriarch
party

only

recognition

at

to
of the

Granted

the Josephites,
more and more

soon became the target

the Emperor

condemnations. ' Once again,

for

group.

of a council

the-concessions

of Arsenios

bitterest

after

But the Arsenites'

the party

of the Arsenites'

but

opportunity

Because he had been accepted so readily-by

opposition.

parties.

to the latter

to them.

its

of these

convocation
with

candidate,

be examined

whose career'will

was the

to the

'compromise
chose a

the Arsenites

as did

condemn their

with

by

to the

solutions

had been made by the Emperor

concessions

certain

Joseph died.

the Emperor

of Cyprus.

detail

in much greater

situation

one of their

expected

throne.

patriarchal

of the,

control.

to deteriorate.

and continued

untended

of the

years of his reign,

As he attempted

the external

strife,

various

the
by
problems created
consumed
were

energies

and Josephites.

ecclesiastical

exploit-

even as

the renunciation

During the early

situation.

1283 the

complete

into

divided

Although

weakened.

Union of Lyons enabled the Church to gain virtual

Empire's

to the

of the Church increased

of Orthodoxy following

the revival

factions,

After

(32)
.
the
Genoese.
and

the power and influence

contrast,

Because of this

and capital.

a solution

to the problem

",
4

"

by calling
for
It

the

all

in bringing

succeeded

official

Shortly
at

arose

Such a public

the Patriarch

and the Emperor

the beginning

another

doctrine

the council

also pronounced the first

Cyprus
Bekkos.
only

aggravated

upheaval

than
it

filioque.

Patriarch

was eventually

iriperial

in

removal.

Andronikos'

forced

to resign

that

Gregory

views,

of

the views

against

of

treatise

a theological
Spirit.

Many attacked

heretical,
in 1289,

and the
after

nearly

the Arsenites

controversies,

Constantinople

with

With

resignation,

attention

Gregory's

to the Emperor

cousin and an Arsenitc,

insignia

of

conciliar

into

and therefore

the pneuiatological

them Clurned their

Fathers

four

(34)

up trouble

Patriarch's

of Blachernai.

the Patriarch's

of the Holy

the Procession

to. os as innovative

turmoil.
of
years

declaration

was thrown

at

the former Patriarch

requested

the problem,

resolve

Gregory's

to stir

from exile

authoritative
It

and Byzantium

concerning

During

to the. con-

assent

Condemning Bekkos becasue of his heretical

the tomos or conciliar

Rather

demand that

judges by basing his defense upon various

of the Latin

write

their

of the filioque,

Church.

(33)

demanded

year,

previous

at the Second Council

the Eastern

the

Patriarch

unionist

Bekkos was brought

his

repudation

the

had to give

scandalised

into

a new problem

was caused by his

sensation

of 1285 and tried

Defending the Latin

the former

exile

council.

the Patriarch.

were excommunicated.

at Adramyttion,

into

a new. trial.

of yet

Arsenites

John Bekkos,

Constantinople.

who had been deposed and sent

vocation

number*of

The remainder

1284

early

with

the deliberations

after

in

the Arsenites

a small

only

however.

Church,

at Adramyttion

to reconcile

designed

a council

together

opponents

and some",of the

their

demands for
however,

himself.

was discovered
crown jewels

continued
the
some of

John Tarchaniotes,

with various

in his

possession

and

314.
for

arrested

Emperor constantly

such threats

Despite

conspiracy.

to his authority,

to the Arsenites.

made new concessions

them the Monastery of Moscle in Constantinople

devotions,

but it

semination

of Arsenfite

for

became more a focal

eventually

propaganda than a spiritual

the patriarchate

another

either

was elevated

as its

clergy

the Constantinopolitan

alienated
Emperor

pressure

the

patriarchate

only

continued

the Patriarch
in late
the

of his

reforms

with

to return

Athanasios

re-assumed

the
hierarchy
Emperor
convinced
I

their

displayed
protest

had already

grown smaller,

In the winter

John Drimys,
discovered

but they still

the

year

passed

the Arsenites
Their

numbers had

to create

in the capital,

guards
outside
armed
against

It

that
appeared

and in

the ?Tonaster,

the Emperor led. by

who claimed to be a descendent of the Iaskari,,,

in the city.

the

before

(37)

and their

to cause disturbances

of 1?05, a plot

Athanasios

at Constantinople.
years

who

opportunity

In 1303,

of Athanacios,

forty

by John XII

taken

I resigned

Athanasios

possessed enough strength

the Enperor posted

desperation

another

of activity

gone on for

They continued

trouble.

Nosele.

burst

last

the

John came to dis-,

to accept hin.

During the second patriarchate

..

throne.

although

of

Such a programr1e

gave the Emperor

to the patriarchal

the patriarchate

wa

place

predecessor.

and this

Andrbnikos,

agreement

(36)

to resign.
his

Athanasios

and they demanded that

clerigy,

1293 but

with

of. the Byzantine

was instituted.

objectives

In

chose

had, the sacrifice

that

wealth and the moral laxity

principal

(35).

in late, 1289 and immediately

throne

a vast proms M, of ecclesiastical"reform,

much of the Church's

the dis..

Andronikos

The hermit

parties.

to the patriarchal

for

whohad no association

perzon

of the religious-political

private

centre.

the midst of the problems caused by the Arsenitos,

for

He offered

their

point

the

the conspiracy

was

had its

of

35"

origin
in

that
monastery and.

in the Arsenite

it.

from the

The evictions

of much of their

the Arsenites

deprived

When Athanasios

and the arrests

city

of the advanced weakness of the Arsenite

effort

that

made it

their

for

possible
It

principles.

from the diptychs,

the humble prelate.
the Arsenites
'

agreement

civil

In retrospect,

to Michael

reaction
after

the

expulsion

developments
part

aftermath

Palaiologos'

within'the

in the Sicilian

. ould have gratified

support

a few Arsenites
Church

official

Their

auch longer.

little

disappeared,

anywhere.
broke

with

the

With

once again.

to be replaced

only

disorders

of political

marked the final

that

accounted for-the
usurpation
from

facts,

Empire.
Vespers

motivation

Fear of the Vest,

of the Latins

i.,ere accomplished

usurpation

his

state.

Byzantium.

Crusade and its

Joseph I was erased

(40)

*two principles

thirteenth-century

Fourth

find

and ecclesiastical

demise of the Byzantine

late

the

the movement completely

by new social,

to survive

the Church,

to accept

and refused

deaths,

their

to

to

the agreement of 1310 had not succeeded,

and could

their-reconciliation

After

John XII,

I for

would be permitted

such action

did not have the strength

movement was now out-of-date

Athanasios

The name of Patriarch

Even if

document

sacrificing

schism without

neither

was added that

-(39)

In 1310 the Arsenites

all.

by the Arsenites,

again.

but it

Taking advantage

Church through an ingenious

was announced that

occupy the patriarchate.

to a monastery

Pliphon made a determined

party,

them to end their

who had never been recognised

(38)

and retired

schism once and for

with the official

were reconciled

followed.

bishop of Kyzikos.

in 1309, he was succeeded by Iliphon,

to end the Arsenite

that

manpower.

the patriarchate

resignod

involved
were

many Arsenites

Constantinople

both

Michael's

events

caused by the

first

caused

while

the

were manifestations

the

second.

Long

and Michael's

continued

union

ran through

of the

to affect
Churches

and

of Byzantium's

36.
of the blest as well

fear

of the Arsenites

the hostilities

loyalties

to political
seizure

identity.

'to each group's

denounced those policies.

the only legitimate

t=.

oil,

ruler.

identifications

party

during

this

ideal

at

times.

Especially

Gregory of Cyprus, the principal

debated but it

experienced
the

(42),

splinter

When Andronikos

II

before

renounced

at Byzantium

flictin,

the

brought.

loyalties

Union

of Lyons,

a backlash

of the Arsenites

from

itself

reign.

against

and Josephites

to
(43)

of 1310.

the milieu

the growing

of reaction

can be

the Arsenites

reconciled

remained much the same as those of his father's

Emperor

below.
astute

the agreement

ascended the throne,

was

passed from Michael VIII

To add to the confusion,

Church a generation

official

group

many were transformed

One such group

of

Character-

in what follows

figure

even as the throne

parties.

century

in this

noteworthy

should be mentioned that

to Andronikos"II.

as

and the anti-unionist

just politically
were waverers or just

to anti-unionists

unionists

half

were not always distinct.

were those who embraced both the unionist

Whether these people

the now

of unionist/anti-unionist,

istic

different

his son

(41)

and Arsenite/Josephite

zealot/moderate,

support

John IV Laskaris

recognised

the neat classifications

Despite

could no longer

Only then would they recognise

and

importance

they waited until

policies,

the Arsenites

Meanwhile,

Emperor.

of the Arsenites

were of primary

When the Josephites

because of his unionist

of Michael's

these groups possessed

sympathies

of Michael by the Josephites

the recognition

Michael

This does not mean that

motives but the Laskarid

no religious

could be traced

the aftermath

with

Likewise,

problems.

and the Josephites

associated

of the throne.

to pressing

as solutions

of circumstances
Although

distrust

the new

of the West

unionism.

continued.

The con-

Michael

37.
his
but
dead
was
Arsenites.
respective
situation
and it

heir

Both Joscphites
candidates
when Gregory

should

the throne,

now occupied

and Arsenites

be made Patriarch.
of Cyprus

be remembered that

unrecognized

(144)

This

became Patriarch
it

that

clamored

by the

their

was the

of Constantinople

was developing

even as he grew

up.

1'1.
Chapter
-

Notes
(1)

Nicol
(2)

Is pp.

Pachymeres

102-3;

To pp.

V. -Laurent

'Les Brandes

du schisme

arsenite',

historique

26(1945),

an unpublished
(3)

Akropolites

I,

(4)

Akropolites

I,

(5)

Pachyreres

I,

pp.

169-174;

pp.

42-47.

p. 187;

AnGold p.

91; Sykoutres'2,

(8)

Pachymeres

I,

p.

MFG 140,

Testanentum,

201,

Canon -A

pp.

270-271;

p. 87.
bishop

Sykoutres

2, pp.

tachymeres I,

Angold

280-

let

the reign

Trait

of Ger; nanos III

282-289;

(Athens,

pp.

50-56.
2,

chose the 74th

1852-9),

2, p. 309.

a' d'nudes
is

I,

Troltskij

D. 92; Sykoutres

him be deposed.

pp. 306-307; Sykoutres

'La Chronologie'

Pachyneres

9$L

by other

must be questioned

charged

Cvvtaaa

c.

92; Troitskij

p.

The council

he does not appear,

and It.. Potles,

2, pp.

Argold

191-192,203;

Troitskij
298-301;
pp.

L.
P. 37,

90-91;

pp.

Ango1d p. 91; Sykoutres

pp.

V. Grund

Angold

p. 288.

j pp. * 42-47.

I,

Rhalles

et

Oxford.
42.
p.

Pachymeres

if

Autorianus

Roussos The Arsenites,

Troitskij

111-119;

La fin

de ]a section

p. 186;

(7)

Apostolic

and J.

xacpL&pX,%

78-94..

'Arsene

L. Petit

1991-4;

cc.

"0

a Byzance:

thesis,

Autoreianos,

Arsenios

ii,

, pp.

Roumaine-Bulletin

225-313;

pp.

1(1928

religieuses

crises

Concerning

S. Eustratiades,

'EXXnvLxci,

45-46;
pp.

Geanakoplos

doctoral

pp.

288; Troitski
.

(9)

pp. 39-}+;

952;

27-30.

pp.

also

Academic

DTC 1,

Arsenites'

pp.

cf.

AbropcLav6c',

'ArcEVCO;

83-90;

Troitskij

and the Arsenites

Arsenios

bishops;

Angold

277-280;

2, pp.

Sykoutres

(6)

Geanakoplos

MPG 1110, c.

Testarnentum,

Autoreianos,

Arsenios

les

80-83;

Aneo1d pp.

54-67;

p. 35.

Pachymeres
"

One

dated

Cf.

G. A.

2, pp. 93.94"
According

; voan tires
25 Vay 1265

to

1(1928)

39.
14 Septemb: r 1266 while

of Joseph I is 28 December 1266 -

that

May 1275.
(10)

The term 'religious-political

Vasiliev

(11)

659.

p.

Ostrogorsky
in late

178-179.

pp.

thirteenth
I,

Pachyreres
(12)

has been su6gestea by

party'

For a description
Byzantium

century

of the two parties

Gregoras

cf.

I,

p. 165 and

280.

p.

for

Compare Angold. 's explanation

of, the Arsenites,

the rise

quoted in Vasiliev

with those of Troitskij,

Ango1d pp. 56-59,

661-662.
pp.
(13)

For the difficulty

I,

see Pachymeres

Minor
88-89;

I,

Gregoras

pp.

p. 127;. V. Laurent

Pachymeres

(15)

Geanakoplos

pp.

189-200;

(16)

Geanakoplos

pp.

200-206,237-245;

(17)

For the
cf.

99 cc.

Barker

p.

edition:

Nicol

225-238"
4530
p.

OctroGorsky

54-57.

pp.

contrasted

Oxford,

pp.

452,1+55.

pp.

with

Epistolaru;

quoted

II

n. 2, pp.

cit.

180-181;

pp.

the Studite

161AB and 21B,

(English

Theolomy

(18)

Theodore

especially

op.

0strogorsky

of the pentarchy

concept

63,1lI

215; Geanakoplos

p.

in Asia

337-342,483-J91,502-503,

(14)

It

the Arsenites

with

of conciliation

in J.

1975),

Roman authority

n I, iber
',,Ieyendorff.

pp.

57-59;

15 and

II,

Byzantine
see also

88.

On the filioque

and the problem of the Procession

Spirit,

five.

chapter

of the Holy

662-663.
pp.

(19)

Vasiliev

(20)

Gregoras I,

pp. 127-128; Pachyneres I,

pp. 376-378;

D. N. Nicol

'The Greeks and the Union of the Churches: The Preliminaries

the Second Council
al

History

article

of Lyons 1261-1274'

and Relations

5, -pp. 166_467.

with

By^antiu-n:

the Nestern

`,lorld

Its

to

Ecclesiastic-

(London,

1972)t

1t0.

(21)

p. 130; Pachymeres It

Gregoras I,

I,

G. Metochites

38,40;

pp.

des Kaisers

Michael VIII

schaftliche

Theologie

the

(2_3) Gregoras I,

Palologos'

(Juin

1273)',

cc.

catholique

grec

1900),

pp.

au XIII

533-584.

"viaS
.

d'union

anti-Latin

pp. 58-9;

Nicol
A vast

'Le cas do Photius

siecle

`Pc!ui;

EO 29(1930),

DTC 8,1(1924),

avec Rome: Un patriFO 3(1899 Bexxo 7=rptd.

'Iaxivvnq

XcLU v:
(flunich,
powv

1920)

and also

in
25
below.
in
Evert-Kappesow"a
n.
passim
(24)

(25)

describes

Fachyrleres I,

pp. 38k-395,

the departure

of the unionists

Pachymeres
delegation;
Reaction
Relations

p. 114.

I,

pp.

Geanakoplos
to Lyons',
with

the events leading

pp.

Byzantium-,

the

the Western

258-264;
Its

World

up to

Lyons.

for

describes

395-396,

"

has accumulated.

(Jean Vekkos)',

A. D. Zotos,

229-237,351-361;

KwvctiavTi vovT6Xc

PP. 381-383;

Beccos ou Jean XI',

'Tentatives

R. Souarn

356-360;

arche

'Jean

of

PP. 396-407"

Jean XI Eeccos',

du patriarche

L. Petit

pp. 396-415;

'Le serment

V. Laurent

141-164;

pp.

wissen-

Johann Bokkos und die lateinische

Basic are: G; Hofman 'Patriarch

OCP 11(19L15),

unsveruch

and the text

Bekkos and his thought

concerning

dans le apologetique

On his

fr

10 26(1927),

Mir, 142 cc.

N. Blemmydes De Processione,

Kultur',

L. Petit

Zeitschrift

pp. 128-130; Pachymeres It

literature

cf.

PP. 332-335,

34(1891),

du Patriarche'Joseph

378-380,382;

cc. 1541-2.

and comments of V. Laurent

encyclical

pp.

in J. Drseke 'Der Kircheneins

the text

cf.

On Joseph,

DTC 8,11(1925),

'Joseph le Calesiote',
apologia,

I,

Pachyneres

2, PP. 308,311,317.

Sykoutres

in this

Prominent

was Gregory of Cyprus..

group of sympathisers
(22)

p. 374.

trip

of the

D. M. Nicol

Ecclesiastical
(London,

Among the works on Lyons not cited

1972),

Byzantine

'The

Byzantine

History
article

and
5,

here are B. Roberg

y_r

11.1.

Die Union

der

zwischen

Kirche

byzantin

clerge
"

68-92;
pp-.

at le

1'epoque

40(1974),

(1274)

of Lyons

Council

5-45;

pp.

(1273-77),

(Paris,

1976),

(26)

Pachyrieres

(27)

Vasiliev

(28)

Geanakoplos

(29)

Cf.

p. 395;

I,

own boast

in his

OCP

1391-1410;

cc.

Lyon

The Papacy and the Leant

esp. pp. 106-139.

67.
p.

71-2.

successful

own autobiography,

quoted

part

in

the Siciliazi

in Geanakoplos

p. 367.

401.
p..

(31)

Pachymeres II,

pp. 11-39.

(32)

Pachymeres II,

pp. 153-65;

I,

pp.

of his

Pachymeres

69-70;
Nicol
pp.

the fate

of the navy: Pachymeres II,

pp. 130-131,114-115,105-106;

Andronikos

Ostrogorsky

did not even concern himself

1290 when he paid a visit

there

with Asia Minor

which lasted

three

years.

42-64.
pp.

(33)

Pachymeres

II,

(34)

Pachymeres

II,

pp.

88-102,108-134.

(35)

Pachymeres

11,

pp.

593;

(36)

Pachyneres

II,

pp.

140,146-152,166-178;

185-186,191.

of

de Lyon at la

de l'union'de

grec

1976),

Nicol

(30)

until

do

de 1! union

Concile

and K. M. Setton,

Nicol

pp. '340-42;

Michael's

487.
p.

13(1952)9

659.

p.

Vespers

Dossier

(Philadelphia,

Le

in Greek Documents'.,

Portrayed

grecque',

V. Laurent

28-41;

pp.

'The Church Union

DTC 3,11(1907),

Darrouzes

I,

Gill

'Le deuxieme

and J.

(1204-1571)t

J.

V. Grumel

de 1'eglise

reunion

Siege

PP- 297-317;

BS 16(1955),

Lyon',
the

de Lyon (1274-1282),
St.

'La

byzantines-latines.

at 1'Union

'Byzance

S. Runcinan

RS 10(1949),

des relations

'Une page de 1'histoire

1964);

11. Evert-Kappesowa

1958);

de Lyon',

et 1'Union

byzantine

societe

(Bonn,
T,
von yon

(Cambridge,

Vespers

The'Sicilian

griechischen

Konzil

auf dem II

und derlatoinischen

Nicol

p. 105;

For more on Athanasios

Janin

p.

359.

Grefroras

cf.

I,

pp.

180-182,

M. anescu 'Le patriarchs

42

Athanase

I et Andronic

et social

de 1'Empire',
22(1942),

historigue

I',

Ier

Athanase
(Sept,

menique

'Politik

1(1930),

13-19;

in the Late

of Athanasios

in part

es d'arch

Thirteenth

Boojamra,

epaxcxd

13(1940),

Pacht', eyes II,

complete

Church',

'Spiritual

"Ecole

Djami

by Joseph Kalothetos

95-106)

of Athanasios
Two lives

Studites,

Frn9aise

istorikofilolo,

Trends

4. pp.

personality

17(1897)

DOP

Fourteenth

one by Theoktistos

Zapiski

de Rone-

and in

full

by

7icheskaaa

o Universiteta

76(1905),

ed. A. Pantocratorinus

PP. 59-107.

resignation

John pp. 337-343;

Wissenschaft-

(Washington,

and Early

Tmneratorska, -o S Petersbufrika.
and another

Athanasios

Fordham University.

et d'histoire

A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus,

oecu-

K. P. Matschko

Reich;

I and the

on the

by H. Delehaye,

oiogie

p. 151,

124-139;

pp: 53-71(Kariye

have survived,

au patri-

au trne

of Athanasios

dissertation

by J.

has been written

V.

Leipzig 15(1966), pp. 479-486;

Athanasios

et Societe

Art

do

121-140;

pp.

accession
pp.

R.

patriarche.

and passin. J. Meyendorff

an unpublished

his

pp.

1289-1293,1303-1309',

Universitt

pP. 13-28;

Centuries',

fakul'teta

2(1970),

sptbyzantinischen

The Correspondence

in Byzantium

published

Androniko3III

d'Athanase,

Ch. Diehl

idem 'The Patriarch

27(1973),

384;

indite

von Konstantinopel

A. N. M. Talbot

(37)

B cantina

ale la section

'Emperor

J. Gill

REB 23(1965),

1303)',

Zeitschrift

1975);

politique,

Roumaine-Bulletin

do sa secondo

lors

und Kirche"-ir

Patriarch

religieux,

serment de 1'empereur Andronic. TI Paleologue

Laurent'Le

Mhan

1-28;

pp.

Bielanger,

Constantinople',

Also,

Academic

'La correspondance

Guilland

lithe

Paloologue:

Athanasios

and Patriarch

arche

II

etat

of Athariasios

reinstatement
recognition

pp. 1 +-187; reign

of Athanasios
pp. 409-41o.

of

pp. 368-377,379-

1i3.

(38)

Pachymores II,

(39)

Gregoras

p. 593; Tdicol p. 110.

p. 262;

I,

Nicol

be found

of 1.310 will

Council

pp.

of the

The documents

110-111.

in V. Laurent,

n. 2,

op. cit.

pp. 295-311.
(40)

For the events

cf.

J.

and personalities

Darrouzes

(Paris,

Documents
of J.

texts

1966),
'Apres

Gouillard

le

schisme

arsenite

25(1944),

pp.

Cheil. as pp.

byzantine

86-106,348-413;

do is

Roumaine-Bulletin
V. Laurent

'Le schismo
Theolepte

p. 39, mentions that

the Arsenites

Joseph was excommunicated by Arsenios,

(42)

of 1310,

J.
de

(c.

section
anti1324)'

45-5)F.
pp.

Pachymeres II,

coronation

Council

- La correspondance

arsenite

1-20;

the

d'ecclAiologie

de Philadelphie

du metropolite

1E 18(1960),

(4i)

inedits

Academic

pseudo Jean Chilas',

historique

following

implying

believed
that

Andronikos'

was invalid.
p. 374,

Compare Pachymeres-I,

(43)

Pachymeres"II,

(144)

Pachymeres

II,

64.
p.
pp.

14-42.

and Pachymeres

II,

p.

that

25-

144v

Gregory's

II.

Early

name implies,

Gregory of Cyprus, as his

(1)
the
1241.
Cyprus
year
about
of
no longer
early

island,

it

making

imprisoning

after

year

the

former

the Lusignan

while

into

fell

which

poverty

of the

Franks.

others

wrote

Under the

possessions

occupation,

that

twelfth

under alien

the

his

energies
After

only

to Guy do
thenceforth

to rule

Cyprus, ' but

Cypriot

exploitation

poplati6n
and oppression

St.

Neophytos

and'

of the

Cypriots.

-(3)

suffered

to

century,

the hardships

the

many preferred

'than live

of

island

and'it

continued

from the

resulted

words describing

Frankish

such an extent

his family

6f
the
end

At the
grim

of Jerusalem,

grew, in prosperity,

court

course

of the

island

the

of the

in 1191.

Templar

sold

As

(2)

hands.

Guy's death,

Following

King

Frankish

in Western

remained

likewise

the

During

a drain-upon

to the Knights

the Templars

on Cyprus,

Lusignan,

it

however.

as ruler

possession

it

Cyprus

nephew of the Emperor

himself

took

but he found

Isaac,

Empire,

of the Empire.

the Lionheart

and sold

and resources

the Great

century,

independent

Richard

Crusades,

At the time of his birth,

Komnenos, had established

Isaac

Manuel I,

the

twelfth

as the late

was born on the island

of the Byzantine

a part

constituted

(121F1-1273)

Life

population

evidently

to abandon

their

remaining

By the'iiid-thirteenth

rule.

century,

many of the barons of the Kingdom of Jerusalem had come to Cyprus to

seek their
fiscated

fortune

the loss

after

both the land and the wealth

Among those who suffered

but

still

Opinion

on the

remained
once held

that

his autobiography,
possess,

of their

he makes it

island

Gregory's

of-the

indignities
was the
family

lands

natives.

clear

that

They con-

(4)

at the hands of the Franks

family

of Gregory

was of Italian

the only document of Gregory's

quite

in Syria.

his family

early

of Cyprus.

descent

life

but

in

which we

was well-established

4j
there

and had lived

on the island

(6)

traders.

of a few Italian

(or rather

slavement

of this

indignities

of

Greek) ancestry.

which

oppression.

the same time

to his

homeland.

its

overriding-aspect:

the

thirteenth

the

century,

institutions

bishops

s to'the
his

to
faculty
devoted
a
school
the teaching

enter

for

of theology.

that

severe

archbishop

misery

learning,

and

story

In

a good education.
on Cyprus

an education

had provided

was

monasteries

after

were

for

education

of the Latin

permission

1222.

Orthodox

archbishop

of

in each monastery depended

(8)

schools

facilities.

of Cyprus

own lifo's

restrictions

archbishop.

In 1248, the Latin

in his cathedral

to help

One of these was an elementary

of grammar, the-other

specifically

designed

(9)

Gregory was raised

a school there.

no teachers

of

opened two free

the gap in educational

ability

island

on the

of Nikosia

" At first,

in common, reveal-

domination

secure

the acquisition

of the Latin

on the decision

for

to

attempts

and the number of monks permitted

archbishop

and the

who had brought

of his

narration

could not ordain without

Nikosia

fill

those

upon the Frankish

but these suffered

the people,

He mentions the en-

The Orthodox Church of Cyprus and its

task.

only

family

insistence

of his

suffered

for

with

(7)

but'return.

difficult

everyone

distaste

a great

Gregory does not dwell

at length,

That Gregory's

of the Greek world by foreigners

portion

ingiat

from Westerners

in light

them
from
descended
seems unlikely
was
upon. his Cypriot

he

to the advent of the English

had had few visits

Cypriots
the
the
French,
and
the exception

a very long time although

Previous

where. '(5)

does not specify

for

by his parents.

they sent him to Nikosia

Even in the capital

itself

Showing a great

at the age of nine to

there

among the Greeks and the newly opened cchool

seemed the only alternative.

He enrolled

were almost
of the Latin

in the

'Roman school'

4 6.

(or,

immediately
the

in Greek, itat8cu%rpLa 'Pujaiwv, at Nikosia

as he termed It

language

lancuage

on Cyprus had evolved

during

and Syrian

Byzantine

(11)

school.

for

During his time in Nikosia,

and scholarship

education

in the

Cypriot

gathering

scholars

According

to Gregory,

enthusiasm
set

must
he

for

the

at

archbishop's
inaccessible

largely

he returned

out for

At F,phesos,
the Great

flourished

at

the, seat

home at the age

Theodore

of his

(13)

age,

they imagine
is the number

captivated

hin

he hoped to receive
parents

did

by boat-to
through

not share

passed before

aspirations

to see. 21il:ephoros
(11)

was

Empire-in-exile.

and two years

on to Sphesos

Laskaris

so great

Gregory's

sailed

scholar.

II

Such tales

he travelled

of the

Even as he

say that

Athens,

First,

Vicaean

Vicaea.

where he hoped his

he decided

heard. stories

the travellers

such a trip,

the city

and then

Gregory probably

gb to Nicaea if

of his

malting

(1258-59).

in Palestine

1.272),

but

and pilgrims

his education. had made so little

to ancient
there'.

find

In light

good education.

fulfilled

him at

'of Nicaea,

that
he
concluded
and

weather.

amalgam of various

because of the language problem.

the Emperor

capital,

around

of wise men you will

finally

which

to have returned

themselves

his

uyagc of Greek

(12)

progress.

studied

',Cho

he could grasp only the rudiments

with Latin,
that

very distressed

of fifteen,

instruction

logic

such as'Aristotelian

Exhausted from his struggles

of invaders

the medium remained

For some reason,

to Gregory and he makes mention that

of subjects

to a complex

the visits

the
been
have
vehicle
must

Latin

the simple

fron

sovereignty

from

which resulted

!According to, Gregory,

(10)
f
avi
vwv
74tip
ti
was
o4
cpwvi.

the school

used at

situation

languages

language difficultien.

encountered

but

would

be

(Acre)

Ptolemais
rather

he

difficult

Alec nydes

(1197-

47.
price

at Brusa and Smyrna,

studies

(Scamandros)

his

activities

throughout

reputation

as the greatest

at the Monastery
Emperor of P;icaea
funds

for

this

by the time Gregory

nor its

Besides,

of such a youngster
Suffering

another

When he reached

was greeted

his

Not having
army for

immediate

some time,

Thraco with

it

This

evidently

force,

to capture

until

the city

with

disappointment,

his

disdain

success

it

during

probably

inspired

in this

his

own monastery

had no

the intrusion

for

of 1260.

in the spring,
among its

career

it,

ranks

in Nicaea.
with

the

(19)

Constantinople.

'

he

and marched through

of the Emperor of Nicaea himself,

but failed.

him to make

the winter

he-stayed

with

on to

continued

academic

Latin-dominated

from the Latins

never saw

they

him to look

endeavour,

the Hellespont

reached
that

further

and distrust

was necessary

of Nicaea,

who would support

crossed

Gregory

Nicea by foot

the vicinity

patron

to accept

(18)

retreat.

came upon an encamped army which

a wealthy

because of bad.

Being poor and a foreigner,

from Ephesos to

the journey

for

and he refused

He had run out of money, so it

Nicaea.

failed

the

Blemmydes

providing

Blemmydes would not have tolerated

into

Here,

in Ephesos but the young Cypriot

Gregory

need of him.

the

gained

at Ephesos.

philosophy,

The arrangement

arrived

of Ephesos.

Tread

Empire and opened a school

the Wonderworker

students

to his

Engaged in many scholarly

Blemmydes had established

by the people

yet

in'the

to study

pupils

purpose.

founder.

(16)

he had

In addition

education.

Blemmydes eventually

scholar

from the Emperor.

pupils

it

life,

some of his

with

relations

sent

his

education.

Gregory

of St.

Because, of the

he even went to Latin-occupied

his

to complete

(15)

lifelong

in the Nicaean Empire,.

education

town to gain

from town'to

Blemmydes'

of knowledge.

absence of higher

total

to travel

with

the patriarchate,

had been the acquisition

concern
almost

for

a candidate

had hoped

indications

All

'

show

4R.

the events

that

of the unsuccessful

those

the spring

of 1260.

(20)

in

failure,

Gregory

the continuation

of

studies.
of the

From the early

from scratch.

(L+xix), Lo,- =L beCa)

western

Asia Minor

Constantinople,
confirms

Vatatzes

but higher

studies,

previously

concentrated

founded

school

he experienced

Constantinople

of manuscripts.

II

of Theodore

He

Laskaris.

in Nicaea, -rffiere he

Tryphon

to

in general

He mentions

Filled

the greatest

When Gregory

at rlicaea.
tales,

the overwhelming

with

risked
despair

life

of his

for

a solution

recapture

to his

home was

the recapture

dilemma.

of Constantinople,

werestreated

no purpose,

A return

he had no money and only

in 1261 brought

in

he had come so

almost

life.

arrived

scholarship

subjects
that

disbelief

his

of its

some instruction

that

but most other

was available

the Byzantine

(21)

disorganisation

that

since

of

in 1258 may have brought

at all.

out of the question

by becoming patrons

caused

he had actually

and that

to

The troubles

inflated.

grammar and rhetoric

the Empire

such as Blemmydes but there

of grammar and rhetoric.

he soon learned

After

the reign

at

attempted.

and copying

instructors

of

(22)

and to education

superficially

libraries,

the collection

until

of Theodore

if

Laskaris

at the Church of St.

chairs

had been grossly

and Theodore II

to private

school

a school

by the death

outside

by founding

sent pupils

established

own trip

Blemmydes'

John Vatatzes

was no imperial

there,

probably

in the cities

and by ordering

scholars,

schooling

elementary

of exile,

years

to survive

the situation

rectify

of Nicaea had to begin. practically

continued

vanished.

this.

system at Constantinople

educational

the Empire

Crusade,

by the Fourth

far

against

for

expectations

great

were

the Latins

the Byzantine

Following

With the destruction

his

of Nicaea

campaign

to Nicaea with

returned
his

which

at Constantinople

had witnessed

Gregory

(23)

the Emperor

of

1z9.

Constantinople

in order
(24)

ments.
to his

to the Fourth
purpose

arian

If
education
imperial

support

Emperors
ion,

often

of education

individual

choosing.

Because of the obvious

scholars

Blemmydes, the foremost

but his

former

ople and took

charge

had gone to ! icaea

him.

patronised

Impressed

with

a position
Constantinople.

in his

(28)

Blemmydes had taught

his

occupied

youth

and later
abilities,

own

well

a large

recapture

(1217-1282)

testified

by

gathering

of

appears

remained

during

unlikely.

at Ephesos

came to Constantinat the Emperor's

Constantinople,

Akropolites

where the Emperor John Vatatzes

He attended

he continued
(29)

of their

of the new program of education

Born in Latin

some

instructors

of qualified
century,

Perhaps

conquest,

in places

of the period,

George Akropolites

pupil

(27)

direction.

its

(26)

than an institut-

the Latin

lack

the course

became a teacher

in philosophy

which

of Theodore II

Laskaris.

Theodore made him Grand Logothete

to hold

that

obvious

tradition.

of Cyprus at Nicaea,

scholar

remains

Before

following

at Constantinople

it

rather

of the thirteenth

of Gregory

system of higher

centralised

and taught

professors

the complaints

over the

and jurists

professors

of Nicaea.

'freelanced'

diaspora

the utilit-

bad served

was a Byzantine

probably

the Byzantine

at Constantinople

university

times,

at various

the Empire

as during

a less

suggests

supported

as the

(25)

as scholars.

in Constantinople

as debatable

diplomats

statesmen,

establishbe applied

could

proves

institution

This

Crusade.

research

recent

education

and civil

educational

'university'

term

at
he was well

diplomatic

he promoted

of the so-called

of providing

as well

centuries

higher

character

elusive

prior

the general
for

establishment

rather

these,

education

predecessors,

literate

required

to-provide

Whether

his

Like

be revived.
,

should

of higher

the tradition

the renewed Empire

aware that
services;

that

decided

VIII

Michael

under Michael

VIII

while

teaching

in 1255,
at

50.
of higher

The revival
Gregory

the educational

course

was equally

and in expounding

Aristotle
Of all

the purest

only

we still.

lack

schools,

both those

higher

Byzantium's

educational

the trivium

(basically

quadrivium

(arithmetic,

schools
and it
at early

Byzantium

Geometry,

that

this

lists

the subjects

Aropolites

approach

an important

part

bt Gregory

makes specific

in the course.
eleventh

After

century,

Constantinople

reference

the reaction

Aristotle

subservient.

(35)

(with

in higher

Phetoric

(32)
as

had always been

learning

at Byzantium

to the prominence

Plato

a heavy

and physics

Philosophy

Platonism

this

arts.

&Y-xvxXLoC naLbCo at

geometry,

continued

he discarded

and the
Roman

forms and titles.

against

of

must have been adopted

became the preferred

and Akropolites

This does not mean that

but remained

(33)

of the curriculum

the concepts

The trivium

rhetoric,

taught.

of Akro-

based on the seven liberal

took various

philosophy,

providing

Much of

and astronomy).

(31)

and continued.

Because

of Byzantine

and philosophy)

music,

a curriculum

but the quadrivium

Gregory

(30)

practice.

emphasis on grammar) did become synonymous with

Byzantium

esteem and

in making. a comparison

grammar, rhetoric,.

of

and flicomachos.

has been squeezed into

life

has been suggested

of Euclid

Byzantine

Akropolites

the labyrinths

of the curricula

arise
previous

followed

usually

who

in the highest

study

difficulties
with

instrctor

LyxvxALoC waLScCm and those

offering

curriculum

in the

Greek in exercises.

Attic

gave

Enrolling

to Gregory,

through

pupils

the theorems

a comprehensive

learning,

politer'

his

he held Aristotle

philosophers,

permitted

a masterful

According

praise.

in guiding

expert

finally

he had sought.

opportunity

the highest'

only

at Constantinople

he found Akro-polites

of. studies,

deserved

learning

of Aristotle
in the late

philosopher
preference.

completely;
was taucht

at
(34)

he was studied
in conjunction

, ]..
with philosophy,
usually

emulated.

The mathematical

using

Nicomachos and Euclid

geonetry,

owed its

also

his

he readily

intensive

required

himself

proved

before

an able

made him the object

application

situation,

and his

Many of his

In

would mean that

until

the year

Gregory

he did

of Akropolites'

politcs

Cxegory

roughly
probably

tenure

students.

chan&ed, the
however.
kind,

he attended

and -

earlier,
of it

from his
attempted

studies

of
for

to be suggested
it

as instructor,

might

Gregory's

If

and he

the course

be assumed that

be

overriding

of a good education

might

(37)

under Akropolites
the recapture

after

priority.
it

school

and thirty-three.

the same time..

that

to fulfill

would have taken advantage

days,

that

years

been the acquisition

had been offered

of 1261.-66/67,

he

often

notoriety,

date has yet

about

occurred

vigilant

was,

in rhetoric

as models of their

not begin his

definite

the beginning

was always

course

Although

educated

certain

tlentions

1267, some six

Sincea

had always

at Constantinople

to the curriculum

abilities

earlier

(36)

Constantinople.

this

of his

Byzantine

studies.

backwardness

were displayed

raphy,

This

priority

every

by the better

as a

comprehensive

between tho ages of twenty-six

at Constantinople

assumed that

higher

work soon attained-a

autobio;

about

his

of his

grew.

his

Physics

as guides.

years

early

education

he entered

student,

compositions

his-reputation

basic

of derision

determined

his

admitted,

in the FYxvcXi. Oy naLbsCa, 'the

expected

and

many problems

experienced

He had not received-a

study.,

to possess

respectively

wilo wo

arithmetic

Because of the poor quality

at Constantinople.

education,

included

sciences

Gregory

enthusiasm,

a fact

Aristotle
as
,,

to Aristotle.

presentation

Despite
student

had done but it

much as Psellos

of Akro-

Gregory

sooner.

Purim;

the interim

period

twentieth

to his

twenty-sixth

birthe

to

earn

a living

for

himself

at

52.
There is

Constantinople.

'I

became a copier

of manuscripts
he copied

that

He might'mean

and during

as read before

well

of a

to earn money as

of his

at Constantin-

studies

(39)

ople.

Because of the tradition

became a necessity
the Fourth

Crusade,

curriculum

but we possess

probably
to it

increase,

the eleventh

the'patriarchal

the university

replaced

pagan philosophy

distinct;

l0? 2, the presence

after

Even though, the patriarchal

religious

education
institutions

secular

The ambiguity
conquest

instiGated
Holobolos

to its
of

Orphanotropheion.

is

of the situation

Constantinople

to a teaching

its

students,

learning

the appointment

had always

prior

of the former

His appointment,

inception

of Akropolites'

or not it

marks the re-establishment

course,

offered

if

had regained

secular
into

somewhat

the

at the'Church
the date

secretary

of St.

at postGermanos III,
Manuel

Paul in the

of which approximates

has caused great

debate

of the patriarchal

(42)

ambiguous.

to 1204 reappers

imperial

common.
and

In 1266 the Patriarch

as well.

position

against

in both is

infiltration

apparent

school

the Church naturally

of ecclesiastics

school

in

reaction

the two institutions

Previously,

references-

'university'

the strong

it

although

the' patriarchal

in particular,

and"neo-Platonism

the upper hand.

gained

but with

entirely

the theological

of it

of the

'This does
not'mean

(41)

to

Prior

the centuries,

Through

also

education
(40)

history

from the decline

especially

century.

date.

religious

had provided

school

schools

and religious

of the city.

no comprehensive

from an early

existed

of higher

the recapture

after

lay

of separate

the re-establishment

at Byzantium,

Latin

the period

(38)

of books'.

but the duties

the opportunity

period

Gregory,

mentions

my own love

himself

books for

him with

may have provided

scribe

to satisfy

to this

allusion

'.Due to my poverty',

itself.

in the autobiography

but possible

a brief.

the

as to krhether

school.

(43)

53.
The passage in Fachymeres which describe::
includes
enough also

interestingly

T& a04lava.

Akropolites'

that

Both Holobolos'
and his possession
was a patriarchal

training

of clerics

Holobolos
thing

gave at

the Gospels,
the

from

late

shortage

directed

and possibly

That relationship
polites,
the

undocumented.

remains

new patriarchal

to the
which

Akropolites

of philosophy

higher

taught

suffered

at

Constantinople-after

holder
of

similtaneously

positions

(47)

Gregory

shared

with

that

keeps absolute
only

Michael

Palaiologos.

of Akro-

silence

of Akropolites

the Fourth

and head of the school,

vna-co: Tiuv (p0,oc6(fwv although

teachers

the school

school

before

three

the

was philosophy-oriented,

education

its

If

some of these

under

meant that

(46)

and speaks

of learning

revival

of secular

school

some-

with

prevalent

Holobolos'

denoted

school

institution.

the

it

century

and Psalter.

may have held

(45)

to the orations

title

his

Sophia,

it

the
for
course
of a new

In addition

eleventh

of instructors

suggest that

which was re-established.

patriarchal

Epistles,

Holobolos

1261,

of sorts

and at St.

the

of the Patriarch

pTIvpwv
cwv

at Constantinople

court

at the

a position

pT'jTU)p

was a necessity.

Since

more.

held

of the title

the institution

Obviously,

while

at the instigation

appointment

school

seems to imply

(41+)

would be only ecclesiastical.

Holobolos'

it

would be non-ecclesiastical,

students

appointment,

who is to teach

the passage is not precise,

Although

an

and the Emperor decrees

also mentions the name of Akropolites

Michael VIII

Con-

demands that

At the time of Holobolos'

of Holobolos.

the appointment

the Patriarch

to teach the clergy

be appointed

ecclesiastic

appointment

a mention of Akropolites.

of learning,

cerned with the revival

Holobolos'

in-reference
The curriculum

comparable
Crusade.

Akropolites

he never used this

about

filled

title.

to that

As professor
the role
From at

of

5'+

The title,

headed the 'university'.

originated

with the tenure

the period

of the Enpire-in-exile.
teaching

Akropolites'

with Holoboloy,
he was a layman

secular;

I in all

of the philosophers

of rhetors',

through

use continued

instigation

the

at

a position

associated

of
with

Sophia.

St.

The distinct

difference

instructors
Students

the Fourth

before

of Akropolites'

displayed

he received

it

could

in his

some theological
(50)

Constantinople.

his
of
education,
aspect

later

Although

of his future

theoloGian.
amateur
of an
tend

to

confirm

influence
and

Gregory's
to reinstate

that
during

early

do not know the

life,

there
during

with

is

every

his

six

interest

that

of
GreGory

likelihood
years

the

only

location

that

learning

he mentions

that

of study

'humanist'

in the union` of the

and the formidable

pneuilatoloGical

patriarchate

reflect

more than the abilities

His future

associations

with Holobolos

period.

studied

under

the Rhetor's

guidance

(51)

years at Constantinople

both secular

quarters

theological

his profound

he actually
this

as sometimes occurred

have shared

training

Churches at the end of his studies

compositions

is not an impossibility.

We still

Because of the profound

Holobolos?
of Cyprus

(49)

Crusade.
school;

both schools

of qualified

a shortage

a common faculty

may have frequented

educat-

Since both institutions

the same time during

at Byzantium,

of a joint

the possibility

Tonal programme between the two schools.

began at approximately

and the passa, e

between these positions

from Pachymeres does not preclude

at

of philo;. ophy

philosophers'

Contrasted

fully

and 'consul

and 'rhetor

the Patriarch

and its

(48)

remained

of'the

was a deacon appointed

Holobolos

title.

'consul

of Psellos

role

by the Emperor

appointed
but

the proferssor

the time of Leo the Mathematician,

lcst

and theological

witnessed

education

the attempts

to some seiit?lance

55.
of their

the rciGn of Michael VIII

the open nature

indicates

of the Latin

improve

a difficult

task

of secular

the memories

of past
(53)

remained.

of Cyprus

held

a prominent

the unity

tradition.

The Fourth

the

brought
years

exception
his

place,

the

from student

and as such he fell

obliterated

heir

with

inherent
an
tension,

to the

learn-

the
line

himself

Gregory
educational
that

Gregory's
at

at

Gregory
whom
among

unabated.

to teacher

more

and 'inner'

revival,

scholars.

was

re-established

of the Byzantine

had nearly

It

was no outward

'outer'

continued

and continuity
Crusade

there

to. the

of a few scattered

promotion

of study,

between

Those devoted

personified

with

struggles

the opport-

two of the

possessed

movement grew,
Although

the trauma

of the past;

was being

education

elite

own abilities.

nly
money
of
were

education.

this

even after

institutions

educational

higher

the Arsenite

Constantinople,
distrust

the

in

unknown received

of his

because

and lack

While

society

a penniless

education

to revive

problems.

obvious

ing

his

of instructors

shortage

of Byzantine

occupation-here,

to

only a very small

was included

Gregory

That

during

at Constantinople

was a rare privileca-that

(52).

enjoyed.

minority

unity

HiGher education

former excellence.

tradition
devotion

end of his
of Bleimydes

Akropolites.

six
and

56.
Tiotes - Chanter Two
(1)

is

There
is

no place

presented

of-information

are dated

that

date

is

(2)

Hill

2, pp.

(3)

Cf.

(1).)

Hill

(5)

Autobiography

the approximate

reached.

Hill-2,

YI,

37.

pp.

6-7.

2, ..p. 137.
-

I,

of time,

p. 165,11.13-17

this

(Brussels,

include

Gregoire

de Chypre',

bizantini,

'Autobio; ra.phien in'der

Byzantina

2 (Berlin,

with

translators

French

164-177.
sur

(L A. Garzya,

by W.

Russian

The comment-

'Autobiographie

de

ALc var. KunptoXoyLxo

Storia

12. (London, 1974));

p" 5;

may

period

by

1972)

1973),

the passage

and into

'tov
flp
-to

byzantinischen

de Gregoire

Ilpaxzcx&

article

of

correspordance

pp.

'Observations

A. Garzya,

Cvvcbp o%)2 (Leucosia,

de Test.

2 (1870),

such as

The autobio-

into

PP. 176-191,

1937),

22 50, Part

I... Troitskij,

do la

ianuscrite

With

ethnicity.

has been translated.

It

La tradition

do Chyme

of his

mention-

possibility

unionist

of Cyprus has been popular

and commentators.
Lameere,

the

on Cyprus,

and Gregory's

to the error

of Gregory

implies

Latins

with

it

found

may stem from a passage

which

'collusion'

have contributed
graphy

It

sources.

deep collusion

Gregory's

I have not

of Gregory. although.

ed in any primary
Gregoras

to the mistaken

-11+-c. -731, make reference,

identity

ethnic

T)TC6 c. 1321, and S. G.

20A.
Both
F.
Cairo,
c.
-

Papadopoulos,

aries

with contemporary

backwards,

and counting

When he

he sometimes

life,

these instances

Correlating

gives his ago.

a result

autobiography.

events in his later

important
of
speaks

events

in Gregory's

of Cyprus

of 1241 is

dato

the approximate

given;

actually

of Gregory

birthdate
the
where

Literatur',

e interrretazione

J. Irrascher,
Studia

and G. ! 1i ch, Die Schriftsteller-

57.

Autobiographie

und Bildungsgeschichte

Konstantinopel

aus dem XIII

Hill

(7)

Autobiography

21(1931),

'Italians'

pp.

1-16.

(1929-30),

no.

between

For the relations

no.

the Orthodox

Church

c. 2401, article

(Paris

concilia

2; Hill

of Cyprus

and the

17-19.
Anbold
pp.
see

1670-2),

11, ii,

vol.

p. 1067.

(10)

Autobiography

(11)

Hill

(12)

Autobiography

(13)

op. cit.

c.

21D. -

(14)

op.

cit.

c.

21AB.

(15)

Blemmydes pp.

38-39,41-45;

(16)

Blemmydes pp.

4-6;

(17)

Blemmydes pp.

29-32;

(18)

Autobiography

3, p. 1068, n. 1.

c. 21AB; Hill

3, p. 1068, n. 3.

2, p. 5 and see his argument,

c. 21C.

c.

not

rejection

11 5,

3, p. 1046.

21k, Hill

confirmation

Empire of rlicaea in these circumstances,

P. Labbe, Sacrosancta

of Nicosia,

of the Cartulary

23 and the

Gregory

authors,

to the Franks.

when referring

Register

Ed. J. L. La"tonte,

in Byzantine

As often

20A.

c.

term
the
. uses

(9)

fr

2, ' p. 7.

(6)

(8)

von

Zeitschrift

Jahrhundert',

und des Unterrichts

der Erziehung

Geschichte

eines Patrarchen

Aneold

p. 178:

Angold

24B.

only

Angold"ps

402-403pp.

Brehier

p. 179.
PP. 32-33,

Angold

to his

164.

but

poverty

GreGory's

attributes

also

to the

xenophobia

of

the Nicaean Empire.

(19)
.,
(20)

Autobiography
For the siege,
polites

(2I)

I,

Blemnydes

p.
pp.

c 24CD.
of.

Pachymeres

I,

pp.

118-119,122-124,

Akro-

173.
33-34,36-37;

Angold

pp.

178-179;

(Florence,

1898),

Brehier

pp.

4 02.
(22)

T. Laskaris,

Epistolae

CCVIII

pp.

271-276;

400-

-F

Anga1d pp. 179-1F0; Brehier

(23)

Autobio8raphy

(24)

Cf. John Vatatzes'

cc. 24D-25C.

to the highest

mention of the study of philosophy

also

Emperor was expected

how the support

in the

by the

of education
century

ensuinc

as path
149,
p.

It

and honors in Akropolites

offices

Cf.

11.12-21.

401;
Fuchs p. 55.
p.

166-

in Barker

pp.

during

various

168.
(25)

For important

to the 'university"

references

see: -

reigns

of Theodosios

For the reign

653,
tr.
XXV,
pp.

3(1),

(Princeton,

Code Book 14,

Theodosian

and commentary by C. Farr

Theophanes

III:

For Michael

MT' 109 c. e6C.

14PG109,
huranisrae
II:

but cf.

VII:

Theophares

(Paris,

byzantin
Little

in Byzantiun

University:

Universitt

centrates
Brownirig,

passim.

MPG 109

1971),

pp.

in

69 (November,

for

and Early

161-182

and tho detailed

Phases

op. cit.

and tenth

n. 25,

e. ucation,

'Enlighterment

l975),

Origins

on the ninth

higher

the Eleventh

von KonctantinoiDel

to nrenier

2614-265.

pp.

1204 include

until

Chronographia,

of P. Lernerle,

the remarks of R. Browning

and Present

(1971),

Continuatus,

evidence

primary

of the university

Cf.

Chronorrrarhia,

461
and the reflections
c.

Represession

(26)

Continuatus,

200,208.

For Constantine

Past

Mi'G 109

Chronofranhia,

Theophanes Contiriuatus,

c. 206; GeorGe the Monk, Chronicon,

For Basil

and others,

192).

For Theophilos:

cc.

9,

Title

Centuries'

and Twelfth

P. 7.

Other

J. Kyriakes
in

and

studies

'The
B 41

Constantinople'

P. Speck Die }a. iserliche

(Munich,

19711) which

con-

centuries.

p. 7 and Lemerle,

op.

cit.

rn.

25,

59.
(27)

Pa1aeoloz ,

NPG+ 1k2,

(28)

Akropolites

I, - pp. 146-47,49-50,62-64;

(29)

Akropolites

I,

(30)

Autobiography

381A.

c.

p. 125,11.17-18,
25C-28A;

cc.

In

381A.

MPG 142, -c.

change occurred

previous

times

(31)

K. Vogel

'Byzantine

(32)

L. Brdhier,

Gregory

'prevalent

a Constantinople',

(33)

Autobiography

(3L.)

Cf. the attitude

that

ignorance'.

ii,

and 268,

267-8

pp.

(Vatican,

n. 1.

superieur

'Le Quadrivium.

sous 1es Paleologues';

ore

Michaelis,
such a

Akropolites

under

de i'enseignment

intellectuelle

de Georges Fach

Quadriviurn

that

p. 79; V. Laurent,

B 3(1926),

formation

Laudatio

mentions

with

l'histoire.

sur

of Cyprus,

a-m 4,

Science',

p. 176.

p. 131,11.8-9.

in learning

had been

'Notes

Angold

380D, Gregory

c.

dramatic

et la

Michaelis

c. 25C; Gregory of Cyprus, Laudatio

Autobiography

P. Tannery

19140), p. XVII.

c. 25CD.
in R. Browning,

of Michael Anchialos

op. cit.

n. 25, P- 16.

(35)

Cf.

the mention

MPG 142,

(36)

c, 28C.

(38)

Autobiography

c.

(39)

Whether

the

Gregory

alnost

graphy,

c. 25C.

Council

28B.

implies

stipend

probably

Western World,

admissions

article

policy

the

known.

not really

in the autoblo-

imperial

Co. 736BC;

Church

History

12, p. 24.

is

had been appointed

came from

'The Byzantine

Ecclesiastical

fees

paid

64,
MPG 137,
canon

D. M. Nicol

Its

a free

Since Akropolites

in Trullo,

Byzantium:

of Akropolites

students

his

411-412;

Piichaelis,

Laudatio

c 28AB.

(37) Autobiography

('+o)

of Cyprus

381A.

c.

Autobiography

Emperor,

Gregory

of Plato,

by the
treasury.

Brehier

and Hellenic

anti Relations

Canon 64 declares

pp.

Learning',

with
that

the
laymen

60.

must go to secular

to, its

For references

'Photios

F. Dvornik,

202'and 33(1963),

Byzance',

of Anchlalos,

schT'ver
Pachyi ores

former
It

the

tenth

to teach
the

a future

Patriarch,

the

y secular
J.

jurisdiction

idem.

Darrouzes,
1970),

110-111;

x? 5(1896),

conclusions

of Fuchs, pp. 57-58; K. Vogel,

p. 275;

(Cambridge,

1968),

(444) Pachymeres I,
For the
(Potsdam,

Brehier

title,

S. Punciman,

at least
by
op.

pur les

pp.

For the debate,

The Great

M. Treu,

cf.

'Byzantine
Church

in

CxLa,
Oo'r
"'
'Manuel

the different
Science',
Captivity,

114-115;

and M. Treu,

op.

cit.,

I.I. Holobolos,

Orates nes,

ed.

N. Treu

pp.

cit.

15.

p.

Recherches

Holobolos',

p. 543.

for

of the patriarchal

institutions,

(Paris,

of John Italcs,

R. Browning,

!3 7antine

ii,

evidence

was filled

position

de 1'7alise

CN1 4,

1966

century,

philosophy

however,

pp. 28?_-284;

Polychronion

inconclusive.

is

Note also

167-'

pp.

(Heidelberg,

him and continued

Later,

at

H. G. Beck has arGued 'Bildung

succeeded

years.

op.

School

B 32(1962),

the layman Theodore of Smyrna, a pupil

n. 25, p. 16.

(46)

Century',,

zum 75 Geburtstab

school

R. Browning,

'The Patriarchal

including
to
up
and

that

Michael

'(1F5)

cf.,

patri-

108-25.

pp.

Note that

twenty

centuries,

pp. 11-40.

F. Doper

of a patriarchal

(43)

de 1'academie

im frtzhmittelatterlichen

und Theologie

69ff.
p.

cf.

68(1950),
A13
-

and idem.,

492-493;
pp.

Brehier

reorganisation

in the Twelfth

Constantinople

(42)

et la

15-16

pp.

Festchrift

early

and twelfth

For the eleventh

n. 25,

history,

P. Pieters2

Melanges

archale',

cit.

they must not be'permitted

theology.

to teach
'(41)

choolc and that

p.

p. 283.
of.

1906-7),

p.

30.

p. 412; R. Browning,

op. cit.

41,32(1962),
n.

p. 178.

61.

(47)

the Instructor

Traditionally,

412.
p.

Cf. Brehier,
(48)

?f. Attaleiates,

title.

(49)

For his

(51)

Pachymeres It

theological

p. 374.
Letters

P. Lernerle,

'Eleves"et
des Inscr.

see below,

P" 28; 96,3,

et Bella-Lettres,

lecture

at

tenth-century

before

mentioned

in Y. Lemerle,

(P;ew Haven,

Lyons,

mentions

an exaggeration

the text

and Early

remarks

Holobo1os

cf.

to Holobolos,

could

p. 289.

au Xe siocle',
1969),

Quoted in C. Mango,
Inaugural

(Oxford,

'Sibling'

Byzantine

a libellus

against
This

be of biblical

A. Vasiliev,

lecture
p. 5.

1975),

255-257.

pp.

had 336 students.

and the digits

According

Also
to

and Western
the Union

of

number seems

significance.

For

Anecdota graeco-byzantina,

PP. 179-188.
of J. Meyendorff,

Fourteenth

Djami 4, p. 96).

p. 159,

1976),

of the libellus,

(Moscow, 1893),
the

that

n. 29,

of the

p. 52.

(28 November,

Mirror',

op. cit.,

a Byzance',

number of persons receiving

of Oxford,

Interaction

Geanakoplos,

Cultures

Cf.

the University

414;
p.

and five.

Constantinople.

as a Distorting

delivered

use

p. 29; and 122,3,

professeurs

higher

D. J.

four

la. 'Constantinople

Literature

its

religieux

Gregory wrote three letters

92,3r.

the

Lrehier

21(1941),

chapters

at about 300 the total

education

ieuse

relit;

p. 11, estimates

'Byzantine

(53)

436,509,536;

et 1'enseignment

classique

work,

Eustratiades

Academie

cc.

et de Philosophie

Revue d'Histoire

(52)

MPG 126,

'L'enseignment

(50)

p. 21, mentions

p. 179.

of Nicaea,

E.pistolao,

Theophylact,

1833),

Blemmydes pp. 55-59, Angold demonstrates

the Empire

idem.,

CSHB (Bonn,

Ilistoria,

Citing

during

of the Gospels headed the school.

Century

'Spiritual

Byzantium',

Trends
Art

in Late

at Societe,

Thirteenth

(-Kariye
56
p.

62,
III.
Gregory's

Constantinopolitan

His mastery

1273.

qualified

him for

How this

promotion

offer

might

(1273-1282)

Unionist and Anti-Unionist

education
at the

and erudition

an instructorship
is

occurred

not very

of Athos mentions how the saint

of his

conclusion

and he was quickly

The eleventh

some clues.

but

clear,

Life

century

in late

thirteenth

'such
a position.
assumed
cxd), ev)

were usually

have received

might

(3)

labors.

subject

such an award for

his

As with

Psellos

of rhetoric

despised

their

those (especially

to light

revived

successful

Gregoras,

them'.

have been elected

chair.

its

to rhetoric,
art

necessity

to him.

Like

(5)

he

to present
Giving

the imitation

and composition.

(4)

study

Psellos,

who neglected

language.

of

beautics.

an adequate

was actually

With his natural

the

who corrupted

Gregory stressed

it

rhetorical

writers,

in both oratory

ba&
tov

and Gregory

students

(6)

he who '-...

the rhythm of Greece and rescued the Attic

long oblivion.

may hive

Tip cvvcbpcta

Defending

philosophers)

rhetoricians,

pr ctice

Byzantine

in the most beautiful

noble style

to the historian

those

attacked

and most other

from. the ancient

Gregory

he could

tauGht.

Athanasic

this

If

practice

the'master'

Gregory mentions his devotion

seemed an absolute

thoughts

their

his

assistantship,

he principally

which

best

to a professorial

and students

he vehemently

rhetoric,

upon the

conferred

In his autobiography,
the

(oi

Assistantships

Following

by teacher(s)

Byzantium,

(1)

promoted.

of St.

became 'master after

century

course

previous

(e%b, iv 7tatSevTv nacSevti; ) at his school. (2)

continued

ended in early

probably

examples
of

According
had brought

tongue fron

mastery and industriousness,

its

he

(7)

We have no definite

information

on either

the title

or the place

63.

teaching

of Gregory's
two-schools

of higher

in the

1260's;

late

Gregory

Whether
as, his

at the

succeeded

it

and passed

final

promotion,

Church union

AI-xopolites''

course

imperial

approval,

its

at

tenure

up his

may have given

With

continued

open to debate.
for

plan

but

unknown,

Orphanotropheion.

is

Michael's

on to Gregory.

would have continued

in the

institution

Akropolites

Constantinople

at

remains

Paul

at his

with

to Lyons,

trip

ensuing

he then

of St.

Akropolites

deep involvement

Because of his

as instructor

Church

or moved to another

assistant,

and his

of Akropolites'

chapter,

previous

had been established

education
the location

was hold

Holobolos'

in the

As mentioned

position.

site

original

or elsewhere.
institutions

There are three

the

Constantinople.

thirteenth-century

in'late

L xvxX. o'

offering

but

himself

the

patriarchal

appointment

of Holobolos
advanced

for

learning

Perhaps

at

the

in 1273.
yxvx?

the higher

the

Orphanotropheion,

and too

as a

seems doubtful

that

for

(10)

studies

acted

and his

'secular'

rhetors'.

of higher

even in light

He was not a cleric

oc sec&sia

of the

school

It

to his

in addition

grammr school

school.

it

cXO),h ypc++a-

the

as 'rhetor

patriarchal

supported

at Holobolos'

re-established.
it

as. a

Long associated-with

school

directed

probably

and the

same quarters.

taught

VIII

only

is

first

to the Latin

had served

(8)

as that

continued

the

Prior

I not

the pupils.

ecclesiastical

for

Alexios

Michael

andHolobolos
.

course

preparatory
Gregory

(9)

in 1266.

grammar school,

the

shared

it

school,

to higher

Both the

=L bcCa

came and. questioned

Tixsvojlevwv
duties

Orphanotropheion.

have taught

might

Obviously,

the Orphanotropheion

and Holobolos,

occupation
school

in the

Paul

Church of St.

Gregory

at which

of the demise
course
the

was too
patriarchal

school.
"r

The second, and least

likely

choice,

is the Monastery of the Chora.

64.
has been felt

It

Palaiologan

that

Gregory

period.

'school'

Byzantine
monastic
a purely

theological

(11)

this

all

speculation,

All

Palaiolgan

the early

can be said

that

period
is

foundation

The Akataleptos

of

'the

his

during

Monastery

reside'.
a reader

(14)

teaching

He probably

by the Patriarch

we know that

that
been
have
must
prerequisite

for

by the Patriarch
permission
Planoudes
Gregory's
During

there

entered

some time

Joseph

the

Akataleptos

yet

a layman,
his

have (a mixture

curriculum

in

there.

the work of many important

In

probably
to

of CLK.caios ncL&(a.
reflected

higher

at Constantinople,

students.

Among these

it

a necessary

Set aside

contrast

Since

and work,

a library,

of a school.

and students

the decade he taught

to live

possessed

(15)

1273.

early

we

'where

he was appointed

time

Gregory. of Cyprus

courses

he speaks

correspondence,

at the

somewhere

to put

place

the Akataleptos,

called

the establishment

to teach
would

In his

there.

(13)

1300.

about

went to the Akataleptos

Planoudes

school

of

a school

taught

actually

seems the most likely

the Savior',

of

relevant

a monastic

Monastery

career.

letters

Chora possessed

Planoudes

he moved from

that

to the Akataleptos

in Constantinople

Gregory

or that

the

(12)

was responsible.

the

of

might

has even been

and it

monasticism

that

abolished

at Constantinople

the practice

to light

no evidence

of Chalcedon

instructors

an examination

the

for

Rule had allowed

of Western

with

needs of novices

educational

of

of

the influence

that

Planoudes'brings
in

The shortage

Previously

to the laity.

the Council

but

saeculares'

This

as a new phenomenon in

Basil's

St.

the-monk

of

the Chora.

at

education

the

only

the reinstitution

have caused
suggested

offered

course.

'pueri

practice.

Despite

since

the letters

to a school

refer

it

had served

schools

admission

allusions

was seen by commentators

education

of

in

the Chora but

of

makes no mention.

various

(1255-1305)

Maximas Planoudes
monastery

himyelf

the

at the Chora throughout

was a school

have assumed that

scholars

this

there

as a reader
received

the duties

and higher
learning
Gregory

education),

solely.
supervised

were Nikephoros

(16)

65
Choumnos, Manuel Neokaisarites,
would

eventually

Since

all

positions

at the Akataleptos

may have been the first

from

1273 to about

With

his

date

by ancient

to his

assigned
Aesop,

to these,

In addition
in

placed

(20)

instituted

letters.

since

and enthusiasm

respect
continued

Gregory's

Gregory's

seeking

At approximately
Constantinople,

their

from

tales

he him-

guidance,

(19)

to be used as models.

by Gregory,

of proverbs

student

has come

memorisation,
renewed

the quarrel

to him,

had begun to ignore

climax

the

the Greek language.

the ancients

following
in

century.

reflected

(exercises)

According

for

fourteenth

course

to those

For

his

in

his

death.

the debate

(22)

an advanced

placement

in

the same time

he was appointed

example

of

Gregory

instilled

The defense

which

would

Theodore
pupil's

study

rhetoric,

the imperial
Gregory

a reader

of-the

occur

From his
of

the

and they

students

Choumnos and the Grand Logothete

pupil

early

its

inspired

course

(21)
Comnene.
Anna
of

of

attitude

reached

-rhetoric

able

this

(18)

prevalent

to the detriment

ancients

the

time

teaching

a debate

and speakers

many writers

in

the

the

at Byzantium,

between. the old. and new rhetoric

at least

in

and his

Greek mythology,

Gregory

the classroom

to do

the progymnasmata

of a list

to aid

it

Indeed,

later

until

a 'pagan'
In

a compilation
order

In

Gregory's

advance of Planoudes.

of progymnasmata

alphabetical

down to us.

in

from Homer to be used.

and scenes

that

the Akataleptos

he allowed

students,

composed a series

self

at

(17)

at Constantinople

teaching

1283, well

Gregory

pupils,

entirely

almost

demonstrates

school

residence

of whom

government.

was opened to the laity.

monastery

but Gregory's

century,

this

of Planoudes'

We know nothing

so.

3.n. the imperial

them were laymen,

of

'school'

hold

and Theodore Mouzalon, all

old

between

Metochites
remarks,
indispens-

service.

became an instructor
by the Patriarch

Joseph

at
I.

(23)

00.

and he immediately

clergy
at

(24)

the palace.

the Epistle

fron

to
imperial
the
access

ceremonial

the heroic

qualities

especially

his

Constantinople

with court

By late
ing

victories

1273,

to convince

Patriarch
the
of

him that

VIII

subjects

progress,

had already

that

union

(27)

support

spent

with

the influence

group at this

protapostolarios,
policy

other

than those

a year

in attempt-

the Patriarch

A small but select

during

date.

this

period

of Akropolites

and other
always

and among these was Gregory

of his own volition

and Holobolos

Almost imnee ately

Sophia.

of St.

group of men had come

after

he seers to have become involved

of union with

opposition

of union but these attempts

but his name appecrs in the sources as an inportant

ist

and secured

Rome was imperative.

Whether he became a unionist

of Cyprus himself.

(26)

enemies.

however, as he -faced the strong

the possibility

ended in stalemate.

or through

other

duties

entailed

of

city'

Joseph and John Bekkos, the chartophylax

to discuss

to the Emperor's

'ancestral

to the-Emperor

Every day the Emperor held a meeting with

prelates

the

exploits,

ceremonial.

Michael

his

}ie had made little

for

Celebrating,

the Emperor's

the Empire's

Gregory

tho

'Enkomion

New Constantine'.

from

over

into

entrance

he praises

VIII,

may. have ingratiated

importance
a place of
associated

the

of the Latins

and his

promotion

household and he soon became

he may have composed his

of Michael

banishing

and the lessons

Gregory's

To mark his

Palaiologos,

to the Emperor Michael

The enkomion

itself.

of the palace,

life

(25)

ceremonies.

policy

included

of the protapostolarios

from the Old Testarrcnt

imperial

in imperial

'7Lpw-;
a7tocroXdpioC
of

the office

The duties

at

Cave him direct

involved

filled

of the prophecies

the reading

the ranks of the imperial

opened the way for hin into

This appointment

Rome. The Rhetor Holobolo:

is not certain
force

in the union-

his promotion

to

in the imperial
and the imperial

67.
archdeacons Constantine
the most prominent

;; cliteniotes

and George Metochites

of the unionist

adhorents

to Pachymeres, both r:cliteniotey"and

to the Emperor at this

the Emperor
commentaries

and documents

concerning

and the Patriarch

were brouGht

out and examined.

had actually

prayed

demonstrate

by their

Emperor

held

common beliefs
for

group

and his
to sit

the

unionist
at

Holobolos

one of the many meetings

withdrew his support

provided

his.

Also

punished

and exiled

to

With the disgrace

unionist

small
Recent

party

manuscript

set

late

December,

1273.

of a few bishops'
the remainder
sequently,
Akropolites,

in

when the

Byzantine

represented

he was

the sentiments

The first

to the

to give-its
departed

preparation

chrysobull

led

for

Rome.

with

(31)

unionists.

it

union

in the

part

of the union

refused

delegation
only

cause even as Bekkos

to promote

1274,

favour

society

was convening,

was an imperial

By early

signatures

of Byzantine

it

Cypriot',

(32)

the Emperor

-. os' change of mind, the

and Bed.

drawn up by the

'drawm up by the

between

(30)

shows Gregory's

research

of the

depended upon this

to John IV Laskaris,

in earnest

about

Bak-os

he had not been invited

the Emperor

of. Holobolos

party

11henthe

imprisoned

developed

loyalty

century

hoped to

done.

he no doubt

T'icaea by Michael.

the
documents
some
of
of.
of these,

the

of the unionist

displaying;

the

they

could-be

Upset because

associates.

in

earlier

Historical

of the Emperor

compromise

to persuade

Even so, -problems

Rome.

with

the Latins,

this

Churches,

was to provide

none of the Emperor's

with

that

by both

text.

the
lianuel

or celebrated
research

literati

relations

Although

information

required

close

(29)

tile.

on past

Vatatzes

John III

According

GreCory stood particularly

information

with

(28)

cause.

tasks of the unionist

One of the chief

were anion;

but

of

acquisition
little

assent.

else;
Con-

Lyons under

of Gregory

and his

68.
even though it

associates

Following
to enforce

it

at Constantinople.

a battleground

document

(33)

Emperor.

in

the opposition,

1277 it

until

which

their

and the

the

(34)

Union

for

union and internal

became a unionist

domination

was the Latin

remains

In Constantinople

customs on Cyprus that

pleasant

(35)
ones.

of Latin

domination

He was clearly

'councils'
was ratified

conciliar

actions

peace would not be

somewhat surprising.

first-hand

itself,

to

conducive

people said that

had transformed
island

experience

him into

were largely

happy to em:nigrate

un-

to lands free

and his change of mind seems to have come only

with higher

studies

Akropolites

and Holobolos.

In addition

to the,

increased.

two

both hardly

; nd exploitation,

even though his memories of that

unionist,

palace

the agreements of Lyons were revoked.

pro-', gestern sentiments.

it

that

remained

itself

But these

all

loyalty

turmoil

His youth on Cyprus had given him the unpleasant

of Frankish

so insecure

and the Josephites

in 1275,

by Bekkos,

more than the paper on which they were written.

Gregory

That

to demonstrate

was reconfirmed.

Byzantium had no desire

restored

felt

Bekkos managed to convene

of Lyons;

were worth little

to the most forceful

Cypriot'

anti-unionist-position

the aftermath

and'in

to sign

majority

was soon transformed

Michael

composed 'by the

Both the Arsenitcs

adamant in their
Despite

and Byzantium

of controversy.

were obliged

officials

the'ercat

Joseph was removed and replaced

were tortured,

he had another

' Well aware that

opposed the Union, he resorted

The Patriarch

anti-unionists
into

Byzantium.

all

the enactment of the Union, the Emperor attempted

of the population
action.

claimed to speak for

at Constantinople

to the difficulties

E;.id the probably

created

influence

of

by the Union of Lyons,

69.

Gregory had. another problem in the late

unrest

he mentions the ecclesiastical

difficulty;

work but he adds another

him (Gregory),
the most difficult

(3.6),

birth',

illness

to

God at his

his

illnesses.

Plagued

(39)

In the
Union

his

eight

fared,

did

implies

patriarchate

created

there

that

although

it

the

of protapostolarios,

itself;

brief

confirm

his

notes
greater

to

grew,

Grateful

of his

friends

during

to him,

brought

not

of*Michael's
by it

(40)

of spirit.

poor health

his

really

party,

is

prior

the Akataleptos

the palace.

time

teaching

Since he held

he may have moved into

at

to his
4

have been welcome

cause.

43
(:
)

but

Monastery.

most of his

this

clear

not

he may no longer

How

abated.

written

the L,tC zwv djcewv from

the

following

reign

never

unionist

seems he spent

involvement

and personal

(38)

weakness

than advancing the unionist

rather

friend

Constantinople,

he moved from

andiriting
office

at

(3?. )

symptoms.

Constantinople.

One of the letters

to unionism

opposition

to reside

years

change.

his

disease was

(41)

patriarchate.

turmoil

its

gives
side

the beginning,

this

we know that

worse,

as a member of the

situation

As the

the

from

the use of wine, from

according

teaching

remaining

physical

asked prayers

what is

while

his

of Lyons,

Gregory

Gregory

of body but

during

at

These periods,

by sickness

continued

maladies plagued

to his

a teacher

recoveries,

weakness

'various

sometimes

brought

often

Theognostos,

physician

only

and Gregory

problem

His chronic

it

he abhorred

since

his
caused

and the detriment

From his correspondence,

recurring

.a

was dropsy

In his autobiography

of the head., but

those

especially

1270's.

the palace

period

might

Alamo, at

Missing pages are unavailable

7(?.
approximately
preparation

(.H4)

the diaconate.

for

of the

he speaks

the same time,

His

office

of reader

thoughts

as a

were turning

to

ordination.

Gregory of Cyprus'
late

of Michael VIII.

the reign

into

revealing

Palaiologos',

Andronikos'

('q&)

horrible
value

into

in

death

Michael's
of the

unionist

in late

becomes obvious that

became well-acquainted
which

with
in

Akakios

peaceful

with

of Phrygia

the

he probably

and his
with

until

open support

neither

'neutral',

co-existence

At the death of T"iichael VIII

threshold
the
at
of Byzantine

of a completely

society

had remained largely

Tho dissolution

the complete reversal

unionist,

the Union's

supporters,

the Arsenites

and

(47

Josephites.

write.

ended his

himself

Remaining

the Arsenites.

believed

When Gregory

he

the

1Jitnessina

anti-unionist.

he associated

that

Emperor.
former
to
the
of obedience

12CO's or he may have waited

early

1282.

cause,

Josephites-nor

group

a rabid

the

There,

(and
for
his
the
Union
own,
of

consequences of Lyons, he may'have questioned

and recanted

Even more

'Enkomion to Andronikos

IIhenever he did change his mind, it

.

was not transformed'

"

acceptance

the importance

by stressing

show-

archdeacon',

the Union of Lyons was revoked.

after

written

he justified
matter)

remarks in his

are Gregory's

continued

(1/5)'
between them.

continued

relations

party

he could still

In a letter,

as 'trustworthy

Meliteniotes

address Constantine
ing tha6 friendly

tho unionist

with

relations

that

Palaiologos,
new situation.

occurred

following

GreCory of Cyprus stood

Throughout the upheaval
the Union of Lyons, he

in the background as he continued

of the Union created
of his role

ho was about to be thrust

soma of the problems his unionist

in Byzantine
into
policy

a situation
society.

the foreground
had created.

to teach and
which cauzed
No loner

to deal with
His teachin5.

79.
duties

were to be sacrificed

an output

of purely

With his. promotion

life

theological

'secular'

compositions

to tha patriarchate

ends and his controversial

and his

public

writings
that

the period

by Andronikos
life

begin

replaced

II,

by

demanded.

his private

60.

Chanter
-

Notes

(1)

Gregory's

the

Using

manuscri. te de la

PP- 197-203,

1937),

many of the

Since

(2)

I.

1895),

1971),

c. 2: n; Brehier

(! k)

Autobiography

c. 29BC.-

(5)

Compare Autobiography
politan
also

(6)

G. BOhliG,

N. Choumnos,

'Pamphlet

(Paris,

(8)

A. }onnene,

Alexia,

Pachymeres

(11)

Brehier

p.

Craeca

J. Verpeaux,.

p.

See

132.

Sprachgebrauch

(Paris,

3, ed. J.

Plice;; hore

1959),

F. Boissonade

Chounnos,

homne

30-31.

pp.

(Leipzig,

ed. A. Reifferscheid

18e4)

II,

'The Patriarchal
Century,

.2

School of

32(1962),

pp. 174-175"

2M.
idem.

Byzance',

religieuse

quoted

Anecdota

in the Twelfth

417;
p.

"relicieux

Nicol

I.

in Barker

passim.

Cf. the remarks of R. Browning,

(10)

(12)

II',

'Enkomion to Metro-

p. 399.

Janin

Constantinople

humanisme

Le premier

zum rhetorischen

1956),

byzantin

p. 163. '

290 ff.;

5, - p. 1.48),

369-70;

GreGoras I,

pp.

(9)

pp.

et hu maniste

d'etat
(7)

1831),

(Saint

469;
Fuchs p. 21.
p.

Untersuchugen
(Berlin,

students,

his schooling.

soon after

c. 29C with. 1I. Ilsellos

der Byzantiner

to Gregory's

are addressed

p. 259.

Autobiography

(Sachas

(Brussels,

to the mid-1270's.

can be dated

in P. Lemerle,

mention

(3)

John'

ja. Afonskago
Afanasi
Drepodobna ro

"! tie

(Paris,

bynantin

letters

la, tradition

de Chypre

aoiro

must have begun quite

Pomjalovskij,

Petersburg,

inception

early

instructorship

his

de Gre.

correspondanc
its

by W. Lameere,

adopted

chronology

to his

c, number of letters

contains

corresporidonce

pupils.

Three

21(1911),

'The Byzantine

I. ' enseigment

classique

Revue d'Histoire
pp.

et 1' enseignnent

et de Philosophie

63-64.

Church and Hellenic

Learning'

Byzantiri:

Ll1.
its

(London, 1972), article

(13)

Maximi

EZ I. o(1940),

C. Wendel- 'Planudes'
20,11(1950),

(14)

pp.

406-410.

Karlye

D,jami.

Eustratiades,

Letter

20,1,

investiCation

archaeolo3ical

Striker

Chora cf.

422-423;
pp.

(Breslau,

1690),

Pauly `Vissowa

2206-2208;

cc.

On the

P. Underwood,

latest

ed. M. Treu

. pistulae,

8,27,67,70;

Real Encycloradie

the Vestern '! orld

with

12, p. 30.

monachi Planudis

Letters

and Relationc

History

Ecclesiastical

idem,

Janin

pp.

'Planudea'
531-}t0

Janin p. 5011. For the

of the Akataleptos,

Reports',

(1967,1968,1971,1975).

DOP 21,22,25,28

(15)

Pachymeres II,

(16)

Compare the remarks on Gregory and Planoudes by K. VoGel,

'Byzantine

202-203.

letters

In the
of

positions

For Flanoudes'

epipanikleiou,

three

this

filled

the

pp.
respect-

and Grand Logothete..

protasekretis,

during

Cf.

students.

437
and 57,2,
p.

these

service,

activities

period,

cf.

C. Z-Tendel,

421.
p.

ed. S. Eustratiades,

Progymnasmata,

(Alexandria,

1910), pp.

II,

6;
'A.
n.

215-230.

445-469.0

(20)

I MG 142,

(21)

N. Choumnos, Pamphlet

cc.

to his

42,1,

Letters

imperial

Bz 40,

pp. 275-276.

were written

Eustratiades,

'Planudea',
(19)

CNH4, ii,

Science',

especially

(18)

42.
p.

Many of Gregory's

ive

C. L.

of.

and Y. D. Koban, 'Work at Kaj.enderhane Camii in Istanbul,

Preliminary

(17)

and

II9

ed. Reifferscheid,
(22)

For the debate,

(23)

Pachyneres, II,

(24)

Pachyrneres I,

cf.

op. cit.

(Leipzig,
293-94
pp.

below,

chapter

Y.omnenc, Alexiad,

1884).

seven.

42
p.
and note p. 720.
p. 371 mentions Gregory as protapostolarios

does not give the occasion

of his appointment.

but

P?.

(25)

p.
I
(26)

Officit,

Pseurio-Xodinos,

(Paris,

byzanti

1IPG 142,

cd.

cc.

(27)

Pachymeres

(28)

Gregoras I,

It

already

p. 130; G. -Metochites

(30)

Pachymeres I,

I,

J.

393-394"

Documents'

that

suggesting

p. 374.
to

in reference

Chrysobull,

(33)

Document, op. cit.

he had'

with

for laskarid.

pp. 487,493.
(1274)
Lyons
of

pp.

5-4.5,

esp.

n. 31, pp. 32-35.

see his

Synodal decrees,

fortune

in Greek

Portrayed

p. 11.

n. 31, Pp. ' 13-19.

op. cit.

raid-12,77 but

had much ill

punishment by mutilation

earlier

OCP 40(1974),

(32)

(34)

thereby

Holobolos

'The Church Union

Gill,

p. 36; Pachymeres I,

It

position.

Pachymeres I,

sympathies,

35-36.

pp.

P. 374.

Cf. his

Michael.

(31)

the

received

Pachymeres

op. cit.

protapostolarios

activities,

unionist

(29)

6.,
n.

cf.

394.

p.

Pachymeres uses the title

Gregory's

to the Enkornion,

Verpeaux,
3.
17
and
p.

Geanakoplos

de

P. 532.

'1970),

For references

346-66.

1966),

los'Gptf%ta

J. Aarrouzr, s Recherche s zur

194,11,2-3;
lse

(Paris,

J. Vorpeaux

remarks

op. cit.

document

dates this

Gill

p. 11.

pp. 22-29,

n. 31, pp. 22-23,

Beck

pp. 58-59.
(35)

Gregoras I,

H zantiur, : Tts ecclesiastical

"lestern

!?orld

(36)

Autobiography,

(37)

Eustratiades,
103,3,

(38)

(London,

1972),

Reaction

History

and Pelat1ons

article

6, p.

with

to Lyons'
the

127.

c. 2(?A 7.1.13-17.
letters

72-7h,

3, PP. 9-13;
.

122-123;
136r
3r
3$;
3L.
pp.
pp.

Eustratlades,
79,3

'The Byzantine

Nicol
M.
D.
165;
p.

Letters,

83,3
17;
p.

12-13,1,

88,3,

171,5,

PP. 24-25;
f

pp. 217-223.

PP" El -t+-9; 15,1,

p. 20; 107,3,

420-421;
pp.

pp. 39" 1.10;114,3,

45-47;
Pp.

83.

167,5,

83 mentions his

Letter

pp. 213-214.

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Constantinople.
(39)
(40)
(41)

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Letters

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J. Verpeaux,
because. it
and the

op.

of Akakios,

Troitskij

pp. 231-232

'neutral'

party.

1966)

cit.

contains

condemnation

Bekkos.

(H' For the personality

of.

24-7.

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support

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tes
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cf.

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Fachymeres II,
that

Akakios

45.
p.
headed a

6,
n.

praise
of

Missing pages are unavailable

e9.

his

ro11ot"rina

these
only

created

was the

problems

ina theological

alienated
a firm

construct

its

Andronikos

was thoroughly

by the various

depended on

the

the

their

knowlegable

interests,

into

to appease

one croup

difficult

proved

to these

various

divided

which

it

result,

concern-

for

factions.
force

In
the

within
(2.)

factions.

became more and more evident

confused as to how he should deal with

Because of his

indecisive

of those around him.

opposition

to his unionist

Theodore T:ouzalon.

the complete renunciation

a succession

something. of a

nature,
He received

that
the

he
especially

from two people who had been punished by Andronikos'

and the Grand Logothete

to destroy

naturally

policy,

his aunt Eulogia.

Andronikos'

first

official

of the Union of Lyons, was followed

of even'ts. inspired

zealous Josephite,

Androniko$

himself

factions

in response

in 1282, it

su Bestions

advice

for

intention

and

he had to, solve

Any attempt
As-a

policy

situation'.

ecclesiastical

act,

not

of three
skill

Despite his theological

fragmentation

his accession

persistent

from

the Church became the dominating

contrast,
despite

(1)

another.

After

father

As he considered

at Byzantium.

and society

complete
Empire

matters.

was perplexed

immediately
him to

resulted

removal

the new Emperor enjoyed appearing

Andronikos

among

the political

that

the

Foremost

which

from ! Iichael's

but he realised

to other, issues.

theologian,

Church

VIII.

strife

not possess

both

II-Inherited

problems of the Empire before he could hope to address

ecclesiastical
himself

by Michael

also

did

A,ndronikos

on of his father,

intuit.

Andronikos

ecclesiastical

of Lyons but

the Union

patriarchs.

death,

father's

and the problems

throne

(1283-1289)

of Constantinople

Patriarch

IV.

by these two advisors.

favoured

the unionists

was spendinG his nichts

his party

and he had every

and Bekkos, their

with

Mouzalon,

by

the former

leader.

Py late

Patriarch,

Joseph

1282,

90.
in secret

conversations

At Christmas,

John ekkos

hope that

expressed

his

throne.

on a stretcher,

as crowds

Now that

Joseph

of the Josephites
holy
for

water

the punishment

the Patriarch

interfere

were made.

of Michael's

Their

to control

the anti-unionists

But these

All
for

of

with

was purified

proposals

Many who now inflicted

who had only

conduct made it

difficult.
to
in the

involved

clergy

the

months and Pachymeres,

'many unjust

says

city

the demands

and special

of the

three

things

because

occurred'

such a free hand in their

were permitted

the

Bekkos,

Discontent
of the

leader

two of his

Although
and the

continued

achrantos.

(6)

to reside
In January

party

supporters,

Constantine

not fully

assuage

high,

especially

remained

unionist

closest

chartophylax

did

prdceedings

cathartic.

of the anti-unionists.

had escaped

punish-

undisturbed
1283,

had already

in the Monastery

a concentrated

nade for

a council

throne

designed to try

as well

as-for

his

hin for

unionist

policies.

been unfrocked,
of the Panfor

effort

usurpation

since

George :lletochites

the archdeacon

Meliteniotes

the passions

punishnent.

by
the end of the month, preparationz
began,
Bek;
and
os
of

archal

the

them, and the Emperor did little

'judgnents'.

to

(5)

ments.

Bekkos

into

once again,

persecution

over-zealous

the

hymns to the rinsing

Sophia

of unionists

of the period,

historian

Saint

contamination'

of Lyons were suspended

Union

throne

'unionist

their

with

the

and

Joseph was reinstated

he was borne

singing

occupied

been released.

recently
for

followed,

to

the cause of peace in

aid

on 30 December,

were survivors

punishments

would

were enforced.

to remove

the Patriarchate

lie went willingly

Old and infirm,

the patriarchal

bells.

order.

removal

A few days later,,

Church.

(4)

(3)

may have arranUed.

vas removed from

by imperial

monastery

a nearby

Mouzalon himself

that

the

trial

had been

of the patri(7)

Apparently,

91.

of the anti-unionists.

grievances

of the Council

With the convocation

(8)

historians.

Byzantine

the

at

Council

just

Holoblos,
iaponopoulos.

from

detention,
only

the council

and it

attended

in some official

position

of protapostolarios
is

there

but

(9)

1283.

Since

Josephite

himself.

(10)

'neutral

the

the

His

to

in

unionist

past

the

II,

Council

of
he

of Fhry

of Alexandria

presided

not a

althouGh

and his

of Akakios

party'

the

retained

Patriarch

old

they all

by Joseph,

a reader

the

in

mentions

of Andronikos

accession

he played

Rhetor

monk Theodosios

Gregory evidently

he had been ordained

a measure of devotion

with

and the

was

the

might be assumed that

of the part

possessed

ion

the Grand Logothete,

capacity.

no mention

Gregory

names the historian

after

mention

occurs in the

to Fachymeres,

with

These are the

with

connection

" According

toGether

released

of 1283, the first

VIII
Michael
of

the
Gregory
Cyprus
since
reign
of
of

present

to the General

had added the charge of usurpation

the Josephites

is

associat-

current

such a

precluded

possibility.

Patriarch
the

of the Patriarch

condition
(11)

attend.

Athanasios

Nouzalon

Theodore
documents

his

threw

accused

of heresy

niki

those

had 'tried

to

of the
into

the

of Maroneia,

lemmydes,

interpret'them

supporters

The attendence

suggestion,

various

twelfth

who both

in a way contrary

but
the
and he

Bekkos was then

(among

quotations
bishop

century

'agreed

all

were burnt,

flames.

with
to

since

not

his

vacant,

views.

Churches

because he had compiled

of Niketas

and Fikephoros

At his

presided.

own compositions

his

he could

a sense of legitimacy

provided

the Union

concerning

himself

them,

actually

that

remained

as the spokesmen for

of Alexandria

of the Patriarch

throne

Joseph's

Although

themselves

appointed

was so delicate

at the council

of Thessalo-

the Italians')

thoir

original

and

9''.
(12)

meaning'.

Because of the fury

he was granted

to appear until

refused

When he did appear,

Logothete.

who had elected. him Patriarch.

now hold

prelate
. his

his

of 1283 clearly

The Council

Bekkos'

Jo?3ephites.

theology

unionist

was libelled

Joseph

the Emperor
led

Josephites,

to confirm

only

that

promise

by Eulogia

and it

and Mouzalon,

deceased

father

would

was the moment of their

their.

celebrated

in the provinces.

stirred

The persecutions

many of them to leave Constantinople,

to the Josephites

II

capital

with

their

Patriarch.

particular,

since

it

(15)
called

in writing,

not

but

to

by the

For the Josephites,

it

the Arsenites

victory,

of Michael VIII

but the concessions

of Andro-

that

to the

Arsenios

and they persuaded many to avoid

This clain
into

had caused

to return

They began insisting

had excommunicated Joseph from exile

the current

the

the Emperor

angered then sufficiently

grievances.

instigation

council,

receive-burial

(14)

to

triumph.

greatest

While the Josephites

nikos

never

nor be commemorated in a requiem.

Church

of the

council

His

confession

was at their

persuaded

of the

tho

the proceedings

Bekkos'

At the conclusion

the decisions

all

it.

of the

from Joseph.

in

place

(13)

from

resulted

throne

to defend

him.

the strength

office

a subordinate

by the Josephites
exiled

his

from

to

reference
to"Brusa.

and exiled

the patriarchal

no opportunity

since the rightful

further

demonstrates

removal

occupied

and he received

that

actual

he had usurped

that

charge

Without

to resign

by the bishops

his accusers replied

acquitted,

position.

Bekkos was forced

theology,,

he asked to be tried

him even if

former

members, Bekko$

safe conduct by the Grand

In response,

there was no place for

that

of the council's

frightened

question

coronation

which Joseph had performed

Arsenites,

not only was Andronikos

the Emperor in

the validity

in 1272.

of his

According

own

to the

the son of an excommunicated

9.
by
had
been
but
he
Patriarch
an
crowned
excommunicated
Emperor
choice but to yield

The Emperor had little

When it

Arsenites.

began to join

their

(16)

the
party.
of
"

for

to

returned

Through

hoped to convince them that

created

the Josephites

the Josephites

feared
up his

appeasements

throne

was vacant,

elevated

to the patriarchate.

to their

group,

the Arsenites

of Sardis,

Andronikos

in Constantinople

as this,

expected.

to

With his death on

(18)

Although

one of their

especially

he still

the Emperor

Now that

Due to the recent

would be chosen.

in the capital.

Joseph continued

death,

(19)

(17)

in mind.

saw the other as being

leaderless.

felt

the Emperor

best interests

the Patriarch's

parties

Saints

tremendous tension

to the Arsenites.
both

the Emperor, the

of his party.

were left

after

with

of the Patriarch

as did the strength

and one

and resumed leadership

capital

parties

During March 12P3, the condition

23 ! larch,

the

he had their

attitude

many Josephites

former Bishop of Sardis

such gestures

Each of the religious-political

deteriorate,

he would,

the abandoned Church of All

own services.

in schism and this

to the demands of the

his conversations

Following

received

their

that

Andronikos,

ranks.

Arsenites,

of the first

Arsenites

became apparent

as well!

the patriarchal
own to be

imperial

certain

stepped

that

concessions

their

The Emperor had other

leader,

plans,

however.
Frustrated
for

by the factionalism

in the Church, Andronikos

the
two
between
parties.
a via Media

party

by choosing a member of the other,

for

candidate
the Eiperor
choice
against
unionist

the patriarchate.

selected

for Patriarch.

Shortly

the protapostolarios
(20)

Andronikos

whom nothing; could be. said.

in the past,

searched

Rather than infuriate

he settled
fiter
.

one

upon a compromise

the death of Joseph,

Gregory of Cyprus'a: s his

wanted the type of person

Even though Gregory had been a

he now associated

with

the

'neutral

party'

of

9!V.
the pious yet open-minded Akakios of Phrygia
Because this

party

it

to co-exist

attempted

Arsenites.

both

had been ordained

Gregory

scholarship

as the

as woll

canonical

ones,

and the

by Joseph

protapostolarios

of his

adulation

Gerrnanos.

the Josephitcs

the memory of Arsenios.

for

(21)

but

His renowned
fully

students

demonstrated

abilities.
Andronikos
it

presented

his

announced

in a way that

decision

each would

ho secured the assurance that

Eventually,

the Arsenito

with

the Emperor.

ation

he would

that

imperial

Andronikos

'not

blessing

Once the election

the problen

occur until

he himself

and bishop.

and the

candidate.

If

a Josephite,

there
only

would

and installation.

those

not

consult-

the prelate

to his

came to hin

installation

his

probable

lass

Arsenite,

involved

there

relief,
for

ministry

of his

of repudiation
the

his

(23)
renained

as Patriarch

ordination

or former

in

see

To the Emperor's

Since he held only the office

entailed

and

the

was a need, but out of flattery'.

was a possibility

of

choice.

be restored

possessed the threefold

bishops

Logically,

that'he

a layman, his

This

the

Andronikos

made Andronikos

of Gregory had been secured,

by other

Gregory,

he hoped to appease

of his consecration.

reader and was still

even before

to the palace for

He thereupon

because there

By this,

(22)

and even the Patriarch-designate

agreed

and

the Emperor announced to Andronikos

Joseph,

election

it.

by the Emperor's

was called

and promised

Gregory's

privately,

to

his candidacy.

Although

not succeed

confessor

following

priest,

leader

by new concessions.

party

be receptive

were infuriated

and the Arsenites

Sardis

to each bishop

Gregory would be elected

bishops had assembled to consider

his

questions'from

in peace with

also showed. respect

his

dog-atic

separated

and his pupil

could not

of deacon,

and consecration

value

as a compromise

unionist
by the

controversies,

ordained.
other

factions.

of the

past

95.
twenty

years

At this

two,

had'had

of Devrai
thus

scandals,

chose the Bishop

the Bishop

to

in tetra.

There,

throne.

bishop

in St. Eirene

were offered
was clearly

reflected

ecclesiastical

intended

at

the

turmoil,

to

According
of the

consecration

to the

elevated

had been washed thoroughly

might remain.

Sophia.

During

by the new bishop.

Once again,

(26)

a bishop and
special

was washed; the patriarchate

of

to mark- a new beginriin;.

own assessment of his elevation

mixed emotions

to the patri-

Gregory was consecrated

as. the altar

they found

day, Gregory

of Herakieia.

Gregory was ordained. a priest

in St.

of the

chose the monk

Germanos was then

the altar

after

1283 (Palm Sunday),

Gregory's
throne

that

tenons

locui

preside
(25)

to the patriarchate

Gregory II

the

Gregory a monk and ordain-"

of the Union of Lyons that

to remove any taint

prayer,

After

the
began
task of patriarchal
and

as Bishop

could

of Constantinople.

the same liturgy,

the

party

neutral

this

only

this,

Following

Germanos of the

elevated

because.

even though he had not yet been elevated

administration

On 11 April

Gregory

vineyards,

Later

of reader.

at the Patriarchate

took up residence

episcopacy

Of these

of GreGory.

in the middle of-the

the office

ed him a deacon fron

Patriarch

ordain

task.

to the tionastery

bishop
tonsured
the
church
where
abandoned
an

custom,

the

as locum tenens of the see of Constantinople,

Bishop of Kozyle took Gregory and a few others

archal

ecclesiastical

was taken in the elevation

Every precaution
his designation

the

nor

(24)

precedence.

Forerunner

of tho Empire

of Kozyle

for

suitable

of Kozyle

elevation.

regions

in the previous

any part

them especially

naking

the Emperor

of hic

Neither

Constantinople.

were visiting
Bishop

the more remote

from

two bishops

time,

in Gregory's

to participate

were permitted

at

best.

to the patriarchal

Because

he marked his accccsion

of the

constant

an the termination

of

9u.
life.

a much happier

'academic'

former
again
the

his

that

as his true vocation.

life

had played

own ambitions
(27)

patriarchate.

Only because

fully
tended

'problems

that

realised

had occurred

this

fron

his see.

even the old and, infirm

to heater

the Arsenites
designed.

It

little
council
before

edict

of Sardis

to his

for

but rather

to Arsenios,

more than ratify

the first

it

Those who refused

Theodora,

the wife

'fear

mercy for

and deposed

that-he

would

incite..

they agreed to convene a council

controversy,

(29)

a3versaries.

for

Andronikos

rro, -,L 19.26

of, Sardis

and the

his participation
did
,
the whips of the Bishop of Sardis.
As the

the opportunity

proved impossible

attended,

of iichael

VIII,

the defendants

to defend themselves.
for

to appear wore fetched

dozy and promise that

those tiaho

removal of Arsenios

convened, bands of rowdy monks anathematised

they received

In, thin

Since both the Emperor end the

earlier.

was a complete triumph

an atmosphere,

of God and

prepared to take revenge on

He was fully

A1thov9h the Patriarch

Arsenites.

a.n imperial

in
the
held
Church of B1achernai
was

The Council
April.

his

to punish

Ito

had over con-

the righteousness

caused injustico

were at Andronikos'

Patriarch

123),

Andronikos

act revealed

responsible

century

almost a quarter

(19 April

did not connote unionists,

had harried John Laskaris,

Andronikos

did he do so.

of crisis

of

by the

he might take revenge upon the inpious.

so that

'impious'

instance,

he had been called

the-elderly

issued
which reinstated
was
see.

in his acquisition

which no other Patriarch

Easter

On the day following

In his opinion,

again and

(28)

hin.

awaited

with'

11a.reiterated

no part.

at a 'tine

Emperor to serve as Patriarch

Gregory viewed his

and teacher,

As a scholar

In such

anyone to avoid punishment.

by inporial

was forced

officers.

to profess

her husband would never

receive

her Orthoe
Christian

97.
4

their
nounce
Antioch

and took

adamant in the

in

to live

Constantinople

Gregory's

and this

Josephites,

did
it

campaign

the Patriarch

Cyprus,

was even a rumor

(31)

Latins.

tt

in the hope that

the

was evident

of Asia

council

Perhaps Gregory
or so

increasingly

were openly

identified
him the

calling
his

spent

on

youth

by Latin

he had been ordained

the Arsenites

their

reader

customs,
by the

wanted the Bishop

still

throne.

the Arsenites
and his

the Patriarch

continued

once the Patri-

1283, the Emperor decided to convene yet another

In late

ordered

he leaned towards the

he had been influenced

that

on the patriarchal

of Sardis

the. Arsenites
until-they

that

the

following

became known.

Because Gregory-had

some were saying

and there

that

must

numbers grew and they'continued

party

of the Josephites.

leader

coast

that

with

in secret,

expressed

the demands of the Arsenites,

the Josephites,

against

of much of

(30)

of the Arsenites

council

with

As their

them.

seemed to

disapproved

became more credible

accusation

sufficiently

comply

not

of Alexandria

name was removed

an evil-event.

t; any of then felt

to the recent

attitudes

it

although

come to the attention

of Blachernai.

Council

Gregory

to call

feelings,

actual

have eventually

Minor,

agitation

of

him and lie continued

frighten

not

Athanasios
His

accusers.

afterwards.

he did not hesitate

Secretly,

arch's

did

while

the Patriarch

choice but to accept the word of the council.

but he had no

this

of his

this

but

the diptychs,

in Syria

refuge

face

were asked to re-

and Alexandria

Theoclosios Pr3.rlkips,

deeds.

unorthodox

resigned

remained
from

of Antioch

The Patriarchs

burial.

might be reconciled
opponents

to

where he was spending

in

to be held

the

capital

outside

it,

to the Church.

come to Adranyttion
the

winter.

may have necessitated

but

the

council

choice

on the

(32)
the

He

The
need for

of Adramyttion

could

99.

interpreted
be
also
their

in the

strength

their

having

expenses

Hyakinthos,

included

Throughout Lent,
colleagues

irritated

the Emperor

wish

sign

put

the patriarchal
to fire

down their
party's

Emperor's

wishes.

the Patriarch
reception

that

The Arsenites
this

attitude
and
In the

adhered
this

(8 April

,.*are placed

It

the second document

Both documents

decided

in

to.

12C4),

through

in

the presence
Both

over to the
went to greet

his blessing

appeared that-the

stir-

the divine

the flames.

the participants

were to

both

If

expressed

gave themselves

day, all

(34)

convince

would

the Arsenites.

refutation.

his
to
authority
accept
and.

of Holy Connunion.

(33)

the Patriarch

that

do but

demands while

both
to
parties
and
ashes
were reduced
later

These

to draw up two docu.-ents.

the parties

the two documents

did,

absence, Lazaros

Church.

Finally,

party.

Andronikos

Lependrenos.

show them what to

On Holy Saturday

unification.

Enperor,
the
of

to the

and

by Michael VIII.

say nothing

and the one surviving

or were destroyed,
for

to

and decided

compromised

be subritted
vived

themselves

the patriarchal

the Arsenites

contained`.

he could

were

Arsenites

the Emperor spoke every day with

nearby,

some divine

expected

first,

Although

and Athanasios

but

ships,

Raoulaina

in Andronikos'

who led the party

to reconcile

the Arsenites

only

Theodora

a number of other prominent

Makarios Peristeres,

Gorianites,

and his

Among these

Mouzalon.

Theodore

A Great

the Emperor's

stipend.

those monks who had been persecuted

especially

Ilicaea.

aboard

the protovestiarissa

did not attend,

of Sardis

council

by imperial

and the Grand Logothete

who retained

of the Empire-of

areas
to. the

paid

her daughters

Eulogia,
Anne,

former

travelled

of people

variety

to the Arsenites

as a concession

and the

Arsenite

schism had ended.

By Easter mornin,;,
rejected

their

decision

the
Arsenites
of
most
to hs 'reconciled

had reconsidered

to the Church.

and

They felt

100.

brought to trial

jras finally

Such a commotion

the Emperor.

aCainst

of conspiring;

and wan accused by some of them

the extrcmists

favour with

frcri

fell

ho

ensued that

to the status

and once again relegated

(37)
of a monk;.
who had made peace at Adramyttion

Those Arsenites
bring

the body of Arsenios

since

the Patriarch's

their

request

from Proikoniso:,

death

recognised

Gregory

foundation

of rt.

the

body,

demands that

(39)

wife.

! fhile

resign,
to Eirene

return

the charge of heresy.

comfort

to defend his theology

In the autumn of 12P3, B1kos

-ii

emina,tcd

in Asia

Amidst

Arsenite

the wedding
the Emperor's
of complying.
of the Patri-

encrgies

he night

clear

AlthouGh the Emperor had provided

;: incr.

hit

deposition

Throughout

for

of

his every
`The

him the opportunity

fully

had composed an encyclical

(k1)

his own

himself

(40)

dissatisfied.

of 1^83 had not allowed

and he felt

Church..

John Bekkos made plans for

In Brusa, Bekkcs remained greatly

participants

the

to

of ; fontferrat,

in the hope that

in the Council

own

of Arsenios'

return

perforrled

consumed the

the
the
Emperor,
exiled
arch and
to Constantinople

throne.

had no intention

problem

who had

and even began to demand that

Gregory

He evidently

the Arsenite

the

the

Later,

body to her

to be reconcilc3.

on the patriarchal

II

(38)

t! rsenios'

Despite

refused

the Patriarch

to Constantinople

one of the Arsenfites

to oppose the Patriarch

of Andronikos

ceremony
second

still

Granted

was celebrated

the Patriarch.

Andrew in 1risei.

be placed.

Hyakinthos

where a liturgy

'tianr1ated

as Patriarch,

extremists

They continued

Sophia,

Theodora aoul4ina,

protovestiarissa

the Emperor

was. brought

prelate

in communion with

by those. Arsenites

had remained

both the Enperor and the Patriarch

solemnity,

to
St.
body
the
accompanied

where it

In mid--12J4,

exile.

body of the

and. the

by ship. - Amid great

in

to

were eager

12P1!, the

unjustified.
which was
document

caused

101.

a nen::ation

quite

th,

with

council

the
to
demand
convocation
many

and incited

purpose

explicit

much derision

At Prusa, Beldcos had been suffcring

inhabitants

as a result
how they

understand

Byzantine).

in

to decide

and did

had decided

in January

l25,

(45)

Bekkos.

frona

upon the

by imperial

in Constantinople.
the
to
sunmoned

12F5 in the Alexiakon

The Emperor presided

.of

the

were present,

the sessions.

Blachernai

was convened

s0 ill

that

staunchest

Constantine

in

he was

while

the

February

early

and Athanasios

clergy,

(48)
monks,

of Alexandria

stood near Gregory in order

knowledge.
Meliteniotes

in a debate centering
the Latin

a new trial.

he remained on a stretcher

Theodore fouzalon

supporters

favouring

and it

at Brusa,

of bishops,

gathering

hin with his theological

forth

ordained

receive

it,

by

of the palace of Blachernai.

over a large

for

(47)

council.

to support

fog ned the opposition

year,

of Kosmidion

Monastery

the Patri-

of a council

confinement

under

trikliriion

the latter

finally

To prepare

clerics

Bekkos should

Both Gregory of Constantinople

and laity.

put

a council.

(44)

convocation

Constantinopolitan

The Second Council

during

Already

for
made
were

preparations

end of that

command that

(46)

appearance

suspen. ed all

demanded the

He then

was decreed

need for

the Patriarch

new

in
Bekkos
of

by the

but

nothing,

This

he had envisioned

12'4

possible

with

arguments

Constantinople.

During

of a council.

iri his

point

Gregory
have
caused
may

character

complications

Constantinople
arch

eventually

favour

but

this

reached

the Patriarch's

attack'upon

nothing

while

not

(i. e.

'Roman'

a true

him,

derided

He could

someone who had been

as Patriarch,

Bekkos emphasised

and it

the Brusans,

they

from the local

policies.

unionist

Gregory

accepted

born among the Latins,

(43)

forger

of his

(42)

pok', cos.

of trying

of a new

teaching

Bekkos and his two

and GeorGe Iletochites

upon a riaai., that

Concerniig

the rroccssioll

ekkos
of

:10,?.
(49)

the Holy Spirit.

Since the time of Photios

in the ninth

the Eastern Church had accepted the words concerning

in the Nicene'Creed

of the Holy Spirit

'proceeds

Spirit

from the Father'

with some qualifications.

in the Procession

furnished

of his writing

the council

d.efense'at

theology

unionist

Father,

eighth-century

the

rather

for

Church.

as the

for

(51)

opponents.

this

the accusation
the unionists.
were interrelated
with

to-support

one another

emphasise this,

that

the Father

was indeed

the

the

doctrine

making
this

Naturally,

the
use

Bekkos'

enraged

*Theodore Mouzalon and the

attacked

the

interpretation

of %Metochites

Gregory of Cyprus followed

to the Patriarch,

in such a way that

since they originated
he called

on, thus

was open to a number of

the meaning of the quotation

According

the 'W'ord'

through

champions

quotation

aabiguity.

vehemently.

to God

referred

Spirit

procession.

(52)

''
by
used

of Bekkos'

a Latin

-the

George h;oschabar

and Neliteniotes

Armory' (`Iepa

2oth

thrcvh

Spirit
eternal

due to its

the quotation

compositions

itself

revcalins

that

quotation

To say the least,

chartophylax

for both his

cited

theological.

of the

of the Holy

Father

interpretations

from one

Bekkos' pneuinatoloCical

and Tietochites

The quotation

Son a cause of the Spirit's

of a Byzantine

Among these was

appeared in the 'Priestly

'projector

hoped to show with

source

had

the Son's participation

(50)

(-xpo{3oa6r. - Ur! X6you LXcpavropcxo"v

there

and policy.

a compendium of various

(ar'io,;

to Photios,

the justification

and provided

from John of Damascus as it

the Byzantine

The Holy

value;

John of Damascus. - A text

the keystone

In the debate', Meliteniotes

`OXoOixr)

the Procession

face

Prior

Alone.

theoloGians. who had allowed

been Byzantine

the great

at their

century,

up with

had been distorted

the sayings

of the Fathers

they remained in full

agreement

from the same Spirit.

upon nekkos and his colleaCues

by

To

to prove that

i.03.

other Tathers

In response,

from "t.

Gregory-of

opponents,

but he elicited

from the Patriarch

especially

Athanasios

ing his disagreement,

uttered

had never been taught

so that

peace right
to try

continued

(through)

turned,

it

had kept

he took
his

against

of the

be tried

should

he announced.

sidering

heresy,

that

in the

treatise

and

the
Patriarch
asked
tract.

theological

ideas.

heretical

contained

than

to be by none other

be tried

confusion

by this

he

If

opponents.

person

this

he

which

a manuscript

and one of his

not

Finally,

himself

against

from

it

and b

passages.

the accused

expressed

should

(from)

bx

Reading

subtlety.

as well?

(55)
assembly was thrown into

his-sources

to
repudiate
not

as the basis for

sound, the defendant

patristic

his final

defense.

pleaded with his

dogma,. According

turn

of
Con-

judges

to Bekkos, the fact

that

proceeded from the Father had been substantiated*by

the words of Christ

(John 15: 26) and the Second Ecumenical Council

in the Nicene-Constant inopolitan

who said that

with dialectical

of heresy

cloak,

confirried

but Bekkos, used it

the Holy Spirit

'

the chartophylax
for

The entire
events,

his

Pekkos showed the

George i; oschabar,

Bekkos

and both sides

most patristic

charge

ideas

Express-

the think

that

prepositions

opponents.

and all-present

Bril. liantly,.

the

())

of Alexandria.

Eekkos refused

in

beneath

concealed

what he thought
Gregory

the

were interchangeable

in desperation,

of the

by the Church, and urged him to recant

to outdo one another

that

upon a quotation

only contempt from his

maintained

be restored.

Bekkos even insisted

proof

the interrelationship

1lyssa concerning

persons of the Trinity

three

to base his

Dekfios attempted

(53)

interpretation.

of the Church agreed with thcir

the Holy Spirit

the Soh merely followed

Creed.

Likewise,

proceeded fron

he felt

the Father

the Seventh Ecumenical

Council.

that

through
(56)

anyone

1014".

But

this

council

the former

In response,

the Church,

change Bekkos'

Gulf

three

the

stern

however,

mind,

condemnation

heresy,.

of him and his

Bekkos'

explanation.

another

quotation

refute

But there
Orthodox
the

proclaim
Cyprus

which

similitude

it

tx

implied

respond

Convicted

of
on the

imprisonment

which

the problem

of the

'through

the Son'

of

a tomes that

of the

together

6&

and

to

Feelin;

that

the Spirit
enabled

first

proceeds
to

council

quotation;

an
To remedy

was required.
s
ton,
which
a

commission

Because the

would

wisdom of Gregory

'would

be a pillar

of piety

and immediately

set

the quotation

the

revealed

Bekkos had ad.vocated.

Constantinople,

more than the participation

to

text

entire

at

He assented

its

continued

council

so as to be dissimilar

do not say that

of the matter.

(59)

the

Throughout the summer of 1285, the ratriarch

to the problem.

would

concern as to how the quotation

quotations

commanded such respect

generations'.

to

examination

was decided

truth

asked to write

attitude

only

could

companions.

of ",ekkes,

'e

read

of

interpretation

the

council

be interpreted

both

remained

confusion,

sacrificed

Vo amount of rhetoric

were sentenced

A closer

Using

still

the

himself

by Bekfios'

enraged

There was still

of John of Damascus could

the

Gregory

until

time.

(57)

(5R)

the Son'.

that

who had already

speech.

the condemnation

deliberations.

subside

and the

defendants

of Astakos.
Following

from

never

the last

for

views

of

and foretold

refused,

was especially

a very

with

and responded

its

his

The Emperor,

the patriarchate.

so much for

with

Patriarch

in the Church would

had left

and the Patriarch

asked Bekkos to renounce

Constantinople

agitation

it,

have none of

would

the Patriarch
for

about

of
was

succeeding
the

task.

addressed himself

from John of Damascus

of the Son in the temporal

ndssion

105.
Gro ory searched for

of the spirit,

of the Son in an eternal

participation
term 'eternal

some of the saints

the Son' this

to-the

points

document

by August

proclaimed

in t.

Emperor

and the Patriarch

the document and refused

of their
if

many of them was the

Since

it,

followed

validity

Those who did

Despite
with

could

into

insisted

others

not

guarantee

of their

followed

to be only
its

the

many things

could

to this

in it,

his

the word RpooXE'c.

word

eternal

(author,

the expression's
entreaties.
(62)

of a number of
By some means, Bekkos

he criticisod

be attached

and its

the tomos, the incident

proclamation.

Although
cerned

to siCn

refused

and stipends.

first

acquired

of

of John

the difference

constant

offices

tomos and composed his

implications

of

his

the care Gregory had taken with

that

they

to

had to be one or the other.

despite

refused

it,

of the Spirit

it

Gregory's

proved

of

reprisals

troublesome

not distinguish

could

a copy of the

the

bishops

gave to the passage

understand

being

so were relieved

the

were suspicious

Especially

Gregory

that

still

the signatories

complications

by the other

the ceremony

at

both

They remembered the consequences

explanation

some accepted
but

be solemnly

might

signed

coming

they

Eventually,

completed the

tomos had been read,

present

by the

as he emerges

the

Because they

the actual

manifestation,

it

so that

to sinn.

they

names to it.

between

of the Spirit

of the spirit

the tomos were revoked in the future.

their

proceeds through

to the Union of Lyons, and feared similar

signatures

of Da-mascus.

Spirit

The Patriarch
it

to

According

After

Some of those

and clergy.

(61)

and submitted
Sophia.

'the

manifestation

procession

the Father".

being fron

he chose the

Finally,

sense.

have said

eternal

Non, not the unique personal

into

showed the

(? '8o cxcpavctc). (60)'

manifestation'

'If

Gregory,

that

an expression

source,

own refutation
principal
If

of it.

argument
various

originator),

(63)

con-

meanings
then

106.
ion(-cpooboy)
and eternal
process

rnanife: tation(cx,

to him.

one and the sane according

He marked Gregory's

his
turned
refutation
and
ambiguous

great

unrest

in the

of the

the Orthodoxy

concerning

tomos,

entire

question

among those

especially

but had accepted-the Patriarch's

not signed from conviction

who
It

public.

the

and reopened

city

explanation

over to some of. his friends

the document among the Constantinopolitan

circulated
created

rococ)'
6,
meant
avcLS

who had

guarantee.

(6'a}
Among these were, 14oschabar, who had recently
disagreement

the Patriarch,

with

and the new chartophylax

ion to cause misfortung
held a grudge against

and his colleagues

the Patriarch,

hin.

(author,

mean attLoc
ion

of the Holy Spirit,

for

the birth

as the word

the designation

as a synonym for

the act

In their
the act

of

to

the act

rcvvrj-rwp

Gregory's

view,

it

was used,

did

Gregory

must

the process-

of

(Father)

not use

(7tp6o8oc)but

of procession
(Ex? c vcLC)

of manifestation

between these two acts,

distinguished

that

They felt

regard

of the Son of God.

for

xpopoXcvc

just

since Noschabar

'especially

itself.

originator)-in

Pentekkiesiotes

they decided to attack

To do this,

of the word %po3oaev

explanation

overa

These men had every intent-

Eskam^atisnonos.
for

resigned

Although

he

he denied that npopoasvr., meant

(65)

his

ignore
greater

other

(66)

duties.

patriarchal

unpopularity

(12 o-9? ).

caused by, the torsos, Gregory did not

the controversy

Despite

Already

when he excommunicated

Although

unpopular,

Gorr, --nos of Iferakleia

he had consecrated

Constantinople,

German= later

of his unionist

attitudes

Gregory as Patriarch

the Io, tins

of

decided to excommunicate him because

during

the Union of Lyons.

by the tomos, he not only accused Gregory of taking

with

he risked

but also of communicating with

then.

Probably
part
(67)

upset

in prayers
The see

'l.

had already

of. HIeraklcia

of the Patriarch

the canonisation
Arsenite

stronghold,

reusing

the

firm

in

causaa problems

insisting

upon Joseph's

a Latin

(69)

from

especially

for having.

of Antioch

Arsenios

The King was not an

score of the

administered

who still
(70)

from the Crusades.

areas retained

to depose him.

Almost simultaneously

communion.

ruler

into

together

and this,

for his action,

into
Armenia
the
lang
of
accepted

was an

to remain

of him, led the Patriarch

he also deposed Patriarch

Armenian but, rather

it

intended

GreGory

*,Zethodios the morl,. but did not recant.

(1286-r7),

since

commemoration

criticism

received

(68)

to recognise

had been pressured.

of Joseph.

with cermanos' excommunication

The Patriarch

refucal

Joseph.

Germanos probably

commemoration

by its

During Gregory's
due tIo the Arsenites
Mount Athos

the community

but

Arsenites

visit.

Thessaloniki,

it

the'PFetropolitan

(73)

in the continuing

school.
existence
(7/)
his

(75)

is confirmed

Gregory's
patriarchate.

received

he does not mention it

reports
He still

interest
He wrote

concerning

in

Cyprus
a letter

Patriarch

its

of 1277 and later

Church

continued

of Lusignan

continuing
docunents.
during
and

there.
Church
the
Orthodox
of

on the island

theta. (76)

bishop,

work of the patriarchal

to HienrryIi

the status

has. many relatives

to have kept in touch with

and its

their
the

in his-letters,

by the synodal lists

in
(72)

the Patriarch.

At Constantinople,

to

opportunity

monasteries

to recognise

the monks. were refusing

of rphesos.

the

some of the

problems

additional

may have divided

agitation

for

of

the Holy

he visit

niaver received

infiltrated

had also

may hive found some pleasure

Although

Arsenite

seeps Gregory

causing

At ; count Galesion,

order.

restore

that

requesting

unrest

The rrotos

problems.

canonical

the Patriarch,

visited

to help

Mountain

an3 related

suffered

many monasteries

patriarchate,

Outside

but does not seem

the realm of

10"..
ecclesiastical

the Emperor

between

The Patriarch's

(probably

In the meantime

to write

decided

his

had completed

con-

commentary

cxpavcLr.
tomos.

went to his

he inraediately
(F0)

Nouzalon.

Although

e3 errors,

Grand Logothete

hirr, with

presented
consideration

difference

the synonym,

Patriarch's

a work written

(and Pe?d; os in particular),

clearer

understanding

of doing

in

against

pne iatoloty.

commentTheodore

commentary
of it.

contain-

As the

Theoleptos
Taking
that

?'onethelcss,

Having

the

mad the

the

had to agree

that

read

as a synonym for

heretical,

the Grand Logothete

of Gregory's

the

Mark took

inspection..

torsos for

(81)

and

Those who carefully

knew that

of the doubt by stating

'Apology',

it,

achievement,

the commentary

aware of what he had done.

to the Patriarch

corrected

what he thought

itouzalon

Once he

the Grand Lo othete

between the two documents.

arch the benefit

fully

Gregory's

it

of Philadelphia,

the bishop

pronounced

theology.

xpopo%6C

friend,

asked ; ouzalon

he still

as his

had been accused

the Bishop

When Theoleptos,

and had served

to the public.

as the Patriarch

just

(79)

over,

Marl: had explained

that

discovered

Jew, had

treatise.

Gregory's

of his

Proud
it

and displayed

the paper

concerning

a converted

the monk submitted

commentary,

to the author.

it

returned

ary,

also

controversy

on the Patriarch's

he understood

GreGory read

approval.

another

by the Patriarch

that

Mark felt

secretary,

1286-7),

a commentary

he had been taught

Since

it

of Thessaly

interests

charitable

A monk by the name of Mark,

tomo5 arose.

for

for

(78)

tinued.

the

and the sebastocr

Andronikos

(77)

John Doukas.

to mediate in the dispute

Gregory attempted

politics,

into

there

was no

he gave the Patri-

Gregory was probably

recently
the

read

the

tormos' caluninators

had
have
a
may
(82)

not

Z. V9.

Few others were a forGivir1

at; th.

had signed the tomos and could not criticise

now used I: ark's

signatures,

only
his

theological

they

that

and announced

Placing

Great

this

had,

gained

nothing

of the Patriarch

more could

of the writings

the Son'

struck

out,

demanded the Patriarch's

would

those
among

they

live

spokesman for

the Patriarch's

the Arsenites.

removal to-the

Fron

as Gregory's

enraged and hardened the Arsenites

If

the Church could

increased.

they

through

wanted

Completely
the

Gregory

Gregory's

He carried

they

tomos,

idea

once again
and only

who had been

had become the

renewed

of
be

only

then

of Alexandria,

their

the

the Son could

resigned,

'through

words

To them,

Consequently,

Athanasios

(and that

the Father

agitation

innovation.

to sign

Even Androriikos

do likewise.

in what context.

removal.

who refused

how

reiterated

the Patriarch

the Fathers,

in peace.

actual

tAc

of the Spirit

as a heterodox

they

the only opinion

their

no matter

manifestation

interpreted

then

of

but his

past.

the Patriarch

proceeded fron

be said),

ignorant

an eternal

hand.

the Holy Spirit

hold was-that

thereby

(83)

Since they believed

hin.

in the

began to distrust

the Emperor

the Patriarch,

an-' oversight,

Church

he accept

before

appeared

to persuade

demanded that

the upper

The attitude
against

the

for

and they

Such an attitude

upon the Emperor,

pressure

moment, the Emperor

opponents

opponents

was not merely

many had made sacrifices

concerning

enemies who demanded that

were unable

the mistake

that

opinion.

himself

he had failed

of the work.

problem

Gregory's

Finally,

mistake.

these attacks,

Gregory could not tolerate

the Patriarch's

infuriated

proving

he would have corrected

because his accusers said that

the most important

the Patri-

as a means to attack

con;rentary

the mistake they announced.

principally

because of their

it

were not a heretic,

the Patriarch

If

arch.

Tho3e who

Grand ToGothete.

new

demands for

Emperor, even as Gregory's

other

110.
their

filed
opponents

to the Patriarch;

Athanasios
for

Gregory's

(rid.

12e8),

Gregory

be peaceful

if

temporarily

to test

the

refusal

to him,

elevations

and Cassius

Brutus
Gregory

had i-rritten

to come to his

letters

two unedited

help

frantic

the

(8P)

situation.

In the
other

wrote,

Moschabar.
John of

(87)

Only

crisis,
him
letters

to both

that

and Glykes,

But even as the

stir

UD

the party

of

Monastery,

further

antaUon-

to the Emperor in which

presented

An3ronikos

now began to doubt whether the Eucharint

disagreements

can

of the

to the Hodegetria
to

and

Cheilas

Cheilas

to join

were deciding

These

dilemma

misunderstanding

Ho sent a letter
pity's

the

of

as

in nanuscript.

he briefly

his

Glykes

two of these

increasing

in Constantinople

who owed

requesting

in Constantinople.

At the time Gregory retired

the Patriarch.

During

he seems to think

addressed

John and Daniel

arrived.

(86)
to Cheilas,

their

followed

him just

against

two are still

of

situation

Ephesos

ism against

bishops

bishops

of the. Patriarch

turned

times

first,

by Gregory's

angered

and other

the Patriarch's

The second,

speaks of the tragic

Patriarch

other

reveal

state.

convince

the

while

it

Caesar'.

four

least

had gained

of Ephesos and Daniel

'they

in Constantinople.

aid

have been edited

his

at

of Philadelphia,

John Cheilas

had done with

leave

he continued

of P:oschabar

werd two favorites

to Gregoras,

According

Kyzikos..

to

he had decided

had joined

error,

to

had promised

(85)

Theoleptos

Among these

example.

their

his

to rectify

to the tiona$tery

withdrawal

the party

controversy,

request

afterwards

to the monastery,

Retiring

as Patriarch.

By 1288,

in strength.

his

then.

Shortly

Because the Arsenites

the patriarchate,

duties

Throughout

temporary

his

announced

he left

his

to fulfill

(64)

not known.
,

in a sermon.

of the Hodegetria

an imperial

whether he carried
is

resignation

the Emperor sent

Eventually,

complaints.

with

the Patriarch.
ua

valid

(go)

,;hon the

11l..

Patriarch's

name was commemorated.

of Ephesos,

and Daniel

in the Liturgy,

the Patriarch

the election

demands for

From his

and Glykes.

Only friendly

previously

now Gregory's

but

(92)

anger.

one of painful
Cheilas,

still

of your

tongue

unedited,

How auch it
it

how much by the situation

Gregory's

pressure,

his

Although

squabbling.
also

(94)

that

the madness

own judgment

is

and

The isolation

at this

of

(95)

Consequently,

for

thebloGical
merely

because of dealings

knowledge,

from

semantic

had been a great

blow

to the Emperor
had occurred

his confirmation
with

Cyril

as his place

of any contact

he night

of residence.

have with

Cyril,

monastery and went to a house attached

He spent the final
of complaint

to
the

at

the

with

of Tyre

as Patriarch

of

the Kino of Armenia.

he decided to remain in Constantinople

the iicdegetria

He

unchanged.

time was the place of his residence.

but was refused

his letter

resulted

change that

actual

in Constantinople

on Mount. Latros.

of his

defection

friends'

The only

Antioch,

writing

to

the situation

him enough to send a letter

enraged

end of 12P2.

had arrived

to

changed

he wrote

had, remained

because

to bow to criticisms

and he refuses

Patriarch

which

(93)

attitude

the torlos

had been chosen to write

it

then

two

was now complete.

Despite

him,

towards

nourishes

is nourished'.

as probably

and these

of your

of

of troubles.

'Know that

obvious:

barbarousness

learned

hin

letter

final

is

pain

and the unjust

causing me suffering.....

the Patriarch

attitude,

In the

his

Gregory

time

The

(91)

desertion-came

Their

had passed between

correspondence

commemorate
spread.

; ncreasod.

the Patriarch's

during,

event

gradually

the I1odegetria,

at

to

refusing

practice

of a new Patriarch

of Cheilas

the most agonising

were already

and this

of retreat

place

the defection

bishops

of }'yzikos

John

of Philadelphia,

Theoloptos

Realising'the

and chose

implications

Gregory immediately

left

to the Monastery of St.

months of his reign

the

Paul

there,

to the Emperor and drawing up a con-

112.

of faith

fossion

In early

which rejected

12P9,

Gregory

(97)

Both the Emperor and the Patriarch

the matter.

After

were made.

ations

it.

He realised

that,

would remain.

Andronikos'

decision

to cancel

Gregory

.and his

session

it
when
heard

when they

had already

party

news.

Irikephoros

The quaestor

terns

ing th2se
Gregory

realised

he demanded that

his

of Ephesos and Daniel

proclamation

a public

his torsos and 6:ark's

of the

expression

Theolcptos

means of oikonomia.
implications

heretical
to proclaim

him for

cammitin

wished

the actual

in the

in exchan,; c for

refused

to allow

They condemned both

In

complete disaproval

contrast,

the

party

Orthodoxy

Gregory's

Mark's

of
by

its
and
commentary

cause of the scandal,

If

John

opposition.

followers

to accept

Orthodoxy.

(100)

(OE)

and announced their

Considering

In response,

publicly.

Orthodoxy.

manifestation'.

him Orthodox

in public.

a split

them.

to accept

to pronounce

with their

decided

perjury.

a messaGe contain-

carried

be proclaimed

ccrmentary

the Patriarch's

to
resign
promise

opponents

of Gregory's

(99)

removal,

student

but he was hesitant

of I: yzikas

of Philadelphia

showed relief

the
of

Orthodoxy

'eternal

opponents

Choumnos, the former

demand created

The Patriarch's

the'first

for

his resignat-

heretic
him
as
a
announce

and still

. secretly

his

for

hour,

eleventh

hin Orthodox in exchange for

to the Patriarch,
that

decided
the scandal

outcome,

the Patriarch's

and the deacon George'Paehyneres

Patriarch,

and the prepar-

the palace

at

demanding

Still

they nor promised. to proclaim

ion.

arrived

Even Gregory's.

was announced.
the

carne at the

to decide

the Emperor

what its

no matter

him

be hold

agreed,

however,

some reflection,

proclaimed

a trial

enemies demanded that

his

Instead,

Orthodox.

they

if

to resign

he received

his opponents since

' This baffled

he would have no reason

felt

if

to resign

decided

guarantee of his Orthodoxy.

they

(96)
Mark.
the commentary of

they intended

he did not adhere to his

the pronouncement,

they could depose

11;3.
Andronil": on atteripto l to perruade John of Ephcyoo and hin followOrz
to agree

to the

Accusing

them of causing

all

terns

further

that

The Emperor decided

arch.

John of Eph^.ses,

especially

(101)

spokesman.

appear,

he retracted
purpose

sole

at

his

also
(104)

manifestation'.

felt-this

they

Orthodox

with'

then

sent

a written

the

frith

as the

party

of Mark's

comment-

his

ambi.tion
friends

through
nor
of my own

I became Patriarch

attempt

of
his

scandal

the Fatrithe

error,

Dcclarin,
on flark's

(105)

to the Patriarch.

resignation:
throne

through

no

the encouragement of my

by :Weansknown only to God.

failed

Since

able to endure these things,

place.

scandal.

and some people began exclai. nin

would bring

peace.

I 'prefer

For this

reason,

this

Not being
peace rather

I resign

from

the

comment-

six years ago, I have done my best for

that. only my res-; nation

than the Eirot

in the

'eternal

the Patriarch.

the peace of the Church and the elinination'of

But this

But now,

position

urderstandin

to. the ratriaro'nal

but -s-cc 'Oed it

sayir, 3 that

(103)

of

The next day, Gre, ory wrote the following

,I was elevated

Ithen he- did

and he admitted

guarantee

the

of faith,

explanation

entire

against

Theolepto:

tomos.

rejected

to clear

and blaming

be judged,

the worst

(102)

the

the Monk's

sufficient

of a new Patri-

in the com.ientary,

Patriarch's
Since

he imprisoned

would

confession

position.

seemed confused

pneunatoloGy

Patriarch

his

statements

the

they

of his

view

adamant.

Church,

election

was convened

the rion! c not only

but

the

he had written

had been to agree

reflection,

comr,ent'ary.,

ary,

time

of Gregory's

council

council

that

since

summoned Mark to defend

arch's

until

the

Because of the

ary and the dissemination

after

in

In Juno 12C9, a council

Gregory.

his

division

, masteries

in
them
various
of

rein, ined

they

but

of Theoieptos,

Z14.

the patriarchal
hood which,

throne

with .the help of God, I "erili keep during

I do this

lifotine.

but not from the priest-

and office

only for

tho unification

Church and not because I have offended

'

you are now able with the trace

"o,

Patriarch

who will

His Holy Mother

Christ

Jc3u

Some people suspected Gro ory's

the resignation
again there

without

versy

had finally

even his
:?eophytos.

ended.

harshest

the scandal,

of St.

Theodora

aoulaina.

following

':'hen Raoulaina

to the Aristine

the

with

letter
the

relief,
Gregory

contro-

forgave

of Herakleia

and

had been interruptea

(108)

gifts.

of Aristine

the foundation

Adrazyttion,

the rapprochement

during

In the

near

of his

the

supporter

of some of the

she had given Gregory much support.

a monastery closed

Crusade, she had bocorie a nun with

the "Tonastery of Aristine,

Raoulaina's

with

Once

those who

the resignation,

to the Monastery

Since

(107)

to it.

' To everyone's

generous

She possessed a large

her foundation.

because he submitted

convinced

refounded St. Andrew in }risei,

wince, the Fourth

into

(109)

affixed

whose incomes

Andrew in J:risei,

through

(106)

among them Gerrianos

To those

he retired

Monastery

Kyriake.

Following

he was especially

summer of 12'9,

Arsenfites

own hand.

opponents,

of Brusa.

us this

to be satisfied

signature

in the Patriarch's

written

grant

but Theoleptos

was controversy,

another

And may our

sincerity

his signature

demanded. the ratriarch's

of God to elect

the 'Saints'.

and all

the sacred office.

of God.

assistance

God and Saviour

great

of the

and give peace to the Church

unify

with the alliance'and

my

library

the name of

of manuscripts

the small monastic

which she moved

house attached

to

(110)
library
for

and her personal

his retirement.

(111)

invitation

brought

During this

time,

GreGory
he

11I

busied himself
in order,
logical

wrote his brief

(112)

work.

the Procession

of the past

six

following
for

Within

illness,

so' 1o: ;.

the obsequies,

allowing

a disturbance.

(114)

possibly

strength,

and he was now

a year'of

his

forbade

funeral

no public

retirement,

of the dropsy
to attend

Raoulaina

fear

for

treatise

But the battles

-the result

The Emperor

tho

wrote

(113)

much of his

body and spirit.

a brief

he had suffered

he probably.

of the Holy Spirit'.

had claimed

years

in both

a man broken

time,

this

During

theohis
with

and continued

autobiography,

'Concerning;

he died

He placed his vast corresporidenco

with a number of tasks.

it

that

cause

night

**"x ****4(***9*******

Gregory's

FollowinG
unresolved.

Andronikos

the cause of fresh

the

Much argument
assembly

controversy

but

ensued

decided

the troublesome
misinterpretation.
doctrine

was especially

of the

to leave
passage

little

'eternal

text,

he called

agreenent.

the original
of John of

Even so,

it

that

worried

at almost any moment.

to the

corrections

'necessary'

the problem of the tomos remained

resignation,

text

Damascus

Gregory

manifestation'

might become
Hoping, to make

yet

In desperation,
intact

but

rather

than

had bcen vindicated

remained

council.

another

the

to expunge
its

to risk
and the

unchallenged.

(115)

116,

Totes - Chanter. Four

(1)

For Andronikos'
I4-16;

A. Laiou

1972),

P. 32ff..;

(2)

Nicol

(3)

Pachymeres

(4)

A chronology
'Les

concern for

the Church, cf.

Constantinop

lo

Troitskij

II0

dates

pp.
for

(Cambridge,

Latin!

pp.
nass.,

196.

p.

487.
p.

Cstrogorsky

105-106;

pp.

and. the

Pachymeres II,

141-17.

this

has been suggested

period

de Joseph Ier',

du second patriarcat

by V. Laurent,
PEA 18(1960),

PP. 207-208.
(5)

Gregoras

(6)

Cf.

(7)

Pachyrneres

(8)

ibid.

(9)

ibid.

(10)

ibid.

(11)

For biographical
'the

I,

pp.

EEB

17-25.

and note p. 720.

ibid.

pp.

456Jf72

idem.,

PP. 3-13;
1935),

II,

xajpLdpXrI;

and in Russian,

'Icloptm

`1V 15(1908),

'A6avdcLoC

'A), cCavbpcia,;

C. Papadopoulos"0

6(1929),

(13)

cf.

(called

of Alexandria

06 'AavdcLoC 6 B',

C. Loparev,

I T? 1(190),

2P7-299;

Pachymeres

on Athan. sios

notices
),

Sinaite'

(12)

(15)

pp.

p. 25.

II,

(Alexandria,

(14)

II,

p. 214.

Janin,

'AAsCavpsia,;
pp.

Pachymeres

160-162;

B',

t%x), TjcCaS 'AAcr_av&eciaS

ePP" 564-574.

25-27.

-ibid.
Fachyneres II,

p. 37; V. Laurent

Joseph Ier par son predecesseur

'L'exco,
Arsene',

nunicaticn

du patriarche

DZ 30(1929-30),

49pp,

496.
(16)

Pachymeres II,
of Arsenios
confined

Troitskij

p: 3.

in 1259..

Andronikos
As a result,

to a nonastery.

PP. 37-40

had protested

the first

he was eventually

removal

deposed and

Cf. Fachymeres 1, pp. 118-119;

1.17.

(17)

Pachymeres I2,

(]i)

The Patriarch

Joseph was canonised

of this,

mention

and now the

Dossier

Fachymeres

(20)

Gregoras

(21)

Fachyneres

(22)

I,

pp.

163-1611, Fachyneres
42,45.
pp.

II,

Regestes

cf.

and J.

111.61

Darrouzes

(Paris,

1976),

Cf.

II,

42.

p.

Troitskij's

also

evaluation,

231-232.1.
I,

G. fetochiteo

Pachymeres
p.

to Gregory

PP. 3E-39.

II,

p. 95,11.6-7

of the throne without

(23)

For a

51P--22.

(19)

pp.

death.

d.e__Lyon (1273-1277),

de 1'union

grec

14r.

fol.

in V. Laurent

text

edited

newly

1137,

gr.

his

after

of the monk Nethodios

see a letter

in Cod. Vdt.

Cyprus
of

pp.

40.
p.

regard

43-k4,50
pp.

II.

. ttributes

96,11,6-8

of Gregory's

conplains

seizure

to the canons.
and n. 7.6 above.

Gregory's

I,

G. ; ietochites

'usurpation'

to the

Arsenites.
(214)

Gregoras

I,

(Lepanto)

r'aupa'ktos
the-Bishop
(25)

Gregoras
that

The Bishop

p. 164.

and thus

of Devrai
I,

p. 164;
the

permitted

consecration

of Kozyle

on Constantinople.
of the

was a suffragan
Pachyneres
Bishop

II9

pp.

predated
seniority.
(26)

There

Bishop

the see of Constantinople

disagreement

to Gregory's

of Herakieia

Both agree that

Herakleia.

!F-P!
"5.

The tradition
the

at

had been

the Great.

Herakleia

and enjoyed an honorary

Cf. fleck p. 161.

is a slight

in regard

see of Ohrid.

of Constantinople

observed since the time of Constantine

upon

In contrast,

to preside

of Herakleia

of the Patriarch

was dependent

between

ordination.

ordained

Gregoras

Gregoras

him a deacon

CreEory was ordained

and Pachyricres

says that

(Gregoras

a priest

I,

the
p.

165).

by the "Rishop of

11".

(27)

c. 2CC. Cf. also his letter

Autobiography

pp. 130-131 and above pp. 113-114.

Pachyrncres II,
'Die

"

p.

of the

section
the

8, senses

to rule

in the

to understand
fulfilled

that

Autobiocraphy

(29)

Pachymeres

II,

50-52;

pp.

The Doukai

Polemis,

replace.

as Patriarch

by Cyril

(31)

Gregoras I,

(32)

Eustratiades

(33)

Pachymeres
nites'

with

II,

'in
':

short'.

J.
-

flxseke,

der ;'ir>erir?:

II,

pp.

196x),

II,

p.

fiix

wiss.
`EX),Avwv

'Opeobwv
S. Petrides

f5--C;

by Arsenios

(Fachyraeres

52-57;

Zeitschrift

On Theoclosios
(London,.

n. 2091.

of faith

profession

K. Zi, ionides,

iQ65),

pp.

ur,?en

2.0
(Cheilas)

V. Prinzips
p. 171.

He was

HaCiosyneonites

56):

Cf.

R gestes

and
n. 149.

p. 165.

pp.

and T:akarios

the

they

in which

1931-65),

Pachyneres

of Antioch

of Tyre

Letter

had lived

and Berlin,

133-1; 6.

25-2v,

see D. I.

then

times

(London,
rpm:, aC
pp.

1)

pp. 353-35h;

5(1P91).,

seo), oycxai

Reresten

The Empress Theodora's

three

has been edited

14(1911),

F. Dler
0

9-100,105;

pp.

n. 1463.

Theolozie

must be cut

Reiches*(Munich
I,

from

appointed

of, pure. contemplation

lives

call

2nD-29A.

cc.

G. Iletochites

joy

individual

des stromischen

Regestes

the

in this

must be forced

'The philosophers.....

Republic.

their

(2e)

(30)

to the philosophers

to the Patriarchate

study

Gregory's

He compares

autobiography.

'Republic'

to Plato's

an allusion

Jahrhundert',

und cues Unterrichts

der. Erziehung

fr. Geschichte

21(1931),

aus dem XIII

von Konstantinopel

eines Patriarchen

G. I2icch

und Bildungsgeschichte

Schriftsteller-Autobiographie

Zeitschrift

of resignation,

143,3,

-restern

egestes

n. 1469.
of Lazaros

For the persecutions

57-59"
Feristeres,

the Test'

PP- 97-9S;

cf.

rachymeres

and was accused

archons'.

Hyakinthos

I,

of treason
was also

489.
p.
for

Goaria-Tiakarios

plottingr

'a monk from

119.

(perhaps

the 'jest'

and his

(especially

related),

cf.

n. 1503.

Gregory of'Cyprus

and 148,4

pp.

was excommunicated
Patriarch
aid.

Eustratiades,

at Adramyttion

but

in the letters,

later;

Lependrenos

des saintes

nos.

also

receives

Msychastes,

ed. J.

Lepen147

Letters

1478 and. 1491.

negestes

103-105;

was

Cf. also Regestes

corresponded with Athanasios

Auxentios,
Mount
from
a monk

drenos,

of Sardis

p. 3.

p. 294, II,

Pachymexes I,

family

to whom Ancironikos

John Tarchaniotes,

to it.

a stop

put

for

a wchool

the Tarchaniotes

with

connections

who started

Arsenios

the Patriarch

boys at T'icaea until

For this

or Thessaly)

Epiros

His party
the

seems he recognised

it

Gregory

asks

for

the monk's
Defense

in G. Palamas,

a mention

(`Louvain,

t'Ieyendorff

1959),

cf..

pp. XLI-XLII.
(3L1)

Gregoras
III

1, pp.

pp. 57-59;

Meliteniotes,
(35)

After:

166-167;

f-gestes

nos.

Regestes

p. 20.

Adra-myttion,

ing the Arsenites,

Re-,,,
estes

G. tletoehites

there

1470-1471.

pp.
Cf.

to rally

116-118;

to the Patriarch,

Pachyreres

Constantine

also

to

was ar exhortation

includ-

the people,

iietochites

I,

p. 120,

n. 1473.

(36)

Fachymeres II,

63-64,
pp.

(37)

Fachymeres II,

65-66.
pp.

(3e)

Gregoras I,

(39)

Gregoras

(40)

Fachymeres II,

(41)

G. fietochites

I,

Regestes n. 1472.

R3-86.
pp.

p. 167; Fachymeres II,.

see p. 114 and chapter

For more on Raoulaina

six below.

pp. 167-168;

Pachyrieres

II,

p.

87.

p. 36.
I,

pp. 121-122; Eustratiades

1.5 which also describes

Laurent

I,

Arsenite

unrest;

Letter

REB 27(1969),

pp. 217-218.

pp. 11-

Regestes n. 1474; V.

'La date du soconde Synode des Blacharnes

de Chypre',

132,4,

Bekkos'

sous GreGoire
encyclical

is lost

n
.
..
.c:

unless it

is,

as V. Laurent

'Lc depositioro

suCGests, in fege:; tcs n. 1474,

MPG141, cc. 949-969,

sua',

For the reasons,

unlikely.

of George xachyreres',

et Andronico Pa.laeoloCis

Michaele

seers

'Notes on the Do

J. Gill

cf.

but this

BZ

6S(1975)9 pp. 299-300.

(42.)

the
in

For the unrest

41,134,4,
n.

op. cit.

Eustratiad.

cf.

capital,

and 136,4,

18-21;

pp.

Letters

es,

pp.. 22-23.

(li3)

Pachymeres

(44)

Compare the tone

of Eustratiades

Letter

145,1+,

pp.

Regestes n. 1475

with

the

1r:tter

130,3,

p. 296;

II,

8Q-89.

pp.

latter

102-103;

Reiicste3 n. 14PL..
(45)

Grog;oras 1, pp. 171-173;

I pp. 64.65,

Eustrat5. ades Letter

(47;

A'.ctochites

(49)

G. A!etochites

1, pp.

four

months with
(49)

Pachyneres
I,

pp.

II,

separate
89-90.

ratiriot,

'Georges

p. 165,

Brief

ati

p.

n.

212.

_41,
1ast6d
ccuncil

six

Fratr.

cf.

above chapter

by V. Laurent,

cc.

LTC 6(paris,

pp.

,' T"heo'cre. lc
23(1953),

1097-08;
1920),

one,
1 exj icon

(Fro iburg-irt-Breisgau,

BuchberCer

Pracdicatoruri
1966),

I,

of Bekkos and his

articles

ed. fl.

Cregcxas

council,

of the, council,

account

'cf.

of the

synopsis

R. J. Loenertz,

8(hthens,

le ": 'tochite',

the

on Bekkos,

und ?:irche,

Archivur

cit.

op.

upon the defense

703-70&;

1487-e8. '

not.

sessions.

For literature

4, cc.

son pere',
J.

I,

G. ; etochites'

Theologie

1960),

V. Laurent

For G. Metochites,

23.

Regestes

n. 14F6.

ReCestes

224-226;

pp.

129;

132;

p.

concentrates

colleagues.

fr

12,

pp.

69-171;

132-168,

n.

173,5,

to G. t; etochites

According

192rv and 193r.

(46)

I,

is in

The document itself

fet7estos no. 1485.

'als.

pp. 11f'=121; P, CbYne 13c-

11-1etochites It

ttetochiite
pp.

1PJ19t!.;

and S. Salavi
cc.

1238-39.

et

lo
For

171.

C. Iioliteniotes

V. Laurent,

cf.

(Fxei, ur -in-? 'reislau,

1930

'I'hco].o ie iind !, irche,

J.exi. kori fr

7, c. 69; -.5. Vailhe,

1930ff),

ETC 3(Pari,

1226-1227.

cc.
,

must have meant that

presence at the council

Athanasios'

For the

to the diptychs.

had been returned

removal,

his name

see above

. 97.
(50)

Spirit

from both

proceeded

'through

the eon.
and

the Son' to express the temporal

in contrast

to the

eternal

Those who

used the phrase

of the Son usually

the participation

for

allowed

the Father

ion. of the Spirit

nis

the

fron

of the Spirit

procession

the Holy

view that

never expounded the Latin

These theologians

Father alone.
(51)

John of Damascus, ^e fiele orthoi. oxa, MPG94, c. PO3B.

Kariateros'

'Priestly

twelfth-century

Panoulia

Choniates

Thesaurus

'Totes

"

earlier
0111,

ed.

68(1975),

299-300,

pp.

of unclear

memory.

This

than

the

council
of the

the surprise

demonstrates-

that

(Pachymeres

it

is

council

recent

Palaiologis
feels

that

account
BeIkos'

Pachyneres
II,

p.

at Bekkos'

to his

of

Euthymios
and ?1ikctas

11).

J.

Gill

of George
Pachymeres
of the

has

council

use of the
places

much

According;

use of the

'system-'.

C:,:H

Cf.

van Dieten),

compendia.

includes

from John of Damascus which

included
19-1362

J. A. J.

from his

sorie .of the material

group

MPG 139 and 11k0 (and in the

on these

et Andronico

misplaced

quotation

works,

on the De Michaele

Pachymeres',

because

orthodoxae,.

more details

p. 219 for

ii,

which

ITTG 11.0, cc,

Do natica,
fides

to the

belonged

compendia

Choniates'

of all

edition

it

As such,

theological

Zigabenos

had been compiled at the direction

Armory'

of Manuel I Komnenos.

And.ronikos

to

quotation

;.a..
(52)

G. Metochites

It

of the quotation

authenticity
published

a tract

de la fin

de XIIIe

(53)

against

Pachymeres II,

pp.

I,

(54)

Gregory

'Un pole-miste

grec

de Georges

oeuvres

to the speeches attributed

C.
by
mentioned

is another

p. 135.
E-n. ad Ablabiu: n, LFG, 1+5, c.

of r?yssa,

immediately

et los

In addition

pp. 90-91.

the

even doubted

138, '157"

to Gregory by PachSmtcres, there

i ietochites

1283,

toschabar,

p. 91.

V. Laurent

Cf.

la vie

siecle,

II,

of John of Damascus and eventually

it.

EO 20(1929),

Noschabar',

in

by Gregory

chartophylax

appointed

Pachymeres

153-159;

pp.

from the

first

and the

other

is

'The one is

133B.

from

through

the first

the immediate one'.

05)

Pachyneres
of faith

II,

Bekko$'

95-99.

Moschabar

it

to Gregory

and presented

V. Laurent,
(56)

pp.

op.

allusion

was read at

of Alexandria,

1L 61CB.

'The Holy

IPPG 98,

c.

through

the Son and (by)

(57)

Pachyneres

(58)

V. Laurent,

II,

pp.

(60)

The expression
(Omolo; ia),
300B.

J.

250;

MIeyendorff

a special

historians

which

fror

proceeding
is

th., Father

revealed'.

synodikon

mention

the

was read which

it

in the Regestes

it.

109-111-

appears
c.

Spirit

but he does not include.

do
the
Byzantine
nor
pp.

and Jerusalem

41,
p. 219 says that. on 14 *!ay 125,
n.

condemned the filioque

II,

Tarasion

ad Sumros Sacerdctes,

God himself

Feast of the Holy Spirit,

Pachyneres

Antioch,

by St.

99-103.

op. cit.

(59).

circulated

Tarasios,

council.

Cf.

incident..

the

following

p. 134.
a letter

concerned

to the Patriarchs
that

n. 52,

cit.

drew up' a profession

quickly

in

Apolo

MPG 14:2,
ia,
,

A. Study

cc.
of

Torjus
266-267;

fidel,

c.

241A;

Do Processione,

Gre? oMV Pajamas

(London,

Confessio,
cc.
1961k),

290,

12.:
x,

it

Yip. 13-14 attributes

to documents dealing

with

the nogotiat-

e6estes

n., 1490;

ions at Plymphaion ' in 1234.

(61)

Tor m, ?Tr, 142 c. 241A.

(62)

Text

'Toraus
fiaei,
of
I,

P7etochites
op. cit.
Laurent,

'Los

Laurent

signed.

J.

Bell-os

I, ibri

been exile

when Gregory's

Pachyneres

II,

refutation

as valid

punishment

for

distortion

of dogma.

(65)

Pachymeres

II,

(66)

Eustratiad. es, Letter

(64. )

1499.

Pachymeres II,

(69)

ustratiades

p. 115.

Cyprii,

clerics

and the

eventually

110 and 41 as the

'
1163-926;
V.
cc.

"nPG 141,

that

iekkos

had not yet

torsos appeared.
Some people

since

the disasters

they

pekkos'

even began to accept

now considered

he had caused

his

rather

censure
than

Eustratiades
217-223;

for

168,5,

pp. 214-215;

Regestes nos. 1494 and

p. 133"
Letter

of Joseph,

Letter

Regestes

2499 4, pp.

152,4,

Regestes

n. 1493.

Eustratiades

Letter

160,1,

On

see n. 18 above.
pp.

ans
1535
1503.

Fachymeres II, '. pp. 56,121;

105-106;

108-109

and Letter

Sykoutres

171 5,

pp.

5P -PP. 120-126.

Regestes n. 1498. Cf. also n. 30

above.
(71)

as

115-116.

pp.

the canonisation

(70)

EO

(67)

(69)

the Emperor

6531 fols.

gr.

V.

des Blachernes',

62,
p. 138, suggests
n.

it.

op.

Anbros,

cf.

of the signatures.

Refutatio

laurent,

to

G.

V. Laurent,

signatories,

bishops and thirty-one

cites

best manuscript
(63)

In addition

111-114;

pp.

du second concile

siCnataires

forty-one

Patriarch,

II,

of the

For a list

p. 219.

pp. 143-149.

26(1927),

233-246;

Pachymeres

169-175;

pp.

41,
n.

?"1PG1112, cc.

pp. 120-121;

Regestes

n. 1501.

12''

(72)

Eustratiadee,

(73)

Mention,

(74)

Synodal

Eustratiades,
list,

1'eglise

J.

his

Letter

Darrouze`s,

3.60,1},

1970),

&bdcxaXoC

works

Regestes nee. 15N,

pp. 12-0-121,

Rechcrches

(Paris,

byzantine

signed

les '0,

sur

To * hIayycX

Letter

to Henry II

scrite

de la

291-292;

of Lusignan,

corresnonriance

136,4,

pp. 22-23;

(77)

Eustratiacies

letter

131,4,

pp. 5-11;

(78)

Eustratiades

(79)

Pachymeres Ti,

letters

to a council,

but

The actual

we know Mark's

ed. A. Papadakis

1937),

125,3'

Letter

pp..

Gregory. of Cyprus,

Confessio,

to the Tnperor,

Pachyieres

II,

forerunners

of Grevory
'Fnkomion

Boissonade

(Pais,

ii
15,
?
ETC
,

Falamas.

pp.

On his

grand,cs crises

religicuses

de Th,'5olepte',

18(1960),

II

his

of Cyprus

'Tleo1epte,

p. 236(fol.

life-and

work,

G.. Falamas

174r);
Cheilas,

N.

cf.

(Louvain,

Defense

45-5k;

vzantine

(Paris,

de Phil. -.del-

metropolite

Le schisse
iccm.,

des

1959), pp. 98-99;

cc. 339-31+1; V. Laurent

. Byzarce.
pp.

report

and an. Un-.

c. 250AB; and-J.

r'ecclirsioloczie

19'x),

later

Anec-1ota Graeca 5, -ed. J. F.

201-213;

in? its

(Paris,

from

was one of the most important

ed. J.. Neyendorff

Gouillard

of the ccnmentary

text

245-246.

cc.

Theoleptos

18c3),

ccn^?ents

p.. P9; J.

?MFG142,

to Theole_tos',

hesycha.stes,

Darrouzes

Regestes nos. 1460 and 1491.

Gmm 16(1975),

MPG 142,

p. 118.

Chounnos

Regestes n. 1476.

views

'Gregory

Report, to the Synod',

published

pile'

mami-

120,129,162,184.

pp. 117-118.

has not survived

1970),

Laurent,

Regestes n. 1522.
Letter

J.

Noschabar

(Brussels,

de Grer*o3.re d.e Chypre

Eustratiades

saintes

de

W. La:rieere, La tradition

(76)

(60)

ixLa

Cf.

oe.

pp. 193-1916; Regestes n. 1497; Eustratiades

Letter

Regestes 1500.

(1281),

p. 532. -Later

1531.

n. 52, PP. 733-134.

op. cit.

(75)

114k, 4, pp. 99-101;

Letter

'Les

antiarsenite

'Unc princesse

I2 11.
byzantine
Introduction
17-20;

R0 29(1930),

au cloitre',
to a Stujy

^.

byzantines

religieuses

XIVe siecle,

2 (Ccnbloux,

Ghellink

methodes de priere

The'olepte

idem.

de Philadelphie'.

Pachymeres II,

(82)

Gregory of Cyprus, Anolo! *ia, L

to riouzalon
directed
so it

interpretation

for

his

inspection

Mark's

must predate

30CB, written

under

is

entirety

Beck pp.

679-6E0.

(83)

Gregoras

I,

( k)

Pachymores

(85)

Gre; cras

I,

p. 178;

(a6)

Gregoras

I,

pp.

b,

antine,

E0 39
do

101-115.

pp.

According

14N2, cc. 251-257.

1931 5,

Letter

works,

supporters

p. 177;
II,

J.
pp.

p.

with

121;

Darrouzes

12,

gr.

II,

Troitskij

Pchymeres

177-17e;

LTG 142,

pp.
pp.

II,

flocuments

PS-89; - `roi. tski j pp.

290L-

cc.

in

The treatise
; Ev-46.

fols.

2581-25Pk

cc.

For
and

120-121.

303-307.

pp.

G. Iletochites

may

Eustratiades,

Cf.

n. 1532.

DTC 10(1929),

Pachyraeres

of Mark

IMZouzalon's remarks

name.

peGestes

were

contents

no mention

De Processione,

in Vat.
of.

Its

and remarks.

the-Patriarch's

preserved

and his

p. 116;

du

ou

inedit

et un discours

commentary.

pp. 101-102;

145,4,

Mouzalon

II,

'Formes

idea.

of Eustratiades,

be the addendum to* Gregory's

its

pp.

Regestes 1502, Gre'gory sent a 'copy of his Apology

at 'Eekkos and his

Letter

REB 5(1947),

pp. 118-119.

to V. Laurent's
PP. 330-335;

dissension:;

du XIVe siecle',

RE"D5(1947),

(81)

pp.

MkanFens Jooerrh de

n Byzantin
'Un lettre

lez

sur

F77-F, 87;

pp.

1964),

a Byzance au debut

spirituel

1951),

d'apres

1-25;

pp.

indite

de Philadelphie',

Theolepte

J. feyendorff,

(London,

Palama^

1275 et 1310',

entre

'Un directeur

idem.,

116-136;

(1940),

of Crerory

'Doux'documents

Salaville

29-60;

pp.

121-122,.
III,

inedits
295-296,

iegestes

p. '23;

n. 1508.

Pachynieres

d'eccl. esola

ie

Both John and Daniel

126.

had been monks of the Ostroidion

early

Monastery during

Cf. Eustratiadec

patriarchate.

Letter

Gregory's

121,3,

p. 288;

Regcstes n. 1464.
(p7)

Eustratiados

bettor

and Letter
Letters

179,5,

pp.

219-220,

Letter

and 1510),

but

he would

345-346;

Re9estes

n. 1506;

. 4,6-347;

Regestes

n. 1509;

Lameere

1085,

the

fol.

261v,

had thoughts
to end the

191 and the

one of the reasons

that

pp.

gr.

to attempt

period

tiades

Vat.
Gregory

respectively.
this

173,4,

of convening

of Laurent,

remarks

to Cheilas

be in Constantinople

(Eustra-

strife
Rggestes

nos.

it.

Perhaps

diel not permit

writing

convened.

when such a council

Lameere Letter

219, Vat.

Gr. 1095 fol.

261v, letter

209..

(p9)

Lameere Letter

220, Vat.

gr.

1035 fol.

261v, letter

210.

(90)

Letter

in the appendix
(91)

Fachyneres

(92)

For this
126;

II,

Re'gestes

Laneere

(94)

Pittakion,

Letter
Lr

of a pittakion,
arcat

byzantin

tigre

(Paris,

Regestes
1288.

reason.
(96)

of this
pp.

translation

English

116,122.
Eustratiades

see especially

Letters

121,

Letter

211.

1464 and 1465.

221, Vat.
142 cc.
see J.

Gr.

1971),

10e5 fols

267-269;

pp.

261v and 262r,

Restes

n. 1513.

'Le Registere

Darrouzes

au XIVe siecle'

n. 1511.

Cyril's

cc.. 245-246;

thesis.

correspondence,

(93)

(95).

MFG 142,

1505

to
make certain
was

(8P)

of John Cheilas,

during.

a council

ecclesiastical

circumstances
for

209 and 210

Letters

tulle

tia.leorrr'

For a definition

synodal

du patri-

lo:
di'
cue et
na-

:
_72-1R1.

Iaurent

predecessor

dates

Cyril's

Arsenios

arrival

was depcsed

in early
for

fall

the same

Cf. n. 30 above.

Fachymeres IT,

pp. 122-123;

PitT. aki on, op. cit.

(.Omologia), ` iipa 142

peste:,
-247-252;
R
cc.
,

n. 90; Conte

n. 1514.

For a

io

127.

of the monastic

description

'L'hictoirc

Ahr, 4eiler
les

entre
(Paris,

of la

(97)

Document,

(93)

Pachymeres. II,

pp.

(99)

Pachynieres II,

pn. 127-128.

cf.

cc.

125E-12CC;

London and Oxford,

Pachymeres

II,

pp. 12P-129.

(101)

Pachymeres

II,

pp.

174r-176v).

It

227-239,

idem.

the document
the session
remarks

occurred

Report,

(104)

ibid.

(105)

Pachymeres
Moschabar

II9

op.

Pachymeres

cit.

pp.

n.

6,

the

The
' Since
p.. 236),

174r,

throne.
89,

_p.

comments,

147-157:

(fol.

'Confessio'

130; Eustratiades

drein up the docunent,

II,

held

1217 fols.

AGain',

pp.

as Patriarch

develop-

But see the

n. 5 for
and Mark's

a
report.

p. 236(174r).

Orthodoxy.
(106)

further

with

Review 21(1976),

of Gregory's

n. 98,

p.

ed.,

GrfRS 16(1975),

the Synod',

236-239,

when he still

Darrouzes

op. cit.,

to

and Mark's ..Report

to Gregory

chronology

(103)

1966)

'Gregory II,

by A. Papadakis,,

Report
pp.

of Cyprus

refers

of J.

different

of =port

Theolo"ical

Greek Grthoaox

mention this

historians

has been edited

II

Theo] o,. y (raiglich

Byzantine

has cone down to us (Cod. Athen.

text

'Gregory

of oikonomia,

129-130.

of Cyprus and an Unpublished

pp.

n. 1516.

eGeste:

East and. T,at in' tter t (Oxford,

none of the Byzantine

report

E'-90"
Pp.

1975),

(100)

ment, flark's

enoires
T?
et

Travaux

For an explanation

n. 50 and J. Meyendorff

(102) Although

do myrne

region

124-127.

D. J. Geanakoplos Byzantine

p. 74,

H.

cf.

n. 123.

p. 91,

!,PG 142,

do la

geographic
turques',

deux occupations

1965),

on Mount Latros,

centre

110-131.

thus

Letter
also

198,5,
recognising

p. 500.
Gregory's

12P.

(107) Nicholas

Mystik: os actually

patriarchal

(Leipzig,

(10E) Pachynerez II,

(109)

Grcgoras

(110)

On Raoulaina

I,

chapter

455.
p.

1970),

six

below.

sur

1es

II,

p. 133 and W. Lamocre La tradition

manugcrite

do Gregoire

(Brussels,

de Chypre

(113) De Processione,
(114) Gregoras I,

1937),

p. 179; Pachyraeres. II,

II,

p.

1314; -Laurent,

two texts

of

the
-

original

without

the

quotation

contain

a'final
solo',

A. Papadak: is,
the

Letter
de la

as an

155,4,
corresDondance

p" 9-

IPC 142, cc. 269-300.

.

copies

comparing

thQ text.

x4a rte 1"'ej*]. 3ce byzantine

Eustratiades,

'ex patre

ed.

p. 133"

cf.

existence

II,

For the use of the autobiography

to the letters,

Pachymeres

rznora

egestes n. 1518.

Paehyreres

Recherchen

introduction

(115)

ccripta

unsigned

p. 178.

Darrouzes,

(Paris,

178-179;

cf..

for

1972), pp. 118-119 for

PP. 132-133;

pp.

(111) Gregor-as I,
J.

Cf. Arethas,

resignations.

L. C. Ile-sterink

(112)

set tho precedent

of the

of St.

tomes of the
text

which

manuscripts

the,

and the amended copy

the

affirms

is

of the

Some copies

thesis

the accusation

of Maryland,

suggests

some thirty-five

John of Damascus.

added to prevent
University

n. 1490,

Restes

of Gregory's

paragraph

extnt

p. 152....

currently

also

of procession
of Latinism.
engdged in

tomos.

?.29.

V.
Gregory
personal

of Cyprus

His insistence
or arrogance

upon its

in particular.

occurred

(1)

Gregory's

a 'dialogue'

attenpted

the Byzantine

Spirit).

in

tradition

and

the. chain
(2)

'est)'.

question

that

the breach

of the truth

that
as ab-

the absoluteness

the procession

of

of the

but

Church,

which

More than

an abstract

the

in

two spheres

issue

the separation

theological

sums up the

of the Spirit

the sole

rather

terminated

of the
fortua
not

'is

of the procession

of events

grew between

that

divergence

to a

controverzy

fron, the fact

threatening

concerning

question

of the procession

he attached

his pponents themselves did not fully.

phenomenon in the history

Last

the

(although

The do,--,
-.raatic

Ortho-

it
because
Byzantium
upset many at

the. 1!est,

with

own

of etubborness

of viezz,

point

his

resignation.

filioque

own representations

solution

position

of importance
(of

its

the Byzantine

understand

itous

and the

between Byzantium and the West resulted

each side came to regard

solute.

importance

problem

intellectual

From the

his

even after

of the

but
of its.

convinced

was not a display

correctness

a denonstration

potriarchatc

Fully

content,

of the pneumatological

solution

Holy

its

Problem

his

only

torsos..

of hic

to defend

but

not

sacrificed

because

tirelfare

he continued

doxy,

The Pnetunatoloaical

problem,
intellectual

of the medipval

Christian

world.
In resmonse to'the
the classical
at

itself.

Constantinople
his

the actual
with

relationship

basis

patristic

which

itself:

apparent

Gregory

Several

between

Christ

a tradition

Because

it

of his

passaes

they

origins

can be cited

and the Holy

Spirit.

his

opponents

were

were unable

to recognise

thought.

The problem

pneu atological

had its

had been obscured.

which

was obscured,

'innovations';

had to deal

Biblical

Gregory of Cyprus drew upon

probten,

tradition,

patristic

scandalised-by

overall

in

the NewaTestament

which

show a close

Of primary

importance

in which Christ

is John: 16: 13-15,

(Xfyre'rai. ) of Mine and shall

is a"rich

there

texts

from St.

As the centuries
of Christ

as 'the

a quotation

same things

said

to be. the Father'"remains

ilore

specifically,

whatever

that

taught

an idea
the
that

later

origin

Godhead in
the concept

speaks

his

developing

calls

the Holy spirit

'ord

ideas

found in
Lx Oeo" Tv 7-ap Lv
position
is

Such

Arius.

His being

on except

gives

unbegotten

of the

(5)

the
of

'double

and

Even so,

Athanasios

only

(6. pXiI)
His

the Father

(that

font

of

of Godhead,

thoughts

on

any idea

have eradicated

procession'

both

is,

and the Son),

the
for

(7)

St Cyril

sources for

of Alexandria

raust be considered

the idea of a double procession.

inn, the doctrine

the-property

Fathers.

'Monarchial

to the Spirit

and the

one origin

Cappadocian

of two origins.

important

!. bile

'the

solely

from

Among the Greek Fathers,

the
not
of
one

is

by the

of the Holy Spirit

he never

says

teacher

the first

of the

aGainst

of the

are said

in these

the Groat's

He has from the U1ord'. (6)

alone

expounded

he advocated

procession
here

the Father
He is

divinity.

has,

in works

to clarify

open to a number of interpretations.

Athanasios

the Spirit

of Christ',

of the Holy spirit

in the life

indirectly

though

writes

Athanasios

the Son's participation

principally

Spirit

as presented

(the litter

exov xat Sid vio"v xccpTlv6). (1 )

stated

Philippians

the Son' (& 'vto)is

'through

Origen and in Gregory Thaunatourgos

concerning

of the Son';

of the Church tried

to the Spirit

respect

The expression

passages.

4: 6 where

(3)

7).

passed, the Fathers

with

to this,

Gospel on the sending; of the Spirit

John's

26,16:

take

Galatians

Romans 8: 9 'the

of Jesus Christ';

by Jesus (14: 6,15:

the role

In addition

unto you .

to as 'the Spirit

is referred

1: 19 'the 'spirit
and again,

show it

crop of other passages to quote:

the Holy Spirit

'He shall

says of the Spirit

against

of the Son

(Tb

2;estorianism,

he

Scov Tov u105).

30.

11.

For 'the firs t t,., ne in t1;A rast,

natipb

xat - o"v).

(P)

former

inriicatinf;

the or? or of origin

equal3. ty

of principle.

Cyril

klexandr!

of

Cyril

(9)

n of being

in error.

of the Trinity

vm6c%acii;

ani

common to a7.1 three.

she Person
Tht only

Father

is

found

accused

of disagreement

type

of the Biblical

others

is

is

the

the Father

which

is

which

etc.

which

is

If

(11)
to

not proper

is

it

and proceeding,

Oc6t
%WmCa
,;

particular,

Spirit).

of origin,

relation

Spirit

begotten,

that

Son, and Holy

of the hypostases
in the

, the

century

in God that

uish
fron

Father,

i. e.

each
the

the relation
then

the sole

as Pseudo-D-onysos

(12)
0

The Father is the principal

source of Gcd!:eal,
of the Father

Father
oly

to distin,;

not the Son or the Holy

of Divinity

says.

torn

personally

(horaoousios)
as one essence

the essence,

to
be
unheCotten,
-

of origin
source

(person)

Pe.r`ons,

characteristic

never

the

yYa_.
non ms 06c"
aI; use of thL two sa

(inliviclually,

himself

and is

' the

signifying

of the fourth

Fathers

can be defined

The . ath. era

persons.

(essence)

This

61; xat Lx

together,

problem of the interpretation

Acchrt?ing to the Cappaiocian

in three

of Kyrrhos

the

(10)
above.

passa;; es listed

'ntructure'

teens

and the latter

Theoaoret

the continuing-

reflected

u:. cs both

usually

'through

('pctcL'

appears in his writings

'from the 'on'

but also

"on'

not only the expression

fron all

Spirit

has

the tern: 'proceeds'

relations

within

in distir.

u? s'-iinu

pre-eternal

'1)irth'

among the Three.

born of none and proceeding

from all

eternity.
an

of unity

eternal

refers

eternity
nut just
procecsion

and

proceeds from the

had two births,

a temporal

so the
Here,

vission.

not to an outward ac-'.!,,),i but to the eternal

t ho Godtihead. (13)
the

from none, the Son is

and tha Spirit

as Christ

He is the

concept

of the. on.

of

A probiere of semantics

'procession'

of tha

Even the Fathers

Spirit

vr: re vary

arises
from
of

here
the

132.

Gregory of I;azIa z,or, says 'You ask that in the proceenion

explanations.
of the Spirit.

to you the physioloCy

then explain

and I shall

of the Spirit,

the Son and the procession

its

In
the
but

madness for

with

stricken

two approaches,

the Father
in its

meant that

'the

Holy

first

but

is

He proceeded

Spirit

proceeds

benevolence
himself,
to

With

as truly

to the-Son

that

the

teach

double

(18)

the

to the Trinity,

the double

same.

from

the

as from the

proceed,

But Augustine
little

'

the'Father:

is

it

although

the

was not

Ambrose

St.

earlier
'essential'

was becoming

theory

of T'azi. ""

not be in with

on as from

Because of'. the

procession

Persons

To contrast

and Gregory

the

fora

procession,

had begun doing

respect

(17)

three

to the Holy Spirit,

He should

so from the Son also.

point

one si. n;le Godhead which

from both,

at-once

(15)

did

of the

fron

be

starting
of the

one nature.
AuGustine

idea

(16).

Trinity.

as its

Trinitariaiiism

the

with

existence

of

(14+)

of Cod'.

consideration

to

of St.

Augustine's

as source

this

Father

on to the

passed

of the generation

the Wont took

the views'

inportant.

essence

Father's

pryin

s of the Father

and both of us shall

the

from Three Persons

Tont
,,

the East

anzos are

into

thought,

Trinitarian

one essence, ` then

these

what is, the unbecottenne

;re first

Tell

approach
widespread

in the West.

It

should not be thought

approach,
that

this

attitude

that

because the East took the 'hypostatic'

by the Fathers.

as preforred

the Three and the Cne be accepted simultaneously

do i conceive

of the One', says Gregory of Nazianzos,

lumined by the sDler. doy of the Three.

than

T am carried

distinctions
na.nely
other

within

the Father,
Two. (20)

back to the

One'.

the Trinity
stood
Thus,

in

'!;
o sooner
'than

I am il-

ITo sooner do I distinguish

(19)

What accounted

was, the fact

the relation

he could

They preferred

say that

that

for

Gregory's

One of the Persons,

of cause (To atTicv)

the Spirit

then

proceeded'

to the
.ror

13.3,
.

From Gregory

or in: trunent.
increasingly

understood

in'the

through

world

the fifth

Lx 7carpb(; alone.
formula

Western

the mission

as 'ex patre
the

Retarding

tenporal

Lx -ca-cpb &I'1) I o

East vas stated

used the -formula

of liaxirnos the Confessor this

end of

the East

while

processwas using
the

of the Spirit,

filioque'

that

while

Eastern

Some earlier

this
in
u'L'o

x -AaTpb xat

By the

the eternal

mission

'ex patre

was once again

came to be '

(21)

filioque'

agent

of the Holy Spirit

describing

the West was already

century,

U'vIo

of the Son.

the Mediation

the Father's

conniderecl

the term

onwards,

as expressirr-

the
Spirit
Holy
of

ion

the Son being

the Son,

through

the Father

instance,

but

the

of

Fathers

had

by the

tine

had long been forgotten.

formula

Through the influence

of

(cause)

al%M

term

ible

for

Furthermore,

this

Damascus.

is

for

writing;
interpreted

Maxipos

the
Son
the
!rake

(ak'a)
cause-

T'ys_s0
ex'

the rather.

Wabto
express
14 ovcCaS).

Pope Martin

according

! axinos hinsblf

the Spirit

does not

Lx o viov %i*lv7apELv EXet).

After
crystallized

defended

'ex'

formula

receive

His

did

Co.
the atria

for

filio-

'ex patre

to Maximost

not

is
wished

to

(cvv^gi
the
essence
of,

used the fcxzaula bc'utov.

(23)

is Lx soD 7.cLTP64Sid o"v

existence

fron

the

(o6x
on

(24)

John of Dnascun, the final

in the formula

forher

the use of

the co-mingling

For John of Damascus, the classical

though
v4o

the

proceeded
that

by saying

Respons-

and John of

Confessor

in which

of the Spirit

to demonstrate

(22)

the

the Holy Spirit

this

for

to 46v-q at%La.

was narrowed

a famous incident

and-the

especially

were reserved

were 1"!
axinos

that

the East

in

prevalent

airCa

airCa

clarification

! here

Pope Martin
que'.

and tpc v

the conception

Gregory of 1azianzoz,

became especially

&vaL'04; atria

the Father.

of St.

clarification

in the East is

Ex p6vov o"v naTPdr..

The only rema.iniz

lVI..

is how & 'vio"v

question
temporal

the

temporal

of the Father alone with

those

Photio

and Uost had attained

Trinitarian

of the Spirit:
in the Jest.

between

it

the

early

theological

By inserting
correctness

regarding

Directly
of the

to

the

to the

the eternal

which

over
over

of personal
the Person
the Holy

the Persons of Fathcr

the wc.
doctrinal

(29)

develornent

Fa thernore,

of scholasticism

became more eyident.

diversity

Spirit

upon its
the Vest

of the Holy Spirit.

and Son and Made the Holy Spirit

With the rise

actually

of Christ

of the Spirit,

procession

to the essence.

was

Church.

the
Persons of the Trinity
the
common
essence
above
Placed
the Persons subordinate

it

to say that

the Creed and insisting

Son
the
Father
a common principle
and
made

filioque'

These two phrases

question

medieval

into

procession

eternal

formulae

disagreement

to this

related

'ex
patre
and

the East

as the disputes

the filioque

and.

of the East

conceptions

of the Trinity.

Church,

ursest

&L'vLo"v

formula

two pne'xlatoloGical

Just

property

What is porplexina

be even morn corrcct

solutions

(28)

in the Trinity.

views
in

iaTpb4:

would

these

two different

had disturbed

two basic

ro;

even John

(2"()

in the theolotay

the rift

represent

brow. ht

p6vou

Perhaps

conflict

the

complete diveri; ence.

were the

split

but

on part-

than Lx to; Lov" of jre'ac.

the Trinitarian

century,

the

Here,

by the Son.

concerning

hire do likewise.

who follow

exposed

(26)

alone

is the hypostatical

no mediation

says nothing

By the mid-ninth

the

from the rather

Xsj$e"cat rather

(, popo),6) of the Spirit

The projection

(25)

the Godhead.

of the Gpirit

mission

the

concerning

on within

proceeds

16: 14 mean. N -to; tpov xa rp

in that

of the

both

T6 tveva 7cpoE'pxcceaL %o"v vto)"

in only

icipates

the spirit

to Photios,

(vooaoycZc

to be interpreted,

iation
and, the med3.

mission

According

is

this

and made
confounded

a link

in the, hest,

This

between
this

AccoI ing to V. Lossky,

1rJ

the principle

the means to explain

provided

relations

2. The First
they

that
the

and Second Persons

together

to a further

relation

rise

give

of the

origin

to the Unity

given

and the

Persons

(31)

upset.

of the Essence
between

equality

is

The result
(the

Sabellianisri

In the Fast,
ity

of the Three

ing

the Son an the Holy Spirit

because

venerated

still

is

consubstantiality
Father,

To denonstrate

century

in
only
connection
not
also

"ith-Lin

rerl rissihle
c1S ^.: i

rut

fr

the

and this

Him (the

the

Persons

Father)

Nature

of the

and the Persons.

to a pair

and the

are

and their

the monarchy

of scales
the

two platforns,

contrary

the use of 6L'v i o gras revived,

the to pora7. nission

tradition

in the first

]n''lovatlcn,

with

", zantiun,

of the Spirit

(or hypostatic)

to the eternal

rcference

St>irit.

Three

divers-

Distinguish

identity.

cc: apared the Trinity

the Father

but

the Personal

Father,

between

is

(32)

In thirteenth

with

maintained

thus

essence).

signify

One with

is

of the

Trinity

essential

the

real

Christian

in one

basis

to the Trinity

By enphasising

represents

needle

0 on and Spirit.

frcm
are

Fhotios

this,

the

in which

they

the

confessed.
is

equilibrium

the

of origin

indicate

also

3. Therefore,

and the Persons

essence

no longer

the relations
but

rather

in

unity

Pre-e; ninenco

than

are nodes of the

persons

its

relations.

the

to the Third.

'iro

of'opposition.
having

the

by thoir.,

are a non-personal

impersonal,

by internal

differentiated

essence,

is

Persons

(30)

detail.

1. that

presupposes:

to the Second and those

the First

opposition,

mutual

it

in' precise

of the Person are to be defined

the basis

forrlin

doubly: procession

is admitted,

'Jhen the double procession

by Thomas Aquinas

set forth

of opposition

of relations

of Byzantine

theoley,

case but. in the second, it

tU

the
.

ti

aching,,,

forau].
a i: re : h: partisans

of

the

procession
this

but
of the

revival

was

had to be condemned
Church.

of union who felt

Those

th3,t

who

I
/ii

that

this

formula was'one of concord,

anc3.-lest concernin,
their

the eternal

VIQW of the Trinity

brinnin;

; rocment bet; een East

(33)

of the" "pirit.

procession

was not comparable to that

But

of the advoraries

in
the East.
of union
The principal

and John Bekkos.

Blemnydes

in the procession

that

the position

of the Holy Spirit,

no difference

Ilore

inportantly,

the sending, of the Spirit

He attempted
identical,

&pXLxv
ov

he made Ud

to his

also

pneumatolo

eternal

ical

in his

Dim to use the

defense

If

this

quotation

(7tpoo)cg

As in his

according

case,

the Godhead.

Thus,

of the Spirit

mission

of Blachernai

to explain

opportunity

writings,

his

under Gregory

entire

are

identical,

Lx and
this

John of Damascus as part

txq. a.vtopcxo"v

ivc4iwcoc).

his

presentation

of the prepositions

the prepositions

&& )6yov

in-

the

the

within

the ultimate

^t.

as to grammar

(35)

procession.

fro:

as well

terms

not only to the temporal

interchangeability

opinion,

bid'wore

(summed up by the
were not

of the Second Council

thought.

Lx and

cause and the Father

of the Spirit

provi1. ea Bekkos with

depen! er upon the

'ince,

the direct

at Byzantium.

error

of. the Church

would"be two processions

The convocation
of Cyprus

on is

his imprison-

during

the prepositions

tradition

procession

applicable

of

teriporal:. y was the hypostatic

of pneur:atological

or xupiwC arTCOV).

to Bekkos, there

but

the

that

cause of the

direct

that

to the

contrary

and expounded

oX

tine culmination

to demonstrate

the principle

(34)

of the 'Father alone.

represented

of the :; on

B1cmnydeo c: t.mined

John Beki_os, who read L1ennydes assiduously

rient,

and adopted

could be di:, tinuish-

of John of Damascus and Brent against

that

property

two tracts

the participation

without

the Son and Spirit.

ed betucen

tho Son' were Ilikenhoros

Blcmmydes wrote

the argz: aent from the vest

Photio

of 'throuch

proponents

(36)

Sc

enabled
of his

"

13'7.

the tirorl 7yooXe; as 'cause',

Explaining

part' in the eternal

in the quotation,

he cave the won an intocral

of the Spirit.

Interchanging

he could then demonstrate

the admissibility

procession

L:x for

&6

of the

filioque.
its

To justify

of the words Lx,

The significance
ion

had more than

of Blachernai

Council

entire

the

as did

one problem

8,

and

the similitude

in the text

further

and the filioque,

which

of Damascus,

of

(37)

the formula

Lx vov To"v 7arp6C had been

used without

that

they

of Damascus.

(3S)

quotation

was appointed

to write
works

pneumatological
knowledge

of the past

The prologue
the

Orthodox

Son is

not

to

to^ios

it,

dilemma,
In

terms,

its

He thus

as indirect

was imof the

the

of

and 2.

of Cyprus

Gregory

tomos and the

displayed

denies

Spirit,

Ber.Izos'

either
claim

cause of the Spirit.

of 3el: kos .

of

a keen

the procession.

two objectives:

he develops his pneu atoloM,

the views

this

1. to define

to expose

the foreign

understood

by everyone.

Gregory addresses the problem of cauality

the cause of the Holy

which follow,

that

the ratriarch

the problem

states

in precise

position

(40)

the Father

condenns

followed

response

the
Comos.

conciliar

which

to the

Inmediately,

Father.

To solve

to

reference

the authenticity

which could be shunned by everyone if

teachings
(39)

the

to accept

refused

cance

Since the time of Photios,

Some, such as Moschabar, were so convinced

practice

cigriifi.

-the

remained a stumbling

memorial

reading

'We. do not say the Spirit

In contrast,

block.

elucidat-

There was no

bLd
still
of

&i'tiio

to contend.

with

1x and. St.6 for,

the statement

proceeds from the Son' aDpeared.

the Second

7tpooXcV(; required

of John of Damascus.

statement

in refuting

difficulty

of Eckkos

condemnation

deparately

the
-

or wich

the Son as direct

the

and

In the eleven anathemas

in succinct

terns

as he

10
..

The core of Gregory's

through

third.

the

the problem

parts

of Damascus'
is

the rather

that

fifth

through

the Son....

has His

being

...

S nirit

through

eternally

way the sun's light

And finally,

he compares
'It

is

the

root

of causality:
the Father

is

to the

of the

the Spirit

the

'Theolerian,

unique
all

that

Gregory
is

the

showed that

source

to pos were confounded

tarticipatefi

these
shines

of the sun's

concept

of manifestation
and the

that

saints
Spirit

and the

if

eternal
through

source;
the son,

of the Spirit

procession,

for

so has the San,

points
by the

is

there

and

some of

this

ExpavcLv)

has,

that

with

of the Son and the Holy

proceeds

rays,

(42)

to uo'.

Church

the

the

denial

except

(43)

Although

'eternal

that

the Son in the

through

Spirit)

personal

the Father

'Those who maintain

The Comforter

the inter,, nediary

nanifestation(aibcov

not
e

(lkl)

and from the Son while

of the

and source

have said

causality'.

Father

the

opinion

of divinity,

eternal.

.....

the

fountain

eternal

the saints

through

who

of some of the Fathers

(6.vabcCxvutac)

Him (the

and communicating

giving

! on,

shines

'Spirit

of the Spirit,

the Son'.

and manifestation.
Himself

and manifests

the revealing

from the Father and from the Son..

the writings

show his shining

writings

with

of John of Damascus

(yavEpwcLC) :

'manifestation'

(7,pXcL) through

originates

)of

the manifestation
(is)

Ire begins

quotation

(-xpo3o), c

the rather,

(by) quoting

this

support

the

the

the Comforter has his procession

that

the

words:

means that

He then explains

is expounded in

of the condemnation.

the Projector

from

thought

pneumatologica1

is

solely

of the Holy Spirit,

by the apparent
They interpreted

Manifestation'.
in the

it

eternal

procession

the hypostasis
those

iho

contradiction
it

refused

to

of the

terra

as meaninT

of the Spirit,

of the

that

that
is,

the
his

sign

Son
actual

3.9.

bc:i.rt, (npdoboc Eit 16 ctvat).

into
coming

of Gregory':

succinctneso

Sinco

to condemn the tomos.

which

been used by the

an 'isolated'

existence,

in relation
Bekkos

to his
var!

attached

felt,

ed his

confir:.

meanings

(4! i.)

manifestation).

Grecory reali. sel that

ion

of his

thcuUht

an expression
God (and)
Bekkos'

eon,

with

proceeds

that

the Spirit

call

the

the Father

thought

concerning

through

Him, these

show that

the
the

origin

the

'The

similar

through

the

through

the

source

root,

of the Spirit
is

poses a

and

names which
from

the Son and

crig5. n of the

on and

(L-6)
r

The Patriarti. h then refutes

prepositions

the Father

one origin,

with

Considering

to conclude:

hin

has his

Father

He begins

VCLr., he then

and other

elucidat-

Greater

who expound about

(45)

from

origin

In his

errors.

serves'.

i, hich'leads

the Spirit

nanifeotation

squabbling.

many peopic

the
Spirit
Son
the
and
of

all

the eternal

EX

the

to sin

ExcavcLC
and a%8LoC

and provided

ai8Los

and answers

that

'the

at

only

he

meanings,

who refused

Bokkos'

mass of words

not mean by this

originator

Sririt'

development

of npoboc

Because they

reveal

of those

demonstrating

what end their

saying

did

can.

this

while

of questions

Fathers,

word.

his argument for

of astonishment

equation

series

ThcSe

was being obscured by semantic

he mentioned

natural

from John of Damascus,

(precession)
7p6o6oc.

(eternal

y',

the

(and that

belief

of

of the Spirit

to

spirit's

tomos but had used it

of the quotation

explanation

as an opportunity

wpoo)EVr., a word

the Holy

in the

definition

cus

of a,abiguity

to denote

Church

and,

terminology

his

had not given

Gregory

tomes) of the sirailituae

'Anolo,

they felt

presentation,

Pokkos seized the accusation

ambiguous.

lull

Due to t ho sobriety

by calling

one word by another

is

it

Le',ckos' concept of the sini. litude

a rh

so ridicutcus

orical
that

trick
not

-";

he replacement

even school

children

of
of

140.

or the simple
(47)

it'

Using

for

his
in

Gregory

concept

at

'The ancient

142

the Holy

258D

tinned...
that

it

is

that

through

to

clearly

all

from God" (I
the fact

the Spirit

that

the Son'

Him 'of

ryssa),

(Gal.

speaking
he writes:

Hypostasis

makes known the Spirit

forth

from unbegotten

Son through
following
Begotten
B

is

of

In

'The Son,

light

found:

'The Holy

nor is

lie between

Equally,

in

his

Himself

is

the letter

affirmed

He does not
to Ablabios,

Gregory

brother

essence

and
Himself

and with

shining

Begotten,

Only.

not

is

that

the

epistles,

the

before

the Only

the Son and the Father.

Christ,

dis-

fourth

the Father,

canonical

Spirit

to

the Son by calling

between

as the Sole

And in

only

to his

from

the

from

has clearly

through

through

simply

which

the Spirit

a letter

who proceeds

(ccpc 'vat

from God, the Apostle

Apostle)

the difference

Himself..

from God and through

.

4: 6).

say)

and I am going

is

has appeared

all

says in'the

Basil

He (the

con-

manifested

possesses

"We have received

2: 12).

these

the Son but not

through

'The Spirit

saying
Cor.

terms

said

(they

goes forth

Spirit

what St.

Antirrhetics:

states,

is

You want proof

confess.
Here is

you.

of his

course

(of

which

as they
it

give

-KjxnEjv)

the Holy

so rich

one of

not

Son but

the

or shining

is

by the Spitit,

)
and similar
(o-Bai

manifestation

existence

extensively:

(nEnvcY41)

has appeared

his

Father

through

by defending

His defense

enlightened

the Son, He shines

made known

(His)

the Son.

the Son, but

through

If

the matter

of

must be quoted

He proceeds

(aYEPovo'Qat)

'indicate

the heart

Church Fathers,

Spirit

convenient

(48)

through

that

sources

I4PG

259A

arrives

of manifestation

patristic

is

of

the truth.

he

than of-theology,
more than-a

as nothing

by

be fooled

would

of grammar rather

juggling

semantic

the distortion

Finally,

the Greek language

speaking

the language

Bekkos'

exposes
tool

folk

exist

If

at all.

the
"in

not
'

twenty-

141.

twenty-sixth
(St.

and thirty-sixth

Basil)

in

terms

books against

of his

second chapter

on the level

of relationship

and has the cause of existence

259D
260A

And here is

......

Athanasios.

also

revelation

of

And in

another

these,

the Son is

eternally

of Meletios

(Paul)
and

impossible
of

for

in

his

the Spirit
and not
there

given

lie had not

is

nating

life

energy

and gift,

which

as is

confessed

by all,

Father

and is

this?

He says in his

Spirit,

poured

the Son. '

ascribe

must be one,

sent

perfect,

is

forth

And again

vio

out

he says,

In

from

the

through

second,

Himself

and illumi-

sanctifying

from

from

being

His

the Father

the Word of

God the

Father

only

say of all
the Holy
through

or

since,

the

'To whom do you

To God the Father

One
Since

the one Spirit.

'You speak of

inquiring,

been

the glory

the Father

And what does Cyril

to Ermeia,

naturally

the Holy Spirit?

'

in

the Son is

only

the

in his
have

would

and complete,

He shines

work

)"

to proceed

said

and given.

'It

from

(trap )

Word,

the hypocrisy

of

participation

from many but

one Son and living

on the other,

gone forth

from

and sent

many, neither

' Again

o \rro

exposure

to receive

Spirit

the essence

from

the first,

ov
(
Zs
EK
the
Son
(?c-o^ o
i npooSu
"
B

the von. '

the Son

; iiw5 FKtt

in
-

writes

if

having

Holy

unbegotten,

of Samosata and,

the Spirit

the Trinity

is

sent

on the one hand,

to Serapion

in a perfect

and the Spirit

Athanasios,

letter

Spirit,

the Son to the adopted.

'The Father

....

the

expounding

to men through

believe

the Father,

of

all

says and

'And one Holy

says,

'I

place,

place,

begotten
of

The first

from God through

supplied
in

Thaumatourgos

the faith

another

the God of

what Gregory
of

to the Son

the imcreated

of

from

from God and appearing

existence

is joined

the

book, he

of that

chapters

'The Holy Spirit

says,

as in

&uiomios

to

142.
the Son? Or to each of them partially
One, (being)

He is
account
260C

the identity

of

).

'r5 ougag

the Father
(the

His

261A

Him and in

from

Father

Apostle

ire (Christ)

sun,
ray,

the radiance

shared

the source

by us....

is
'....

(Pseudo-Dionysios)
source

and cause of

given

It

the work

the Holy

are from
Through

the

the

us and is

'On the Divine

Names',

'The Father
the

OS) of

Father

the Spirit.

"

the

illuminates

the Son and Spirit,

(fioao).

of Christ..

"Receive

and radiance.

us.

as the

to us through

and radiance

says the following:

one Son and the Projector

the Son

the Son for

and given

(CLKTl5)

of light

In

from

to the disciples,

said

He

the

of

have the Spirit

manifested

)"

EKjTC)f*uTw

'We say that

is

of

even

the Father,

d-ev rpZ s

the Spirit):

as the ray

He is

from

also

say the Spirit

He is

that

" just

Spirit,

(d

anyone does not

says "If

We confess
Son for

Spirit,

we name Him the Spirit

although

principle

and we name Him the Spirit

but we do not

from

John of Damascus says is

proceeding

the Father

'

being

cause'and

as regards

(and concerning

..........
is

but

is

he (Maximos

Prayer,

the Father,

with

Holy

same

'The Son and the Holy

this:

And what St.

begotten

not

Him .......

'the

the

Him and going

through

the Lord's

from

Spirit

the Father

essentially

He says

clearer.

the Holy

that

with

Him naturally

being).

And in

essence

expressed

coexist

)"

of r(V

St.

of

the Son and is

one in

of

YtT 4,

(Ttpoetcrt)

) through

believe

on

rauT'

goes forth

ee-rjy

to the Son but

the Confessor)

(of

Spirit

the-Son

on the Gospel

commentary

'JA'e firmly

interpretations

Spirit

essence

(iiov
own

Son's)

,
of
(7rpiv ) from

In his

of

(St .iv

He comes (ep)ccia1

yet

alien

forth

through

the Holy

work he says,
not

the Father

And in his

'Although

John,

from

and to both since

he

is

the

of

the
The Pon

143.
is

Word, Wisdom, and Stro

image of
Spirit

the Father

from

proceeds
the Spirit.
262A

through

the Father.
And He is

Him from

He is

projected

('i

He is

from

not

Father's

Father)

from

not

He is

God the Father,

the Son since
creation

from'the

the

of

sun is

But he is
them (Bekkos

and the

same as existence

'Italians')

'For
(is

nc 4).......

the tomos (when we mean) manifestation'.

etymology

of

the

two words,

the Godhead:

Gregory

the

of

) accompanies

light.

shining
' (49)
by
the

say existence

Examining
that

Gregory

'The passage

preferred

we do not

demonstrates

of

to

enabled

(EKtcyo-15) deans

(50)

of

the Spirit

the way light

ray of

this

Therefore

of

the Father

the participation

the Spirit

the assertion

that)

He (the

called

implies

which

the

xEevr7 """""

Him. '

from

of

(the

breath

is

and communicated

the Son in

and shown through

of His

the Spirit)

(1if o'o &s LA's r6 Ei vat

through

to clarify:

(is

and

the Son, but

io

Kcil

Spirit

manifested

within

the Father

the Spirit

emitted
careful

actions

yr

from Him and is

mission

hypostatically

the offspring

The Holy

existence

temporal

born hypostatically,

the Son; for

of

quotations

one God the

And the Spirit

The Son is
Him.

is

cause. '

the breath

AVojt

the Begetter

having

not

from

being

the manifestation

out

He proceeds

us there

were,

(nvp'

Him He is

simultaneous
into

as it

without

the sense

and through

the Father

the Word.

mine of patristic

to distinguish

in

through

the Son in more than

the Spirit

proceeding

He is,

he

the sole

The Spirit,

as He proceeds

although

rich

from

is

The Word is

anyone.

begotten

the Father

Spirit.

from

since

in

sense that

'For

and poured
is

the

he says,

proclaiming

Father

since

is

the Son.

released

is

),

oPqta.

The unbegotten

This

Him, but in

the

motion

the Son, not

of

for

in

the

Son of

the Father

of

can be set

the Spirit

the Son.

mouth,

is

1that

Nothing

and His Word and His

therefore

but not-the

the Spirit

Jordanis)

the reflection,

the Father

the Father;

(to

the letter

Father

of

is

(He proceeds)'from

that

In

and from

the
Holy
Spirit
-

the figure,

gth,

the

no literate

144.
individual

could

understand

(from`utt"Xw,

vita11I5

Now that
the Son, it

He concludes

266C

'Clearly,

for

who are in

But He is

as is

distinctive
from

never
then

if

sent

second,

is

in his

guide
of

(the

used the illustration

of

sun,

ray,

which

Him

the Paraclete

if

was

as you know,
with-

through

the Son: for

this

to Him who is

that
the

us,

was

Holy

Spirit

essence

of

as is

as-far

Trinity,

us upwards,

so far

blessed

nature:

Trinity's)
sun,

effulgence,

Do you think

the Father.
possible,
and by
as they

can,

the first

and light;
then,

(and

eternal

And this
'the

and invisible

and radiance.

among the

He was never

the Son from

of

also

say that

teaching

and lead

then,

He appears

that

the fact

and

distinguish

be) non-eternal.

the incomprehensible
they

never

He is

of Nyasa,

distinctive

and John of Damascus give

this,

If

Gregory

Hence,

you will

through

eternally

4ne1

Himself

that

characteristics,

cannot

to an understanding
these

the Son.

by Thaumaturgos

shines

follows

the Spirit

of appearing

characteristic

an image of
means of

Him. '
of

that

(E

the Father.

from

and the Son, mentions

a characteristic

Athanasios

through

the characteristic

and given

the Son, from whom Ile is

with

you are sensible,

clarifed

(CK4a. iveYa%),

to you (it

tnrough

Him, by which

'makes known through

His distinctive

without

so this

of

Basil,

familiar

forth

and shines

the

) eternally.

characteristics

the Father

con-

de force':

through

and sent

(XOPq&c? Tat ),

who proceeds

eternally

through

'tour

to receive

state

imparted.

ova,

the Spirit

made known)

is

),

made known eternally

separated,

is

a fit

given

manifested

(4avG?

revealed

Himself

He is

as

of the

nature

a theological

imparted,

'The Son, ' says St.

with

out

is

the eternal

with

(grotmeAe-rat

(&[OT6.1 )"

267A

'Apology'

the Spirit

sent

and is

Him to define

the

Son to those

....

to appear)
,

Gregory had defended the idea. of manifestation

cept.

(from4aivw

(51)

to exist).

remained

He is

cx.4avo-t5

that

the
they

"

145.
held that

the light

effulgence

and the

light

or are

do not

the sense that

do you say then

a temporal

eternally

'not
but

and always
and is

eternally,

through

if

the Son, also

the fact

of

that

admits

He is

that

He is

the Son

of

Spirit

the Son

of

He is

He is

the Son, then He who says that

the Son by virtue

the Son"

eternally?

the Son" because

to be "of

said

"of

and not

is

the Spirit

the Son -

the Spirit

He is

at all;

the

"of

from

He is

that

to time

time

effulgence
is

He has His existence

sense and from

say:

(the

it

the Spirit

the Spirit

(the

when it

occasions

that

the

always through

through

go out

concerning

I know you will

fested

there

And so when you hear

Son" - in

267&-

ray,

and radiance)

and ray)?

in

go forth

and radiance

Spirit

of

through

manifested

through

eternally

manifested

mani-

the Son. '

Gregory's
al

doctrine

reinstate

at Byzantium
cI'%o

to the world,
he kept

brought

position

the

in

temporal

but he gave it
'monarchy'

of

theology,

he preserved

Trinitarian

thought.

that

Gregory

and it

as its

(light).
t
or
5

(52)

of light,

is
at

arrives

i
the verb('aNw

Son-rays

which

is

of

root,
Drawing

Holy

these

'Apology'

the concept

of

are

still

temporal

words

light

filled

eternal
with

allulight

of

Since E"rtQvo-I5 had

bore close

given

of

the radiance

'manifestation'.

upon the metaphor

Spirit-the

is

a
SiviCU

the key to an understanding

term

Byzantine

in

the Spirit
but His

Bekkos'

in

was inherent

the filioque)
are

through.
the

of

this,

the scholastic

the hypostases

procession

mission

doing

By denying

intact.

Both the tomos and the

manifestation.
sions

manifestation

of light

The concept

to light

den
denying
n

the Spirit's
While

he

did

Not only

significance.

the distinctness
The eternal

and eternal

including

of opposition

'
(thus
K tCOVOU'rou RaTf pS
mission

sense;

the Father

of

the relations

principle

of Photios.

eternal

of pneuratologic-

clarification

time

the

since

its

the first

of

relation
the

to

the word. #, 05

(Father-sun,
sun

by the sun)

which

had

146.
become common in Eastern
the light

becomes more than

Gregory.

Through

light,

'The Comforter.....
light

sun's

us and is

this

ceive

light,

through

and sent

given
receive

Him.....

Gregory

never

is,

' (St.

Spirit
not

elaborates
this

who proceeds

light.

to receive
gone forth.

of

with

His

wither
his

Following

it,

is

of

extra'

Gregory

fully

in

his

composition

'Concerning

(59)

In

it,

he was able

to construct

without
existence
earlier

of

the Trinity,

writings,

of

dealt

than

less

the Divine

are

and hypostases)

the radiance
difficult

of

the

to

with

this

problem

the Procession

of

the Holy

a-more

patriarchate.

Gregory

the Spirit's

(57)

or hypostases.

essence

of his

if. He had

Athanasios)

(essence
in

'The

the

for

nothing

of

of God yet

a property

resignation,

the pressures

two planes

light

unbegotten

the Trinity

signifies

the Trinity

the Trinity-'ad
Light

shining

from

the Son. ' (St.

theology

Through

sources

he has used:

of

' (55)

eternally.

what this

'Apology'

the glory

through

existence

(58)
God.
of

identify

in

to

state

have been impossible

would

in Gregory's

itself.

and the existence

Glory

'It

the Father

the Father

the self

recognised:

from

participation

from

Light

with

(56)

of light

the Divine

the patristic

in a fit

per-

imparted,

is

and revealed

shines,

the tomos or the

singly

Basil)

The concept

in

It

man does not

the Spirit

who are

giving

John of

us.

given

Even if

'Clearly,

manifested,

rays,

And as St.
is

radiance

the Son to those

the way the

the sun's

of

by us. ' (54)

shines:

But He is

but he ihplies

Spirit

still

the

the Spirit:

of

the Son in

to us. ' (53)

Spirit)

sliared

it

through

for

the Trinity

of

the intermediary

the ray,

the Trinity,

of

the manifestation

Himself

Him (the
'Through

Damascus says:
illuminates

we perceive

through

and communicating

the life

a representation

manifests

shines

to express

thought

precise

more
Spirit'.

pneumatology

Beginning

with

reiterates

the view,

precession

solely

the

expressed

from

selfin his

the hypostasis

11i

of the Father

(60)

of the '. on.

effect

that

Father

and exists

but

of the came and unique

to Gregory,

is

of the Son'.

the '_ririt,

this

(which

of this

so it

is

the Father)

had to express

Gregory

(manifestation)

through

the

says,

in the

of

essence

the essence of God

of the

the hypostasis

nor

the

which

is

and not only temporally.

r of Byzantium,

the essence

neither

from

are

theolo

it

Sharing

as Scripture

on shares

:rust be expressed eternally

apophaticisri,

revelation

the

the Holy Spirit

from the Father,

He is',

on for

not

we necessari-

(62)

the Son.

hypostasis

But since

to the apophatic

unknowable

Spirit

by the

sent

essence,

d6uble. procession),

with

his

the

and. ', on are

mentions that

Cyril

tantial

from

(61)

(implyinu
on

consul

'The Spirit

is

when rt.

the Father

it'.

from

also

from the

^pir3 t 7s temporally

According

is

', ince

';! e say in

essentially

c Bence

the con but having

with

procession

essence.

because the Spirit

essence

he can conclude=

His

'naturally'

proceeds

has his

the spirit

According

this,

the essence

posse^ses

fron

that

confess

the Spirit

By confessing

the Holy spirit

of a different
ly

that

showing

whf1c

Because

on manifests.
the Spirit's

eternal

in term

of light

the Son only

and

radiance.
used the self-existence

Having
reference,

'De Processione'

his

he conclOes

of the Trinity

is the '. odium' of the Spirit's

the concepts
of the

from

comnunicated
Citing
energy,

a text
and

Athanasio)

consent

and instead

Athanasios

re clnccc

says, has its

it

shines,

is

of

he rejects

the

concept

by the Son,

the Father,

of ^t.
respl

adopts

the

which
`.'on,

procession

cent . anti given

in

presents
he

writes:

of

of

how light

Drawing upon
a spatial

scheme

rn nj- esi-okioy

the Holy

(63)

Spirit.

the Spirit
IEnergy,

from the Father

from

point

by exvlaininb

manifestation.

anI: ener y,

of resplendence

Trinity

eternal

as his

as the

he

gift,

(St.

because by mutual

the Word who is

close

to

the

1!

Is it

Father.

the Spirit

of the t'ord?

nature?

How is the energy the : arse as the essence which gives

How will

it

found in Scripture?

But where is this

have tho. 3e shown who say that

is

way of the Spirit

yrithout
all

'en3r? i. es'

tnanifestaticn3

in

of

1: 17),

aril

the

the Glory of God) conic from the Father

rp5

and the Spirit

-hen it

p irit

Lhrou; h the

T":.1.O"0 known.

speaks

Spirit

EteD''

-liy,

(cci

these

of the Father

identities

are

expressed

(65)

of Truth'.

of glory'

on are the

rsplend. erccs

the
he
of
speaIm
; rhen

br. i,, htness

as 'the

as 'the

but

this

clarifies

the Truth,
this

Spirit

the Holy

of ', azianzos

1: 2.7)9 the lord

only
ri

in

the Gcdheai

I`oly
the
am!

T_;: por3. lly,

of the Son -

gi: 't

instance,

(Eph.

Tory'

the

(for

demonstrates

scripture

intact

i-rould remain
is

of

existence

the Grace of God) and all

as 'The True,

Trinity

This

marnresfiahn

anr.

instance,

Gregory

the Son.

says the

(ior

fron

forth
Co
and

by the energies

inaccessible

the

and Spirit

Son.
the
of

the rarticiration

essence

transcend
Father

of the

rinn-ir". entity

And what truth

Athanasios

St.

that

and

(64)
'
and resp]. endences?

between

ziiichas

hypostases

;h the ivin

God, tho

How is it

Made by energies

disti::

Gregory

Here,

the gift

is participablo

the Diving

themselven aid the resplendence?

enhypostasised

are wo, who receive

and caught in the essence?

participating

resplenrlence,

be the Son

the greater

And-if

in energy,

Paraclute
the
of
essence

you define

And Whomwill

themselves but by the Father?

not by cause through

joined
they
are
since

energy?

what do you

that,

Could it

of the Holy Sprit?

as the cause and principle

it

to

Because the 'reason

Besides all

Cause? But what of the Son?

is?

a,y the Father

is energy?

it

with that.

is
incompatible
the
energy
of

Althot

if

be, itc, proper hypostasis

tho

How will

How are they ono with regard

with the donor?

ba consubstantial

frost tha

has procession

because I,a is the energy and the gift

Father
gift

reason that

this

for

'the
as

rather

glory'

(Helb.

of His
(I

Peter

of the

is "m arifested

4: 14).
Father

threu<<Z

the

i9.

shining

of his c;1ory,

receive

it.

this

(66)

ithich occurs even if

Light

Divine

in itself

Art hon and throuZh

mariife

has been manifested

the Holy Spirit

Light,

to

ran doer not exiit

as have the

eternally

the
Trinity.
Persons
Tiro
of
other

the Father

alone

Gregory

His

eternal

and 'essence'.

radiance

Cy pru3' theology

of the

By .

the Son.

ma, ni--

in the Divine

or i alarias whose own system

It

clarifying

The resplendence

proceod-

(or rianifestaton)

participated

He was a precursor

the
distinction,
use
of
make

would

procession

how man himsel'A

shored

through synergy.

Life

fron

of the Spirit

the Glory,; and Graco of God through

showinG forth
fcgi-aito

is

and , wul, n1'kI5atkeyn

essence

the eternal

how different

demonstrates
ins; fror

between

distinction

Gregory's

'energy'.

terms

by the

of God in Gregory

Glory

would boeore the 'uncreatci

of

of Palamas'

light'

thou;ht. (67)
*at"x-*

"Roth the party

from

Both resulted

Cyprus.
%'
le(i

to the soma-.}tic

Following
also

to. the

footnotes

unfortunate

turn,

of , Soschabar and the

attack

attacked

the

word.

had nac'e 7'popoacvS a synonym for

but

non'-, I'ark

Urrote his

This

the

Unlike

spoke of the

in

Gregory

Eekkos, they felt

between 7tpoobot

he also

which

patriarchate.

that

Group charged

of

of 'A"".
oschabar

the party

(orig-inator).
meant Ut-CLOC.

commentary,

torsos,

ended Gregory's

expavcLc.

the difference

he denied npopoAcb

that

which

of

on the word 7yopoaev ;,

use of the

Gregory had establIshed

reading

squabbling

of Gregory

thought

pneunatological
inaccurate

of 2'.ark provide.

commentary

and excpavcLC
(6f_)

When the

similitude

of

(69)
exgavcLC.
l.
7cpopoXc an.
Bekitos, 2ioschabar's
distinction
because

they

group,

and ! Rark..hari not und.c stood

between Lx?topeccc (_r,

roccosion)
were unable

to ace that

the

Gregory's

(rianifestation)
Expavcis
and

two acticn3

arc. relates.

and

10.

occur simultaneously.

trouble
the
have
taken
to
seem

Gregory's

simultaneously,
to

of GreCory'y

context

its
him.

joined

of Yyzikos

ary.

his enemies were quick to use this

Moschabar's

commentary confirmed
them to attack

how confused
than

lexicon

the semantic

for
synomyms
Gregory's
`"ark's

txnpcvc.
formal

foolish

complaint
late

(72)

interpretation,

and. those

of the rionk,

fession',

Gregory

non-professional'

it

he should

this

presents

could
the

ovsrlook:,
,

n;

more like

and

In his

but also

be anathe^atisel.
between

read

'this
that

disavowal

he had riven

of
letter

'the'
process-

But since

the Patriarch's

ha.-? 1y be done.

the error

reveals

cxXc1cL were

and his

said.,

ark

same defense,

he dad not carefully

enabled

Constantinople,

reads

to save the Patriarch.

as

this

(71)

)"

to the Emperor

If,

the

since

the works "of Gregory

to hin,

npopo'

comment-

to the Emperor

letter

had become;

'shadowT
of resemblance'
a
wa-, not

preoccupation,

in

arrived

he not only condemned the bishops

of Mark'-

there

(ark

came too

II,

ion

party,

`v7-ap Lc, ? CLVEPWCLC,excpavcL'C and

to An-.ronikos

a double

His

situation
According

a letter.

cormentary

paper

htenedz.

of the

misgivings.

of Moschabar's

',"lhen Cheilas

argument against

because

principally

the accusations

the Patriarch.

Mark showed that

the

and
Daniel
Ephesos,
of

John Cheilas

party

of words was hei

the battle

than

work and had not corrected

of them haA signed the tomos but with

All

Mark tried

supporter

weakened the Patriarch's-

the monk's

had read

of Philadelphia,

Theoleptos

they occur

of words rather

of Clark dramatically

error,

principal

opponents

he himself

Since

that

remarks.

The commentary
defense.

and even his

meaning by the definitions

his

interpret

l3ecause they could

between the concepts not conceive

lliotinguish

neither

(70)*

to read it.

but few

'Apology'

in his

Gregory had shown this

adding

(73)
that

in his
because

writings'Conof

work of an uncultured
now condemned hihi.

(74)

L"
1

in the tomos, the expression

that

Ile reitorates
signifies

the pan-cage of the Spirit

in beint.

(75)

in eternal

the "on'

illumination

and not

These documents secured the confirmation

but

Patriarch's

Orthodoxy

the concept

of eternal

At Gregory's

did

still

not

his

convince

of the

opponents

which had result-

the semantic squabbling

resignation,

own appearance lefore'

Mark's

this.

Retracting

the Councl at which Theoleptos

presided

in
his corimentary,
he
said
what

he also condemned Gregory's

logy,

the Patriarch

accusing

Obviously, -he still

fusion

the

after
it

decided

Byzantium

not
the

'frozen'

the

challenge,

of the

repeat

the

overwhelming
resignation
ions

which

the source

of

filioque,

theological

The Fourth

of Photios.

making distrust
c sources

formulae.

Despite
to reverse

opposition
anci isolation;

to reco, -nice

his

it

resulted

looked.

system that
hardened

Crusade

for

answers,

this

treni,

it.

'Isis
the

from
, litt

in the rast.
for

solutions

had existed
the Byzantine
Instead

of the West commonplace.

remained

cont: ributicn.

society

theology

Byzantine

The

y of Gregory.

of Lyons but also

had become prevalent

to patrist?.
old

Byzantine

of the Union

'absolute'
an
of

further,

of returning

had engulfed

renunciation

theology

the time

position

which

the pneumatolo;

for

was not prepared

in the context

was so thorohly"confused'that

(77)

from the

only

' (76)'

Emperor
the
by
convened

the passa&e of John of Damascus,

tradtionalism

staunch

prieumato-

This'con-

thought.

Gregory's

by the council

The assembly

to expunge

so much trouble.

since

dramatised

resignation.

supports

and Bekkos of the"same error;

did not understand

was further

of

manifestation.

ec1 from the torsos remained unresolved.

'

'through

most were content

Gregory'of

irrediate
task

Cyprus
reward

of succeeding

to
risked

was
generat--

x52.

Notes - Chapter. Five

(1)

74ia Groek Fast aml. Latin

P. Shormrd,

Pp. 49-51 provide

(2)

V. Lo-.;sky, The ily tical

(London, 1957),

(3)

disagreement.

P" 13"

Oxford Dictionary,

(second edition,

Oratio

Athanttios,

(6)

Athanasios,

IN

(7)

'Athanasios,

Grogory

Contra Arianos,

mc 26, c. 372A; C. B.
and Western Churches

p. 7-

Oratio

Howard, op. cit.

1974), p., 422.

1G 10, a 985; Bock, p. 307.

Howard The Schien Botwoen the Oriental

( London, 1892),

Oxford,

in Joannom, ?.
IPG 14, cc. 128-9.

That tourgos, Exposito fidoi,

(5)

Church, ed. F. L.

of th Christian

Exegoticuo

drigon,

of the Eantorn Church,

Theoloa

Cross and E. A. Livingston

(4)

account of the intellectual

an illuminating

which led to the filioque

milieu

Vest (London, 1959), p. 50.

III

Contra Arianos,

26, c:,, 376ABI G.E.

PG
?

n. 7, pp. 7-8.

Honarchia, 1G 25, C. 216.1-DSG.B. Howard, op. cit..

n. 7, P" 7.
(8)

Cyril

(9)

Op. cit.

n. 3, p. 307.

(10)

J. Gill,

article

of Alexandria,

(Washington,

on the filioque,

literally

in the Trinity

(11)

of Antioch

and to'stress

in opposition'to

insistence
with
approach
V. Lo: sky, The 1.1mtical

The New Catholic

5, p. 913, ' attributes

D. C., 1967),

to the tendency of the school

Scriptures

MPC759 c. 585k; Back p. 307.

Thesaurus,

Encyclopedia

this

controversy

t0 interpret

the distinction

the
of Persons

Alexandria with its more analogic

upon tho unity

of God.

Theology of 4h Eastern

Church (London,

1957), P. 51.
I2

Do divinis
Fcsudo'Dicr, Ysis es..,
op. cit.

n. :i1,, pp. -54-55.

no: inibus

NFG 3 #f o. 64

V. Lola kY,

153.

(13)

X. T. Waro, Tho Orthodox Church (Penguin Books, 1963), p. 220.

(14)

Gregory of t+azianzoo, Thoologica

(Oratio

quinta

'Do Spiritu

31):

j, G 36, c. 141.

oancto',
(]5)

S. I;unciman, Tho GreL%-tChu cri An Captivity

(16)

J. N. D. Klley,

(17)

Augustin,

Earij

Clhristiann

(Cambridge,

(London, 1950),

Croda

1968),. p. 92.
P" 359.

99,1j]? L 38, cc. 595-602;, G.B. Howard op. : cit.,

Honilia

n. 7, P"13.
(18)

Ambrose, Da spiritu

(19)

Gregory of Nazianzos,

MPL 16, c. 731; -H1owardpp. 10-11.

Gregory of IZysca, Quod non aunt tres

Kelley,

MG_ 36, c. 4171 S. Runcina.n,

Sanctum Baptisma,

n. 15, P. 92,

op. cit.
(20)

cancto,

dii,

n. 16, PP. 359-60.

op. cit.

(21)

Beck p. 308.

(22)

Maxipos the Confessor,

Opuscula theologic&,

(23)

Maximos the Confessor,

Quaostionos

(24)

John of Damascus, Do fide

Daraaacus, Homilia

(25)

Beck p. 311.

(26)

Photios',

(27)

Back p. 311.

(28)

V. Lossky,
p.

Vladiir's

672C.
Thalassiura,
-MPG-90; c.
ad

orthodoxa, -Mr, 94, c. 849A; 'John of

in sabbatuu sanctum, ?TG 96, c. 605.

A 1'image

et a la reCsenblance

translation,

Press,

of the 'filioque'

(49)

1PG 91, C. 136B.

Mystag. 2, frPG 102, c. 281A.

71 (English

Photius

MPG45, c. 133; J. N. D.

1974),

pp.

(Paris,

Trane and Likeness

75-76).

problem through

and the Carolinni

V. Lossky, The I;

In the

do Dieu

For a detailed

the minth century,

(Belmont,

Hass.,

1967),

(St.
God
of
presentation

cf.

R. Haugh

1975).

tica1 Theology of the Ea. tern Church (London,

1957), P. 62.
(30)

V., Loosky,

op. - cit.,

n. 28, p. 72; English

cd.. p. 76.

(31)

V. Lossky,

op. cit.,

n. 28, P. 721 English

cd. pp. 76-77...

154.
(32)

Ad Amphilochiuzi,

Photios,

n. 28, p. 76; English

(33)

V. Losal: y, op. cit.,

(34)

B1ennydec often

IPC 101, c. 896; V. Losoky, op. cit.

81,
od. p.
n. 17.
681
English
28,
p.
n.

seems confused concerning

od. P" 73.

terminology

however

510
142
MPG
Proceooiono
c.
of. "Do
(35)

Paohy1ores 1, p. 4811 J. Bekkos, Do unione,

ITPG141, c. 30;
\

Bock p. 316.
(36)

cus, Do-fide

John of D=

orthodoxa,

14PG9; c. 808B= Pachynare

p. 31.

Ix,
(37)

Comparable

to Lx %ov vlo

(38)

Cf.

chapter

(39)

Toraus fidi,

(40)

Ibid.,

c. 236C.

(41)

Ibid.,

c. 240A, and compare with

above,

'Xet

96,
-11PG

605.
c.

n. 52.

MPG142, c. 235B.

(4+2) Ibid.,

c. 240BC.

(43)

c. 241A,

Ibid.,

four,

v7tap
.rv
iv

and compare with

Damascus' remarks above p. 133.

Nazianzos'

remarks

above,

and itPG-36, c.. 252A.

(44)

Pachyroros

(45)

Apologia,

(46)

Ibid.,

cc. 255A, 256CD.

(47)

Ibid.,

c. 2578.

(48)

Ibid.

C. 257BC.

(49)

Ibid.,

262D.

(50)

Ibid.,

265C.

(. 1)'

Ibid.,

cc. 265D-266A.

(52)

Ibid.,

cc. 265D-266A.

(53)

Toraus fides,

(54)

Apologia,

c. -2610.

(55)

Ibid.,

c.

2660.

(56)

Ibid.,

c. 259A.

II1pp.

112-114.

MPG142, c. 251C.

c. 240C.

""

132.
p.

151"

(57)

Ibid.,

(58)

V. iocsky,

c. 260A9
h I! im mect

(En,
87.
lish
p.
Vladimir's

ala

translation,

In the Inarr,o and Likeness

Do. Processione,

(60)

Ibid.,

do Saint Esprit',

latina

(61)

De Processione,

c. 272B.

(62)

Ibid.,

c. 272CD and cf.

(63)

0. Clement, op. cit.

(64)

De Processionc,

'Gr6goiro

3-4(1972),

do Chypro, do 1'ekporeso

41.
pp.

above p. 133 concerning

the essence in the Trinitarian

(65)

(St.
God
of

Mc: 142, cc. 269.300.

cc. 270D-272B; 0. Clement,

thought

the coningling"of

of Maxiwcs the Confessor.

60,
n.
p. -448.

cc. 289D-290A; French translation

n. 60, p. 450.

also cited

1967),

Prens. ' 1971+), p. 91).

(59)

op. cit.,

(Paris,

dc D

reiemblanco

The quotation

in 0. Clenont,

from St. Athanasios

by Gregory in the Apologia,

c. 2601.

Gregory of 1azianzos,

Or. 23, MPG35, c. 1364-A; V. Loseky,

87vEnglish
59,
p.
n.

ed.,

(66)

Gregory implies

(67)

Following

Gregory's

discussion,

pneumatological
previou ly.

views,

the final
Byzantine

contrasts

repeating

The repetition

c. 266C.

of the Do Procession

section

Cf. above, chapter

suggost3 that

(68)

Cf.

(69)

Cf. above, p.

(70)

Apologia,

above,

pp.

four,

this

section

(cc.

Gregory's

290B-

pnourrato-

82.
n.

lo5-106.

108

and the Confcssio,

NPG 142, c. 262D.

not nontioned

and Latin

stich of what Gregory has discussed

300B) may be 'Nouzalon's own remarks concerning

logy.

op. cit.

p. 91.

in the Apologia,

this

was

by the Byzantinq

tTPG14.2, c. 250AB.

Cf. abovo, n. 49.

historians.

This docusient is

1_5.

(71)

J. Choilan,

Letter

to the Erporor

Andronikos

MPG142, o. 245CI

in
the appendix of this
appears

an English

translation

(72)

Pittkion,

TV', 142, c. 268A, C.

(73)

Ibid.,

(74)

Confessio,

(75)

Ibid.,

(76)

A. PapadaI:is

c. 268CDI Confeasio,

thesis.

c. 250D.

cc. 2149D-250A.

c. 250A.
'Gregory

II

of Cyprus And Mark o"Report

Ortt Mox Theolo ica1 Review 21(1976),

(77)

II,

Cf. above, p. 115.

pp. 151,157.

Again',

Grp

/57.

VI.

Gregory's

A Reflection

Letters:

His

of

Intellectual

Milieu

r.

The vast
to

to

and

From the
stratos

in

period,

the

the

time

concept

Attic

tween

transformed

Greek
into

classical

than

the

Second

of

the

letter

usually

showed

the

(b)

This

eyprus

felt

it

write

to
the

had occurred
to

necessary
a letter

in

to

Psellos,
imitation
such

apologise

colloquial

Palaiologan

the

his

the-idea

of

the

Attic
that

when lack

of

tc)

of

Form rather

for

an extent

speech.

the

be-

'mimesis'

rather

of

in

day were

writer.
letters

was completebut

personality

for

a showplace

spread.

to

writer's

by Philo-

aspect.

importance

(a)

this.

a style

the

of

stressed

metamorphosis

From Libanios

a rhetorician.
as eGo.Ttov,

this

and

change

in

important

greater

language'

radical

written

which

most

Byzantine

the

until

speech

pieces

assumed

time,

letters

colloquial

as their

authors

content

rarely

the

and

classical

letters

literary

Sophists

Byzan-

demonstrates

underwent

been

rhetorical

By Gregory's

him

of

a dead

often

on Greek

What had originally

East.

the

instruction

earliest

Cyprus

of

of

and elsewhere.
in

reader

century

revival

'practice

called

the

enables,

thirteenth

the

particular

Gregory

of

correspondence

late

of

Constantinople

at

has been

epistolography
the

in

place

correspondence

world

experience

taking

studies

Gregory's

of

intellectual

the

enter

tium

bulk

as

ability
the

letter

style
Gregory

time

forced

of

I!; i u.

as a true

con:. ider

prolixity

century,

the succintness

away with
by longer

and longer

Gregory's

letters

but

(e.

by it.

instances

of Gregory

thirteenth-century

of late

with regard

Byzantium

text

of Gregory's

serve as an introduction

of patriarchal
Nicholas

of Photios,
presents

examples

recently

classified
private,

official,

the correspondence
be found.

his patriarchate,

I,

(i)

that

inform-

intellectual

life

in them,

do surface

especially

to
been
have
meant
may

because

only

they

to survive'(in

and Athanasios

I),

type

every

Byzantine
literary,

(g')

of letters.

correspondence

of almost

but

also

into

and private-literary

one of the

form

to those

addition

of Byzantine

epistolography

These

because
letter.

four

their

general

letters.

many official

number

Hunger has

categories. t

(h )

of Gregory of Cyprus, ccanples in each category

In
are to

in the palace as protapostolarios

letters.

had to bo written

such an the GrandLogothete

a very format, structure

letter.

and obstrusenecs,

the

autobiography

not

Because of his duties

high officials

fellow

by his

more prolixity

to his collection

importance

have special

few sets

style

to books and bookmen.

The actual

letters

his

favourably

concerning

confused

remain

affectation

contain

Many of

of such an attitude.

upon very

information

of

(, d )

where he does simplify

of Cyprus

wiped

be assuaged

correspondents.

Because of their

'kernels'

but

was all

even modern editors

were not looked

the letters

eleventh

thirst

descendents

the direct

There' are

rhetoricians.

ation,

from his

that

(. f, )

writing

his rhetorical

so involved

such attempts

but

letter

of early

letters

are

By"the

mark of quality.

demands that

Psellos'

One of them is

to

emphasis in epistolo{; rapliy also caused writers

The rhetorical

or Emperor.

and

by Cregory to
T'heze follow

and could be compared to the modern business

The nunibcr of purely

'private'

letteim

in the correspondence

i57b.

ii

deliver

a message or request

letters

which Raoulaina received

letters

category

'if

these letters,

Constant concern for

for

have not written

is shared in a letter

is ill,

health

recurrent

its

friendship

sent
itself

with

at Byzantium,

correspondence

a letter

question

the

a vehicle

to

Likewise,

( n)

This
his

which might be
(o )

became the highest

letter

expressing

the highest
to

In addition

mark of

degree

those

of mutual

many gifts
the

correspondence,

letter

Gregory's

which remains to be posed concerning

First

it

into

a collection

presented

be
bequeathed
to
his
to
legacy
spiritual
a

examining the rhetorical

of all,

according

bulk of Gregory's

he meant it

for

the scrutiny

to the Patriarch,

generations.

that

of the malady

detail

be cherished.

is why he arranged

also seems evident

(m)

of consolation.

of future

After

especially

when they

which Gregory wrote concerning

of correspondents.

became a 'gift'

to his cor-

can comiserate.

as in the Gregory-Raoulaina

letters

The final

friends,

the minutest

through

structure,

rhetorical

on the part

concern

reply

in the

theme in many of

they were a type of therapy

problems;

con-

collection

Gregory writes

the recipient

tho many letters

by a friend's

enhanced
Despite

so that

Purely

"rartialarly

sometime, becomes a commonmotif.

when one of the correspondents

explains

in Gregory's

Friendship,

you are w11, so am I',

(1 )

respondents.

attitude

('j)

nature.

emerges as the great

correspondence,

category

These are usually

syntactical

represented

letters.

are the private-literary

(k)

circle.

of an involved

the largest

Dy far

Raoulaina

this

by the set pieces addressed to the

rhetorical

as discourzes

structed

into

from Gregory fall

are represented

of Gregory's

'speakers'

Some of the

fashion.

a straightforward

to Methodios the monk and John Phakrases.

as do letters
literary

format but

These do not use the General rhetorical

is very small.

children.

it-re(p

corpus of letters,

as a monument to his Attic

style.

it

1SiC'

As such, it

u+aonot ignored,

at Byzantium continued

for

the tradition

of the rhetorical

at Byzantium following

Not only the huge number of letters

Gregory's

Michael Gabras and Matthew of EFhesos testify

chapter

on 1ettorwriting

which Joseph tho Philooophor

'who's who' of late

a veritable

demonstrate

the most important

men of letters

at

Constantinople.

Constantinople

corresponded

(prior

with

of Ephesos

prior

to his

he
patri-

friend.

-a

and a patron

('t
of the

anti-Arsenite

(u)

stylist.
the
-

who also

the Pauline

chartophylax

wrote

Saponopculos

Theodosios
Metropol itan

5.

students,

monk - the author

John Pediwsiros

of Ohrid
4.

George Pachymeres,

the Empire.

included:

at

-rt ot, Sci cXC&EcOaLrove )aor. &n Twv &pXtcp. cv

and an Attic

who lived

to those

Gregory's
and

books to Gregory.
the

of his day while

t: eliteniotes,

throughout

Isaak

Methoaios

tract

3.

In addition

the more proininont

Metropolitan

century

as

('s)

Byzantium.

and ecclesiastics

to his exile),

people

who sent
2.

placed in his

Gregory was in touch with some of

that

such as Constantine

Manuel Holobolos

texts

epistles.

learned

-a

of N'aupaktos

who wrote

(*v')

norA and future

a commentary

on

(w ).

the
erudite
-

of Thessaloniki

whose enkornion

(1

and ""V=soc r; v gi)oc.

an canon law.

John Sta",,-rakios

sui^1iveci.

thirteenth

His"corrtspondents

1.

but also the

of Gregory have been described

of the letters

The recipiente

archate,

such as

handbook. (r )

rhetorical

he taught

to this,

(q )

death.

by individuals

written

letter

deacon anti. chartophylax

to St.

Demetrios

has

av

15 7ci,

6. Theodore

the largest

private

Demetrios-Veaskos-

of

Bithop

He set

city.

to

of

the

(y)

who also

served

as

became Netrppolitan

and later

music

thirteenth

Kyzikoa.

and composer

apoet

of Thessaloniki

reforendario3
that

of bookb in

and became

one of

who acquired

collections

Byzantium

century
rj.

a bibliophile

Skutariotea-

St.

to

verses

Demetrios

(z)

by Stavrakios.
"f

Gregory's

Following
he wrote

letters
his

it

arch,

and

continuing
become

Raoulaina
life

intellectual

herself

Raoulaina's
Pachyineres

name will

was

occupation

sole

obvious.

Both

letters

these

1280's

the

the

during

an important

in

Raoulai--

Theodora

to

classical

constitute

Arsenite,

to

opposed
probably

to

reconciled

at
the

body

group

by allowing

the

nople.

(3)

later'1285),

the
act

A year
body
of

in

in

witness

and merit

a shrine

kindness

Church.

(2)

the
at

cemented

her

Her

light

of

of

Arsenite
further

her

friendship

was

party

this

placated

permitted
of

Gregory

to Constanti-

be brought

own Monastery

Gregory's

(l)

Adramyttion.

support

Gregory

Patriarch

that

people

of

diametrically

moderate

to

of-Arsenios

in

usually

form.

list
of

fact

were

any

the

Council

the

when the

Adramyttion
official

from

a paradoxical

learning

secular

began

in

The Arsenites

erudition.

classical

be recalled

as participants

gives

She was a fervent

This

as Patri-

career

interests

Constantinople

at

his

letters

his

that

fully'claaoical'

more

with
his

we know

attention.

close

place

contrasted

as a churchman

Patriarchate
of

When the

Examining

Gregory's

life

the

is

ratters.

his

of

course

life

seem that

would

however,

na,

ecclesiastical

the

of

most

but

matters

continued.

earlier

theological

with

to

his

of

concern

interests

classical

aspect

promotion

Patriarchate,

the

to

Raoulaina

St.

Andrew.

with

her.

to
(! +)

158.

Born about 1240, nieodora Rnoulaina grau tha daughter of John Kanta-

Atthe

prominent

circles,

(+1258) and John Raoul (+before

carried

in-anti-unionist

and Arsenite

very woll

(6)

interests.

persecuted

ranuzcripto

included

the acquisition
to-other

has left

One of her, own literary

in the ninth

which our-

of manuscript3
libraries.

education.

Theodore,
library

Her rich

Aristoidea

of Aelius

her

verify

of
which

Not only did she concern herself

for

her own library,

the also donated

Among these van a, codex which she

remain.

her,

(10)

neither

An especially

might be answered by euch a discovery

her literary

(8)

a copy of the Orations

materials

probably

of Anna

eompoaitions

century,

ithich have survived

autobiographical

foundation

a number of works'which

to the Great Lavra of Mount Athos.

of manuscripts

that

of that

nobleuronan in the tradition

(9)
in
hand.
her
own
she copied

presented

of the Monastery of

of SS Theophanes Omologetes arxi his brother

iconodules

manuscripts

the.

1284. (7)

Komnene, Theodora Ra.oulaina

with

from

retired

event is not known but it-could

Her re-establishment

As an educated Byzantine

is a vita

Deeply involved

she eventually

activities,

date from the time of. her restoration

dates from approximately

vives

the death of

Even after

'protovestiarissa'.

The year of this

St. "Andrew in Krisei.

scholarly

but b3cause

in these movements when ehe became a nun with

participation

name Kyriake.

(5)

1274).

ohs was

George tiouzalon

protovestiarioi,

the title

Raoul, she still

active

II,

her
birth,
because
of
only
not

to two successive

of, her marriages

of Michael VIII.

and the counin of Andronikos

niece of Michael VIII

in court

the cistor

Palaiologina,

kouzenon and Eirene Eulogia

Despite

the nunbor

her letters

nor any

important

question

would bo where she acquired

].i9.

Raoulaina's
part

Createt

and the 1ant yoar of hin life

of his patriarchato

they corresponded prior

(11)

ly rapport

(12)

at Adrayttion.

All

With these letters

was the last

to hand, Gregory's

place

in this

century

tra, ditions

four.

(17)

Obviously,

promising

for

-nuibrir

of letters

he mistakenly

four

lottery
(15)

Graocus 195, found only

Philol.

One of'theso

had already

been

added only three Hore to Kupas'

of Gregory's

some twenty years.

but he, used

of them completely.

the Vienna codox etas even less

awaited a complete edition

actin

(16)

While Kugeas and Eustratiades

Leyden.

it

The first

Of the eighteen

letters.

using Codex Vindoben5ia

which he edited.

to the monydrion of

of the rauch more complete Vatican=

the manuscript

by Kugeas, so Eustratiades

edited

and the protovestiarissa.

have remained unedited.

he
in
the
Leyden,
found
he
eodax,
edited
which

letters,

tone and content

(13)
welcome.

letters

Ignoring

1280'e

where ho folt

there uoro only eighteen

S. Eustratiades,

havo

a friend-

understandable:

Codex Lugdunensi , graecus 49 instead

(14)
1085.
graecus

as 1284 and, cones

Their

retirement

to examine them was S. Kugeas earlier

four

mother Eireno

becomes clearly

in Constantinople

Most of the twenty-nine

assumed that

of condolence to

date from the late

between the Patriarch,

near St. Andrew in Krisai

Aristine

his

proven that

so the totter

of the other letter3

a close friendship

folloidng

Raoulaina and her sister

of them have been examined.

but only a portion

the fin].

botween Theodora and Gregory immediately

existed

already

the council.

reveal

in a letter

Anne upon tho death of their

returned. to Constantinople,

already

It

during

one document which shows that

This document has been dated as late

from the Patriarch

aftor

tim3.

to this

and har sister

I{aculaina
Eulogia.

is at leant

in 1289, but thero

abdication

with Gregory occurrod

contact

(18)

did their
letters

u3oful

research,

which M. Zhu

ur1nown until

the

scholars

Ile never produced it,

to Raoulaina rcnaired

that

had been
no the
W. Lmmeor3

160.
a definitive

provided

ion ra uscrito

contain

tables

useful
It

the like

Since it

it

which aid in sorting

out the letters

still

data - addresses,

only numerical

at only by consulting

takes into

consideration

all

is not surprising,

come at the end.

distinct

and in Vaticanus

of the correspondence,

manuscript

According

by eleven letters

to various

Using the three letters

group as a point

other

the-Patriarch

continued

of greatest

ecclesiastical

aspect

of Gzegory's

to Constantine
manuscript
a

(20)

216-226).

in the middle

Since the Cheilan

letters

can

group of letters

the second group comes

while

concern hero is to highlight

the prir-ary.

to refine

Their

his Attic

distress.

ecclesiastical

career,

is especially

of Aristeides

is nenticncd

had nn opportunity

very oxistenco
style,

confirms

oven during

an earner
enlightening.

but tho Patriarch

to study

it

classical

patriarchal
(22)

that

the times

As a prolegomenon to this

Akropolites

he has not really

separated.

of the dates of the.

means the first

found in them.

'strain'

two

patriarchate.

these letters,

the classical

into

falls

(Lameere 219-221)

tine

In

to Raoulaina

(Lameere
letters
people

this

this

(19)

and 227-239),

a rough calculation

mid-1288,

at the end of Gregory's

In ox ninin

of Gregory's

graecus 1085, tho oldest

(21)
be
can
made.

to Raoulaina dates from before

later,

the r.,anuscripts

27 of the 29 letters

to John Cheilas

be dated approximately

themselves.

201.207,209-215;

of reference,

two groups of letters

and

the manuscripts

to Lameoro, the material

(Lameore letters

parts

contents,

the bulk of the material.

considering

both Iameero's chronology

in

none of the 247 documents but

There are occasions when he has misplaced

this

does

has proven dependable in most instances.

La.meere'n chronology

letters,

de Chvpre in 1937.

of the letters,

presents

are arrived

of hie Latradit-

editions

work does not offer

manuscript.

the publication

with

do la corresponance do G.r"ec;oiro

this

Although

tool

research

letter

In it,

ntz. tez that

because his

occles3astical

161.

have taken up n,oat of his time.

duties

as Patriarch

to continue

was attempting
to Raoulaina.

his letters

This letter
his classical

Like most Byzantine

surrender

the useful

While trying

to follow

the 'classical

material

come of it

surface,

will

The first

prior

opistolography,

the

they contain
through

strain'

interesting

and much of it

which Gregory expresses his deep concern that. the"best

When writing,

be used when writing.

far

than material

more valuable

on the Patriarch's

part

despite

continuing

demonstrates

ends the work on a note of despair:

of duties,

cause the departure

and the warding off

next three

Gregory's

(24)

letters

In one of than,

Raoulaina.

(25)

of her co=unity.

her a note wishing

a very well
it:

thought-out

letter.

both the expression

are laudable.
reveals

her success and luck.

(28)

Although

(27)

The Patriarch
of thoughts

that Gregory took the time to supervise

of a writer

such as Raoulaina.

(26)

Appropriately

inquiros

writes

Later,

he sends

she sends him

Finally,

of his satisfaction

and the artistic

he iras no longer

he polite-

His concern eventually

a response from her which he acknowledros.

elicits

would
of labours

not being in touch with hin and nnxiounly

and that

and

tor1o but show

have a lens scholarly

her for

of his

books and studios

of troubles'.

ly rprinandn

with

that

wore

reflection

of the perception

of his friendship-with

after

but
the
reality
OL)
OY,

'0h,

style

Gregory

In the next letter,

the departure

the closeness

her health

acquisitions

interests

in the Church breaks his scholarly

predicament

and grief,

(),

possible

This concern with

his rhetorical

that

duties.

ecclesiastical

speaks of the enjoyment of discourses

current

(23)

things.

in

a piece

by the use of

Such beauty draws upon wisdom and learning,

subtleties.

grudging-

prosaic.

style

beauty in attained

to

them, other

to Raoulaina coniiences with

group of letters

Gregory

studies

information

Raoulaina lottern
ly.

confirms; that

teaching,

arrangement
this

the rhetorical

letter
progress

enough, he closed his

162.

the
three
Gregory
Holy
}Iior
blessing
rchs,
names
'hach
a
with
i essag
and John. Chryaostom.

the Groat,

of Aazi.anzos, Basil

these ircrc not only the grec,tcat

Christian

toachera but. the foremost

Christian

rhetoricians.
of tho first

Much of the reminder

of daily

details

group of lottorr.

In ensuing letters,

again and also cone fish

which he ha3 received

With these presentations

of gifts

in one lottery

of his has come into

is poignantly

and support

child'.

Tro other

which the Patriarch

rust

the Gregory-Raoulaina
for

throughout

received

her.

(35)

eras also still

this

this

delicate
(33)

his health.

Despairing

'like

his only

health

prblc

ho complains when

Sometimes the pain he suffered,

(34)

reasserts
It

the classical

of

strain

concerns the sending of books

over the maltreatment

the Patriarch

deterioration,

Asking'har

- Since. Ruoulaina

period.
condition,

I;as very great.

period

friendship

cot of letters.

concern the recurrent

correspondence.

repair.

resulting

just

texts.

letters

from his dropsy,

One other letter'of

their

protoveetiarissiz"
aoulaina's

for

in this

cxprossed

suffered

she does not ask after

to a binder

the
if
asks

port-and

to show

that
a Merchant
mentions

the Patriarch

have been award of Gregory's

especially

Gregory tried

to Raoulaina,

once

(30)
monk.

from another

him, Gregory speaks of her as being

to come and visit

(32)

he sends her fruit

This appreciation

anything. -(31)

requires

prosaic

he is

and announces to Raouluina, that

(29)
her
some.
sending

his appreciation;

contains

In La^oere 207, Gregory has boon given come

life.

melons by a monk from Peraia

friend

For Byzantiner,

tells

of books and

Plaoulaina that

he has

two newly bound books and is sonding both of them to

.

In addition
involved

Although

to his rhetorical

interests,

in th3 search for

awl pra$eriation

the information

books were probably

classical

is not eivcn in this

texts.

'Grcgory as Patriarch
of important

Jettor,

these

163.
In the interim

worsened dramatically.

situation

arch's

meant that

between the two sets of letters,

poriod

he was now completely

The desertion

alone in the battle

(36)

him over the Orthodoxy of his theology.

to deteriorate;

two letters

ly the ongoing Arcenite

disruptions

at him in the hope that

directly
If

to his doctor

the Patriarch

would do this,

To test

agitation.
Monaetery.

(38)

their

Gregory had probably

, _,
for sevoral, roasonsS

-(39)

may have provided

correspondence,

his duties

the titles

of Demosthenes.

Written

the most interesting

to Raoulaina's

complaint

style,
that

harried

an otherwise

in the first,

he

works, of Aristeides

rhotorical

of all

it

reveal furthar

and

of the works are not given by

piece which presents

in a very involved

for

of the Patriarch.

writings

a lengthy

from the increasing

from the Hodegetria,

ho speaks at longth, of their

n3xt letter,

unhindered,

of the second set of the raoulaina

Gregory,

Probably

which

seclusion

use of these facilities

of pleasure

Witten

Although

to

whenever the press of his duties

montions passing along soap books containing

Demosthenes. (40)

to the Hodgetria

as Patriarch

at the Hodegetria

two letter3

possibly

throne.

an a place of 'retirement'

peaceful

scriptorium

concerns on the part

classical

to its

fulfilling

some sraall bit

The first

Patriarch.

wore now aimed

the patriarchal

Gregory retired

which enveloped Constantinople,

controversy

Final-

promised to end their

chosen th Hodegetria

Sheltered

(37)

time of aerii-retiroment.

he could use its-library-and

lightenod.

also continued

of the second group of lottern

In addition

enabled hire to ccntinue

aGainst

this.

in Constantinople

sincerity,

may date from this

Raoulaina

raging

John verify

the Arsenitce

The inception

of John Cheilas

Hin health

he would abdicate

the Patri-

value,

the Raoulaina

letters

much information.

bogino with

fiom of hin lettez

the

especially

Grogory's

is the
(41)=
.

ro poncs

have been i mitten

164.

(! )

in too simple

Reading on, it

contains.

that

slaughter

seems that

the Patriarch

Nonetheless,

of sheep.

Melitas,

Most of the remaining

interesting

as these first

some fruit.

(43)

Later,

letters
two.

of this

he writes

her endeavours.

es his delight

in receiving

more he expects

lengthy

Two very

of these
(48)

health.

is

yet

Giving

Latros,

(46)

it

Two discourses

compositions,

the entire

close

on

of them

all

almost

sequence

and resignation.

another

letter

concerning

the Patriarch's

details

of his

symptoms,

suffers.
Written

Gregory's

prominently

time
(50)

he bewails

In the final
from afar,

describes

letter,

in the list

the Monastery

bad

might

have

to the Monastery
of St.

Paul

on Mount

In his letter

the shabbiness of his present habitation,

and

is

there

of major monasteries
(51)

The

the pain

the letter

a
house attached
at
Since

to

of letters

near the end of Gregory's

must have been a very small foundation.

the Patriarch

express-

them the

of despair

Paul on Mount Latros.

does not figure

the Patriarch

feelings

(49)

of isolation.

been composed during

of St.

epistles

he constantly

difficulties
feeling

among these

and convey his

patriarchate

Another

- the more he receivcs

them.

of fish

upon her and sends beat

Both seem to have been written

Raoulaina.

as

Gregory sends Raoulaina

In one letter,

letters

(42)

(47)

in length.

brief

first

found

do a good job.

has made to him. (44)

(45)

them and relishes

are also

mulberries

has given Raoulaina's

her notes of thanks for gifts

which the protovestiarissa

wishes in all

Gregory

group are not nearly

Once again,

with

the spring

until

who, he assures her, will

in the same vein bestows a blessing

letter

very

Raoulaina has become impatient

be no parchment' available

there will

orders to the scribe

and fruit

stresses

to copy a volume. of Demosthenes for her.

for a scribe

explains

the Patriarch

aside,

importance of the thought or substance which any letter

the primary

waiting

Style

a style.

thereby

165.
that

suggesting
ly.

he was living

Whi1o complaining

riarvelous
establi

the Patriarch

deal,

a great

his voluntary

and dparturo

abdication

year of his life

his death,

Until

pursuits.
Raoulaina

continued

Monastery of

their

also housed her library,

literary

discussions

and

literateur

Gregory remained a classical

interests,

the protoveetiarisaa's

literary

and
even
0

his passing.

included

death,

both Nikephoros

her concerning

had. (52)

Chouinos,

a former

a monk who taught

Planoudes,
Maxipos
and

literary

Raoulaina's

her monastery.

the rebel

cloistered

(53)

by Andronikos, II

she still

limited
more
was much

upon cultural

ongoing theological

life

in late

this
In
up

interests
this

period

(,5+)
.

Despite

in lifo.

century

her

although

affairs,
-

batween Gregory and Raoulaina

thirteenth

and

to Asia Minor to negotiate

than earlier

the vitality

in general

and only this

praioing

Byzantium.

throws
The

from which the pnournatology of Gregory of

criis

Cyprus emerged demonstrates

estate

Gregory

her death in 1300,

once during

in political

had a voice

The re=rI-. ab1o correspondence

eccleniastical

'Until

Philanthropenos.

Tarchaniotes

Alexies

They corresponded

to be her literary

concerns continued

assent

life,

her involverient,

at the Chora.

She did leave Constantinople

(1296) when she

of Grogory of Cyprus

epigrams to Raoula;ina,

Planoudes also wrote three

primary

pupil

circle

in much the same way that

matters

both her and her monastic foundation.

"

from the Patri. archato,

to expand upon her own classical

Following-Gregory's

light

monastic

near Raoulaina'a

lived

where the former Patriarch

they both must have had more time for

with

'the

praises

Since she was close at hand and the monydrion

Andrew in Krises.

of Aristine

with

previous-

thment.

Gregory spent the final

after

still

who may have been in charge of this

elder Elias',

After

St.

to :taoulaina

elsewhere when writing

but all

aspect of cultural

of theological
of Constantinople
life.

thought

and the

seems caught

The concern for

166s
of higher

decent schools

the picture

aspects
these
of

ly the only hint

the Raoulaira

auch texts

style

only through correspondence,

Even when the Ilaotdaina

ful

it

information,

still

'epistolography

Byzantine

element occasionally
The fact
early

that

literary

the Byzantine

xakec her erudition

Kyriako,

classical

purauing

oun private

library

of the Byzantine

Church. for

Byzantium.

research

the unrest

classical

of the Church.

studies

of

literary

her classical

and consulting

- the nun
using her
the Patriarch

While Gregory and

they were also both classicists.

life

of late

of the Areonites,

Lyons,
the
the
by
Union
and
of
revolt
caused
logy,

for

instruction.

rhetorical

in the

continuity

her xonastory,

within

authors,

permeates the cultural

Despite

extraordinary

.`.

only floetingly.

if

the more extraordinary

all

Raoulaina wore both ecclesiastics,

This duality

-oven

The setting

of classical

the human

and formal,

could be so literate

the

tradition.

Although

quality.

in these letters,

use-

no particularly

yields

is stiff

underlines

of

instruction,

rhetorical

a charning

very often

period

the copying of

that

available.

a woman auch as Raoulaina

Palaiologan

activities

and that

eorrespondenco

ourfacon

the quest

the search for, and preservation

vaz still

retains

from

sto s

we know that

continued,

concerned scholars,

still

Practical-

civilisation

From it,

had not ceased, that

texts

classical

if

of an Attic

the perfection

for

drops out of

(35)

the 1280'x.

of Byzantine

(56)

correspondence.

and continuing

in tho 1260'o and 70's,

in the sources for

completely

education,

clacsical

co prominent

research,

classical

lnsrnin&

continued,

thriteenth
the internal

against

not in spite

century

Gregory's

problems
pnewnato-

of the Church but because

Ito6G.,

Chpter
-

Notes

(a)

R. J. H. Jenkins

H. Hunger

Die
1975),

problem,

cf.

J.

H.

cf.

mimesis,
in

Antiquity

Byzantine

(c)

Eustratiades

(d)

Psellos

Letter

(e)

Compare

Eustratiades

'Zur

'On the

the

of

international
For

the

(M ro-ls)

of

295-310.

pp.

Imitation

Literature',

Letter

64,2,

87,

quoted

Geschichte

concept

(1969-70),

DOP 23-24

in

187,5,

the

that
simple

73,3,

Cf.

manuscrite
1937),

below

Letter

Eustratiades,

op.

b,

note

450-1f51

p.

Augustanus

de la

11,12

pp.
Letter

simple

exemplifies"a

187,5,

p.

Raoulaina

450,

we know
his

criticised

163-164.

pp.

P. 113 and W. Lameere La tradition

155,4,

de Gregoire

correspondance

de Chypre

(Brussels,

p. 9-

(h)

H. Hunger,

(i)

Cf.

esp.

op.

cit.

note

Eustratiades,

b,

pp.

Letters

203-206-.

120,125,127-129,132-134,

144', 146,164.
(j)

Letters

Eustratiades
Phakrases
of

Libanios

is

220.

and S. kusas

`iukydideshandschrift

Theodora

protvestiarissa

style.

pp.

cit.

pp. 598-600.

From Eustratiades

letter.

H. Hunger,

Mnchener

Letter

Eustratiades

207-209.

pp.

Letter

der

r19 BZ 16(1907),

(g)

Hunger

survey

byzantinischen

der

conares

1932)

15-38.

pp.

(f)

(Athens,

byz. antines

d'etudes

a general

'Problem

du Me

Byzantiner

der

For

Sykoutrec

Actes

Epistolographie',

Litera-

iyzantine

of

he Literatur

199-201,210.

pp.

also

Origins

+5.

p.

Hochc+rachiic:

(Munich,

of

Hellenistic

DOP 17(1963),

ture',
(b)

'The

Six

not

73 and 102.

a rhetorical

concerning

the

Although

piece,
scarcity

it
of

Letter
still

102

echoes

parchment!

to
a theme

b,
e
11

(k)

(letter

fol.

29v

265r

(Letter
cit.

op.

127),

b,

p.

Eustratiades

(m)

Lameere

Letter

203,

(Letter

195).

"

Cf.

notes

examples

11. Hunger,

that

Gregory's

mentions

two
the

of

gr.

fol.

1035,

g:.,

be noted

Vat.

127,

declamatic
'letter'.

literary

6,14,90,140.

Letters

37-41,

Vat.

also

as prime

(1)

(n)

should

203,

Libanios

to

Lameere

Lr mere 222,

It

213).

note

replies

40,41,91,195;

Letters

Eustratiades

Vat.

1085,

gr.

chapter

258v

foln.

and 259r

three

and notes,

33,34,37

b,

p.

225,

this

p.

113.

48
and

below.
(o)

H. Hunger,

(p)

Eustratiades

(q)

It
I

(r)

Letter

the

not
of

Ed.

G. Fatouros,

(Berlin,
ed.

Ch.

to

a'colloquial'

malen

in

remark

Die

Walz,

Gregory's

Briefe
1973);

von Ephesos
1974);

the correspondence
corpus

of Athanasios
his

cinco

letters

nature.

(Vienna,

1350)

Matthaios

that

successor

are

nach

155,4,

be stressed

should
is

note

context.

general

more

cit.

op.

Joseph

der. Michael

D. 'Reinschi,

ed.

im Codex
the

graeci

'Gregory

II

Die

Vindobonensis

Philosopher,

Rhetores

(new

(ca

Gabras

1290-

Briefe

Theol.

'Rhetorical

edition:

Gr.

des
174

Handbook',

Ossnabruck,

1968)

3,558f.
(s)

A. Papadakis,
to

the

Synod,

of

Cyprus

' GRBS 16,2(1975),

p.

and an Unpublished
225.

Report

I G6 r.

(t}

Eustratiadec

Letter

(u)

Eustratiades

Letters

Eustratiades

Introduction

Methodios

118.

(v)

p.

(w)

87;

I: rumbachgr

(x)

this

is

Beck

566;

63-65,80,86;

Beck

Introduction

'88.
p.

Cf.

ii,

sigillo-

p. 329.

EO 31(1932),

Pachymeres

the

p.
p.

650;

Eustratiades

25 and fl gestoo

mention.
Letter
689,703;

pp.

Eustratiades,
176;

in

Introduction

'logendes

V. Laurent

Letters

Bock

circle

Eustratiades

710;

byzantines',

117-

certain.

not

p.

51 pp.

Gregory's

of

Eustratiades

p.

Letters

Books

Euctratiades
pp.

88-89;

ed.

E.

12,20-23,28,76,77,82,99,106;
Euutratiadea

N. G. Wilson

Byzantine

(z)

p.

part

et fanilles

Eustratiades
,

35;

been

p.

687;

Beck

Sykoutres

graphiquey

1495 for

(y)

Letter

Eustratiades

pp.

84-85;

pp.

but

time

82-83.

(152,171);

73,100,101,

may have

this

at

capital

9 and Introduction

kapp

and

Letter

Introduction

30,58,

Introduction

'Books

and Readers

Bookmen

(Washington,

7;

p.

Beck

703;

Prosoprographisches
(vienna,

1977),

p.

50.

in

88;

Krumbacher

Byzantium',
D. C.

Eustratiades

Lexikon
p.

p.

86.

der

1975),

P"

$"

Introduction

Palaiologenzeit

167.

(1)

Pachyr:eres II,

(2)

Gregoras I,

p. 167; Pachymeren II,

61+;
p.
and ooe above p. 99.

(3)

Gregoras I,

p, 167; Pachymeres II,

84-85
and cf.
pp.

(4)

Gregoras 1, p. 167; Pachymeres II,

(5)

Akropolites

p. 59 and cf.

pp. 118,124;

I,

biographical

pp. 85-86.

on Raoulaina,

S. Facsoulakis,
no 11,

1973),

dor Dfnchoner Thukydides-

DZ 16(1907),

F',

Au,ustanun

of,

(Athena,

of_Raoul-Ral(1)e

'Zur
Geschichte
bugeas
S.
25-27;
pp.

p. 1671 Pachyrneres I,

Gregoras I,

notices

Family

The Byzantine

handschrift

above p. 100.

108.

PP. 23-24,62,
For full

above p. 98.

pp. X88-609; and D. H.

Nicol The Byzantine Fariily of Kantakouzenos (Washington D.C.,.

1968), pp. 16-19.

(6)

Her tonsure

is not mentioned by any of the Byzantine

but is known from a note on a nanuscript

430F.
(7)

historians

Cf. Y"ugeas, op. cit.,

n. 5.
r
pp. 28 and 31 assumes that the dato is probably

Janin,

not after

It
1.284.
estate

nonastic
Arsenios'

seems that

at the time of Adramyttion

however, ehe asks that

Krises,

her foundation.

boforo

had not yet entered

Raoulaina

(1284).

body to Co:istantinople

lion. gr.

of Thucydidea,

and the return

(1285),

A year later

body be removed to St. Andrew in

Arsenios'
Evidently,

Ed. A. Papadopouloo-Koxweus,

tho. restoration

had been

'Avaexta

`IcpocoavcrLxT-j,

4, Pp. 185-223 and 5, pp. 397-399: S. Kugean, op. cit.

(9}

(10)

Vat.

g. 1899, mention in Kugeas, op. cit.

Nicol,

op. cit.

n. 5, p. 17.

Paris.

Coiylin.

128 mentions

script;

Fassoulakis,

op. cit.,

the

of

completed between these two events and perhaps her tonsure

(8)

and

Raoulaina

as we7.1.

c%axvoaoyL,

n. 5, P. 593.

n. 5, p. 594 and

as the donor of the manu-

n. 5, p. 26.

a;a. ..
(11)

Eustratiades

(12)

Cf. V. Laurent

158, ti, pp. 116-118;

Latter

Michel VIII

'La date do la mort d'Irone

1^B 27(1969),

Paleologue',

*I, pp.

177-178;

(13)

Gregor=-

(14)

S. Y"ugeas 'Zur Geschichte

(15)

of Gregory,

G. Fatouros. 'Textkritische
Kyprios,

des Gregorios

but offers

di

pp. 109-116,

12-13(1975-76),

in manuscript

'Rivinta

only textual

criticism

edition,

Thesearei-`
gr.

1085,

let.

184

gr.

1085,

let.

197

Vat.

gr.

1085i

Let.

227

Vat.

gr.

1085,

let.

215

Lug.

gr. '49,

letter

158-Lameere

Lug.

'49,
gr.

letter

196-Lameere'211,

Vat.

4+9, letter

208-Lameere214,

49;

209-Lameere

Lug.

gr.

Lug. 'gr.

(-Estratiades
(16)

p.

Even the most recont

e Peoellenici,

of Eustratiades'

133. '

pp. 595-600.

Beobachtungen zu den Briefen

the letters

la soeur do

der Miinchener Thukydideshandschrift

work to examine the letters

Studi. *Bizantini

Eulogie,

pp. 209-213.

II,

Pachymeres

BZ 16(1907),

Augustanus F',

ignores

Iiegestes 1477.

hebe

letter

201,

228,

Vat.

187)

Letter

arcs-

pp.

158,3,

Eustratiades

Letter

Eustratiades

Letters

187-189,5,

I71

116-118-Lameere

450-451.
/489-1+90-Lameere
228,
PP.

235,236.
(17)

Laneere 228=Eustratiade3,187"Lug.
letter

209-Vat.

Cr. 1085,

215.

(18)' Kugeas, op. cit.,

(19)

gr.

49 letter

Lameer6 lists
Lusignan)

n. -14, p." 595, n" 3.

242 letters(nat

and five

time of Gregory's

counting

the letter

to Henry IT. of

documents which he acs igns to the

accessory

Some of these have been placed

abdication.

arbitrarily

nos.
241 and 242 which do not contain
such as

information

to be fitted

placement is the so-called

into

the chronology.

'Abdication

enough

One important

Document A' (tut.

min-

Cod'. gr.

169.

82 folg.

192rv and 193r).

Patriarch's

abdication

all. clerics

ordained

by BoIkos (January,

instance

documents. Cf. for

1285).

Laurent

also

Regestes n. 1505.

letters,

Of the two remaining

(Eustratiades
codex

but is the document in which he suspends

as to where Lamero has placed contain

has some misgivings

(20)

This dates not from the time of the

one is found earlier

in the Vatican

158, Lameore 171) and the other

from the codox but available.

is missing

82, letter

in Mut. Cod. gr.

193

(Lameero 208).
(21)

It

should be noted that

but only places

letters,

of.

Lameero assigns

then in a chronological

no dates tothe

For the Cheilas

sequence..

above, pages 110-111.

169,. 5, pp. 215-216;

(22)

Eustratiades

(23)

Lameere 201, ed. Kugeas op. cit.

(24)

Leere

(25)

Lameere 203, Vat,

gr.

1085, fols

258v and 259r,

(26)

L=eere

204, Vat.

gr.

1085, fol.

259rv,

(27)

Lasaeero 205, Vat.

gr.

1085, fols,

(28)

Laneere 206, Vat.

gr.

1085, fol.

edited

letters

Letter

202, Vat.

gr., 1085, fol.

in Kugeas, op. cit.

(29)

iameera. 207, Vat.

(30)

Respectively

gr.

n. 14, p. 596.
258rv,

1085, fol.

gr.

(31)

uuneere 212, Vat.

gr.

1085, fol.

(32)

Lameere 209, Vat.

9r.

1085, foie.

(33)

L=eere

letter

letter

195.

199.

259v, letter

letter

226.

200= fragients

259r-, letter

1085 fol.

(34)

Lameere 214, Vat.

(35)

leere

(36)

Lameere 219-222, Vat.

82, fol.

260r,

260rv,

193

letter

206.

202.

259v and 260r,

1085, fol.

1a85ifol.

177rv,

letter

257v, letter

211, ed. Kugeas op. cit.,

196.

260v, letter

1085, fol.

gr.

193.

n. 14, p. 597"

and Lameere 215, Vat.

gr.

letter

264v and 265r,

Laneere 208, Mut. gr.

210, -Vat. gr.

Regestes 1543.

letter

201.

191. '

letter

204.

n. 14, p. 597.
261v, letters

209-211.

170.

(37)

L=eere

217,225,

260v and 261r,

(38)

Grogoras I,

(39)

For the library,

World',

Vat.

Cr. 1085, fol.

262r,

212; and folo.

letter

207.

letter

pp. 121-122.

p. 178; Pachymeres II,

'The Libraries

N. G. Wilson

cf.

CRES8(1967),

'Eine Schreiberschule

of the Byzantine

631
for
p.

the scriptorium,

in Kleter

`06rrr
v',
Twv

L. Politis

cf.

z 50(1953),

pp. 17-36.

(40)

Laneere 227, ed. Kugea3, op. cit.

n. 14, p. 598.

(41)

Latieer 228, ed. Xugea,e, op. -cit.

Eustra598-6001
14,
ed.
pp.
n.

tiades
(42)

Letter

is alto

Ilelitas

The scribe

450431;
pp.

187,5,

attached

Letter

mentioned in Eustratiades

pp. 349-350 and Pachymeres II,

to Gregory's

Kegestes 1547.

pp. 385-388.

182,5,

Ho was supposedly
deacon
St.
at
made a

school and was later

Sophia when Gregory became Patriarch.

"

(43)

Lameero 229, Vat.

(44)

Respectively

(45)

1085, fol. -263r.

Lameere 230, Vat. gr.

letter

216.

1085, fol.

1085, fol.

263rv,

and Laneere 237, vat.

gr.

Lameere 231, Vat.

1085, fol.

263v, letter

218.

232, Vat. Cr. 1085, fol.

263v, letter

219.

(46). I=eere
(47)

gr.

gr.

ed. Eustratiades,

Lameere 235,236;

2614r, letter

Letters

letter

217;

224.

188 and 189,5,

PP,

489-490.
(48)

L=eere

(49)

Laneere 239, Vat.

(50)

For the reasons for his self-exile,

2.38, Vat.

gr.

1085, This.

257v and 257r,

gr.

1085, fols.

264rv,
of.

letter

letter

192.

225.

Fachy-maeresII,

p. 123

and above, 109-110.

(51)

For in$tanco,

H. Ahrweiler

da Sziyrne entre
(Paris,

'L'hictoire

].es deux occupations

of la geographie

de la region

turques 99 Travaux et !lerioires 1

1965), p. 91, n. 123, does not even mention the exiatnco

of the monastery on Mt. Latros.

171.
(52)

N. Chowrnoo Letters
(Paris,

18

(Breslau,

76,77,

), pp. 91,931

1690),

esp. letter

Anocdot1 1121"t ed. J. F. noissonade

N. Pl.anoudos, Eri
68, p. 245.

(53)

II. Planouders, L-piCrams, mPG11+7, c. 1175-

(54)

Pachyreres II,

(55)

This can be seen by comparing chapters

thesis

(56)

with

The activities

p. 230.

chapter

of Planoudes in the capital

these are not very well

1290.

two and three

of this

four.

also be used as proof

after

N.
Treu
cd.
,

of the continuing

.dhtring the 1280! s can

e1aisica1

but

revival

documented compared to his activities

172.

The Legacy of Gregory of Cyprus

VII.

Because the greatest

of his patriarchate,

period

shadows the other

important,
diverse

his role

Although

it

The

and teacher

belletrist,

all

his genius.

to examine hin ecclesiastical

seems best first

with his more 'secular'

legacy and then to continue

arid'theological

his

were his most

belonged to Gregory and in each of these ho demonstrated

For the sake of clarity,

over-

should not be forgotten.

and roles

of churchman, theologian,

roles

belongs to tho

as churchman and theologian

Church and theology

of'the

interests

his other

life

to which he devoted himself.

interests

to the life

contributions

of Gregory's

notoriety

occupation3.
The pathetic

conc]. usi. on to Gregory's

in light-of

even sadder
Never having

thirteenth

pressure,
by his

ability

not fully.

this

to

continue

passage

who succeeded

brought

attitude

spke of hin

the Patriarch

a disastrous

of late",,
at-

as an administrator,
of great

periods

both remained unrecognised

be seen below,

Bekkos as Patriarch'.

stem from the treatment

in
turn
which

As will

were

attempts

factions

during

working

as a theologian

the negative

A recent

his

of unionism,

His competence

(1)

contemporaries.

taint

Church.

the peace of the

work for

one of the ecclesiastical

and his brilliance

has somewhat eroded

talent

least

Byzantium.

century
to by his

incessant

from the

recovered

opposed by at

always

tested

his

seems

career

ecclesiastical

towards

the
Gregory

as 'a theologian
(2)

end to his career

but

of Cyprus
of inferior

Misconceptions

received

of time

passage

such as

from his contemporaries

and gavo him an

infamous reputation.
name from. the patriarchal

The omission of Gregory's

contribute

greatly

of the Church.
nano was omitted,

to the dilemma of his recognition

Like r,;any other

along with

late

thirteenth

those of tiikephoroa

helped

as a faithful

century
II

lists

Patriarchs,

(1260-61),

son
his

173.
Cermanos 111 (1265-67),
(1294-1303).

John XI De1.kos (1275-82),

This expurgation

not as the result

occurred

part but because of the reconciliation

Gregory's

Church in 1310'. (3)

the official
from the lists

(4)

to his abdication.

Patriarch

also states

of Arsenios

The successors

the historian

in his treatise

with, vexation

of Gregory's
Orthodox

opponent of the

the bitter

John Gheilas,

on the Arsenito
(5)

Gregory was not condemned but esteemed Orthodox.

schism that

not from

According

to Cheilas,

the decision

oikonortia

but through

the meddling of the Emperor and bishops.

The period

Athanasios

I,

Although

significance

implied

name, he also
that

the-fact

higher

the

century

polemic
reveal

of his

disavowal

against

and Daniel

of Kyzikos

because of his

regained

it.

Theoleptos,,

Gregory Orthodox,

thought

'lay'
Despite

was on a

also had their

clashes

and Bekkos continued

(7)

character

days miserably

intransigence

Often,
as for

to turn
their

attitudes

his pnounatology.
John Cheilas

in the capital.

in 1289, lost

out

(8)

his see and never

v;ho had led the group which proclaincd

con;3istently

opposed Cheilas'

the

had taken place at late

two other opponents of Gregory,

ended their

Cheilas,

that

personality

Gregory's

According, to Gregoras,

impious

career.

theological

work from exile.

for

as much disdain

successor,

Gregory's

By using

ecclesiastical

to Gregory's

Meliteniotes,

Gregory's

as 'the

predecessor

patriarchate.

Constantinople,

G. Metochites,

Gregory's.

man, he seems not, to have grasped

a saintly

reaction

schism

occurred) also witnessed

memory.

plane than much of the. squabbling

thirteenth
part.

to his

of Gregory's

lists

upon, his

aspersions

reference
smakes

(6)

George'.
true

of other

resulted

death to the ond: of the Arsenito

from Gregory's

(when his removal from the patriarchal

the casting

fate

on Gregory's

with

were struck

was declared

the prelate

that

of heresy on

of the Arsonites

Even Pachyxeres,

as usurpers.

mentions the fact

patriarchate
prior

and John XII hosna

reinstatement.

(9)

174.

.,
even the deposed prelate

Completely destitute,

(10).

Orthodoxy.

Grogory'e

If

finally

fato

Grogory'e

to

can be termed tragic,

imparts a sense of--

of those who caused it

the exile and destitution

admitted

poetic justice.

now heresies

but also without

(11)

thought'.

as it

just

under the Palaiologoi

Surely,

but it

revolutionary

thirteenth

century

had,

enabling

him to

between their

of St. Athanasios

the Spirit

be1onj

nevertheless
(14)

according

The proximity

in the

initiated

work of Gregory

the

the same difficulties

repeat

merely

patristic
of Cyprus

as-Gregory

In return-

them creatively.

Palamas may also have used the writings

he never mentions the Patriarch

five,

theological

systens.

by rye,

(13)

the response of Gregory of Cyprus to

-thought.

between the Son'antithe

to Christ

a return

which speaks of the energy and resplendence

in
Falamite
and
energy
essence

Spirit

for

to
the
the distinction
leads
Son
of

'gift
the
as

relationship

interpret

respective

As mentioned in chaptor
a text

than

read the Fathers

Although

of Gregory of Cyprus.

with

weathered

Rather

of the Fathers,

ing to. the spirit

exists

the fourteenth

had.

state-

His work was not

called

Gregory

creativity

Palamas carefully

quotations,
obviously

Palamas'

as Gregory's

and criticisms

in

continued

(1296-1359).

Palamas

in that-it,

The trend-which

century,

and culturally

of Gregory of Cyprus cannot.

(12)

this

of the religious-

as theologically

was innovative

'ad mentem Patrum'.

thirteenth

of the late

or

in Orthodox

innovations

While the dissidences

the thought

uncreative,

continued

diesidence3

without

revolutionary

can be dismissed

political'parties

life

reliGious

had before,

in light

ment cannot be accepted.

a link

'Byzantine

has been remarked that

It

In expressing

Spirit,

between
the immutable

Palamas says 'The Holy

by essence and by energy because Christ

to essence and by energy,

of the thoutht

of

of thatwo

it

is Cod,

belongs and proceeds'.

Gregory's

also created

x"75"

half

It

century.

Cregoras.

manifeatatioh'

denying that

could'be

both the concept of energy and its

eternal

The 1eGacy of Gregory of Cyprus created

arils

tho torsos of 1285 remained-an

upon their

suspicion
this

a stumbling

created,

produced

'The Cypriot

the advero-

'Conversely,

the fact

of faitti"cst

of the problems
aware

Akindynos,

patrirchatet

of Gregory'

oirn'version

character.

(16)

from the patriarchal

Orthodox'stateraent

own polemics.
his

of the Spicit

block for

they could cast doubt p6n his reputation:

lists,
that

and unereated

Because his name had disappeared

of Palamas.

mani-

'
in
time.
They rejected
only

on and this

the

of 'eternal

hyptasia
the
than
other

anything

bestowed through

Ak:indynoz and Nike-

implication

primary

were

I`

to'th

tho

with

patriarchate

own opponents,

(15)

Both men objected

festztion',

Gregory's

by a

separated

although

those who dicagreod

during

of two of PAanas'

the forerunners

opponents,

has been noted that

'eternal

expresrioft

phoros

between their

cini]. arity

a striking

of the Ecumenical

who had become Patriarch

his
treatise
'I
know
in
do not
Church, having accepted,
why,
against

the Latins

by breathing

upon the Apostles

different

manifestation,
all
'

things,

the doctrine,

according'

to which our Lord,

theman

granted

eternal

itself,

from the Spirit

from
his
high
position
removed
was

Creator

of

and deposed

(elc! ) by the wise and great Emperor and by the synod of

that time'.
'If

(17)

he had said that

to the Apostles...
Spirit

itself,

Spirit

itself

different

fron

the'most., divine

or that

a ice

' neither'otrnal

nor unereated,

It

would have been right

condemned by the synod so"that

both-it

for

this

and its

the divine

was in question...

he would not have spoken in favour, of the Latins,

our do,=as-.

was given

nor contradicted

do iia to be
author

should

176.

be publicly

But they were content

exposed.

(sic! ) of the man to blame, thinking

deposition

to condemn itself

could be loft

by its

in Gregory of Cyprus during

Interest

however..

Akindynos,

The supporters

debt owed to the Patriarch

lead us to believe.
Philotheos

by their

and the monk-theologian

declare

his works,

illustrious
which by true

struggles

contributions-

Fathers

he endurod,

could praise

him.

Gregory 'impious'

It

patriarchal

pure life

and those many good

struggling

with

teaching
divine

memory with

energy,

(19)

towards-Gregory-of

Cyprus began

Even Joseph Kalothetos,

of Gregory's

throne,

yet in his Life

gratitude.

successor Athanasios

Reforing
"

Nor did the fact

lists

called

of Athana,sios,

he speaks. of the Patriarch

found on the patriarchal

the

through

should be 2aembered that-Athanasios-had.

and esteem for wisdom'.

loner
was no longer

because of

has shown his harmony with

controversies.

who wrote a vita

in his letters

remembered Gregory's
to-the

attitudes

the Palanite

during
theologian

a Palamite

reception,

and theologians'.

the negative

Obviously,
to dissipate

and its

and

wisdom with a great fame of

the
Gregory,
of the Latins.
wipe
..
"
his writings
concopts concerning the Divinity,

the ancient

initiate

adherent,

noble career

faith

the, memory

praises

Gregoran, Philotheos

against

intellects

holy illumination

own work would

the Church and I say this

life,

aware of the

of Constantinople

Joseph Kalothetos

and foremost

in, all

by

painted

than Palaiiae'

Gregory of Cyprus,. a shining

dogmatic teachings

(18)

controversies

picture

Patriarch

In a work written

myatagogue, of the-true

the dogma

the Palamite

leader

gives high narks to his predecessor's

'I

that

of Paiama.s seem bettor

Both the Palanite

of Gregory of Cyprus.

with the

own absurdity'.

(and unfair)

of-more than the negative

consisted,

limply

inhibit

Kalothetos

to Gregory's

rise

as a'person

of

that

Gregory's

him-from

namo

desier stingy

I,

17?

Deopito tho trauma of his reign, Kalo-

hin 'a bishop chosen 'of God'.

thetos

the administrative

lauded

also

the attitude

If

in the

change
firmative

century,

generated

Council

of Gregory

the
Patriarchs
the
1285,
of
presence
of
and its

at it

later

with Western theology

at Florence,

a discussion

in order
the

to some.

similitude

Herakleia

of

During
Ix

attacked

tomos against

and Alexandria

two Eastern Patriarchs

(21)

method.

different

bLd

arose

or four

Union

of Lyons which

had written.

debate. brou ht
in light

coincidental

(22)

down the plan.

but through

enacted at Florence

ina most
calls

for

of a remark

During the discussion

_,
by Fachymeres, Gregory says 'The sayings of, the Holy Fathers

the
Council
Cyprus
by
Gregory
at,
of
made
described

Gregory

succeeded in voting

quite

of

to
know
anything
claimed

at the council

a solution

of

the synodal,

to produce

wanting

seemed

the,, question

The Bishop

once again.

Impasse in the theological

solution,

in 1285 were recurring

at Florence,

the
to;
the
unionists
ioe
and
about

direct

had arisen

Because the same

the discussions

development,

Union was eventually

and'the

of Second, Blachornai

Bekkos and the

Not more than three

Second.

and reappraisal

and

this

that

once

of Constantinople

gave the meeting almost ecumenical authority.

difficulties

Council

aftermath

by the other

recognition

the

af-

of the Council

the problematic

Despite

which

in 1439 caused some to'reflect

contributions

of Blachernai.

flaw a truly

century
The crisis

work.

at Byzantium

the
theological
on

again

the fifteenth

to the Patriarch's

reaction

of Florence

towards Gregory of Cyprus began to

of posterity

fourteenth

Patriarch

(?
_0)

him 'a good governor'.

by calling

of the deceased

ability

are interrelated

and in full

originate

in differeent'ways

Florence,

the desperate

a similar

attitude:

agreement with

one another, a3.nce they

from one and the naEie Spirit'.

unionists

'saints

of 1285.

(23)

At

among the Greolm urged a solution

cannot errs In faith

and even though Latin

with

178.

expressed their

and Greek saints

saints

they were in agreement'.

(24)

the Florentine

ended it.

statement

the easy solution

the Council
subscribed
unionist

Gregory's

of 1285.

fell

1285 and that

is the difference

between the Council

met in Constantinople

that

in disagreement

with

them all,

the Pope of Alexandria

patriarchs

agreed

and lawful

decision;

with

and approved

they were limited

Again and again in Scholarios'

of 1285.

of the Holy Spirit,

of the

(26)

Council

which condemned Bekkoe'.

In other places,

as a sound

(27)

(25)

letters'.

mention is made of the work

section

the procession

concerning

totos

of Gregory's

he speaks of reriairiing

he says to those who would recognise

as the holy,

and the-other

result

by their

In his second treatise

length.

rest.

were indeed procurators.

writings,

he quotes the final

And again,

'faithful

concerning

the Roman Popes'

'I

shall

great Synod of Constantinople

did,

censured the Latin

namely Bekkos and his followers'.

the former

one and the

was present

at the former there

of the Patriarchs'but

illustrious

both

of

of the

the faith

is

that

of

Bekkos.

against

the rest;

is,

of the anti-

became the leader

he later

to

for having

under suspicion

is in complete agreement with

At the latter

that

once again turned

ecumenical synods, both the eighth'and

such an action

to

drew comparisons between the Council

and the one that

The latter

of the Council

debates

unitiated

of Florences-

! Observe how great

Florence

thoughts

George Scholarioa,

at Byzantium,

statement

substantially

He could never have subscribed

apart,

to the Union although

party

differently,

he was too patristically-oriented..

at Florence;

As the Union of Florence

faith

at
to the

that

Council,

judge...
the one,

dogma and deposed those who held it,

(28)

Finally,

whilo

listing

names which defended Orthodoxy and demonstrated

in doing so the name of the Patriarch

their

Gregory is not forgotten.

those
wisdom
(29)

179.

of the Empire presented

The fall

disappeared
revived

in Gregory and the-study

Church'and interest

Byzantine

fron

life.

ecclesiastical

through the efforts

the late

seventeenth

Jassy, Moldavia,

Roman Church printed

the merit

Realising

the Patriarch

the Patriarch

of the text

obviously

felt

a press at
house in the

printing

a treatise
included

the Procession

i In"

of'Jerucalem.

established

In the 'Tomos Agapes',

work 'Concerning

of Gregory's

, Patriarch

the Patriarch

at Jassy,

of his thought

however, his legacy was

which became the most important

(30)

Orthodox world.

Later,

of Dositheo

century,

the

a new cot of concerns for

the

against

the complete text

(31)

of tho Holy Spirit'.

in expounding the Orthodox viewpoint,

the need to provide

an.; 'editio

princeps'

of. it.
Within

a. few decades, the

time in the'West

appeared'but{this

of the merit

rediscovery

of Gregory

aware of him as a polemical

his work and that'of

fihile

attacked

'(32)

It

of Cyprus

threat.

lauded there.

his thought

theologians

examined

the latter.

preferred

Western

In contrast,

and the ambiguity

Xnitially
-(33) -;

much hotility.

at Byzantium.

the
the West

in the. East'made

amount of attention-from

Gregory has received

tomos also

of Gregory's

that
seems
almost

As Western

an extraordinary

greeted with mixed feelings

was eventually

pr'inceps'

Bekkos, they naturally

Bekkos has received

theologians,

'editio

Gregory's

theolpgical

work

the West has continually

of his reputation

continues

into

the present.
Gregory's
contributions
has 'little
Actually,

theological
to Byzantine

to invite

notoriety'-should

attention'

hin non-occlesiastical

Constantinople

and widely

George Scholarios

It

culture.

apart

has been said that

his career

frone his patriarchate.

(3k)

activities

recognised.

not ob3cure his other

were. greatly

respectedat

Even in the fifteenth

spoke of Gregory as not only a talented

cent. iiy,
theologian

1i0.

but also as 'the

and philo3opher

of the Attic

style

following
of scholar,

roles

its

of letters

from the Latins.

and teacher,

belltrist,,

(35)

and discourses'.

place in the revival

recapture

ancient

in that

rhetor

mighty in letters

rhetors..

As such, he held an important

tinoplo

foremost

at. Constan-

Gregory combined the

causing new interest

in the

ancients.
The debate continues
'humanism',

especially

as to what exactly

during

have been both theologian

the scholarly

occupation,

and especially

intense

revival

the possession

of both Orthodoxy and Hellenic

degradation

sense

by the Latina.

Roots of the Hellenic

identity

of

academic tradition
the learned

for

Akropolites,
upheavals,

Although

stretched

education

institutions

revival.

of-Gregory

he

(37)

The

than Nicaea.

emigrc3 who spent his`

Blemmydes who later

Demetrios Karykes.

did continue.

Gregory of Cyprus

back even further

Constantinopolitan

who became the teacher

Constantin-

and the Nicaean

the Palaiologan

years at Nicaea may have inspired

scholar,

their

after

thirteenth-century

of the cultural

report

foundations

uninterrupted

displaced

culture

the work of Blemnydes, Akropolites

rodest

another

Perhaps

helped give the

and superiority

at late

revival

emperors laid

last

took place,

revival

(36)

gives a less than enthusiastic

Piiketas Choniates,

tradition'

Greece also grew.

of ancient

ople extended back to the Empire of Nicaea.

found at Nicaea,

Crusade and the Latin

Even'as eccle3iastical

the pagan heritage

a necessary

had experienced

literary
Greek
the
of

an interest-in

Byzantines

history,

Throughout Byzantine

the Fourth

Following

at Constantinople.

occurred

Could-Gregory'

period.

study of Greek language and literature

and declines.

revivals

the Palaiologan.

and humanist?

Byzantine'

constitutes

studied

under

turn,
-Blemmydes, -in

taught

of Cyprus;

despite

(38)
e

political

181.

As the thirteenth

and hagiographical

scriptural

in its

the Hellenic

heritage

models, and that

demonstrates

character,

was growing.

in his autobiography
education.
threatened

the very identiy

of his natural

Latin

do surprises

his difficulties

saw him place

almost

in mind,

this

in better

placed

position

his election

not to think

difficult
howover,

concerning

can be

again,
Gregory,

it

Gregory's

of him. as a humanist.

pagan letters,
confirms

philosophy

this.

career

'secular'

that

so many other

If

remained fully

Orthodox.

'would be

the term 'humanist'

of classical

little.

in his writings.
style

that

Again and
concerns him.

who concerned themselves

His later

authors

of Christianity,

There is precious

of a pure Attic

Byzantines

it

Upon examining his oeuvre,

conclusion.

and science

is only the attainment

like

in the Union

involvement

a system of values from them independent

profane

as a scholar

growth

as humanist

his

then Gregory cannot be numbered an one.

which

education

is taken to nean a person who has taken the writings

and constructed

properly.

of Attic

is so totally

one comes to a different

to

upon a pure knowledge

as protapostolarios,

as Patriarch

tho'language

His

of Gregory

Excepting

perspective.

of Lyons and his

until

the problem

In

problems with

the Hellenic

emphasis

of

a means

the Franks contributed

upon rhetoric.

exclusive

an Hellenic

one's heritage:

Gregory's

for

arose for

concentrated

'Greeknoss'

furnished

education

for he seems never to have learned

Gregory

,of

through the imposition

learning,

perhaps his disdain

But tuen the opportunity

With

The reassertion

mention of his

the bonds with

for

ability

fully

occupation. of the Franks which

of the Cypriots

and maintaining

light

he coveted,

Cregory'a

and customs, Hellenic

of rediscovering

of Akropolites,
(39)

this.

Faced with the foreign

institutions

Greek.

underwent

a clue to his own quest for

provides

(1W)

alien

the curriculum

proCressed,

A comparison between the course of Blemraydeo, which used

changes.

'pagan'

century

theological

with
work

is1a.
With

Byzantine

century.

collecting
the

perhaps
but

talisation
the

of

fully

Church

Christian

in
his

was his

devotion

necessity

for

itself.

the

of

Gregory

nostalgia

for

antiquity

the

church.

still

Empire,

of

of

of

In
the

of

oyzantium,

is

kyprus

to

views

life

unlike
(4l)

it.

to

adhered

*rho study

and

elite.

the

more apparent

was always

a means

their

of

educated

and later,

of

authors

was a compartmen-

humanists.

so-called

the'life

him'but

last

phase

an essentially

tradition.
vity

but

present

so

was a vital

antiquity

an end in

an end and not

Byzantium

theology

the
of

imbued

middle

an unchanging
which

Byzantine

periods.
a good

education.

ologan

rhetoric,

as in

to archaise.

'031

As has
its

period.

of

this

Through
earlier

at

from
ideal,
him

times,

actiphilosophy,

been noted

already

was a belief
late

the

old

and middle

Gregory

continued

in

thirteenth-century

the'early

and his

above,
by the

domination

complete

language

rhetorical

intellectual

of

ac

be better

would

statecraft,

Ehere

bequeathed

Because

sought

it.

written

had been

Byzantium

century;

come under

Byzantine

forms

fovicth

with

had also

epistolography
end of

the

it

described

Byzantine

the

of

all

been

Perhaps

a continuation

had pervaded

has

s42)

movement.

since

were

literature

Byzantine

as merely

Rhetoric

at

ideal

of

rhetorical
it

describe

and

a small.

Renaissance

to

circles

joy

the

'
the

to

the

and

The dichotomy
real;

environment

Italian

the

of

for

culture

ancient

Byzantium

of

means the

cacq,

the

of

learned

'humanism'

ancient

prevailed

those

than

The

else.

in

the fifteenth

in composition,

rhetora

manuscripts

discussion

polite

little

as in Gregory's

of the ancient

and copying

in

such as Plotho

'humanism,

imitation

careful
of

few exceptions

very

of

Cyprus

successors,
as the

had

Palai'tendency

(WIb.
An importance
in

rhetoric

the

versity'

from

its

inception

the

important

function

very

ideology

imperial
person.

metaphysical
interpretation
of

triumphed

at

ple,
of

This

rhetoric
Christian

in

also

aspect

took

explain

use

continued
dogma at

theological
to

serve

for

'philosophy

as a

eventually

rhetoric

In

the

philo-

the

of

realm
the

since

early

Fathers

had put

their

rhe-

writings.

From

their

exam-

a
vehicle
as

Byzantium.

Emperor's

why original

an influence

The capadocian
in

of

Byzantine

vehicle

role

there.

root

been

its

the

an important

as`a

serving

and might
never

centuries.
skills

but

had also

to

only

etymological

nyzar. tium

rhetoric

Christian

not

served

the

of

attained

rhetoric

reality

speculation

theology,

torical

of

'(45)

words.

sophical

in

function

theology

'uni-

Rhetoric
of

proclamation

political

Philosophically,

(44)

the

of

Byzantine
imperial

the

this.

of

use

earliest
in

demonstrates

the

and

by the
rhetoric

of

place

the

to

attached

ttre'state

of

service

The paramount

Emperors.

been

had already

for

the

expression

131C.

trJ.

Early

Byzantine

the manuals

time,

to Attic

to
Byzantine
permeate
"

of Thessaloniki,

Nikephoros

Blemmydes,
(48),

particular

interest

The also
Sophist
area

drew upon the

of the

of Nazianzos.

Church Fathers,

take

(fables),

mythical,

devoted

of an

More involved

Libanios.

a special

the

progymnasmata
accepted

others

dramatic

or historical

Iphigeneia,
hOoAoLia

than

these

Finally,

rhetorical

rhetor-

Gregory

for

affinity

for

fifth

his

been mention-

genre

are &r

41aTa

persons

to

own students

by Eustratiades,

edited

and Kandaules,

are the

are to be found

As has already

rhetorical

of Aeneas at the

the

skills

as examples

two of which are constructed

(53)

Gregory's

and among the-

Demosthenes,

after

49)

a Second
(50)

letters.

his

with

a fourth-century

he composed.

(17, '18,20)

to Plato,

the form

wrote,

were written

twenty-one

Three

students.

of Gregory's

progymnasmata

Ofithe

are Ooi*

this

tradition

Aristeides,

in his

he felt

John Tzetzes,

(j, )

ed, many of these

follow.

also began

style

and Demosthenes.

of Plato

to Libanios,

compositions

of

who emphasised

nurtured

this

of Aelios

many references

his

The foundations
in the various

'Atticisms'

all

continued

styles

even extended

who modelled

writings

of Cyprus

stressed

Anna Komnene, Michael Psellos,

and George Akropolites,

in the Attic

of interest

ician

(47)

models

the passage

of their

the Choniates brothers,

Gregory

who receives

With

and the imitation

rhetoric.

Eustathios

'Atticism'.

(40

of the Second Sophists

attitudes
authors

Hellenistic

classic'

of Temnos which

in composition.

the 'Atticisirg'

a return

as its

of Hermogenes and Hornagoras

and exaggeration

rhythm

took

rhetori!

for

beginning'

(stories

as their

form of the

(19)

of Pandaros.

cakkai(declamations)

as replies

which

subject)

and a fourth

death

17

which

takes
(52)
Gregory

to the declamations
progymnasma which

of

171d

concerns a Socratic

His Xpcia

which he places before

situation

While these progyrmnasmata aided the rhetorical

eventually

enter the imperial

furthering

the

of Gregory

(5 5)

his lifetime.
century
force

ruling

continued
reappeared

at

(5

during

the

a mixture

rhetorical

whose policies
Constantine

(57)

manifests

(although

and Andronikos

in turn

tradition

evidently

in

recapture

imperial

four

were the

immediate

to Andronikos

itself

Palaiologos'

in that

the Latins

Michael

is the new

and restored

Michael

has become a philosopher

filled

are

he lauds two sovereigns

he-promoted union with

Furthermore,

New

The author's-

allusions.

opposed.

the

Palaiologos,

Constantinople

Rome). (59)

but because he has kept

was "Andronikos'
kini.

(61).

.
t

and

(58.)

his son is also the new Constantine

(60)

throughout
enkomia

These enkomia

and biblical

because he defeated

the Orthodox faith!

of Gaza,

of Thessaloniki,

Eustathios

the Emperor Michael

were diametrically

to the Byzantines
Andronikos

to

of classical

cleverness

acted as a stabilising

its

following

'Enkonion

and the

Constantine'

during

of the Empire-in-exile

period

and

in fourth-

origins

wrote imperial

two works.

'Enkomion

VIII

Constantinople

The encomiastic

Constantinople

of Gregory's

Both the

of Ohrid,

of Manuel Holobolos.

forerunners

with

Theophylact

Nicaea

to Michael

oven

Eusebios of Caesarea, Prokopios

centuries.

at

he wrote

inception

Choniates and many others

the Byzantine

'statecraft'

enkomia had their

for

rhetorical

Byzantine

at

who would

as a tool

two other

state,

who reigned

their

regimes.,

Michael Psellos,

enkomia

Imperial

Byzantium and fron

for

r?iketas

er.I: omia which

the two Emperors

II,

Andronikos

students

and use rhetoric

traditional

augmented

These were the

further.

service

of the Byzantine

policies

the

(54)

to
be followed.
as
guide
reader
a

works

'theme'.

pcCa. type' which expounded upon a certain

Gregory used was the

teacher

From such

Iz .
contracts,

it

continuity

of the Byzantine

can be-seen

that

Gregory

imperial

to defend

was able
ideal

the

if

rhetorically

not

factually.
Different
the
to

Byzantine

Gregory

also

was used
vitae

he wrote

rhetorical

sts,

theological

terature,
the

Only
of

were

obviously

Gregory
noted

SS. Dionysios

the

Mt.

and Marina

. His
to

ualesion,
most
his

extensive

patron

saint

from

While

in

Akropolites,

one

(63)

of

tsyzantium.

Lives

Lazaros

Madyta,

survived.

however,

is

the'Great

of
(64)

dedicated
2lartyr

George. (65)
Of, particular
is

his

autobiography.

importance
To date,

in

Gregory's
the

texts

belletristic
of

very

his
li-

hagiographical

uregoryis

tonsure,

in

rhetoric

of

pen have

his

five

'secular'

of

work,

format

the

his

of

to
the

at

encomiastic
'

use

'Enkomion

euthyrnios

hagiographical
to

late

of

Areopagite,

prior

his

like.

wonder

jonstantine

with

hagiographers

of

extensions

interested

corresponded

most

type
sancti.

foreshadow

works.

in

he marvels

the'vita

Quite

his

of

dedicated

and the

towns,

one other

a part

enkomia

through

sea,

that

they

the

wore
plants,

the

waters.

intere,

but'still

made a contribution

by Uregory,

which

later

animals,

Addretsing

its

of

expanse

tradition

entities:

Sea. +(62)

the

imperialyenkomia

the

encomiastic

non-human

Here,

of

form

output

183.

few Byzantine

important

especially

example of a rara form in Byzantine

Byzantine

interested

greatly
and this

interest

as a 'mimesis'

be recalled

that

in the styles

of Libanios

and Gregory of Nazianzos

could have inspired

which inspired

titled

'the

his

him with

title

More importantly,

perfect

in several

ncr
the

of the scholar

tone

flichael
it

a typikon

the-context

that

autobiography

Gregory

cLC LcpLxr,

X6oc
works

ih

the

himself

dilemma

deer

in practical'

much briefer

Although

a clear,

between

conflict

The ever-present

(6%)

imitated

eXWV.
Eausbv
%EpL
xaO'

concerns

(bz).

Blemmydes en-

While

than

view of

unaffected

an autobiography

was written

by

betweenathoso of Blemmydes and the Patriarch

different

(10)

character.

designed for his

but

Almost entirely

of the Emperor, it

accomplishments

own monastic foundation.

concludes

Other biographies

of Gregory of Cyprus but most of these aro found within

of one*of the authors'

autobiographical

has

Byzantium.

Palaiologos

possesses an entirely

followed

6L

account offers

must also be mentioned that

VIII

(67)

his study but finds

concerned with the political

frith

of both

both autobiographies.

thirteenth-century

Gregory's

respects.

%paxTLx6c,

who prefers

colours

It

Constantino-

to the work of Blemmydes' and it

ceo C icpcxfic

Blemnydes' work, Gregory's

late

own autobiography

work more than any

is this

(66)

counterpart

p oc ewp-gsLxOc and pos

, affairs

period

work ; tcpi , twv xa-c'a6Tv

the

his

to Cregory's

prior

It
and

the Patriarch.

BleT. nydes'

resembles

him to write

Immediately

since the early

been called

Gregory of Cyprus was

however, Nikephoros Blemmydes had composed the firnt

autobiography
other

the

will

of theirs.

career,

politan

It

century.

mid-thirteenth

in the

but the form dons not reappear again until

period

an

literature.

and Gregory of P,azianzos wrote autobiographies

Both Libanioo
early

havo coma down to uz, making Gregory's

autobiographics

notice

literary

works.

of Pachymeres surfaces

'For

instance,

in his History

-an

nd another

Wi

by Joseph the Philosopher

prefaces

these are not the immediate heirs

this,

this

presentation;

to Gregory's

graphy in substances
involvement
.

is placed before

instance

period,

an untitled

of true

autobiographies
that

between the scholarly

demonstrate

again

The rhetorical

the Byzantine

that

in his

Choumnos mentions the Patriarch's

cussing his rhetorical
of Nazianzos,
mysteries

for

style.

especially

for

imitation

six
perhaps

of the past.

It

as a rhotor,

theological

to

is interesting

contribution

Nikephoros

before

dis-

Comparing him to his namesake, Gregory

understanding

those pertaining

of the loftiest

to the Holy Spirit.

knowledge in the semantic problems which arose in the theological

Especially

made with

respect

positions.

(7ff)

the filioque

the

(71e)

the ways in which Gregory had made use of his rhetorical

Choumnos realised

of the 1280's.

and

autobiography

which Gregory possessed were

of Cyprus

he mentions the Patriarch's

of theology,

the

compositions.

of Gregory

to agree with

Byzantium demonstrate

and grammatical(-skills

praise

is difficult

'new' these autobiographies

love

also put to use in his theological

only one other

times but defunct

Byzantine

Rather than something

and worldly

From the paucity

Gregory's

at late

which were written,

autobio-

and man' had dawned at Byzantium

(11d)

format.

hundred years.

note

it

Byzantium,

a new awareness of 'world

of a form used in early

yet

(7k)

work of Demetrios Kydones.

at late

Similar

occurs in the, Palaiologan

autobiography

the autobiographical

(71t)

life

rletochites,

After

us again.

of a 'true'

those few others

revival

'work of Theodore

also resembles the Patriarch's

the conflict

isolated

J. Irmscher

it

work in format,

of

to Gregory''sautobiographical

belongs to an untitled

distinction

In light

which Hunger has named 'Hi.xc ,) wept =Seiac.

Metochites

through

(11a)

his Encyclopedia.

important

here were the distinctions

to Bekkos' argument favouring

Through these distinctions,

was proclaimed.

the similitude
the inadmissability

debates
he had
of preof

18s,
The revival
the

volvecJ

the

the

Fourth

first

decades

tempt

to

imperial
of
in

in

written

imperial

library'

size,

at

it

may have

and patriarchal

pheion
While
century,
in

the

the
must

Akataleptos
have

we know
it

During

the

still

late

the

had one since

remains

thirteenth.

under
later

to
Lists

Holobolos

of

the

a collection

of

of

the

what

'univer-

the

there

early

of

cen-

Orphanotro-

there.

condition

contents

the

thirteenth

the

and

the

former

remained

taught
in

its

Palaiologoi,

early

a libary

be seen

of

libraries

part

had a library

the

'deposited

note

always

the

that

).
(5%6A10Or)1<n
60-c-i)+iV4
-rtj

only

the

saw an at-

for

a vestige

As for

possessed

Chora

Ey

the

and

We know

the

probably

school

no information.
tury,

been

library

Constantinople.

existence

by 1276

contains

year

Because

lost

or

up libraries.

(eva. 'rer &l)

imperial

the

Empire's

educational
other.

scattered

re-established

that

the

without

wore

reconstituted

had been

as well'as

exist

many books

library

but

is

not

them and build

Of course,

sity'

the

of

(72)

largest

ono could

Crusade,

at

of"libraries

recover

theology
the

studies

re-establishment.

institutions;
of

rhetorical

of

in-

Constantinople

(72a)

fourteenth
it
some

was in

Ig(.

have survived

monastic libraries

but these show few secular

both Gregory of Cyprus and Planoudes probably

of the books they

fraction

Books were always

had access to only a

(1Lb

needed.

scarce

books;

and very

(1Zc)

at Byzantium.

expensive

Just as many had done before him, Gregory copied books for his own
(]Ld)
to
save money.
use, an obvious way
bibliophile

a book as a gift,

as he did

Sometimes old copies in poor condition

we know that

correspondence,
by Demosthenes

to trusted

text

friends

to return
.

them.

exchange

occurred.

between

various

he found.

(7L9)

between

out by their

as long

waited

quite

imply

the

dispatch

of books

of letters,

as the sending

a text

before

a while

a book

that

letters

owners

borrowers

to convince

If

have

well

some

reached

(72.1)

them.

Even if
there

still

Byzantium's

a student

writes

remained

the problem

history,

parchment

of waiting

letter,

for

in advance.

century
scriptoria

(72jj)

of finding

parchment.

with

a volume

until

he writes

in the hope of obtaining

was secured

to copy a text

was in short

identified

a lack of parchment until

In another

decided

or scholar

to have been no guild

ist

may very

difficult

(14h)

them.

took

parties

This

Books were lent

was often

the monk a book

Methodios

sent

Two of Gregory's

bibliophiles

Byzantine

it

but

From his

were discovered.

(7LF)

in order.

to be put

been a discarded

Gregory

(12s

of Ephesos.

Isaak

from Metropolitan

as the

enough to receive

lucky

he was sometimes

par excellence,

himself

Identifying

The presence

in the capital.

the spring

to be copied

slaughter

turn

the

(711)

a paper.
instances

commissioner

provided

copyists

the question

Gregory
because

of

(7j
of sheep.

In

of these

appears

(TZ.
j)

manufacture.

of Demosthenes

some'folios.

For much of

and there

supply

to John Phakrases,

to do the work,

Byzantium raises-in

its

to save money,

in late

seller

(? ),

where a copythe

parchment

thirteenth-

of the existence

of

a .'
Since Gregory commissioned at least
in the late
ON)

ople.

not do his

transcriptions

foundation

the Hodegetria

llonastery.
proving
for

prerequisite
scriptoriurl

in

produced;

perhaps

the first
its

Gregory's

quest

the most correct

its

of

to be seen. f71Q)

perhaps at

flourishing
has been

century

to the

late

thirteenth

late

(73o)

thirteenth

foschopoulos

and early

and others,

Gregory

Interested

its

of Cyprus

thirteenth

of late

most precise

Although

A list

text.

did

fourteenth
roots

of early

lay

participated

Palaio-

editions

in
content
only
not
century

Byzantium

Under the Palaiologoi,

text.

to accompany the
this

for

the desire

reflected

a number of classical

(71)

the period.

from the

books also

quite

of new commentaries

editing

in which

the period,

fourteenth

of a classical

the rhetoricians

to gain

became usual.
very

century

remains

Evidence

belongs

various

shows that

manuscripts

but in style,

for

edition

were copied during

the

of the

foundation

thirteenth

(74r)

century.

thought

(121)

half

itself.

important
the
most
possessed

the foundation

a scriptorium.

and a copyist

books have come down to us from

Fifteen

that

the

reasons,

the
imply
mentioned above

during

scriptorium

of

of a

of the library

clientele

of illuminatedmmanuscripts

of an imperial

library,

For obvious

in late

an outside

groups

thirteenth-

was essential,

at a scriptorium

were made for

The three 'oups

(7Lo)

there.

did

the possibility

to

books in the possession

transcribe

Constantinople

to late.

assigned
substance

giving

Three

scriptorium.

to a scriptorium

of a library

only

logan

thus

scriptorium

monastic

Whether

its

were recently

manuscripts

proximity
could

in a monastic

transcriptions

Constantinople

thriving

somewhere in Constantin-

He does not seem to have been a monk so he probably

illuminated
century

one copyist

person must have lived

that

1270's,

(George riamaras)

revision

of a text

not become common until

centuries
in the

with

acquisition

although

his

the

Planoudes,
of texts

reasons

were

IEcb.
fully

more

By studying

rhetorical.

Demosthenes,

Plato,

such

ordered

copying

to

classical

a better

of

rhetorical

'(73c)

close

attention

another

letter,

having

he wrote

to

An interest
Gregory

which

to

in

the

study

the

to

away as
works

on Plato's
such

as this

he mentions

a book

made to

verifies

he studied.

texts

Akropolites,

corrections

of

bibliophile

famous

a commentary
paid

he also

classical

scholia

Constantine

to

the

only

the

Syrianos'

send

as far

on various
to

he have

did

only

fron

not

covered

was aided-by

Constantinople;

him

commentaries

also

written

time

to

out

Not

him at

for

requests

him

carried

scribes.

working

example,

asking

'Parmenides.

not

but

For

masterpieces.

In

His

authors

Skutariotes,

various

be done and sent

(73b)

Thessaloniki.

Gregory

which

from

as Siamaras

a scribe

the

work

he ordered

texts

texts

precise

And Libanios,

Aristeidec

The philological
the

most

be developed.

could

style

the

of

Aristei-

des. (73d)
Gregory's

classical

abilities

as both

Qioumnos,

Mark

Atticist

did

cipal

errors

that

of
his

not

the

have

emigre

it

continued

the

curriculum

lites.
Whether

(74a)

(73f)

to
that

the

Constantinople
arises

curriculum

appears

more

Choumnos'

Gregory's

course

career
his

In

no way can

work

a part

of

alone.

heavily

discussion

the

prin-

fact

the

of

literary

the

works

insular

that

culture;

(73g)

(74)

is

teaching
His

than

rhetorical
mentions'rhetoric

was complemented

fame as an

beginnings

the

Gregory's

Akropolites.

from

N.

of

One-of

stems

to

concerning
of

his

that

verify

(73o)
day.
own

his

Gregory's

be considered

Cypriot

The question

in

attributed

literature.

belongs

Gregoras

unnoticed

made concerning

medieval

output

pass

The remarks

and a teacher.

and N.

monk,

his

and complemented

strengthened

a belletrist

the

commentators

Cyprus'

scholarship

by others

to

approach
that

of

solely.

whether

Akropo(74b)

we do not

knows but

187.

his

to those
civil

imperial

entering

servants
It
.

may be that

(1256-1317),

Gregory

rhetorical

of Nazianzos
(7yd)

of rhetoric..
forms

provides

to

similar

Aesop while

another

Gregory

to their
producing

instructor

although
list

a complete

Letters

take
composed
a fable

received

also

of

addressed

to this.

there

still

their

names.

correspondence
instruction

a lasting
remains

of

Gregory'a

Mouzalon

reveals
Gregory

sat

gave her.

(i)

legacy
in

some confusion

pupils

and sometime

Raoulaina

in Gregory's

a student-teacher

was

own pupils

personal

were his

to them by Gregory

she never

who was never

That Nikephoros

The name of Theodora

although

a person

he had upon his

that

and Theodore

added to the list,

rhetorical

N. K. Xanthopoulos,

They manifested

even greater.

words attest

Their

and master

theologian

Xanthopoulos

which

he com-

he held

them paraphrases

One of

Although

history,

esteem as both

the xF C-ia. format

the influence

Manuel Neokaisarites,
certain.

of Gregory.

(?yc)

century.

of Cyprus,

Gregory

the

at

to Gregory's.

comparable

the progymnasmata

influenced

then

student,

obviously

the highest

uses

an instructor

the fourteenth

Like

Xanthopoulos

(lye)

attention.
If

those

Kallistos

work was an ecclesiastical

Some of

by the high

the progymnasmata

Nikephoros

in

pieces.
in

in

and probably

a career

whose greatest

'pagan'

Sophia

to. do likewise

life

a churchman

of Gregory

inspired

students
at St.

school,

Xanthopoulos'

posed

his

importance

Its

instructed.

the innovations

a priest

patriarchal

at Constantinople,
has been demonstrated

service

Gregory

which

he assigned

which

his

the most prominent

was certainly

could

Choumnos,
seems
their

own
be

also

class-room.

relationship

in

the

188.

the brother

Theodor Xanthopouloo,

Finally,

appears to have been under Gregory's

through his brother

that

of N.K. Xanthopouloo,
(75)

tutelage.

N. K. Xanthopoulos

learned

also

Perhaps it

was

of the progymnasmata

of Gregory of Cyprus.
Some of the other students
tutelage

probably

never Studied

George Pachymeres (1242-1310)

Gregory's
probable

(76)

class.
that

which scholars

have assigned to Gregory's

under him.

has been-assumed that

Gregory's

this.

(78)

weals

an acute

Gregory as a student
intimately;

the historian's

tenure

the conditions

for

Pachymeres' sympathetic

these facts,

their

none of them sustains

sat in

seems more

of Akropolites.

possible

(with

(77)

attendance

N. 'Choumnos) with

the Patriarch's

the belief

support

resignation

account of Gregory's

of the Patriarch's

understanding

both

as a deacon of St. Sophia

and his visit

patriarchate,

Gregory to deliver

nearness in age, it

Because of their

He must have known the Patriarch

during

(1270-1332)

and Theodore Metochites

Pachymeres cat with

of school together,

It

character.

that'Gregory

also re-

reign

Despito

Pachy-

taught

meres.
The possibility

of Theodore Metochites
If

even more remote.

younger than his fellow

despite

he satin

cence upon their

in his course.

Gregory wrote enkomia to St.

of itself

a link

Gregory's

Marina,

Although

it

able to compete with

them

tenure

(1273-

a rare subject

a student-teacher

has not been suggested previously,

between Gregory and Maximos Planoudes (1255-1305)

Because of Planoudes'

as instructor

interest

in Iatin,

attained

Because both ?;etochites

between them has been suggested.

is not enough to verify

of Gregory's

Iiolobolos

is

he tirould have been much

had already
such as Choummnos

students

enrolment

class,

barely

classmates,

his own precociousness.

1283) suggests that

literature,

Gregory's

as a student

adolesand

in hagiographical
(79)

This connection

relationship.
an academic tie
also seems unlikely.
seems ,a more plausible

x89.

choice at Constantinople.

the Rhetor had enough acquaintance

language,
(80)

it.

It

but their

has been proposed that

infthe

early

at"the

The list
the

but

others
With

who studied
but"one

the most important

was stamped with

work reflects

style.
for

is

Choumnos (125C/55-1327)'emerGed
It

of Cyprus.

and defended

his

as
been

has already

memory but Chounnos'

of the Patriarch.

that

vein.

Aristeides

of Aelius

Gregory's

zany
at
points.

(86)

(85)

's and much of his

and that

but for

II,

and

he wrote one
rhetorical

by Chounnos bears resemblance to

Gregory's

His work can be cited

composition

concerned with rhetoric

Both are marked by the

Choumnos but gave impetus to-this

his pupil's

one exception

own enkomion to Andronikoz

by Gregory's

influence

Constantinople.

Gregory's

enough to carry

but this

Ghoumnoswas especially

the Emperor in a similar

inspired

were

(E')

Like his teacher,

Inspired

there

of

whose names have not survived.

but

'of Gregory
teacher

not

examination

close
Surely

meagre.

century

rlikephoros

his

emerges after

number seems barely

the

student

this.

that

pupils

the fourteenth

shown how he praised

own creativity

but

was located

school

(83)

the Patriarch

one.

most important

has lshown otherwise

his earliest

disappointingly

under

exception,

the

remain a mystery.

contacts

research

c-1sewhere.
.

remains

work
into
memory and

the

Manuscript

of Gregory's

possibilities

scholarly

Furthermore,

`(82)

Akataleptos

Planoudes and Gregory

1283, Planoudes was not yet a monk-teacher

from 3.280 to at least

only a scribe.

teach

Planoudco succeeded Gregory at the Akataleptos

(81)

1280's.

to possibly

since both favoured. Church union during

raust have known one another

of Itichae1 VIII,

the

in Planoudos which led

to Greek.

from Latin

it

with

the interest

He might have instilled

to his many translations

reign

who had problems with

Gregory,

Unlike

imperial
particular

enkoriia not only

literary

as tho inspiration

the later

imperial

form at

not only for

enkomia.

M. Planoudes,

190.

N. Lampenoa, Matthew of Ephesos, It. Gabras, Thomas Magiotros,

Gregora:,

Andronikos
to
wrote enkomia

all

later

also written
tine

(88)

XI.

tradition

until

in
the early
produced

years of the reoccupation

it

enkomia aside,

in writing

was no longer

should be mentioned that

nature.

Choumnos wrote an enkomion to the city-of

tochites

did 1ikewine

course to Herakleia,

than cities
and the

in the fourteenth

literary

to the almond

century.

tradition.

tree

T. Me-

to Gre-

in feeling

of nature. rather

(90)

And if

Following

an opportunity
him.

imitated

he surely

studies

of the Constantinopolitan

(92)

-skills

of persuasion

In 1293, he became involved

once again with the designation

of the continuing

(91)

of Gregory from the patriarchate

to use those skills

factionalism

the

him in the prodigious

with Gregory,

where he put his diplomatic

in the resignation

written

can be seen that

it

Once again,

all

Cho=nos only. wrote two enkomia after

his rhetorical

service

Gregoras,

by Nikephoros

he wrote - 172 survive.

number of letters

taught

of the world and

Thessaloniki.

Closer

work gave impetus to the continuation

example of his instructor;

imperial

Gregory's

are the enkomia to the sun and summer by Theodore Pediasimos

enkomion

Gregory's

and

disN.
Grogoras
a
penned
and

(89)

his birthplace.

ideal

by Choumnos and

work than these because they deal with. aspects

gory's

Constantinople

by

viable.

enkoriia devoted to non-human aspects

for

enkomia,

of Constantinople

'Enkomion to the Sea' also led, to comparable attempts

others

to Constan-

Gregory's

upon the imperial

helped focus new attention

ideal

III

the encomiastic

the very end of the Empire.

served as models even when that

Imperial

that

can be seen from such a list

It

Other enkomia were

the emperors from Andronikos

for all

continued

the Byzantiner,

(87)-

II.

and N.

Choumnos entered
-to use.

His role

probably

provided

which the Patriarch

in patriarchal

of John Kosmas as Patriarch.

the

had

affairs
Because

in the Church, Choumnos had to present

191.

it

the candidacy of Kosma so that

succeeded in this

but his greatest

'coup de theatre'.

as a veritable

which had plagued Byzantium for

teacher

century

and had given his former

teacher's

influence,

on others

should

respective

at Byzantium.

Choumnos certainly

Aristeides

monarchy of Byzantium.

such a level

in the mid-fourteenth

were long attributed

Gregory's

interest

in the fourteenth

created

rhetorical.

and, Planouden

(96)

in the fourth

was revived

(100)

his own style

It

as the proper
(97)

due to Gregory's

century

would later

of Aristeides

that two declamations

himself

should also be noted that

in
reached

of Thomas

or a contemporary. (99)

Theodore fetochites
style,

use

mode of expression

Imitation

theologian's

with refeVence

their

and continued

on the tradtion

to Aristeides

century

influence

Because of the work of

Theodore riotochites

Once again,

of his

had a mutual

in Gregory of Nazianzos was also continued

century.

storks

of theca, may have discussed

tradition

Less directly;

1;agistros

it

(95)

Cyprus.

of Gregory's

carried

the absolute

his poetry.

as the official

demonstration

together.

the Aristeidean

and defend the style'of

interest

as well

and greatest

the-three

viewpoints

tutelage.

personal

most

he wrote some theological

The Patriarch

Raoulaina;

rhetorical
of Cyprus,

last

thepossibility

be cited.

in Theodora

Gregory

that

on the magnitude of Gregory'of

Before examining Chouinos'

friend

had driven

of a solution

problems Choumnos helped solve,

should be mentioned as an afterword

but nothing

ending a schism

His master would have"been most proud of his'achievement.

of the many, ecclesiastical

In light

was yet

problem in 1310 presents

draw up a document which appeased the Arsenites

(94)'

He

but Choumnos used his powers of compromise to

of the Church to despair

Church.

triumph

He succeeded'in

The elusiveness

grief.

particular

a half

(93)

to all.

diplomatic-rhetorical

of the Arsonite

to come. "Choumnos' solution

itself

would be acceptable

especially
Nikephoros

to Gregory of Nazianzos.

by others
took a great
that

of

Gregora3
(ioi)

192.

erupted between Nikephoros Choumnos and Theo-

About 1325, a quarrel

dore, fetochites

of Gregory of Cyprus a half

back to the instruction

In a series
(102)

style,

'..

'Phaedra'

and careful

compositions

of these

merits

century

Gregory

not

would

words which are neither

in-the

to the matters

least
In

Choumnos' opinion,

depraved
ignored

(axobaiovcc)

of Cyprus'

the

models

to be inspired

the quarrel

at Byzantium-through

revived

recherche

principle
rebuttal

of composition

any of his.

from simple

to Cho=nos.

could

style

(105)

had been

'Asiatics'

and the

(106)

in learned

'archaising'

the

how far

yet

a thousand

more than

After

of Choumnos and Metochites.

establishes

had progressed

They

and Aristeides

Demosthenes

the Second Sophists

the debate

as Greek.

be read

barely

(v&ot. ) and

'new'

of these

(104)

Metochites'

circles..

of Choumnos eminated from the emphasis he. put on the place of

'cleverness'(8cLv6'n
alternated

obscure

such as Plato,

of style

contest

its

even realise

to gather

according

by Demosthenes.

between

of

nor noble and which do not correspond

at hand.',

rhetors

the preferred

pretended
years,

appropriate

clarity,

and those

but Metochites

they are limited

uncanny virtues,

stylist.,

Chouinnos stressed,

(103)

whom Choumnos criticised

earlier.

as an unclear

had,

of words.

harkened

They have not been able to comprehend, covet and imitate

(Gregory's)

This

Metochites

as Gregory

choice

all

contained

inclination

similar

he attacked

of pamphlets,

Using Plato's

flowing

Choumnos' position

style.

over rhetorical

C)

with obscurity

Gregory

of Cyprus

ical

tradition

under

this

discipline

(107)

in Demosthenic rhetoric.
revealed

in large

true

rhetorical

the Palaiologoi.

was based upon the

had made through

their

of manuscripts.

Because Netochites

skill.

the

measure revived
Much that

followed

in the careful

disagreed

with

(108)

Byzantine

that

rediscoveries

own persistence

For him, clarity

rhetor-

after

he and his

him in
colleagues

copying and studying

Choumnos, this

did not

193.

mean that

he had rejected

the positions

the 'work of Gregory of Cyprus.

of Ptctochites

and Chounnos carefully,

views appear to have more in commonthan their

(109)

suggest.

If

fetchiten

identical

'Concerning

treatise

the

ewc)

and Joseph

classical

style

and classical

to the ideas of

by;

John Glykys,

the Philosophor,

the

knowledge.

(rcpt

fourteenth

of
6pe6&rr-

to both

devoted

polymath

ideals

Thus, the rhetocial

into'the

Gregory of Cyprus were also carried

Almost
author

in the domain of syntax'

correction

ToC cvvr

might initially

who did.

century

were shared

one examines

respective

would not admit outright

vieirpoints

rhetorical

their

rhetoric

in the fourteenth

Choumnos, there were others

If

century

of

by

(110)

others.

at the focus of late

Standing
Gregory

ation,

of Cyprus

His personification
studies
centre

of the

of a -cultural'

he made significant
His

identity.

cultural

primary

with

as classical

who staunchly

Re-establishment

with

occupation

the instruction

studies

but Gregory's

of both secular

in

emphasis,

roots

to rediscover

its

became a task

this

of

the problem of

especially
speculation

were laid

letters.

as weil

at Constantinople.
was the first

education

As has been shown, -Gregory was in-

and its

at Constantinople

educaticn

Holobolos'

continuation.

clerics

in this

and theological'

its

thoological
and

occupation,

of secular

of future
part

literary

and theological

revival.

in both the inception

the Iatin

after

At the

opposed theological

now cultural

and theological
this.

profane

stress,

epoch.

confirms

of Byzantium

internal

of secular

mark of the Palaiologan

volved

to both

the Latin

Despite

education,

was heavily

the attempts

Following

importance.

the Arsenites

which

civilis-

of his

individual

in classical

at Byzantium

existed

milieu

interest

contributions

coincides

career

double

Byzantine

century

was the most cultivated

had always

which

thirteenth

confirms

the revival

remains unclear.

education

involvement
of theological

The re-establishment

and Gregory's

own concurrent

x.94

interests

and theological

classical

between classical

learning

In the late

thirteenth

and the Church.

the general

century,

provided

been suggested that

to their

opposition

seems to have

caused by the Union of Lyons helped the classical-ecclesiastical

recede into

flict

a more liberal

by the Church.

attitude

time in Byzantine

intellectual

the legacy of antiquity

for

possible

ion,

there

use'.

The 'pagan'.
Cyprus,

ive

without

hindrance.

prior

period

eleventh

augured well

for

classical
texts

studies

ostracism

but its

revival.

this

eleventh

century

reappearance

was hardly
present

produce interesting

rather

results

of Pla-

was more reflectand neoplatonism

at Constantinople

tolerance

suggested ecclesiastical

usual.

(113)

Suppression

Once again,

an exception,

freedom in which Gregory of Cyprus participated

Byzantium seems the rule

tolerance

of

has actually

inquiry

and the. research

of Platonism

as customary at Byzantium.

and scholarly

of the late

century

cultural

Recent research

Perhaps

century.

by Gregory

continuation

of Raoulaina,

to the

of scholars'

thirteenth

the late

its

by Akropolites,

may be an oversimplificat-

disapproval

in

regarded

be
to
tolerated
merely
and

opinion

studies

interests

in the late

'For the first

even churchmen no longer

While this

the classical

of the

to it,

According

history

classical

approach

noudes occur

view stresses

to be no ecclesiastical

appears

con-

Another recent

as more decoration

(112)

out their

carrying

(111)

the background.

has

It

and those

disruptions

social

the

once again,

scene of tranquility.

to this

the exception

of goodwill

at Byzantium although

an atmosphere of tolerance

Arsenites

feeling

of Constantinople

which accompanied the repossession

created

of tension

leads to the question

for

at Lite

than the exception.

in the fourteenth

would once again look upon classical

studies

century

of

of

the events

the inbelloctual
thirteenth-century

This liberty

would

- some scholars

as the beet prolegomenon to

195.

a full

understanding

dichotomy between the theological

absolute

at 13yzantium during

in-tact

the almost exclusive

learning

the leader

which theology

attention

did not enter

and foremost

movement v=

Gregory certainly

demonstration

gained

of the

Church

the patriarchal

nor were
estate`,
classical
monastic

supresscd

This

is verified
(which

library

at

which

time

by the
Gregory

taught

fact

as Patriarch,

that

verifies

in evidence

kept

Raoulaina
used)

pupils,

her

in her

own

attached

of schools

establishment
to lay

monastic

suspicious

had no doubt

learning

and Athanasios

were still

Theodora

continuing

the discipline

When the monastic milieu

by the usually
that

continued.

the presence of an

studies

of Cyprus

secular

studies

resignation

classical

this

the
by
and

foundation

to monasteries

at

throne,

they

developments other

letters;

(115)

Gregory's

Although

with theological

Furthermore,

circle.

and

is found in the; letters

of this

profane

the Patriarch's

outside

control

came to

did not restrict

careers

period.

preoccupied

the momentumof classical

such as Planoudes in the capital

continued

this

on almost all

which Gregory wrote to Theodora Raoulaina.

individual

remained

in the 1280'0,

received
during

a moratorium

literary

of the Attic

than those ecclesiastical,

The first

and the claeeical

the

lifetime.

Gregory's

and the sources remain silent

matters

Nonethelcsa,

of the abrupt metamorphosis in the Patriarch's

In spite

necular

(114)

theology.

of Christian

that-of

Pla-

noudes being the most noteworthy.

academic career was largely

Since Gregory's
ion,

the philosophical,

thirteenth

century

marks on then will

Aristotelian
time,
this

preference

and artistic

have not been scrutinised

help emphasise the classical

thought

especially

scientific,

was the predominant

as the inspiration
continued

throughout

for

literary,

in its

concentrat-

views of the late

here but a fest general

revival

philosophy

at Constantinople.

at Byzantium at this

the course of Akropolites,

most of the late

re-

thirteenth

and

1964

(116)

century.

Gregory's

own allusions

patetic

thought

but he otherrriso

sopher.

(117)

The chief

with

Chouranos did

had.

ao Akropolites

philosophy

marked a change from

This

attitude

late

thirteenth-century

century,

Theodore 14etochites

although

he preferred

Byzantium had roots

it

Later,

would continue

neo-paganism

Although

with

we know that

harkened

of the

According

such a view.

almost total

abeyance.

AYsopolites'

course,

it
than
meaning

(122)

but this

does today.

after

discipline,
(123)

under Akro-

been
have
more
approach may
of T. 1'etochites

of mathematics

to him, the discipline

Aristotelian

century

Nicomachos and

The complaints

the state

concerning

usually

late"thirteenth

of the curriculum

of arithmetic

(121)

than systematic.

in the next century

support

an3'the

geometry but the Grand Logothete's

philosophical

in the

(120)
views remain unknown.

ancients

description

_Gregory's
instruction,
mentions=the

Euclidean

century.

study and speculation

scientific.

was no exception..
polites

at

century.

his scientific.

history,

back to the views

revival

Gregory OX Cyprus did not spurn the astro-

tho
zodiac,
of
signs
nomical
Throughout Byzantine

with both philosophers

Thus, the Platonic

fifteenth

of

view

Nikephoros Gregoras and culminate

in the

of Pletho

positions.

decades of the thirteenth

in the last

(118)

of the fourteenth

with the arrival

(119)

but selectively.

Aristotelian

also became selective

Plato.

preference,

peripatetic

respective

the strictly

Byzantium;

in conjunction

t Plato

of their

might be

and this

rhetoric

his

Despite

aspects

various

Piikephoros Choumnos,

philosophy

in opposition

Aristotle

not place

and refuted

approved

in Aristotelian

to Gregory since he may have taught

attributed

aware of pari-

to say on the man au philo-

of the Patriarch,

pupil

interest

had an overriding

has little

from

stem primarily

which must have made him fairly

instruction

Akropolites'

to Aristotle

physics

would help
had fallen,

was also a part

once again,

George. Pachymores'

into
of

had a more general

'Quadrivium'

197.

that

demonstrates

digest

sensible

a familiarity
of this

the thought

with

prepare the way for

at fourteenth-century
Thef late

other

artistic
task
buted

after

century

the

has survived

disruption

of the

and the

Church

the mother

(128)

and Theodore t: etochites:

of the visual

illuminated
luminated

is no evidence that
iuminated

manuscripts

to the scriptoria
period

arts.

of Nikephoros

Choumnos

the Patriarch

of the capital,

especially

when he retired

he ordered

whether any of these were

often

of homilies

Gregory did so. (130)

of his patriarchate

Many more monastic

While we know that

Patriarchs

or collections

or not,

of Constantine

Gregory of Cyprus has

his own collection,

(129)
remains unknown.
lectionaries

those

last.

for-the

commission which would lead to his

designation

manuscripts

(127)

II.

contri-

Andrew in }. rises,

St.

Unfortunately,

artistic

for

examples

the Monastery

including

bequeathed no surviving
as a patron

at

of Andronikos
1300,

circa

restorations"occurred

built

a necessary

probably

also

Raoulaina's

Althouggh

to a new.

monasteries,

Two prime

at

school of this

testify

occupation

art.

were Theodora

of, the Prodromos

by Theodora,

copies-of

revival.

of various

Latin

in religious

of, the century

(125)

from the metropolitan

Restoration

to the revival

in art

also saw a rejuvenation

(126)

decades

Lips

of Gregory of Cyprus did

items such as icons and manaccripts

style.

much

in mathematics and astronomy

which drew upon the classical

monumental art

period,

If

Byzantium.

thirteenth

Constantinople

(124)

more than a rehash of

seems nothing

of the contemporaries

made a

work and showed

known thinkers.

the immense interest

as T.

of AI:ropolites

scientific

of lesser

thought

scientific

the efforts

the ancients,

of Aristotle's

and analysis

period's

little

In his work, the pupil

it.

described

ldetochites

may not have been as desperate

the situation

commissioned il-

but once again,

there

Whether he com:
misoioned, ilz+a.
3 al: ays in close proximity
during

part

of the final

to the Hodegetria
."'

Honastory. (131)

198,

It

be remembered that

will

for

thio

foundation

resume of the educational,

This brief

aspects of the cultural

artistic

illustrates

Constantinople
lectual

thought

philo3ophical,
at late

milieu

how the classical

aBpects of the period

these subjects

will

be-made here.

Constantinople

st. this

of the Palaiologan

and the

theology,

of this

for

its

Gregory's

Gregory's

turmoil

development.

literary

context.

that,

despite

also'was

revival.

that

the Byzantines

genius stands in stark

the intrustion
life

without

theological

It

interest,

to the prosaic, and

They voiced no solutions

in the East for many years,

of productive

the general

an examination

of the West which caused-the

rank.

activity

had not lost-their

of Gregory of Cyprus lies

of the first

at the

but which drew upon

Despite
contrast

statements

stood

of the debates during

speculation.

theological

once again

revival,

of Lyons

the primary

the one intellectual

The intensity

revealed

the Union

reasserted

and Gregory

from the classical

The greatness

theologian
a
produce
the revival

with

views which his opponents offered.,

but merely repeated

ecclesiastical

It

in theological

creative

their

the classical

fron

of the 1280's

expression.

patriarchate

pedestrian

movement in

the literary

associated

at Constantinople

supreme interest

the liter-

only a few remarks on

that

Obviously,

the problems

which remained distinct

it

doiinated

revival.

pneuiatological

of theology

permeated intel-

revival

time sprang directly

and

of Gregory of Cyprus, the novement became.ths first

Through the efforts

As for

scientific,

thirteenth-century

Gregory so totally

and expression.

ary and..theological,

centre

manu-

(132)

scripts.

place

poooesced a centre

of manuocriptP and perhaps even illuminated

the production

fruit

probably

of

in, the fact

disruption

Byzantiu: a could still

Was Gregory who initiated

thought

under the. Palaiologoi..

of

199.

In examining the various

in the late

thirteenth

together'-is

Perhaps it

those of the Empire following

not the fourteenth.

century,

intellectual

substantial
fourteenth

century

ion almost completely

to this

during

with

the

Nicaean

to only

early

years but

at Constantinople
in the thirteenth

advances of the first

together

piecing

the more

for

of the

half

the re-

of rediscovery,

of a civilisat-

task.

to be done and it

much remained

of Constantinople

at

of the

While Blemmydes had devoted himself

period,

the

had been re-established

of Gregory's

Gregory toiled

the scholarship

shattered.

to go about

the

must appear

to lay the foundations

and the general

the repossession

be gathered

Helping

required

his outlook

re-establishment

and cultural

assemblage of libraries,

only

its

the reason becomes apparent.

are recalled,

that

When comparing Gregory to a polyrath

not only the conditions

If

more restricted.

back

himself

restricted

such as Theodore r;etochites,

century

culture

the pieces

comes as a surprise

of the period

representative

two areas of concentration.

fourteenth

the aspect of 'putting

century,

always present.

most intelligent

of Constantinopolitan

manifestations

enough impetus

that

Once the momentum of'cultural

Constantinople,

'the

could
activity

of the

appearance

was

poly-

math was inevitable.

the brief

Considering
itself

institutions

and its

intellectual
quite

activity

frequently.

by the policies

their
its

the Patriarch's

own cultural
culture

continually
identity,
with alarm.

threat

the Byzantines
The Hellenic

and troubled

of Lyons and

Shaken and unsure of

could only vier

revival

capital,

of the West, made no real

which led to the Council

haunted. the public.

greatest

should be judged

output

was once again the imperial

The recurrent

of Michael VIII

consequences,

alien

(1273-1290),

of Constantinople

of Gregory's

problems of the Empire were always apparent

the population

its

of the repossession
to the period

prior

Since the city

remarkable.

the external

duration

the test

which Crogory led

t

and

200.

Without

culture.

his

of Cyprus dealt

Gregory

with

(133)

developments.
critical

thinkers

Byzantium

(1225-1274),

to satisfy

who preferred

preference

between two

the West stood

The ideas

was growing

for

by its

for

speculation.

among them.

system of Thomas

theology

Western

yet

European

unable

a long

after

method,

opponents

As the new Aristotelianin the East,

phenomenon occurred

Plato

challenged

Based on the Aristotelian

attacks

basis

and problems

still

century

of Latin

control

ism waned in the West, a similar

an increasing

parallel

discontent

of the West.

increasing

a Platonic

were experiencing

at Lyons was the scholastic

the intellects

Thomism underwent

West in

of the twelfth

in complete

viewpoint

East and Latin

Byzantine

development.

ferment

Even

the Western

he approached

time,

but a new intellectual

What confronted
Aquinas

this

of intellectual

periods

in a creative

the two cultures

During

posed by the scholarly

its

that

which separated
century,

the threaten-

realm,

fashion.

manner.

thirteenth

In the theological

the problem

in an unprejudiced

the late

movement would

but once again,

was the fact

the gulf

of that

of Latin

was even more frightening

more extraordinary

Despite

the impetus

decisive.

theology

of Latin

nature

the encroachment

mechanism against

leadership,

have been less

probably
ing

as a defense

almost

acted

with

of Aristotelian

period

dominance.
The Latin

of opposition

relations

Unlike

thought.

thought
fashion

Byzantine
spheres

of the double

inherent

of the Holy Spirit

which

by the principle

of the

in the Aristotelian

the thinkers
in the face

of the West,

but

of scholasticism

thirteenth

were thus
century

facing

method of Aquinas'

Gregory

depended upon the Fathers

of Christendom

in the late

procession

of Cyprus was strengthened

Gregory

confronted

Platonic

view

for

his

different

lk

not revert

in traditional

the challenge

but through

did

answers.

Both

of scholasticism
methods:

to

201.

Platonic

upon Aquinas'

attack

Patristic

by Gregory upon tho theology

attack

implications

Aquinas'

of. Bekkos with

in both West and East also contributed

Christian

in both cultures.

spirituality

system in many quarters

led to an emphasis, especially

the continuing

emphaaieed by Gregory's

The rojoction

Gregory's

among the Franciscans,

tradition

Patristic

theological

of supreme importance
strength

This,. in turn,

helped provide

century

twelfth.

this

century,

century.

attitude
Latin
capital

occupation

in the West had its

for

intrigued

by an alien

obvious challenge
and D. -Kydones,
their

constant

this

intellectual

thirteenth

late-

limited

Crusade, 'the Byzantine

disdain

into

superiority=

the

hatred.

Once the

hatred
-the

remained,

-. -

yet

in other parts. of the Levant provided

contact
culture

could not ignore-it.

learned

in the

origins

in the

to the Fourth

Prior

movement.

_although
with the suspicions of the West

co-existed

presence of Latins

and, the, growing

interest,

had been repossessed. by the Byzantines,

the possibility

satisfy

This,

grew dramatically

had transformed

to other

not a spiritual

the growth of-the

may seem, this

public.

ro-

be
would
which
elements

toward the West had been. one of disdainful.

the continued

uals,

as it

circles,

held by the general

contained

piety.

in Byzantium at the end of the thirteenth

interest

'interest

Paradoxical

to intellectual

Although

movement.

the impetus for

Byzantine

Although

theology,

recourse

approach without

thought

estate

upon personal

of an apophatic

to hesychasi. spirituality.

of the monastic

of

of the West caused a sharp dichotomy

methods, ushered in the hesychast

master,

Thomist

to a revival

to appear between the concepts of reason and revelation.

In the East,

its

in the East.

was found

These reactions
of intense

in the West while

system was prevalent

with the West.

Byzantine

so close at hand and aware of its

*Many. of them, such as Planoudes

to read and, even to speak Latin

curiosity.

intellect-

so that

they could

202.

the Hellonic.

Despite
insulation

against

the intrusion

of Latin

intellectual

breadth

aware of all

the cultural

of Palaiolcgan

attraction

of this

marked the beginning

to discover

Greek: by Ilaximos Planoudes,

conversion

of Dcmetrios

the most'notable

It
fested

polemic against
of his position,

in

inportance

bably

position

John Bekkos.

solution
Spirit,

gave a fresh
true

gory's

for

and the attempts

a better

his

unionist

past,

Close examination

of the Spirit,

the

scholastic

Gregory's

paramount

has never received

the opportunity

ther West

repetitions

of

pneuraatological

yet containing

to the West to re-examine

had pro-

with

answer to the problem of the procession

position

the

career

unionist

method. of dialogue
than

of Cyprus mani-

to demonstrate

effort

its

pneumatology can almost bo termed an expression

the West but it

of

theological
at

attempt

compromise.

life

more creative

to the Byzantine

served as an invitation

and eventual

of Gregory

Gregory's

pneuraatology.

was far
Despite

of Latin

West
East
both
and
of

all-too-typical

however, shows a sincere

him to look

inspired

and his

another

the West than theological

to Latin

con-

careful

the translation

heritage

of the Son in the eternal

participation

thirteenth

by
a
succeeded
wars

the scholasticism

the pneumtology

that

more than

nothing

position

'

examples.

be argued

might

Gregory's

Kydones and his follower's,

to amalgamate the cultural

and the

in the late

th&ology

the Wests

works into

re-

them as time progressed.

for

movement.

of the Western pnoumatological

number of other attempts

provide

the

they were not fully

were being developed there

The response of Gregory of Cyprus to Latin

sideration

group of

demonstrated

Although

culture.

of the West became ever stronger

Bessarion

the small

culture,

developments of the West, these scholars

ideas of importance

that

century

which acted as

who dared to take the We:at seriously

intellectuals

alised

at Constantinople

revival

of the Holy

elements which
own approach.
of goodwill

to be recognised

Gretoward
as such.

P-03.
Ignored at the Council
the first

least

step to a solution

still

the Eastern and Western. Churches.

division

was unfortunate
of his life

Any attempt

and work still

to isolate

to allow
arch.

surfaces

not much material

us to construct

Although

mores, the type of candidate

nothing could be said'.

victim

of circumstances

in medieval history.

isolated

figure'against

that

of the Patri-

seems perplexing

and

to Pachywhom

The pressures

and'-

of Gregory's

aclear'picture

he was.

the Patriarch's

In this"instanco,

personality-is

the

his attempt

debate between East and West.

suggests that

too rare

he manifested

portrait

he was, according

career,

also do not allow

to solve the pneumatological

thirteenth-century

personal

his auto-

and other writings

the Emperor wanted., 'one against

key which aids in revealing

minded attitude

of his time

Despite Gregory's past, his lay status and

pathos of his patriarchate

personality,.

in his letters

made his candidacy acceptable.

exemplary character

to heal its

Except for

difficulties.

to the patriarchate

of his unionist

that

the means to do so.

provide

a trustworthy

his election

unexpected in light

the opportunity

Gregory from the circumstances

presents

or at

problem

Gregory sensed that

but never received

and analyse his personality

biography,

remains as a solution

of the pneumatological

dividing

the results

'

it

of Florence,

he was a person of tolerance,

As such, he stands as a lonely

His opena quality

all.

and

the complex and confused background of late

Byzantium.

the best that

Unappreciated
that

culture

by many of his contemporaries,

had to offer.

204.

Votes

(1)

For example, cf.

,

the Hodegetriu,

(2)

F.

(3)

J. Meyendorff

(4)

Pachymeres II,

(5)

J.

Soven

iapter

Pachymeres II9
the Patriarch

p. 122.

Kantine

C1IH 4,

(6)

(7)

d'ecelesiologie

The Correspondence

1975),

: 2, p.

Letters

Historia

Gregory still

Libri
II,

de Jean Deccos',

Paris.

gr.

e. 1297, according
E0 25(1926),

spent the final

years of his life

p. 87.

Documents

401"402.
pp:

1966),

(Washington,

D. C.

A work against.

82v-143r.

1303, fols.

Bekkos

'La date de la mort

to V. Laurent,

He gives the same obit

eventually

returned

in Constantinople.

from

exile

for
and

Cf. Pachynores

p. 271.

Gregoras

(9)

Pachymeres 71, pp. 298-299,358.

(10)

J.. Cheilas,

I.

Grabar

Period',

pp. 179-180-

n. 5, p. 1400.

op. cit.,
'The Artistic

Xariye

Aiarii

(12)

Cf. above, p. 140.

(13)

Cf.

(14)

G. Palaraas 'Apodietic

Climate
4,

p.

in Byzantium

During

the Palaiologan

6.

above,, p. 111.9especially.

tinople,
Pal

Parrouzesq

C. MMleliteniotes,

p. 319.

G. Metochites

-A.

1975),

MPG, cc. 863-926; G. Metochites

Cyprii',

(8)

(11)

Oxford,

P. 302"

C. Meliteniotes.

II,

ed.,

of Athanaeios

pp. 179-227;

unedited,

died in exile,

6; 115,

'flefutatio

doT,natica

(Paris,

byzantine

A. M. M. Talbot,

J. Bekkoc,

p. 220.

ad. J.

Schism',

.
i_nedits

to

p. 130.

'On the Arsenite

Cheilas,

ii,

(English

Theoloay

he retired

his duties.

continued

'Byzar_tine'Literature',

D lger

Although

1627),

Treatise'

II

(Coisl.

100 fol.

p. 71, quoted in J. Meyendorff

(London, 1964),

Addy

p. 231. " For appraisals

betueen the two GreGdrys, cf.

J. Neyendorff,

44v, ecl. Constanof Gregory

of the relationship

idern.,

pp., 13-17 and

205.

rpr

'AYCo<
"AyLov
iSoe*.
TL
'tv
cis;
xat,
-

'1'b MuctpLov

A. Radovic,

&ptov llc.Xo4i

,,

(15)

J. Meyendorff,

op. cit.,

n. 14,. p. 15.

(16)

J. Neyendorff,

op. cit.,

n. 14, pp. 15-16.

cf.

J. Meyendorff,

3973)

For that

of Gregoras

theoir.

Concw; lon of this

the
171E-176,
ami
nn.

alonixi,

16(Ther

'llatarlon

An, lecta

n. 14, pp. 95-96,110-111,188

op. cit.,

and

203-204.
(17)

'Against

Akindynos,

223, fols.

(19)

Philotheos,

MPG 151,

(20)

J. Kalothetos

(21)

G. Scholarios,

Contra

Gregoram,

'Life

of Athanasios

Ecclesiastical

(London,
(22)

Constantinople
(23)

Pachymeres

(24)

Oxford

(2$)

G.. Scholarios,

II9

Les memoires du grand

Syropoulos

Sylvestre

of the Christian
Oeuvres
in J.

and Other Essays

(Oxford,

to Lyons,

Byz antiun:

with

the Western

World

Church

Gill,

Personalities
p. 216.

of the patriarchal

representatives

refers

Eastern

refused

de

de l'eglise
442444.
pp.

(Rome, 1971),

196k),

G. Scholarios,

1928-1936),

MPG 142,

'Apologia',
(Oxford,

c. 256D.

pp. 518-19.

1974),

(Paris,

com, ln_etes, ed. L. Petit,

3, p. 96, quoted

patriarchs

(Paris,

ecclesiarque

of Cyprus,

p. 93; Gregory

Dictionary

representatives
(26)

Reaction

p. 87.

12(1940),

6, p. 146.

article

ed. V. Laurent,

915CD.

ed. L. Petit

and Relations

History

1972),

c.

epaxux

'The Byzantine

op. cit.

229v-230v.

I'.

Oeuvres completes,

89; D. M. Nicol,
P.
"39

229v and 355v"

223 fols.

V, quoted by J. Meyendorff,

Palamas',

n. 14, p. 16 from Monac. gr.

Its

quoted in J. Meyendorff,

Palamas' V and VII,

n. 14, p. 16 from Monac. gr.

op. cit.,
(18)

'Against

Akindynos,

1928-1936),

of the Council

of Florence

The limitation

by letter

to the fact

to be bound by the decisions

that

the

of their

at the Council.
opm cit.

n. 25,2,

424-426.
pp.

Section

of tomos

quoted, MPG142, cc. 244B-246B.

(27)

G. Scholarios,

p. 217.

op. cit.

n. 25,3,

p. 173;

J.

Gill

op. cit.

n. 25,

206.

(28)

G. Scholarlos,

op. cit.,

n. 25,3,

p. 167; J. Gill,

op. cit.,

25,3,
n.

p. 127.

op. cit.,

n. 23,

to the History

of

PP. 217-218.

(9) G. Sciolarios,

(30) Th. Papadopoulos, Studies and Documents RelatinA

the Greek Church and People under Turkish

Dominion (Brussels,

1952)

pp. 155-6.
(31)

Dositheo3,

T64os 'Ay&n-n,, (Jasny,

Dositheos,

there

koplos_. Byzantine

Cyprus.

that

this

between

is; something

A. Banduri;. Imperium Orientale

(33)

In this

context,

Century. Byzantine

'Late

Thirteenth

zatine

Fellow-

1975), p. 62.

62.
p.

Ibid.,

(35)

From a memorandumof Scholarios,

'-0068oEo,

(37)

not,

1711), pp. 942-949.

Thslogy and Gregory of Cyprus',

(34)

'

D. M. Nicol,

EXXic, (Leipzig..
'The Byzantine

Ecclesiastical

(London,

and is

can-

'legacy'.

2 (Paris,

Hass.,

'eternal
and

Hence,, Margounios

the. remarks of A. Papadakis,

2 (Brookline,

ship Lectures

Its

however, -.in

of Gregory of,, -,,

procession'

pneumatology

as, a part, of the Patriarch's

of.

to that

much different.

(32)

(36)

'eternal

to Gregory's

an heir

considered

included

two processions'

problem by distinguishing

approach was similar

The distinction

manifestation'.
not'be

1966), p. 171, Mar-

and , one temporal. -, Geanakoplos has erred,

- one eternal
suggesting

to D. J. Gearla-

According

West (Oxford,

East and-Latin

the filioque

counios solved

of Crete.

This. was

earlier.

problem almost a century

(1549-1602)

faximos Margounios

to

In addition

Orthodox bishop who addressed himself

was another

to the pneumatological

1672), p. 387.

1972),

Autobiography,

History
article

12,

quoted in A. C. Demetrahopoulos,

1872), p. 64.
Church and Hellenic
and Rel.6ticns

with

Learning'
the Western

-zan tiunt
World

p. 29.

1TPc142, cc. 24D-25C.

For the Nicaean roots

of the

207.

Palaiologan

A. Tuilior,.

of.

rovival,

do la Renaissance byzantiro'au
G. Bude 3(1955),

ation

o dvora

visantijska.

xiiie

PP- 71-76;

v XIII

'Recherchen our 1es origines

M. A. Andreeva,

'Kariye

Trends of His Tide,

(39)

Intellectual

Djarnl 4, p. 19(-Art

et rociete,

p; 15);
Uyzantin

ethumaniste

1959), P. 31.

Gregory of Cyprus, Autobiography,

(1+0) Autobiography,
(41)

des

royale

(Prague,
3
n.

the Chora, and-the

Pleephore Choumnos, hommed'etat

J. Verpeaux,
(Parisi

societe

po kul'ture

Angold p. 178.

1927), pp. 128-142; and more recently,

1. Sevicenko, 'Theodore Metochites,

de l'asnoci-

Ocherki

de Boheme. Classe des Lett. -.es, N. S. VIII,

sciences

08)
.

de la

Travaux

veke,

Bulletin

siecle',

c. 20A.

For an excellent
''Spiritual

cc. 25C-28A.

dincuseion

humanism, cf.

of Byzantine

and Early

Trends in Byzantium in the Late Thirteenth

Fourteenth

Centuries',

and Culture

in

Kariye

the Fourteenth
Etudes
des

International

For a comparison

Century',

Byzantines

of Byzantine

n. 38, pp. 193-201.

op. cit.,

Diami If, pp. 95-106;

Actes

(Bucharest,

and Western

Cf. also I.

J. Neyendorff

idem.,

'Society

du XIVVe-Conzres
1974),

humanism,

Sevicenko,

of.

pp.

111-121F.

Verpeaux,

op. cit.

40,
p.
n. 166.

(42)

Byzantium

D. J. -Geanakoplos

in Venice

Scholars

(reprint:

and the

Renaissance:

Hamden, Conn.,

Greek

1973),

P"

291.
(43)

E.

Kriaras

Naissance
of

'Diglossie

the

(Oxford,

de la

XIIIth
1967),

des

litterature

International
g.

290.

derniers

siecles

neo-hellenique,
Congress

of

de Byzance:
' Proceedings
Byzantine

Studies

n. 38,

zog,

(44)

H. Hunger Die Hochsrerachliche

Profane

der Byzantiner

Literatur

I (Munich, 1978), PP. 71-72"

('45)

Hunger,

op. cit.,

For an excellent
R. Browning

(: +

and Modern Greek

op* cit.

1831),

n.

43,

II',

pp.

movement,

(London,

1969),

cf.
49-55.
pp.

283-286.
Graeca 3, ed. J. F. Boissona. de

Anecdota

369-370.

PP.

in pre-patriarchal

References
Letters

of the Atticist

explanation

N. Choumnos 'Pamphlet
(Paris,

cf.

66-67.
44',
n.
pp.

; Medieval

E. Kriaras,

and philosophy,

66.

n. lil} , p.

("46,1 H. Hunger, op. cit.,

(40

between rhetoric

and the struggle

For this

28,44#

letters

58,69;

Eustratiades

to Plato:
idem.,

to Demosthenes

65,

Letters

100,101.
('59

Eustratiades

Letters

influence;
Bans la
(SI)

Cf.

three

Libanius

Foerster,
142-179;

op. cit.,

(Jena,

1876)

W. Lameere,

in Libanios'

(Leipzig,

p.
49
n.
,

style

La tradition

de la

deChypre

Op. cit.,

n. 19 above and H. Hunger op. cit.,

Cf.

(554)

Gregory

of Cyprus

(55)

Laudatio

Michaelis,

52-82,7P.

part

1877)

and the

44,
n.
p. 96.

a
Chreia,

M
-G

IIPG 142,

MPG142, cc. 386-418.

142,
cc.

cc.

417-421.

346-386,

Laudatio

2, pp.

de Gregoire

1937), P" 3-

n. 51 above.

PP-

of Nazianzos,

correspondance

(Brussels,

(53)

two ed. R.

editae,

of Gregory

to that

nanuscrite

(Jena,

3-8,

1923).

ed. M. Scheidt,

Leidensi

e codice

and part

6, pp.

1902),

(Paris,

style,

367 and another,

3, pp.

ere

de notre

au TIe siecle

Opera,

et la Sophistique

Aristide

declamations

of Gregory's

comparison

Aelius

Declanationes

Cyprii

Georgic

(59)

d'Asie

province

Gregory's

11-17

A. Boulanger

cf.

and his

For Aristeides

26,38,62,75.

Andronici,

2-01

(56)

44,
n.

Of. H. Hunger, op. cit.,

lint.

r
44',
n.

('57)

H. Hunger,

(5 )

For the enkomia of Holoboloo

op. cit.,

50 and (1907)

p. 129.

pp.

three,

cf.

(Potsdam,
and the

51-77,78-98,

BZ 42 (1943-49),

fourth

1906),

ed.
30-

pp.

ed. L. Proviale,

PP. 15-45.
and its

of Constantinople

Recapture

tQ Michael VIII,

Orates

Iloloboli

Manuelis

N. Treu,

('S8)

pp. 120-129 for an exhaustive

Michaelis,

Laudatio

aftermath,

NPG142, Co. 376C-377D.

(60)

(61)

Taudatio

Andronici,

Op. cit.

60,
n.

9BC "

', 142, -C-

Angold p. 45 mentions the

412-414c.
397CD,
cc.

king at

emphasis placed upon the concept of the philosopher

Nicaea.

Gregory continued
(6 2)

(63)"

Cf.

of this

type,

Euatratiades

2,1,

698-699

'Enko; iion

to Dionysios

of the

George Akropolites

p. 132.

where Gregory

Other
see
A

Akropolites,

'Constantine

pp. 249-256.
CdXnty

EkryEatxi
111,

Letter

ignorance

Gregory

concerning

rt.

Dionysios;

wrote the enkomion in the hope of eradicating

ignorance.

Cf.

pp.

41F-424.

xas 'B6voaoytxn
G. Moravcsik,

'Enkonion

the

article

to St.

`ETwtpsiar_.
Byzantinoturcica

by I.

Sykoutres,

Euthynios',
(1894),

pp.

1 (Berlin,

1958),

that

EF 23(1924),

tcX Cov 'Tcr2Rtj2C

387_422;

to

complains

he probably

also

submits

On Akropolites,

the Areopaite',

In Eustratiades

PP. - 356-370.

44',
n.

to C. Aicropolites.

DOP 19(1965),

Note',

Prosopographical

cit.

op.

38,39,169.
-

and D. M. Nicol

in

For other subjects

409Jk1O,

pp.

Christopher

St.

to C. Akropolites

Beck pp.

(64)

H. Hunger,

cf.

Letter

a canon honoring
letters

them. Cf. also Barker pp. 151-161.

?'PG 142, cc. 433-441f.

Fnkomion Maris,
enkomia

held these views and

Both Blemmydes and Akropolites

cf.
p.

also.
292.

201
a.

'Enkomion
588-606;

Laudatio

(66)

N.

(67)

(68)

Sancti

Galesion',

3:

AASS Nov.

%r, ti.pto:

Marina',

.,

Georgii,
Curriculum

(Leipzig,

1896).

Quotation

from

tinischen

Literatur,

H. Hunger,

Die

J.

Blemmydes,

(70)

Ed.,

cc.

Vitae

Cartina,

Irrascher,

o 'Tj'aXaf, ias 18
5

at

1978),

Byzantina

in

translation,

oicenberg

der

byzan-

1975),
der

Lieratur

50

p.

Byzan-

169.

166',

pp.

A.

od.

2(Berlin,

Profane

Autobiography,

passim.

299-346.

'Autobiographien

Studia

French

with

i4PG 142,

Hochsprachliche

I(Munich,

(69)

pp.

to

Mt.

of

pp. 189-200,227-239.

Blemmydes,

tiner

(71a)

Lazaros

'Enkomion

(1935),
(65)

St.

to

28C.

c.

B 29-30(1959-60)

H. Gregoire,

447-476.

G. Pachymeres,

MPG 144,

335. Joseph-the

c.

Philosopher.

cf.

Vindob.

Phil.

H. Treu, Bz. 8(1899), p. 34.

(71b)

(71c)

H.

Hunger,

op.

cit.

n.

Gr. 95,. ff.

189r-233v.

D. Kydones.,

Apologia

di

Neliteniota
e della

pro

e Demetrio

Procoro

et

p.

68,

vita

Cidone,

d'altri

appunti
bizantina

litteratura

168,

citing

ed.

sua,
Manuele
per
del

Cod.

la

Notizie

G. Mercati,

Caleca

e Teodoro

storia

della

secolo

teologia

XIV, (Vatican,

1931),

pp. 359-403.
(71d)

J.

Irmscher,

op.

cit.

n.

(71e)

N.

Choumnos,

Pamphlet

II,

Boissonade(Paris,
(71f)

Apologia,
140.

MPG 142,

1829),
cc.

67,

pp.

Anecdota
pp.

7-8.
Graeca

3,

ed.

J. F.

367-368.

257A-258B9

and cf,

above

pp.

139-

2ogb,
N. G. Wilson

"(L)

The text

P. 57.
(72a)
(lLb)

(72c)

in Pari. sinus

Maximi

monachi Planudis

Letter

67;

(7Zi)

Eustratiades

Schulen

1115"
`9,
1,
Le-bter'
P.
Letters

100-101,3,

(U5)

Eustratiades

Letters

20-21,1,

(ii

Eustratiades

Letters

30,1,

(7Li)

Eustratiades

Letter

(12.
x)

IT.G. Wilson

422-424.
pp.
429
and 58,2,
p.

85,3,

'Books and Readers at 'Byzantium',

(7.Lk)

Eustratiades

Letter

187,5,

451.
p.

(7ij)

Eustratiades

Letter

102,3,

p. 34.

Eustratiades
n)

Letter

78,3,

H. Belting
Art

(1L)

J.

1975),

p.

Byzantine

Books and

1.

16.

p.

n. 7Zm.
'Die

Auftraggeber

et Societe,

pp.

'Centres

IrigIoin

copyists

der sptbyzantinischen

Bildhandschrift'

166-167.
de Copie

(Washington
Bookmen
and
monastic

p. 203.

p. 21.

D. C.,

UZ6)

5, p. 118-

PP. 33-31; Sykoutres

Book men (Washington

op. cit.

Das

und `.schulmeister',

29B.

c.

(12) Eustratiades

(12n)

1890),

p. 114.

9(1963),

Autobiography

(Breslau,

p.
7Z",
'64.
n.

op. cit.

'Byzantinischen

R. Browning,

ed. M. Treu

Eristulas,

TT.G. Wilson

(7ZJ)

(1L

lllj.

52.
p..

See above,

Altertum

Graecus

GR1S e(1967),

World'

of the Byzantine

'The Libraries

D. C.,

of Petra

et Bibliotheques'

Byzantine

P. 23,

demonstrates

1975),

took

outside

orders

in the

Books
how the

twelfth

century.

(iZ9)

'The Libraries

N. G. Wilson

of the Byzantine

63.
p.

Bz 51(1958),
H. Hunger

L. Politis

'Eine Schreiberschule

Irigoin

and Rookricn

in Kloster

`ObBywv
%wv

PP. 17-36.

'Von Wissenschaft

JOBG 8(1959),
(73Q) J.

8(1967)
GRBS
,
,

(TZr) Cf. especially

(73)

World'

pp.
'Centres

und Kunst

der

frhen

Palaiologenzeit'

1211-125.
de Copie

(Washington

D. C.,

et Bibliotheques',
1975),

pp.

26-27.

Byzantine

Bocks

210.

PP- 202-203.

57,2,

Letter

ZgS-=-$(O
I-For.

eaclner.

(75)

V-aou. lc

of.

entre

Theodore Metochite

p.
(77)

in P. Tannery,

78,

argued

suggests
that

shortage

(78)
(79)

sur 1a polemigu'
A962)

(Brussels

as Gregory's
(Paria,

1926)

of Gregory.
sous les

intellectuelle

formation

Quadrivium

de Georges Pachnere,

p. XXVII.

L. Brehier,

for

sur

It

could

be

an ecclesiastical
school.

patriarchal

in the capital

Studi

B 3(1926),

of, Bleriniydes.

was destined
the

'P;otes

a Constantinople',

as a pupil

Pachymeres

of instructors

upon this.

Pachyiores
I.

Pachymeres

since

a student

superieur

he would have attended

career,

-doubt

1940),

de l'enseignment

1'histoire
p,

(Vatican,

94,

e Testi

et la

'Le Quadrivium

Paleologues',

Pachymeres

Greaoras

cur. 2licephore

Pachymeres as

mentions

V. Laurent

Trends of

of the young fetochites

Essai

R. Guilland,

217, '. also

in his

In

tutelage.

Etudes

et IdicephoreChoumnos

41,
4,
the possibility
p.
n.
student.

1, p. 64).

p. 19, n. 3, he calls

', He also suggests

pupil'.

For

(ed.
28,
Treu,
Planoudes
n.
with

both to Gregory's

assigns

Xariye'Djami'4,

'Gregory's

18141+),pp. 4-5.

the Chora, and the Intellectual

'Theodore Metochites,
His Time',

bova.
a.

Gabras (ed. Fatouros,

I. "Sevicenko erroneously

#er

six.

)I

Corresponciance dc Nicephore

He corresponded

p. 386.

ag

chct,

cf

R. Guilland,

Of. P. 217) and Michael

(76)

y'o

l. ei-er

143.addr(-'5sed

3, Anecdota Nova (Paris,

IT. Chournos, Letter

Gre, oras,

Mou. z_WoY1

Gregory

where

T. Xanthopoulos,

For

-Both

the

and his Quadrivium=cast

'

YU, p. 126.

Sevicenko,

Etudes

sur

la polenique

Plicephore

Chopmnos (Brussels,

'Enkonion

to St.

Marina'

1962),

in Lobos 2,

entre
41.
p.

Theodore
He cites

Vin3. 'Phi1.

Gr.

Metochite

et

T. Netochitea
95.

"Grogory's

211.

is in rprn6pcor

enkomion to the sannsaint

r,

na\

G(1M. ), PP"

189-200,227-239.
(80)

S. unc1ian,

(81)

V. Laurent,

(82)

C. Wendel, 'Planudea',

(83)

Maximi monachi Planudis

The definitive
homme d'"tat

"

(85)

B7 40(1940),

study

421.
p.
(Breslau,
M.
Trou
ed.

intulae,

et humaniste

407-410.
82,
pp.
n.

byzantin

(Paris,

Andronici,

ecdota Craeca 1, PP. 359-93).

op. cit.,

pp. 1-56.

1829),

Gregory
Graeca 1, p.

-Choumnos
2, p. 4 middle

361

P. 7 middle

p. 361
pp. 371-372

P. -.16 middle

371
-p"
Pp. 385-386

P"

35 middle

1+8
beginning.
p.

Cf. also the remarks of M. Gedeon, I1rpiapyLxoi

tinople,

Ilivaxeq

Cf. H. Hunger, op. cit.,

n. 'iq',

(88)

Cf., H. Hunger, op. cit.,

/L',
pp. 130-131 for
n.

(89)'

I.
.

Choumnos,fept
1829),

172-171f, for
works,

(Constan-

1890).

(87)

2, (Faris,

Anew

Choumnos, idem.,

4,
the
following,
$y
90,
p.
cuggesta
n.
n.
,

passages of similarity:

Anecdota

1959)

MPG142, co- 386-417. (eAn-

Nikephoros

Graeca 2, ed. J. F. Bois3onade (Paris,

J. Verpeaux,

1890),

of Choumnos is J. -Verpeux, Iyicnhore Choirnnos,

Gregory of Cyprus, Laudatio

(86)

60.
p.

n. 77, p. XIV, n. 5.

op. cit.,

67; C. Wendel, op. cit.,

Letter
(8! )

Renaissance (Cambridge, 1970),

The lant_Byzantine

unlike

8cxacoc6v-n(;,
pp. 137-187.

the other
Gregory's,

pp. 129-130

the list.
the authors.

ed. J. F. Boissonade,

Anecdota Craeca,

Cf. H. Hunger, op. cit.,

references.
appear

for

It

within

n. 4y',

must be mentioned that

the

works which might cause them to be classified

context

of other

as ekphraseis.

pp.
these

literary

212.

(90)

H. Hunger, op. cit.,

(91)

T. Verpeaux,

4'!,
n.

63;
84,
n.
p.

op. cit.,

J, F. Boissonade,

p. 132.

(Paris,
ova

Anecdota

(92)

Pachymeres II,

p. 126.

(93)

Pachyieres

pp. 183-184.

(94)

Gregoras I,

II,

For the text

p. 262.

'Les grandes crises

N. Chumnos, Letters,
].844), pp. 1-190.

La fin

du schisme
historique

do la section

AcadeMie
Rownaine=??
u11etin
R

Arsenite'

V. Laurent,

of the document, cf.

Byzance.

religieuses

ed.

26(1945), pp. 297-302.

(95)

].9k+8), p. 586, attributes

of the procession

(96)

68,

Anecdota
trate

1f+4), " Letters

I.

of His Time',

Op. cit.
fols.

(101)

91-93

pp.

of such

also

demons'salon'

literary
.a

Ph. gr.

95;

Kariye
idem.

'On the Authorship

American

Djami

the Chora, and the Intellectual

4, pp.
n.

op. cit.,

47-118, citirg
79,

pp.

of the Liptinean
of Philolo

Journal

Logos 17,

169-170.

Declamations
63(1942),
y_,
.

Attributed
pp.

154-158.

Logos 6, Vindobon Ph. gr.

38,
97,
P.
n. 149, citing
n.

95

97r-145v among others.

E, Kriaras,
de la

76-17,

met.

Sevicenko, 'Theodore Metochites,

F. Linz,

`J:
F. Boissonade,
od.

have been part

it. ever

to Aristeides',

(100

(Breslau,
1890),
M.
Treu
ed.

Nova (Paris,

Choumnos could

it.

concerning

N. Choumnos, Letters,

if

Vindobon.

to Choumnos but. Verpeaux,

p. 245;

that

Trends

(99)

nothing

doctrine

the Latin

against

of the Holy Spirit

Maxiei monachi Planudi Enistulae,

Letter

(97)

a treatise

84,
n.
records

op. cit.,

(Baltimore,
3
Science
of

to the'Hictory

Introduction

G. Sarton,

'Dig]ossie

litterature

national

des derniers

neo-hellenique',

Congross of

zantine

(102) N. Chounnos, 'Pamphlet' I',

siecles

do 13yzance: Naissance

Proceedings

Studies

(Oxford,

of*the'Xlllth

1967),

Pp. 356-364,, 'Pamphlet II',

Anecdota Graeca 3, e3. J. F. Boissonado

(Paris,

Inter-

P. -291.

PP. 365-391,

1831). ' For a

213.

of the quarrel,

complete discussion

I.

cf.

Sevconko, op. cit.

n. 79, esp. pp. 22-59.

(103)

(Paris,
(104)

P. 361;

1829),

I.

II,

Origins

n. 102,

Literaturo',.

proximity,

p. 368.

n. 79, Pp - 26,28.
'The Hellen44.
p.

For the concept,

(Leipzig,

Stilbegriff

onade

n. 79, PP. 22-59.

DOP 17(1963),

n. 79, p. 53.

(108) I. Sevicenko, op. cit.,

(110) E. Kriaras,

op. cit.,

of Byzantine

- Ein antiker

(109) For their

op. cit.,

n. 79, p. 26; R. J. H. Jenkins,

Sevconko, op. cit.,

Decv6Tr

3ovicenko,

Sevicenko, op. cit.,

I.

OeveenKo, op. cit.,

istic
(107) I.

pp. 369-374;

3, ed. J. F. Bois

Anecdote. Gracca
I.

N. Choumnos, Panphlot

(105) Tbid.,
(106

It

N. Choumnoo, Panphlet

L. Voit,

cf.

1934).

n.. 79, P. 58.

esp. I.

of.

53.
79,
P.
n.

Sevicenko, op. cit.,

84,
n.

n. 101, p. 290; J. Vorpeaux, op. cit.

op. cit.,

p. 115.
(111)

J.

Fourteenth

of ecclesiastical
Byzantine

cf.

period,

the Western

Relations

with

H. G. Beck

'Geistiges

1968),

Antike
Joseph

the Philosopher

viewpoint.
Paris,

1959),

to the implication
no difference

3,

ii,

Church and

p.

2k4-246.

12.

article

des aus-

Kirche

ed. H.

pp.

Studies

at Byzantium'

68-77.
chief

An abuse of this

philosophy

advocates

byzantine

La Philosophie

by Barlaam of Calabria

op. cit.,

and

608.

became one of the

between profane

Cf. J. ' !'eyend.orff,

1972),

'The Church and Classical

B. Tatakis,

pp.

the later

during

History

Ecclesiastical
(London,

Jorld

16 (1970),,

und Abendland

Cf.

Its

For a survey

p. 96.

Handbuch der Y.irchen? enchichte,

(113) Cf. esp. P. G. Wilson,

(114)

studies

Leben in der byzantinischen

gehenden Mittelalters',
Jedin

4,

'The Byzantine

D. M. Nicol,

and Early

Thirteenth

Djami

of. classical

B'zantiun:

Learning',

(Freiburg,

I: ariye

Byzantium',

Century

in Late

Trends

tolerance

Hellenic

(112)

'Spiritual

1"ieyendorrf,

attitude

that

there

and Christian

10off.
111,
n.
p.

of this

(second
would

ed.,
lead

was essontially
revelation.

214.
(115) It

is known that

Planoudes was living

in tho capital

at this

time.

Cf. above n. 82.

(116) Cf, abovog p. 50.
(117) Autobiography

c. 25CD.

44, It

Letter

pp. 1+38-+39; and Letter

(118) N. Choumnos, Latter

184k),

pp. 11-12;

47,2,

B. Tatakis,

Letter

(121)' Autobiography,

Eustratiades

pp. 196-197.

n. 114, p. 248.

op. cit.

(Leipzig,

Miscellanea

1966), p. 1691 B. Tatakis,

(120) Eustra,tiades,

to Aristotle,

8, Anecdote. Nova, ed. J. F. Doissonado (Paris,

i11er,
Ch.
ti
ed.

(119) T. Netochites,
Al terd=,

Other references

1$214, reprint

n. 114, pp. 250-251.

op. cit.

430-431.
pp.

34,1,

c. 25CD.

(122) C. N. Sathas, MccaLwvcxij BL3XLo1jxfl, 1, %c, f. (Venice 1F72)pp. 139-95

.
K. Vogel, op. cit.,
n. 123, p. 276.
(123) Cf. the. excellent
CMIT4,
(124)

(125)

(Cambridge,

Ed. P. Tannery,
(Vatican,

1940)

A. Grabar

'Artistic

Period',

KariXe

Kariye

Djami

idem.,

9.111.

(126) 0. De:ius,

and its

Oaks belong to this

British

Museum
and other

Auftra.,;;
Sociate,

Place

in

period.
Public

Burney

20;

illuminated

Library
and Par.

manuscripts,

eber der sptbyzantinischon

pp.

9-7
116,

gr.,

of Palaeologan

Martyrs

ascribed

101;

gr.

of the
Art',

The mosaic icons of the

of the Forty

Manuscripts

94

the Palacologan

0. Demus, 'The Style

the Development

and that

e Testi

p.. 239.

During

n. 125, pp. 143-146.

at Berlin

Leningrad,

in Byzantium
9-12;

Studi

n. 114,

op. cit.

4, pp.

Djami

include

de Georges ahymere,
P

Climate

Science',

pp. 279-280.

B. Tatakis,

op. cit.,

Crucifixion

these

1967),

Quadriviuri

'Byzantine

of K. Vogel,

explanation

lit.

at Dumbarton
to this

Athos,

Iviron

54.

With

respect

of.

also

H. Belting

Bildhandschrift'.

period

Art

5f

to
'Die
at

215.

(127) 1. Sev6enko, op. cit.,

(128) For a full

list,

cf.

n. 97, p. 54, n. 247.

'Uno fondation

V. Laurent,

Nicephore Choumnos', RED 12(1954),

monastiquo do

p. 32, nn. 1 and 2.

(129) Cf. above, p.

(130) Gregory's

chief

scholarly

interests

were rhetorical

as a literary

genre could sometimes inspire

the narrativo

of a composition,

Cf. K. Weitzmann 'Cyclic

Byzantine

in Byzntino

Books and Bookmen (tilashington,

(131) Gregoras I,

(132) L. Politic

p. 178; Pachymeres II0

a painter

to illustrate

in the case of homilies.

especially

Illustration

and rhetoric

Manuscripts',

D. C., 1975), P. 108.

pp. 121-122.

'Eine Schreibercehule in Klster

'08r
twv

v BZ 51(1958),

PP. 17"-36.

"
(133) Cf. the remarks
of J. Meyendorff',

op. cit..

n. 14, p. 25.,

216.

Conclusion
Theology : Its

Gregory's

Method and Placo in

Byzantine
The theology

order to obtain

that

in. the face of pressing

clarification

in this

were no different
Since late
culture

can aid

theology,

controversies
creative
nine

of theological

While this

his

times,

a great

name of an object

nected xith
chosei,

it

solutions

of Gregory

and writinis

components

of Byzantine

made his

literature
to

own contribution

of traditional

application

The

-'forms'.

marked not only the reinstitution

speculation

as an important

writing

but also the fresh

at Byzantium,

component of Byzantine

nay sound over simplistic

of Byzantine

part

literature

interest

in

expressed

the object's

its

etymology
real

essence.

since

nature

(2)

remained to put theca in their

it

of
begin-

literature.

was the word

the correct

and obvious,

by the Byzantine s.

choice of words was approached al-most reverentially

They took

from the need for

which he developed in response to the pneumatological

The most important

itself.

life,

Patriarch

of his Patriarchate

theological

theological

and Gregory's

situations

of the

how the

through

'system'

theological.

of the

exploration

in understanding

Byzantine

resulted

and

Byzantium can be termed a literary

thirteenth-century

a brief

eventual-

respect.

from an examination

of Cyprus,

it

and the cultural

important

All

history

Church's

thought,

circumstances

Constantinople.

Palalologan

from these events in

can only. be understood

to the historical

in the Byzantine

it

of the Patriarch's
theology

regory's

reference

of early

decisions

to isolate

picture

a clearer

ly becomes clear
judged with

amidst the unedifying

thirteenth-centurey

which conouned late

fluch as one would like

Byzantium.

milieu

Thought

of Gregory of Cyprus surfaced

of disaZreement

currents

was l2lieved

and that

it

that

was also

Once the correct

best arrangement

the
con-

words had been

and. -it was

(i)

217.

through

that

rhetoric

this

roots

of medieval Greek rhetoric

have already

still

remains to stress

that

from-ito

matically
by its

the fact

classical

at Byzantium it

had to be recorded,

rhetoric

ushered in the cult

the desire
ion

of them later

literateur.

at Byzantium

marks of Byzantine
literary
course,

the

since

arts

had no conception

thought

(3)

it

to the

originate

between

called

the

eighteenth

until

there was
Everything

had 1 beauty which consist-

creation

of his neo-Platonic

by 'aisthesis',
nor discursive

philosophy

had reflected

Of

discipline

per se at Byzantiun,

analytic

the

'aesthetics'.

Byzantine

of a special

not

tie

world which was unaesthetic.

Neither

works

rhetorical

close

was 'apprehended by a sudden vision'.

idea a part

times,

of the

the life

with

the

Beauty was perceived

Nyssa and Gregory of ;:azianzos

context.

did

God's entire

power of sensual perception.

for

art

a written

books became one of the most precious

emanated fron

which

in the Byzantine

caused it,

page,

During Hellenistic

word passed

They manifested

such a concept

ed of size and order.

into

became synonymous

the spoken

culture.

was viewed holistically;

made this

from an oral

While there was no aesthetics

century.

to the written

and

but merely read aloud by a reader.

As a result,

Byzantines

'aesthetics'

nothing

for

and visual

was presented

to possess books began to grow and the acquisit-

books.

within

dra-

Rhetoric,

presentation.

confined

of the book at Byzantium.

Respect

inscribed

in its

was largely

of rhetoric

of individuals

differ-ad

rhetoric

Because the word was important

was written.

The transformation

above, it

to the C2.acco-Roman tradition,

declaimed by an orator

no longer

the classical

been traced

Byzantine

counterpart

very nature according

orally;

Although

was accomplished.

the
reasoning

Plotinus

had

and both Gregory of

upon the-concept

in a Christian

(4)

Since creation
a mathematical

seemed so well-ordered

approach to its

beauty.

to the Byzantiner,

they had

In the world of matter,

gestures,

218.

sounds, and words could be used to reflect

Materials,

not only the sym-

metry,, but the rhy`..hm and balanced movements of creation.

rhetoric,

there

of words.

(5)

Gregory of Cyprus'
Holy Spirit

reveals

text. W1hat follows

in light

of his

of this,

his

a text

approached

in

of Gregory's
his

isolation.

position
Hence,

already

the

aid as a tool
renainecl

rhetoric

it

system.

the proclamation

in

isolation,

only

read

drew upon It

of words which

studies

the presentation
of Christian

these

that

late

the

style

ensured

they

origin-

Byzantium

at

rhetoric

'chile

has
could

theology

thirteenth-century

literary

expression

of

enabled him to. use

of his theology.
doctrine

words

that

material.

at

often

one.

be realised

for

Since

tho words he

consider

of theological

how

mean when

were so scandalised

revival

Because

they

should

When they

the

reflected

attitude

of what it

His study of antique

for

had been
Through

usage.

as a theological

must also

Gregory

answer,

Usage of lords.

of classical

classical

of Cyprus

as the vehicle

served

the

battle

attitude

above,

from

Gregory

his theological

the

in the presentation

distinct

Byzantiun1

and would

compartmentalisation

been stressed

they

method

to these words.

Their

on words

iaeaz

remarks,

at his

dimension

the creative

preconceived

as much from a literary

While

form

he gave another

con-

theological

to his

Patristic:

words were used in it.

to consider

employed
ated

with

traditional

in the context
refused

mind by past

a heavy emphasis

placed

of the

Byzantine

late

words whose definitions

of certain

had become towards

the Byzantines

certain

In-arriving

opponents denounced him. (6)

Byzantium

rigid

interests.

en.ployment

of his remarks,

Ina

as theologian
approach

rhetorical

piece oncapsul-

cosmos.

a suggested

in the Byzantine

crystallised

rhetorical

to the problem of the Procession

solution

is

thought-out

of a well-ordered

a rhetorician
below

depended upon the

context

of a well

the vision

a text,

ated within

emphasis- upon the rhythm and arrangment

is a constant
The rhythm

In Byzantine

at

late

-Classical

Byzantium

219.

just

as it

had for

to the semantic problem caused by Gregory's

In addition
time-honoured

it

instance,

the book in Byzantine

a flaw which had evolved

revealed

texts.

written

(9)

After

former Patriarch's
isolation

of quotations'
the

before
appeared

Church Fathers

to remedy the

Cyprus
of
"

during

These events

the

other

writing

might

clarify

the

seeming
situation

with

Gregory's

Byzantium.

in full

were overlooked

but which often

advancement.
Gregory,

especially

interrelated
that

text.

in

love for

in the scholarly

As a result,
to Gregory

(10)
that

demonstrate

at late

the actual

because of the popular

proved useless

(ii)

tomes.,

patriarchate

the-Byzantine
served
which

and texts

his

Books which contained

century

the

of Damascus and

and turned

contradictions

bei. n, examined in isolation

texts-were
and
words

for

served as the foundation

to

which

by its

examined the

In doing so, they looked at the text

any recourse

were confused

the Council

Bekkos' condemnation,

defense.

without

additional

relevant

through a

when he and his supporters

text, of John of Damascus which-had

firms

occurred

his
to
defend
1285,
he
depended
of
once again
upon a"compendium

position.

they

toward

more than a selection

of nothing

(8)

from the Fathers.

attitude

of the filioque

Bokkos' acceptance

book which consisted

Council

in the Byzantine

The atof 1285

of the Council

of Bekkos and even the deliberations

titudes

In'

culture;

themselves.

of the Fathers

was the writings

use of

'ad mentum Patrum'

hie return

words in a new context,

owed much to the honoured place'of

this

(7)

the Cappadocian Fathers.

both

thirteenth-

writings

of authors

compendia of quotations
of information

collections
pursuit

of intellectual

Such a fragmented approach could be of no use to

since he stressed

and in full
he followed

agreement.
this

holistic

works of the Fathers

that
(12)

the views of the Fathers

His theological

conception

output

by carefully

which would help him solve

were

con-

reading

the

the pneumato-

220.

logical

Hin approach was not only thoologically

problem.

acted as a literary
Gregory's

to textual

corrective

actu. 1 solution

the holistic

he saw in the unity

and unable

problem also succeeded because of

to'tho

his

thought

Thus, his vision

He ensured

stood

in

the

balance

relation

ness of the Godhead remained

But Gregory
between

ship

the Spirit's

had to go a step

the Spirit's

of his

theology

holistic

vision

having

used the

and helped

implying

without

that

His use of light

that

it

enhanced
remained

the

depended upon

Spirit's

eternal

manifestation.

Gregory to use it

through the Divine

for

Because there

and life

too.

Light

'aisthesis'

Which is carried

his

Already,
of the

completeness

of the

an understanding

had been a recurring

In Byzantine

in his theology,

as

character

both

the

to visualise

the Son

true-to

'eyes

of the mind'

relation-

eternal

visual

aesthetics.

between licht

The whole-

as the , medium. of

of the Godhead and to Byzantine

he also

for

(13)

the

and express

further

assure

Godhead,

association

further

origin.

manifestation

eternal

the Father

that

two Persons.

other

to the

Them, he returned

intact.

the Son and the Spirit

for

responsible

that

the One, he suddenly discerned

cause to the

of

This

paralleled

the Godhead by stressing,

within

of

metalogically.

of the Trinity

of the Three but in distinguishing

One.

because

image of wholeness to the abstract

of Gregory of Nazianzos - conceiving

the splendor

and the Creator,

reasoning,

of God occurred

vision

by relatinG'the

idea of completeness.

or discursive

since it

in terms of harmony

of both creation

qualities

nature,

'visually'

Thinking

to depend upon analytic

was possible

of God', an approach

of. God# he could not accept the 'filioque'

inherent

God's apophatic

'vision

Because of the completeness which

aesthetics.

caused imbalance in the Trinity.

and proportion,

Byzantium.

research"at

approach which he adopted in his

consonant with Byzantine

Hound but also

theology,

the Divine

forth

it
Life

was natural
is shown

by the Holy Spirit

and

221.

it

imparted to man who receives

Light

his
but
God
the
of
essence
not

reveals

These qualities

tho essence.

with

but Gregory has used radiance

'light'

+toy,
'.
cst'.
mavni

as the most obvious expression

'wcLnIfesfiatjon'

rejection

of a spatial

Spirit
which

the

of the

ght

enhances the holistic

is

Trinity

are the Holy

of the

rather

within
is

No longer

carried.,

belongs

experienced

the

to explain

the Father-source

circumference

vision.

the metaphor

transformed

actually

from

rays

an aesthetic
in

belief

that

objection

intimately

there

Three

to all

does-not

(or rather

body and mind?

of the Divine

Itself.

to be external

to it

vision

is true
in their

is, experienced
there

viewpoints

but to be part

in his theological

concerning

one's

here,

is no longer
"r
identiy.

of

there

the experience

the Divine

losing

that

by the aisthesis

are parallels

to achieve
of it,

must be

the view of Photius

parallel

that

In Plotinus,

role

the

Divine,

neo-Platonic

important
an
plays

the Beautiful)

While it

is a drastic-difference

of the

nature

his approach was actually

his ultimate

of Gregory of

to the theology

significance

the experiential

Since"'aisthesis'

considered.

the Divine

is pro-

(15)

Cyprus and his

attitude,

the

the light

In attaching

possible

By this

eternally.

used. by the Fathers

so often

the boundless

uncreated

any separation,

Persons.

Gregory'has

thought,

the Son is

yet

from the

by the Spirit

is' carried

Trinity

scheme of'the

rays

In his

Trinity.

of

of Gregory of Gregory of Cyprus, his complete

Using the concept of light,

of the sun and its

goes forth

between the Son and the Spirit

relationship

In the theology

to merely

are not restricted

since the Son shares in the essence of the Spirit

claimed.

not identi-

but is expressed in the Son. (14)

Through the Son the

the eternal

ko. +ton' or those

and therefore

; which comes from the Father,

Godhead in the Holy Spirit

formula,

This Divine

'mant4

of the Godhead which are recognisable,

qualities
fiable

by sensual perception.

(16)

222.

is experienced

In Gregory of Cyprus, the Divine

`intact,

remains

in

participating

identity
one's
where
essence
While it

of it

Gregory had certainly

Bekkos'

of the relations

become a non-personal
Thus,

the

filioque

from both
between

from

his

the Fattier

the. essence

the

theology

of the

be proclaimed

had Bekkos.

'
(19)
and-Son.
and the Persons

This

be attached

(the

Relations

as

the Spirit

of

to
Son)
and

Father

Person

(the

Holy Spirit).
origin

received

the balance

destroyed

approach

to

method which'could

viewpoint.

since

represents

does have value

scholastic

the"Third

the

(18)

could easily

Trinity

in

would be wrong to

attitude

opponent's

dyad -opposed to
could

not

upon scholasticism.

so Gregory's

Two Persons

allowed

it

of Aquinas,

attack

different

to verify

be easily'applied

Gregory's

of opposition

however,

completely

opposition

(17)

but

never read any Aquinas and neither

pneumatology,

an approach

be lost.

above that

as a methodological

The principle

+son

the scho1 sticism

a defense against
think

the , mana'Pesta.

would surely

has been stressed

but the individual

of the

the wholeness

and fragniented

Godhead.
Gregory

In-contrast,

God as identically

viewed

a monad and a triad

(20)

as had Gregory of riazianzos and Aiaximos the Confessor.

has explained,
monad alone

God is identically

if

and not a dyad for

He cannot be a

monad and triad,

a dyad is

of two terms.

an opposition

Thus the Father and the Son cannot be the source of origin
but the Father

only.

very
different
was
Trinity.

pleteness
1=3.
the

the thought
he viewed

in the absolute
In contrast,

Godhead by its

holistic

vision

image of wholeness

the Trinity

diversity

the scholastic
'logical:

imbalance
to

his thinking
in the

the abstract

idea

envisioning

co: n-

metalogically,

expressed in the Formulae 3-1

method caused a fragmentation

' opposition

of terms

(21)

the Spirit

for

showed that

frort a method which could allow

Reltirg

of completeness,

Gregory's

As Lossky

the
-

first

to

and
within

the

223.

and those

two to the third.

in

nor completeness
this

All

It

be carried

that

intellectual

principal

was rather
departs

from

these

its

'dianoia').

thinking.

experiential

aspect

the

complete

is true

that

dichotomy

-an approach

approach,

Such a division

him.
context

between

'filioque'

the
it

has a dual

distinction.

the Empire

first
time

clarification
of Photioz.

never really
in

Aquinas'

con-

waned in the

light

of Gregory

before

as quite

'nent'and

Such a dichotomy

and-revelation.
in

of Cyprus'

him and to Palmas after

radical

in the

Byzantine

in any guise-could
in

had survived

in solving
brief

expounded

Gregory's

of the Holy

Spirit

'filioque'
in
the
the
of
Byzantium
wake
even
at

it

at

religious

as an answer

to

transcended

also

of the

exposition

thought

ever

1453.

the problem

been noted,

its

regained

of the Enlighten.

rationalism

of pr_eumatological
The doctrine

theology

eventually
_it

Primarily

if

but

method

of Gregory of Cyprus in Byzantine

significance.

As has already

Eastern

not only

scholasticism

rationalism

wonder if

a significant

the

and aesthetics

'aisthsis';

Aquinas'

viewed

could"be,

if

theology

to the Fathers

controversy,

by providing

to

could be narrowed even to the

reason

The place of the theology

thought

itself.

reality

psition

Gregory's

at Byzantium

true

and one can only

have been accepted

these

'solutions'

Gregory's

century,

the West to the

seem to be impossible

would

toward

different

of

(and this

West at the end of the thirteenth

and led

diversity

which developed from Aquinas'

to Byzantine

While it

'strength

by applying

approach of Byzantine

depends on 'noesis'

trast,

two very

that 'the rationalism

alien

further

as attitudes

up to the present.

the holistic

demonstrates

absolute

problem of the Middle Ages have affected

and Western thought

asserts

be neither

even a stop

reality

ultimate

be argued

could

could

"imbalance.

this

could

toward

attitudes

There

essence/energy

theology
Byzantiun

brought
since

the

the

had become a dead issue

controversies.

Photios'

224.

viewpoint

to him,

According

blem.

the Son had almost

As for

Those who would

argue

of the

attitude

than

more often

the Spirit

the
that

While it

that

is true

the Xapica-Ta

New Theologian

was truly

reflective

of the

ex silentio'

for,

in later

the hieromonk

the Son in sharing

in His

also

Itself

Spirit

and the procession

charismata

Bekkos'"pneumatology,
tinuation
certify.

of Blemmydes'
the

filioque

of Nethone,

there

on`the'other
particular

errors
it

in

did

not

Byzantine

went a

between the Spirit

temporally.

was raised

and
(24)

once

issue confused
as the hypostasis

theFather
really

but merely

(23)

Trinity.

but

observation

from

by the

now becoming

was no difference

of the Spirit

wising

entire

only

the charismata

hand,

by diz

is

the charismata

that

this

gave attentionito

to the

made this

of

Both Symeon

temporally

belonging

was never

in terms

mission.

of the Holy Spirit

Byzantium,

and proclaimed

it

as they are distributed

Tlikephoros Blemmydes. -Ho identified

the

Photios,

after

the close relationship

the charismata

century

temporal

are distributed

When the problem of the procession

thirteenth'
at
again

of

was largely

Cyprus whose work

Hierotheos,

by underlining.

it

'Bishop

alone

the doctrine

of the Son to the Spirit

though

became

very often

to say that

was discussed,

the charismata

to pressing

length

at

mute.

periods.

exaggeration

relationship

of Cregory'of

A contemporary

stop further

himself

Even so, his outlook

dispensed

of the Spirit

hypostasis

an 'argumentum

be using

and Piicolas,

but said only that

known,

opinion

became a dead issue in the centuries

or gifts

mission

Photios'

When the Spirit

examined.

and

he remained

(22)

the eternal

only

the Son',

may be a slight

the Holy Spirit

Fattier

'through

word on the subject

the last

the

in the'temporal

whatsoever

he does not'address

pneumatologicallproblems.

from

formula

Church would
ndt,

on the pro-

speculation

proceeded

no participation

of the Spirit.

the

any further

or lach: of one had sealed

between

the

and the Son!

represent,

a con-

glade an attempt
terminology.

of

to

(25)

225.

Spirit

digression

can be seen from this

It

not an issue which received

was really

Byzantium from the late

theologians

were dealing

temporally.

Obviously,

to the early

ninth

these theologians

the charismata

of the filioque

was forced

the Holy Spirit

was still

Even Photios

into

for

must be stressed

will

the Byzantine

Only with

it

the connection

proclaimed

and it

in

an eternal

relationship

emphasising

which the filioque

ly,

and the Son meant that

the Spirit
It

theology

was not the discussion

Byzantium.

inspired

Gregory,

be implied
Photios

however, but-the

the constant

that

a theologian

later

more to Byzantine
ion after

the charismata

early

in Gregory's

prior

these discussions

of Cyprus

Gregory

was

saw that

were a link.

Previous-

sense of the Spirit's

by

were also shared eternally.

since the time of Photios

which

Church. Fathers.

could

While it

given to the charismata

since

mind, he never once quotes from

than John of Damascus,

theology

This

of the same essence eternally

attention

acted as a catalyst

concern-

the Son and the Spirit,

the charismata

of theologians

of

time.

(26)

of Gregory

between

to the world, but the sharing

the doctrine

of the Spirit.

these had been expressed only in the temporal

mission

- When the question

that

life

startled

problem reflected,

of the Spirit.

so the. speculation

not be thought

of the

distributed

he did not know how

from his position.

view of the eternal

the appearance'

although

had been in Photios'

the charismata,
departure

affected

Itself.

life

at

the idea of

with

the open at Byzantium,

ing these was not a radical

so that

century,

from the eternal

very much as it

had allowed

speculation

were dealing

from the Spirit

of the

which the Spirit

to make a connection,

And when Blemmydes attempted

to separate

serious

thirteenth

the charismata

with

in complete isolation

the charismata

the procession

that

Hence, Gregory's

to Photios

position

than to theological

owed

speculat-

him.
I.

Since all
istics

three hypostases

relation
the
than
other

of the Trinity
of origin

share the same character-

which distinguishes

them from one

226.

another,
the

belong to Father,

the charismata
nature

changeless

had a dimension

than

other

ing that

temporal

of their

of the Divine,

'most-Ves}a tiov-

the

saw that

Gregory

He demonstrated

his theology.

tatim'of
:

that

a property

always

charismata,

of the Trinity,

Son, and Spirit.

'rnanlfes+ct+ion

ated character of this

Patriarch

Athanasios,

uses principally

2iaximos the Confessor,

Alexandria,

A semantic problem arises

m ani. esi-cation

with

charisiata

expressed

centuries.

Although

through

the

at his creation.

demonstrated

the uncre-

To reach iris conclusion, -the

Cyril

Gregory Thaumatourgos,

of

Gregory of Nyssa,

Pseudo-Dionysios,

rnci}nie5i-a-ofl

Lvepyeia(energy),
as Athanasios

both patristic

by theologians

he identifies

of the middle Byzantine

Despite

with

XapCq c,vQf(29)

stic

and the middle Byzantine

a rather

free

operations

Early

traceable

to Pseudo-Dio-

to dmonstratc

his

idea

words,

especially

(gift),

all

having

occurred

the

operations

dispensed

temporally,

of

as early

of God.

(28)

theologians

interchangeably

used the word tvkpyeca

the semantic similarity

between the Patri-

usage, it

Gregory that

the terms were seen as synonyms.

was not until

From these comparisons,

used in describing

(and
rather
one

thirteenth

other

of the Spirit
period

and the idea of the

with

in describing

of Alexandria

concept of

through

ninth

itself

writings

bwpcd
and

xdpLc

the terminology

of the

it

Gregory's

terminology

the word sxyavcyc

of the gifts

In speaking

in identifying

in Gregory's

predominates

nysios,

the

`"

by stress-

nature

it

and John of Damascus.

Basil

that

he further

Through the concept of light,

These

' in the Spirit

wa : 5bwn

charismata

' man ides

the

eternal

Son from the Father even before man could experience

(27)

these

distribution.

are also

their

Because of

indefinite

Divine

action

in revealing

it-can

be seen

or operation
the full

all

was

nature. of

themselves).

Patristic

retrospection

aside,

the theological

writings

of

227.

Gregory

of Cyprus bring

us to the very

ception

of God.

emphasised

Having

of Divine

character

of that

ception

(30)
between

distinction

in explaining

time as a factor
Completely

space.

freely

active.

the

through

with his creation

enhypostasised

energy

Falamas as is

the

analogies

refusal

-ic*ton

Him to His

here the Patriarch

ing it.

circumstances
a greater

while

abruptly

at this

Nonetheless,

matches

Gregory

of Cyprus'

that

,rnan

Fe5--

hidden.

But

yet only the

taken up by Palaiias who reaffirmed

point,

If
it

Gregory of Cyprus'

speculation

life'of

the Trinity

Pala, as in

of God in glory

theology

must be remembered that

the experiential

of Gregory

vision

is
demonstrated
-

the concept of synergy but not explain-

in doing so.

emphasis on the internal

theology

in

found

later

vnari tf&, 5tcation

which prompted his theological

life.
economic

The necessity

the essence remains forever

This task was eventually

to'end
soems

with man

(31)

essence;

simultaneously

ends, affirming

the concept of 'theosis'

He interacts

Gregory of Cyprus poses at the end of the

Both are present

is distinguishable

and that

inHim
would make

to God'is

reference

with

to limit

of questions

De Processione.

also abandons

'+nan%festcx+ion`

or

The antinomy of the essence and the

in the series

Having abandoned

through his glory

the essence that

spatial

the

and also

the Patriarch

manifestation,

is' not through

of abandoning

he comes closest

and energy

essence

to essence alone because this

He cannot be limited
But it

that

these conceptions- awyr, Gregory demonstrate's

stripping

that God interacts

upon the human re-

reflects
is here

It

con-

and uncreated

nature

in the energies.

of human participation

actuality

but

Gregory

manifestation.

to the Palamite

theeternal

manifestation,

of the Palamite

threshhold

is

the

actually

placed

than on its

aspect of Gregory of Cyprus'

its

vision

never Ar

of God in
from lie

glory.

experience

22A.

defended by Gregory Palamas.

the
hesychasts
of
insists

upon the actual

doctrine

of Palamite
it

Once again,

as it

is
that

Gregory

of the. experience

Aisthesis

of Gregory

a part

is as much
thought.

of Cyprus'

of Cyprus

he never

but

or through

provides

doubts

no method
it

that

is

possibility.

real

been suggested

has recently

It

Church'

by the

'accepted

'Palamism'

context,

energy/essence
the

In light

energies.
to

action

it,

thirteenth

the

of

the

existence

of

Byzantium

century

itself

The thesis

the

t consider
cipable

of God.

the charismata,
eternal

charisnata

life

Gregory
the

all

of the whole

itself.

theological

tomos of 1285 to bo Written.

without

the

a stir.

Palanite

theology

of

'Palamism

fron

the purely

prior

theologians

of Divinity

and as partibefore

Palamas'.

the Palariite

temporal

succeed in relating

aspect of

these to the

crude opatial

conceptions

in

the arrival

of

(35)

these aspects had been clearly

on the

at late

were not

Byzantine

some distance

and they offered

essence

this

between

of middle

were still

and the re-

accompli'
If

in

the charismata, of. the Spirit

They never broke with

of the Spirit

of Cyprus

as a 'fait

as an acceptance

they did not fully

lin. kinG them to the

If

concerning

In this

of the

of Cyprus

have been acknowledged

as. part

these theologians

conception

of

be accepted.

The willingness

has been interpreted

Actually,

(34)

Cyprus'.

of Gregory

'Palamiem'

been

had already

of man's participation

on an identification

thought

of Cyprus.

theology

cannot

would

rests

the
theological
and
to"Gregory

of Gregory

and the possibility

Gregory'. s theology

case,

time

by the

'Palamism'

that

has been narrowed to mean the recognition

distinction

for

(33)

experience.

must be stressed

the attainment

for

so does Gregory

Light,

does not occur in the imagination,

the reason but through direct

a part

of the Divine

experience

This experience

Palamas.

Just as Gregory of Cyprus

scene,
As it

defined
there
:stands,

before
would

have been no need

Gregory's

theology

229.

a far

offers

concerned
tinopolitan

Trinity

were confined
theologians

the

'Palamism

is

there

a repetition

In taking

a dynamic

was still

trated

that

man's

speculation-but
activities

the

latter

with

here and now.

some distance

were still

Palamas prior

to be found

in a concept

Fathers

the early
because

stands

ata

as concerned with

approach
Byzantine

Even more importantly,

often,

A careful

theo-

abstract.

as reflecting

examination

experience

the

the theological

he and the'Fathers

the concrete

to

he demonsin

God, was not manifested

Far too

before

had two options

he showed that

that

Byzantine

to address the most challen-

have been misinterpreted

instead

four-

of Cyprus.

in

watershed

to
of

to-the

of Gregory

or a creative

experience.

the-other-wordly.

Cyprus
reveals
of Gregory of
him were just

with

relationship

of the Byzantines

pre-occupation

course,

1hus,

and Gregory

exists

formulae

discipline.

in personal

both

the Patriarch

of the Photian

acts

(36)

circumstances

in medieval thought,

ing question

problem.

it

of Cyprus

Forced by historical

thought.

from

himself,

of Gregory

The theology

logy

continuity

stretching

theologian

teenth-century

him:

a doctrinal

divine

all

of the

decrees

of Cyprus

that

Constan-

to any one Person

dimension.

and conciliar

Palamas'

before

temporal

the

of Gregory

formulation

If

1204.

to

of the local

decreed

and not limited

are'Trinitarian

individual
from

of 1156 and 1157 which

councils

'ad extra'

Even the decisions

the charismata.

with

any of the theologians

than

viewpoint

more sophisticated

of the thought
who inspired

of God in the

230.

Notes - Conclusion
(1)

Cf.

esp.. "p. 192

above where this

by Choumnos in emulation
(2)

Cf.

stressed

of Gregory.
'Byzantine

of F. D91ger,

the remarks

is'particularly

aspect

CMH if,

Literature'

ii,

p. 248.
(3)

inherent

'holism'

This

in Byzantine
Poetika

by-B. S. Averentsieff,
1977)

who examines

is

aesthetics

the

within

(Moscow,

literaturi

rannevisantijskoi

the problem

demonstrated

ably

context

Byzantine

of early

literature.
(1k)

Enneads I,

Plotinus,

(University,

Greece to the Present,

The concept
ion

in Gregory

of Nyssa.

Cf.

Gregoras'

to Raoulaina,

(6)

(7)

of Nazianzos,
remark,

Cf.

esp.

quoted

reprint

traditional

Byzantine

definit-

Coi25B-28B
632AB.

45, MPG 36, c.

62
above p.

p.

82.

rlPG k5,

catechetica,

Ora:tio

1975),

Classical

and Gregory's

compliment

above p. 161.

Cf. above pp. 105-6

reasons

Oratio

its

from

Aesthetics

Alabama,

is. given

of aisthesis

and in Gregory
(5)

8; H. C. Beardsley.

VI,

for

the narrative

149.,
for
P.
and

the

of confusion.
Apoloj2ia,

jPG 142,

257A-258B

cc.

and the

sequence

entire

253D-258B.
(8)

Cf.

(9)

above- p.

28.

Cf.

above p.

102.

(10)

Cf.

above p.

iC4.

(11)

Cf. the remarks concerning

Dlger,

the Byzantine

passion

for

compendia, F.

n. 2, pp. 247-248.

op. cit.

(12)

Cf. above p. 102-

(13 .)

Cf. above p. 138.

(14)

Cf.

above pp.

148-149.

that

Gregory

gave an ety

It

is

interesting

ologica1

reason

to note
for

the

in this

choice

context

of'tho

2: 1.

('x? avcLc)

'manifestation'
word
or

YtoC)

Cf.

(15)

Cf.

above

p. 147.

(16)

Plotinus,

(17)

De Processione,

(18)

Cf.

(19)

For a full

Enneads V, VIII,

the

Nazianzos,

8o,

la
et

A 1'imaZe

(English
Press,

1974),

Symeon the New Theologian,

122,

Chretiennes

83.

Paris,

1967),

PP. 12,78,98,

Paris,

1964),

196,368;

1971),

PP. 70,384.

Nicolas

pp.

of Ilethone,

I am indebted
Churches

n. 23,

unpublished

so I am dependent

Photios, M st

(27)

Gregory

re Processione,

of Cyprus,

Pseudo-Dionysios,
by Gregory

in Toffs

11125A.
1967),

(St.
God
of

iqtuos et ethigpzes.

theolo

(Sources

1, p. 209,2

2 (Sources

(Sources'

Chrdtiennes

129,
1(A,

Chretiennes

ChrAiennes

174,

'EXX)

Paris

CLactixn

p. 208.
'Palamism

(1977),

op. cit.

(26)

Likeness
and
je

in A. Demetrakopoulos,

A. Patacsi,

N. Blemmydes,

c.

(Paris,

de Neu

Hyranes 2 (sources

1E66),

9,1-2,

Ins.

Catecheses

to A. Patacsi,

Review,

I1PG 90,

Traite

quoted

(Leipzig,
BL3XLoOnx11,

et oeconomica,

Naximos

84).

1966),

Paris,

417B,
o.

Inthe
p.

(23)

(28)

n.

of opposition,

MPG 36,

ressemblance

translation,

Cf. above pp. 134.

of relations

?a tisma

theol. ogica

(22)

(25)

op. cit.

4, p.

289D-290A.

cc.

sanctum

Capita

Confessor,

Vladimir's

(24)

! 1. C. Beardsley,

of the principle

explanation

4'

V. Lossky,
p.

MPG 142,

II;

265D-266A.

cc.

above pp. 134-135.

Gregory

(21)

fPG 142,

(T%

came from the word light

above p. 200.

cf.
(20)

ia,

Apolo

it

64-71,

pp.

69.
p.

All

on the
MM,

before

Palamas',
for

these

of iiierotheos'

obaervaions

142,

c.

Eastern
observations
work remains

of this

article.

-54o.

IIPG
102,
c. -337.
,
Apoolo,,
ia,
*,
De divinis
fidel

P',PG 142,
no"minibus,

MPG 142,

c.

c.

266C.
P;PG3, c.

241A;

640P,, Introduced

Atnarasios,

stela
.

7,,:
J'

I-

ionem, 1tPG,266, c. 6000S references

5ea

MPG 142,

c. 260B and Do Prooegaion

(29)

Cf.

(30)

De Processione,

(31)

Gregory

Aa

Falamas,

den naintcZ

Defense

1959),

a Brief

Theological

(33)

c. 289D.

142, c. 289D-290A.

Triad

I,

Examination
Review,

Gregory Palanas,

op. cit.

Debate About Palamism',

idem.

Structure

of Its

12(1967),

he'sycha: th at c i.

112-114,

pp.

L. C. Contos, 'The Essence-Energies

with

142,

in n. 23 above.

references

(Louvain,.

tG

by Gregory in Apologia

Patristic

Ca ita,

of St.
Foundation,

J.

1;oyendorff

MFG 150,12161).

Gregory
'Greek

Palamas
Orthodox

pp. 288-289.

n. 31, Triad
Pastern

It

p. 14; K. T. Ware, 'The

Churches Review 9,1-2(1977),

pp.

50-51.
(34)

A. Fatacsi,

op. cit..

n. 23, p.

(35)

A. Fatacsi,

op. cit.

n. 23,

(36)

J.

Jteyendorff,

p.

187.

Byzantine

64.

pp.

Theolo-y

65-70.
(English

editions

Oxford,

1975)

"

233.

APPENDICES

23L3.
The Wor?:s of ('mrrro v f Cyrun
(1)

'Awo)oy o.,

(2)

AvrryrVt; (05 Icpcx;

142,

(3

ttPG 142.

oc.
E

251.267.

X6yoy tc xcLO'&au-rbv 1cep. cxwv, (Autobiography),

tTC

19-30.

cc.

' x4u. av Ft

rv ALtioxpopa

Kpov 'AvSCqvixov

Pari. 14?.,

flc cLLo),(5yov,

(=Anecdota
Graoca 1, end. J. F. Doiusonade, Faris
387-418
co-

1829,

pp. 359-393).
'Dri41Lov

(4)

TV

ctt

KwvcTavTZvov,
Boissonade,

.t

142,

'LG

Paris,

1829,

'F, xciuov cL"AYcov

(5)

Kpov tALxa

vox pzo pa,

cc.

(Anecdota

346-386

'Apco7LaYCviv,
Tv

ALoviciov

`'AyLov
"cv

?Dyxciu. ov ctS

'EQvoaoyix,,; `EzatpctaS
(7)

'Eyxchitov

F.bvtLov

F.60yyr%cxi1 Cd),7ttyt

Ae:X"'cCov `IcTOpLxik

McLUmv,

xai

4, (18,94), PP. 387-422.

O(1),accav,

rv

ets

Graeca 1, ed. J. F.

346_386).

pp.

(185k) Pp. 356-370.

(6)

ioa6yov xczt Nov

etTovv

etc

vEc
vor,
To"v xacXov o

'-v

qvCLV, MPG142, cc. 433-44.

(6)
(9)

.'

cc

o,

"AyL
v
,,
ov A

etc

'FYyx Lov

`AYiav

rv

etq

apov,

AASS I: oveiber

Mapivav,

3:

588-606.

o' IlaXaic5<,

Pprjy6p6oy

29 (1935),

pp. 189-200,227-239.
]p,

Ayo4

ayiov

ELF ibv

xc

eya. XoidpTVpa

xai

Pt! pyt, ov,

'roonatol6pov

?DPG142, cc. 299-346.

(11)

', pECSL',

A&(o %ept

YIPG 142,

417-421.

cc.

bteaeTaL
12)

Oi RoTLfiatFLTaL &X)
yp& ov'tal.
Ltbanius

wv
.

'AOr)va(ovi;
Onar-,

&cc3cCac KopCvOLot,

ed. R. Foerster,

1962).

(pp.

cd i. tte,

ed. M. Scheidt,

52-69

ed. M. Schmidt,

ysvcavto

= Georeiz

part

k. " AYlvaiwv iotXt. opxovcvot,

part

v.

Cyprii

'ArvaZo,

Vat

&ito)oyo64cyot,

6, pp. '52-82,12

vols.

pecip-mat:. ones e cociice

1, pp. 1+-15, Jena 1875,

(Leipzig,
Leldenri

Pp. 69-E2

2, pp. x-,10, Jena 1876.

r

ibid;

235.

(13)

iaapy

oou na44

_o

7,111ek

a6,1o5

vocLav'ro4

y
&;
hvaOi1ccL.
ZoXcIoL -cy ncLt pa,
Lr
v et
Z
ba,
SE
ba,
',
cbv
-na
e? e'V LV
v nay

Miller,
(14)

Libaniuz

0vera,

od. R, Foerator,
by 0.

27 also edited

.xpdco)vxa icr'(caC %by -rvpavvov &xo-

b.velOwv eta

t Uwv

cac , aket

&vrtVYEtaL,
&,
)pev xa'L
sovtiw'

PP. 11-17,

op. cit.,

ir v wup %wv v6 iwv

n. 12,

Ixt

od. 11. Schmidt,

part

2,

Jena 1876, Part 3, PP. 3-8, Jena 1877.

MuOot, ed. S. Eustratiades

PprtyopCou ro"v Kutpiov

215-230,
Alexandria,
pp.
Oot,
U

"

be hvevcyxV d7tox-qpvTct

Je na, 1890. )

Oex0a,L ri v &py v xat

(15)

-'vEa1o

1902. (To section

Leipzig,
1.42-179,
7,
pp.
v.

tcXavrov

1:, uc'toast

1910.

(16)

`0

(Confessio),
X'La

MPG142, cc. 247-252.

(i7)

IlapoLCca (Proverbia),

MPG142, cc. 445-469.

(18)

Wept 'cis jxnopcvicew4 ro"v 4yLou

(19)

(20)

T6oS Wic-rcc

icvevaroc

(Do Processions),

267-269.
MPG
'142,
cc.
,(Tomus fidei),

xai

IIPG 142, cc. 233-246.

MPG cc. 269-300.

236.
Works Attributed
`Ftiepa

.c<pdEta

erypWpoS

o KtitpLoS

xai

ncivzcc

(Another declaration

of the Council

Succcc3cCcc

tr ,IO"Lk-ns
titoXaTiou

OL' rov

in writing

the officials

and all

to Gregory of Cyprus
j

boYayp&nccv
xat

t. pXovVccC nypa*av

of that

impiety

of the palace signed)

(1274)
Lyons
Portrayed
of

which Cyprius

in J. Gill,

formulated

'The Church Union

in Greek Documents',

OCP40(1974),

pp. 32-35.
`Y7t6cXect

xal

cuwpwvCa xal

xpucoo

bxELvou et

&7c co; flaaaio)6you

eccci

ALOo

)yo

kept

zto-

cnv Aacivwv,

OcvaTOV TOB Kapoaou Lxcivou

7tap&
KunoLou
To"v
cuyypac4ctC
(Promise and agreement and chrysobull
from the late

Latins

Palaeologus

drawn up by the Cypriot),

i bid.,

Works Erroneously

after

the death of the late

Actually

n6vinpa xcLTh AaTCvwv,

in

los,

Orthodoxos

Attributed

Nanuscrinti
gives

VIII,

the authorship

part

to Gregory

Codices

B. P. G. 49,

Bibliothecae

Publiae

c.

734,

Constantinople.
of

of Cyprus,
See Diet.

of Cyprus
in 1"fPG

by George fouzalon.
if.

114--116.
but

to Gregory
Graecl,

Leyden,

DenetrakopouCodices
1965,

p.

Moschopoulos.

Ayo 1 in , rpG 140, cc. 643-758, attributed

to Gregory

it

p. -65 attributes

to iianuel

Charles

the De Processione

of a work written

in Cod. Leidensis

Hellas,.

of the

pp. 12-19.

Kash Twv ro Bexxov ),acqr .twv, an addendum to

142, cc. 290-300.

about tho business

statement

actually

by S. Papadopoulos in (SHE4,

written

de Spiritualite

by Patriarch
6 (1967),

cc.

Germanos II
922-923.

68

23?.

The Letters

of Gregory

Cyprus

of

Lameere's
Chronology

Lustratiaces'
Chronology

Location

Address

FF 1, 107-8

Nookaisaroitea

H ..

411-412

"

412

tioliteniotes

412-413

Iteokaisareites

413

Demetrios VeasI:os

414-415

The mystiI: os John

415-417

Isaac of'Ephesos

10

10

417

Xiphilinos

11

11

417-418

Iieokaisareites

12

12

418

John : 'heognostos

13

13

419

14

14

"

"

"

"

"

409-410

C. Akropolitos

410

The monk Iasites

...

"

..

"

"

419-420

Ctaurakios-

15

15

"

"

420-421

John Theognostos

16

16

"

"

421

Neokaisareites

17

17

18

18

19

121
'"

422

19

422

20

20

to '"

422

21

21

of

to

423-424

22

22

of

it

424

23

23

to of 424

24

24

of to 1125

25

25

I.

26

26

27

27

"

"

"

Staurakios
of

2,eokaisareites

425
to 425-426

of to 426-427

of
Me]%teniotes

23.

Larecre's
Chronology

Eustratlades'
Chronology

Location

28

28

EF it

29

29

30

30

Address

427-428

Staurakios

"

428-429

Athanasios

of

to

429

Skoutariotes

31

31

"

"

429

Meokaisareites

32

32

"

"

429

33

33

"

"

430

34

34

"

"

430-431

35

35

"

"

Chatzikes

431-433

Pediasimos,

433

Neokaisareites

434

Bishop of Priene

434

Constantine Akropolites

Chartophylax

36

36

37

37

38

38

"

"

39

39

"

'. 435

40

40

"

"

41

41

of It 436-437

42

42

"

437

43

43

"

437-438 I'eokaisareites

44

44

,. 438-439

45

45

of of 439

It

l6

46

EF 2, * 195-196

it

47

47

"

"

196-197 Deacon Kallistos

48

48

it

"

197

49

-49

50

50

51

51

52

52

435-436

'.

of Cchrid

.'

Some of the speakers

to

of

I; ikephoros

to

to
Chowanos

,"

To himself

197-198 N'eokaisareites
of to 198

To himself

198-199 N'eokaisareites
'"

"

199

Papagamencs

199-200

Grand Loothete

200-201

I"Souzalon

53

53

54

54

"

55

55

201

Iiouzalon

56

56

" 201-202

,.

"

""

to the Patriarch

239.

Eustratiades'

Laneere's

Location

Address

BE 2, 202-203

ITeokaisaroites

Chronology

Chronology

57

57

58

58

203

Skoutariotes

59

59

203-204

Neokaisareiten

60

60

204-205

Nouzalon

61

61

62

62

63

63

64

"

"

206

of

"

206-207

Neokaleareites

"

"

207

Saponopoulos

64

..

207-209

of

65

65

of to 209-211

66

66

EF 3, 5-6

67

67

68

68

69

69

of of 7

Pachymeres

70

70

of "

7-8

Nookaisareites

71

71

"

8-9-

Job lasites

72

72

9-U

Meliteniotes

73

73

of to 11-12

74

74

"

"

75

75

"

to 13-14

I"Meliteniotes

76

76

"

to 14-15

Staurakios

77

77,

'

78

78

16

George Marmaras

79,

79

17

John Theognostos

80

Co

17-18

Saponopoulos

81

81

of of 18-19

82

82

"

Eustratiades
but Vat. gr.

"

"

Moliteniotes
11Teokaisareites

.6

"

to

12-13

Methodios

the monk

Agathon Korese

15-16

19

Xiphilinos*

Staurakios

suggests that this letter

may be to Skoutariotes,
1085 gives the name of Xiphilinos.

2110.

Lameere's

Eustratiades'

Chronology

Chronology

83

83

84

84

85

85

86

86

"

"

23

Saponopoulos

87

87

"

"

23-24

Heokaisaroites

88

88

to to 24-25

89

192

EF 5, 491-492

90

89

EF 3#%25-26

91

194

92

197

93

9o

94

91

95

92

Location

Address

E. 3, 20
of it

John '2heognostos

21-22

Thoodosios of Kyzikos

22-2-3

....

..

I.leliteniotes

Agathon Korese and P;eokai.

saroites
EF 5, 494-495 N'eokaisaroites

"

497-500

Meliteniotes

"

3; 26
FEFF

'"

27-23

Mouzalon and the other

"

28

Holobolos

"

28

To epi ton deiseon

-_
93

96

94

..

98

95

,. .. 29

99
f
100

96

101

98

"

102

99

103

100

x.04

101

97
-

28

"

....

..

29

Holobolcs

2.9-31

Meliteniotes

31

To epi ton deiseon

to "

31-33

Staurakios

"

33

Methodios

97
"

"

the monk

34

105

102

"
""

io6

103

"

"

107

104

is

of

108

105

to

it

109

106

110

107

"

"

34

John Phakrases

34:-35
36

Heliteniotes

37

Fachyrneres

38-39

Staurakios

39410

John Theognostos

Doukaites

speakers

241.

Lameere'a
Chronology

Fustratiades'
Chronology

Location

111

108

EF 3.

112

109

10,41-42.

113

110

114

111

115

112

Addseso
o-41

Piookaisareitcs*
I1ouzalon

of

42

Meliteniots

is

42.43

George Akropolite

,t t. 5
45

""

Mouzalon
the monk

Iasite

116

113

117

Vat. gr. 1085 f.

(letter
113)

222rv

118

114

F 3,45-47

119

196

F 5,496-497

no address

120

Vat. gr. 1085 f.

(letter
176)

252rv

Staurakios

121

Vat. gr. 1085 if.

(letter
177)

122

Naples

123

193

124

Vat. gr. 1696 if.

(letter
124)

3v,

125

Vat. gr. 1696 if.

(letter
125)

5v, 6r

126

195

127

Vat.

128

115

129

116

130

117

131

118

132

119

(letter

II

To bpi

252v, 253r

C 33 (letter

deiseon

'John Theognostos

Staurakios

122)

EF 5,492-493
4r

EF 5,494-496
gr.

ton

Pteliteniotes
Mouzalon

no address'
Some of the speakers
of

1696 f. 29v

"

127)

E'r' 3,47-48

"

""

In Vat. Ur. 1085, the copyist

letter
the
clearly
opening of

'!

Mouzalon

281-282

Grand Logotheto

282-284

Mouzalon

284-285

Grand Logothete

to Patriarch,

to Patriarch

285-2e6 Ptouzalon
has put 'to epi ton doiseon' when the
shows it is for Neokaisaroites.

242.

Laneero's
Chronology

Eustratiade5'
Chronology

Location

Address

133

120

BE 3, 286-287

Houzalon

134

121

288

Tho monks John and Daniel

135

122

289

Holobolos

136

123

"

"

290

Mouzalon

137

124

"

"

290-291

138

125

to of 291-292

to

139

126

140

127

141

128

"

292-293

Daniel Glyken

of "

292-294

Ilouzalon

"

294-295

"

295-296

.. '

142

129

143

130

"

11A1.

131

EF 49 5-], 1

Sebastocrator

145

132

to

Andronikos

Palalologos

146

133

15-18

"

,.

147

.134

"

18-21

'"

"

"

21-22

"

22-23

1148

135

149

136

150

137

151

138

152

139

153

140

'"

.,

"

to 11-15

24-25
.,

"

,.

25-27

"

27-28

"

28

155
156

143

157

].44

Houzalon (or Emperor)

John

Houzalon

Andronikos

Palaiologos

'tlouzalon

29

141
142

296

It
os

of 97-98
n

"'

98-99

Andronikos

Palaiologos

Is

99-101

Nouzalon

158

145

101-102

at

159

146

102-103

Andronikos

Palaiologos

160

147

103-104

Athanasios

Laperdz'enos

161

148

"

104-105

to

243.
Lameere's
Chronology

Eustratiades'
Chronology

Location

162

149

EF 4, 105-106

"Address

Mouzalon

i06-107

163

"150

164

151.

165

152

166

153

167

1,54

of to 110-113

to

16E

155

to of 113-114

of

169

156

"

"

170

157

It

to 115-116

Mouzalon

171

158

"

't

116-118

Raoulaina

172

159

"

"

119

Mouzalon

173

16o

" M 120-121

"

174

" "

"

Iveron Athous 18.4 (letter

107-108
103-109

To a certain

109-110

I"touzalon

114--115

(Iiethodios)
monk

Grand Logothete

to Patriarch

174)

175

161

EF 4,

176

162.

"

"

121-122

177

163

"

"

123

178
.

164

"

"

123-124

179

165

. . 125

130

166.

126-123

181

167'

EF 5, 213-214

John Theognostos

182

168

It

it

21.4-215

Mouzalon

183

169

".

"

215-216

Constantine

184'

170

"

"

216-217

Mouzalon

185

171

"

"

217-223

186

172

"

187

173

"

188

174

". ' 339-341

189

175

.. "

"

121

223-224

"

Nouzalon

""

of
acquaintance
monk
"A
.
I-Iouzalon

224-226'

311-343

Akropolites

(Methodios)

2,144.
Eustratiaces'
Chronology

Location

Address

190

176

EF 5,343-344

Constantine

191

177

..

178

t .. 344-346

Lameere's
Chronology

192

"

Mouzalon

34

.. ' 346-3Li.
7

193

179

194

180

348

195

181

348-349

196

182

197

183

198

164

351-352

199

185

t45

186

445-450

200
201 Vat.

"

(letter

202

if.

203

ff. 258v, 259r

(letter

f.

204

if.

205

259rv

206

Itt

SO

208 rat.
209 Vat.

210

"'

gr.
gr.

214
215

of
"

""

199)

259r

(letter

196)

177rv
259v,

(letter

f.

257v

f.

259r

(letter

260r

(letter

260r

(letter

f.

260rv

f.

260v

I.

193)

260r

(letter

of

It

200)

f.

fl

195)

(letter

f.
It

193)

',P. -259v

(letter

'i

212

(letter

Protovestiarios

184)

226)

1085 If.

"

211

213

82

Raoulaina

(letter

f.

207

Mouzalon

264v, 26.5r

of

350-351

254v, 255r
(letter
256rv

John Cheilas

"" 349-350
"

M
1085
gr.

Choilas

201)
191)
197)

It

202)

tt

203)

lb

(letter

204)

tt

(letter

205)

(Ilouzalon)
to Patriarch

245.

I, aneere's
Chronology
216 Vat.

gr.

217

of

Eustratiades'
Chronolc: rv
1085 f.

218
"

2.19
220

"

221

of

Location

Address

260v

(letter

206)

Constantine

11

f.

262r

(letter

212)

Raoulaina

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f.

257v

(letter

189)

T,ouzalon

to

f.

261v

(letter

209)

John Cheilas

of

f.

261v

(letter

210)

John Cheilas

""

ff.

261v,

and Daniel

John Cheilas

262r
(letter

211)

222

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f.

262r

(letter

213)

Some of the speakers

223

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of

f.

257v

(letter

190)

1ouzalon

2211 ""

of

f.

259r

(letter

198)

tiouzalon

261r
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,

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John Theognostos

225

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226

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227

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If.

of

f.

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(letter

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The oikonomos

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(letter

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flaoulaina

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228
229 Vat.
230

260v,

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f.

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(letter

217)

(letter

218)

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f.

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234

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235

238

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237 Vat.

gr.

1085 f.

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239

of

240

of

if.
to

f.

264r

(letter

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221+)

237v, 258r
261lrv

(letter

192)

(letter

225)
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to

EF 5t

241 tar.

Cr.
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(letter

241)

22

""

(letter.

21+2)

of

EF 5,489-490

lib

236

Some of the Bishops

Glykes

2!t6.

'Abdication'
Eustratiades'
Chronology

I, ancere's
Chronology

82 ff

A Mut. gr:

192rv,

Location

Addreso

193r

190

Documentts

'A Denial'*
EF 5,490-491

Some of the Bishops

MPG3.42
to
cc. 12512-128C

C
198

EF 5,500

Declaration
Ort

Pachymeres II

E'

Letter

PP. 130-131

number
no
-

Letter

to Henry II

manuscrite

I ft

of Lusignan,

de la correspondance

ft

of Gregory's

o4oxy

of Resignation

in W. Lamecro, La tradition
de Gregoire
de

Chypre, pp.

193-194.

1,isplaced
document

by, Lameere.
suspending

This

clerics

is

not an abdication

ordained

by Bekkos

document
(1285).

but

the

2tr7.

A letter
MJ'G, CXLII,
It

of the Church that

belief

of the Holy Spirit

changing characteristic
natural

radiance,

sometimes its

or its

revelation

this
-

apostolic

Spirit,
Holy
the
cause of

the

In addition,

Son.

all

to

otherwise,

sometimes that

the Father Himself,

revelation

patently

contrary
Similarly,

shunned.
that

truth,

to received

clearly

pervert

this

like

the holy Fathers

statement

its

Holy Spirit)

have alvays
is itself

by proclaiming

and writing

and somehow also of its

belief,

fashion.

this

herited

from Her (the

We also,
Church)

fron

fit

means the

or

our view

and

to be rejected

and

and maintained
of its

unique

according

who

to Holy

(of
the
the
of
emergence
manifestation
far

the beginning

and radiance,

removed from the truth,

The Holy Church of

to proclaim,

the same b3liefs,

in

mani-

Those therefore

and rejection.

Cod holds these ImZiefs as from on high,

them-in

proclaicis

or radiance,

that,

revelation,

of right
hatred

projection

mergenco from

indicative

and projection.

and moreover worthy of real

sometimes

believed

procession

falsifiers
be
accounted
must

cause of the

the terms

blasphemous

the emanation is somehow indicative

Scripture,

the

natural

and therefore

the emanation of the Holy Spirit

just
emergence,

the

is

the former is tho agent of (its)

is
he
-

of the Holy Spirit

to

the projector

is

the projector
its

it

he who thinks,

the eternal. manifestation,

and the latter

festation

(For)

that

agreement

and the projection

of the Holy Spirit

cause

that

terms,

manifestation,

that

Consequently,

effect

There-

is blasphemy and contrary

of anathema.

in unanimous

the

eternal

as the Creator

have the same force.

and procession
or writes

are

just

other

in theological

of the Fathers

and confession

common understanding
is

worthy

and moreover

nothing

from the Father.

Procession,

existence,

doctrine,

is an un-

demonstrating

its

sometimes signifies
its
or

this

that

and write

the Procession

being (or existence)

coming into

to declare

fore,

to the Enrror

245-246:

cols.

is the general

than its

of John Choilan

teach and confess

until

now, have in-

to proclaii,

teach

and

24'.

in
then
like
confess
In this

matter

in
writing,
and
their
anathema
brethren
with
there

were to make their

then those irho hitherto

confession

embra. inn what is clearly

of faith,

the truth

blasphemy, at we do, then they will

in orthodoxy.

us and find

manner. If

They will

have perfect

a welcome from our hearts.

can be no peace at all

between us.

have differed

from us

by word of mouth

and rojectir;
henceforth

by

be our true

peace and reconciliation

If

not,

which heaven forfend,

2i9.

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bco
LXc.pyi pov itai , to 7ta-rp5 c.
voci cavzo rgaTo TciXavTov Vi ALIL'

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