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In Defence of Utopian Urbanism: Imagining Cities After The End of Utopia'
In Defence of Utopian Urbanism: Imagining Cities After The End of Utopia'
In Defence of Utopian Urbanism: Imagining Cities After The End of Utopia'
Introduction
Turning to questions of utopia might seem one of
the more surprising moves in contemporary intellectual debates. Yet current stirrings of a revival of
interest in utopia within academic, literary and museum worlds seem apparent.1 A desire at the beginning of the millennium to take stock of the traumatic events of the twentieth century as well as the history of attempts to imagine and construct ideal societies is no doubt playing a part. Perhaps, too,
there is something of a rediscovery of the pleasures
of fantasies and wish projections. However, the
critical and political dimensions of such an engagement with utopianism are less often drawn out. The
tone of discussion tends to be elegiac with many
critics bidding farewell to promises and projections
of radical change from the perspective of an age
that seems somehow after utopia.
The End of Utopia, writes Stephen Bann, is
a concept that seems to suit our contemporary experience of society and politics on the world scale
(Bann, 1993, p. 1). In a commentary on architecture
and urban planning, Rosemarie Haag Bletter concurs: the literal meaning of utopia, no place, has
been so reified that today utopia (no place) usually
has no place in a constructive discourse (Bletter,
1993 p. 48). Instead she finds a creeping, incremental pessimism, which might be called the absence of hope about the future (p. 47). More angrily, Russell Jacoby laments the passing of utopian thought in his book The End of Utopia, and connects it with a loss of critical perspectives on the
present that he sees as currently incapacitating intellectual debates. We are increasingly asked to
choose between the status quo or something
worse, he argues. A utopian spirit a sense that
the future could transcend the present has vanished. In using the term utopian he refers to the
notion that the future texture of life, work and even
love might little resemble that now familiar to us.
I am alluding to the idea that history contains possibilities of freedom and pleasure hardly tapped.
This belief is stone dead (Jacoby, 1999, pp. xixii).
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DAVID PINDER
Such remarks have a familiar ring. Recent decades have seen numerous critics in a wide variety
of arenas ready to proclaim the end of utopian
thought. Unlike those cited above, such as Jacoby,
many of these critics have welcomed the news.
They have argued that utopianism has too often
been driven by authoritarian ideals, and too closely
associated with totalitarianism, and that therefore
its demise should be celebrated or at least met with
equanimity. They have often linked its fate to recent social and political events and to contentions
about the movement of history itself, with many
drawing sustenance from the collapse of the state
socialist bureaucracies in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. For it was those
events in particular that led some commentators to
declare not just the end of socialism as an ideal,
and with it the traditional Cold War challenge to
Western capitalism, but also the end of the very
idea of alternative visions of a good society.
What place was there now for utopian thought,
these critics demanded, when we have supposedly
witnessed the triumph of liberal democracy and
the end of history?2 Does utopia not belong on
the scrap heap or in the equivalent of those desolate
parks on the outskirts of former state socialist cities, where statues and other monumental paraphernalia of old regimes have been left to live out their
days in a ghostly existence, as little more than sites
of touristic spectacle? Should the concept of utopia not be erased like the names of those luminaries that once adorned street signs in socialist cities
to be replaced by signs from a supposedly more respectable past? After all, was it not the utopian impulse that originally helped to lay the foundations
for such social experiments and their authoritarian
efforts to remould societies according to a projected ideal?
Hostility towards utopian thought is nothing
new. The twentieth century saw many negative depictions of ideal states, most famously including
novels such as Evgeny Zamyatins We (1920), Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932), Arthur
Koestlers Darkness at Noon (1940), and George
Orwells Nineteen Eighty-four (1949). There were
also many attacks on utopianism from within the
auspices of social theory and political thought, as
exemplified in works around the mid-twentieth
century by Karl Popper, Walter Lippmann and Friedrich Hayek among others. Indeed, strong currents
of criticism have accompanied the notion of utopia
from its beginning with some of the most vociferous denunciations coming especially, though defi230
can organise a singular emancipatory project. Instead, I suggest taking a different approach that
seeks what is possible and what could be from
within the conditions of the present as a means of
intervening in space and time. I argue that it is necessary to leave behind the authoritarianism and
static projections typically associated with the concept of utopia, and to rethink the potential functions
of utopian urbanism in an era all too ready to jettison the very idea of utopia as such.
No place for utopianism?
The city has long been a subject for utopian longings and hopes for a better future; it has also been
the focus of social fears, despairs and dystopian imaginings. This paradoxical intertwining and double-sidedness continues into the present and is a
major line of tension running through urban imaginations (Massey, 2000). Yet, as David Harvey
notes in the quotation at the start of this paper, scepticism towards the concept of utopia pervades
much recent urban thinking. This is the case not
only in planning and architectural circles but
among a range of those thinking and writing about
cities and urban living. In Harveys recent texts on
the subject he describes how attitudes to the city
have been bound up with changes in processes of
urbanisation since the early 1970s, and in particular
with forces of capital accumulation, uneven spatiotemporal development, and patterns of migration
(Harvey, 1996, ch.14). He presents a number of
scenes from current urban worlds that are being
forged out of such processes. They range from cities in advanced capitalist countries marked by huge
job losses, stark inequalities, concentrations of impoverishment, and increasingly stressed physical
and social fabrics including cases in Britain and
the USA where there has been a haemorrhaging of
wealth, population, and power, such as Liverpool
where the population fell by 40 per cent between
1961 and 1991, and Baltimore where it declined by
more than 30 per cent over the same period to the
enormous and quite different problems and challenges associated with rapid urbanisation in developing countries. The dynamic nature and sheer
scale of such issues, for which statistics can give
only the barest of indications, continually threaten
to elude current conceptual apparatuses as does the
apparent intractability of the social problems. For
many, notes Harvey, to talk of the city of the twenty-first century is to conjure up a dystopian nightmare in which all that is judged worst in the fatally
Geografiska Annaler 84 B (2002) 34
DAVID PINDER
DAVID PINDER
the spatial politics involved in the processes of restructuring, and fails to challenge the way that images and representations of the city have been colonised by private concerns. As she puts it: If the
spectator is mired in realistic narrations and offered
no utopic visions, what will produce a disposition
for social change, an inclination to draw affinities
across all the spaces and peoples of the city? What
moral authority can be drawn on to challenge the
private claims that have distorted the public
sphere? (Boyer, 1994, p. 476). Boyers disquiet at
the supposed fate of utopia and the way discussion
of urban futures seems to have become increasingly foreclosed in recent years, and her attempt to recall a sense of utopianism back into the urban field,
raises important issues that need to be explored further.
Boyers criticisms are directed against the turn
away from progressive planning and innovation in
Manhattan and towards processes of Disneyfication. Writing at around the same time and remarking on Disneys growing dominance in shaping
parts of the city, Michael Sorkin similarly argued
with respect to the architectural field that the proprietorship of anticipation has been almost completely ceded and that visionary roles have been
either coopted or renounced (Sorkin, 1991, p.
273). Where a visionary style in architecture was
once so prominent, he argued, it was now remarkable only for its absence. Urban schemes have become characterised by what he called the projection of a muzzy and spurious past authenticated by
putative links to local tradition. The result, he
scathingly announced, was an urban arena awash
in trumped- (often Trumped-) up history (ibid. p.
3).
In such a climate, many utopian scenes that do
appear and it perhaps goes without saying that
they continue, despite the obituaries are distorted
echoes, part of a pastiche of former values. In an
amusement arcade, a classic utopian urban plan reappears as a computerised memory flicker. Once
a glorious figure for the future, symbolising the
promise of technological progress and social transformation, it now suggests some hideous hallucination of the present (Wilson, 1991, p. 12).8 Much
utopian urbanism takes the form more widely of
utopic degeneration, to borrow Louis Marins
well-known phrase from his account of Disneyland
as an actually existing utopian space. In using the
term, Marin is concerned with how utopic representation remains within dominant values and ideologies rather than offering a mode of critique, and
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DAVID PINDER
DAVID PINDER
el, he argues, if a romanticism of perpetually unfulfilled longing and desire is to be avoided. The
task is then to pull together a spatiotemporal utopianism a dialectical utopianism that is rooted
in our present possibilities at the same time as it
points towards different trajectories for human uneven geographical developments (Harvey, 2000,
pp. 187, 196).
Harvey raises critical questions that cannot be
resolved easily with the emphasis on openness and
process characteristic of the utopianism favoured
in this paper. These tensions are indeed never resolved fully in Harveys own account, as they are
not in many other recent writings on utopianism.
They certainly deserve fuller discussion than can
be provided here, but I would argue that such tensions and the debates they stimulate are in fact inherent components of a utopianism that is itself
critical, searching for alternatives and intent on
transformation. Recognition of that is important in
realising the potential role that a utopianism attentive to issues of imagination, desire and the possibilities unrealised within the present can play in urban studies. As I have stressed, contra much common opinion, a utopian perspective is not necessarily about projecting representations of a perfect
city, the institution of which is then sought as a
means of trying to overcome the difficulties and
complexities of the present. Nor does it need to involve closing down the social and spatial field by
proposing a fixed solution. Rather, it may be rethought in terms of addressing what is possible, and
of seeking out the prospects within present conditions for different and more just processes of urbanization. This also need not entail turning away
from pragmatic and policy agendas but may help to
develop a wider vision that can provide a context
for such debates, raising fundamental and often neglected questions about urbanity, processes of urbanization and what they might become. If a turn to
questions of utopian urbanism is to be critical rather than compensatory, and to avoid simply providing consoling figures to revive spirits wearied by
contemporary political cynicism, then its potentially disruptive and transgressive qualities need to be
emphasised. Such a spirit can return us to the provocative power of the field. It can help to raise urgent issues about the taken-for-granted world, and
to open up perspectives and actions on a vital question raised earlier: What sort of city for what sort
of society?
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DAVID PINDER
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Guy Baeten and Ross Loveridge for organising the conference session within
which a version of this paper was presented, and the
participants at that session for their comments. I
would especially like to thank Guy Baeten for his
encouragement with the paper, an anonymous referee for raising important questions, and all those
who have discussed these issues with me over some
years.
Notes
1. See, for example, the catalogue edited by Schaer, Claeys
and Sargent, Utopia: The Search for the Ideal Society in the
Western World (2000). This was from a touring exhibition
that visited the Bibliothque nationale de France in Paris,
and the New York Public Library in New York, in 2000 to
2001. Also indicative of renewed interest are publications
by Carey (1999) and Claeys and Sargent (1999).
2. The phrase is of course from Francis Fukuyama, The End of
History and the Last Man (1992). For counter-positions,
see Kumar (1993)
3. On the long-standing connections between socialism and
utopia, see Bauman, 1976.
4. For recent discussions of imagining cities more generally,
see Donald, 1999; and Westwood and Williams, 1997.
5. For a critical discussion of the utopianism of these movements, see Pinder, (forthcoming).
6. Among other influential strands of explicitly anti-utopian
postmodernist urbanism in the 1970s was that developed by
Leon Krier, as discussed by Kenneth Frampton in his
Place-form and cultural identity, (1988).
7. See also Ley, (1989, p. 53). The term postmodernism of
resistance is borrowed from Hal Foster who describes it as
a counter-practice not only to the official culture of modernism but also to the false normativity of a reactionary
postmodernism; see Foster, 1985, p. xii.
8. Wilson mistakenly attributes the plan to Le Corbusiers Radiant City, whereas the image she reproduces is based on a
drawing by Ludwig Hilberseimer.
9. Other commentators such as Edward Soja have gone further
in discussing the postmodern landscape of Southern California, arguing that such a de-definition and reconstitution
of theme park spaces on a regional basis in that area has
transformed the way that the degenerate utopia of Disneyland itself is seen. He states: There has been a second wave
that has carried hyperreality out of the localized enclosures
and tightly bounded rationality of the old theme parks and
into the geographies and biographies of everyday life, into
the very fabric and fabrication of exopolis [the city without]. Today the simulations of Disneyland seem almost
folkloric, crusty incunabula of a passing era (Soja, 1992, p.
101).
10. See also Harveys arguments about the utopianism of neoliberal presentations of the market (2000, pp. 175-179).
11. For an argument along these lines in relation to Guy Debords totalising critique of the spectacle in relation to geographies of the city, see Pinder, 2000.
12. For a recent development of Youngs position, see her book
Inclusion and Democracy (2000).
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