Inka Labor Service at the Regional Level: The Functional Reality oo Terry Yarov LeVine, University of California—Los Angeles Absa nk expansion and eerie tenis nated tough haber vo enquacd poss si esse centry dunes tine ow or seca paket the state frond in one ein ofthe ental Anan hla. The inte cor Sem divided repo poplin ino cams uts under heey of oc eel ofa, Daa sigs ha hiss sei for alocaing qn log uk oe andro or whichihentepopulitonvnrepombledurgthcemrehonre ves Hale or vile oil admired bulk staple snd oa ree one tottand touche cone spcned eat production a spl re scqubtio.Prodcon of weih nds was nue deat upon slag ne cere or he cnt cpa One of the crucial factors facilitating the successful maintenance and expansion of archaic empires was the organization of economie mechanisms used vo creme thereenes which anced alate! Pend expansions tes aed 2 varity of revenue raising metus shey taxed dcectlyby requiring a propor tion of production; they demanded payment of preestablished tribute lene 20d hey employed stem eee ee In the Inka empire, labor service is generally considered tobe th eric mean by whch the ate andl is cites, Thscommca ath oa states, such as eighcenth-century African Dahomey and thesiatcenth-centy seca Se en she ise direct taxation ofa proportion of production, and on she regulation of simple ‘monetary systems. Although contol of labor was the key element in che loka ceonomy, we sill know surprisingly itl about how labor taxes were imple, mented. A number of studies of laboe service have analyzed what proportion of the population the state mobilized, the extent of labor obligations the stare fequited, and how the state forcibly resettled populations to met state man. Exhnobistory 3431 (Winter 1987). Copyright © by the Am history. cece ssanrgyAoe Ze, COP O bythe American Socey for Ethno Inks Labor Service s power needs (Julien 1982; Murra 1982; Wachtel 1982). However, there has ben little analysis concerning the actual implementation of labor strategies at different levels within the sociopolitical hierarchy. “The purpose of this paper is to exarvine the mechanisms by which labor was mobilized and production controlled in the Huallaga Valley region of the north-central Peruvian highlands, an area occupied mainly by the Chupachu ethnic group (Figures + and 2), ‘The Nature of Finance in the Inka State Few archaic states can compare to the Inkaempitein size, in the degree to which political control was centralized. or in the close control exercised over pro- duction and labor. The state suppressed market and trade and maintained sym bolic ownership of all narual esources. Portions of conquered territories were alienated for state use, and, where feasible, the state placed new acreage into production through icigation and terracing, The state acquired its major reve~ ‘ues through mobilizing labor by means of a universal labor service tax based (on a thorough periodic census. Throughout the empire, laborers farmed state lands, worked in state-owned mines, herded state-owned animals, gathered state-owned resources, and crafted prodvcts using state-owned raw materials (Murra 1980, 1982; Morris 1967, 1974: D’Altroy 1981; Earle and D'Altroy 1982) “The range of goods amassed by the state through conteol of a vast labor supply can be divided into thre categories. The frst two, general staples and uulitarian crafts, were transported and stockpiled at regional stare storage cen ters. In lieu of a monetary system, stockpiled staples financed a wide variety of local state projects and served the logistical needs of the military. The third category, specialized wealth goods, was dieeted mainly to the state capital at Cuzco (Morris 1967; D'Altroy and Hastorf 1984; D’Altroy and Earle 1985)- Early documents emphasize that the Inka organized the population to support the state with labor which ranged from parttime, 0 yearlong, t0 a lifetime of service devoted to the state. The complexities of labor service are diseussed in detail by Murra (1980: 1 53-82) (See also Cieza de Ledn 1971 [1553] 74-77: Cobo 1892 [1653]: 222-24; Murra 1982: 238-41; Schaedel 1978: 294-98: Wachtel 198: 201~3: Rowe £982: 105). However in simpli- fied form the major eonteass are the following First the largest labor force was made up of those villagers who remained attached to their ethnic regions and were available throughout che year to fulill eorvée labor service quotas dis- tributed on the basis ofa periodic census. These villagers provided for their own subsistence and were supported only when involved in state projects. ‘Members of the second group also remained attached to their ethnic affiliations but filled labor service quotas requiring theie services fulltime. They could be transferred tor prodTerry Var LeVine Inka Labor Service 7 Figure 2, Figure 2 shows the a administered from the Hudnuco Pampa Rio Huallaga region (Figure 1), flows north, then east, and north again along what was probably the casten border of the empire, adjacent to the tropical forest. Chupachu territory extended east, west, north, and routh of the river. The west waranga discussed in the text occupics the southwest part ofthe Chu: pach area, the specific resources which the stare required. Often work quotas were filed by villagers on an annually rorating basis, especially ifthe assignment wi oli the region laborers vere Fly supported bythe stave dri petids of service. Figure 1 Figure 1 shows the relationship between the entra Andean highland eins The above two groups ate in contrast to workers who were removed dlscused in the text and modern Peru. permanently from affiliation with their traditional ethnic origin groups. Mit- ‘mag were groups of colonists forced to resettle into new regions, usually £0 perform some agricultural or security service for thestate. Where it was impor- tant to increase production in critically important zones, the state found it8 “Terry Varo LeVine ‘convenient to replace populations with more loyal workers. Resettlement may also have been a device ro direct loyalties oward the state and away from local ethnic leaders in critical areas. Mitmag were given land o use for their own subsistence needs and were thus self-sufficient. The final group, aso permanently emoved from ethnic affiliations. was attached to the state on lifetime bass. Included in this proup were specialized artisans, royal retainers, and women trained from youth to be weaving spe- cialists and to brew ceremonial chicha (corn beet) forthe state, They worked fulltime at sare centers or at Cuzco and were fully state supported. ‘The writings of the early Spanish chroniclers from which this summary has been derived provide a generalized outline of the normative rules for Inka state revenue raising. However, considering that chronicler interviews were ‘often conducted with high-ranking Inka officials and subordinate elites with a vested interest in the Inka system, this may give us a one-sided view of the ‘operation of the empire. In addition to this bias, the carly chroniclers’ under- standing of the Andean empire inevitably was filtered through the world view of cheir European cultura, military, or rel gious background, Keeping in mind the problems of biased reporting, we have come to accept the relatively reliable material in cheonicle writings such as those of Cieza de Ledn (2971 [i553}) and Cobo (1892 {1653])- However, these accounts provide litte information with which oevaluate how the state operationalized economic edicts at the regional level where sociopolitical and environmental variability was the rule, Few data on labor organization are recoverable through archaeology, and documents rarely have the details needed for understanding the regional ad- ministration of labor service. It is not fully understood which sociopolitical level controlled production for the state ancl which mobilized labor. Little i known about whether there was variation in labor allocations in different re- gions of the empire, or to what extent labor service categories depended on local resources, Also of interest is whether regional production took place in the home, in special village workshops. in regional workshops, or at state ‘The publication in recent years of early administrative documents pro- vides unusually valuable sources with which i is possible to evaluate how the rules for revenue raising were implementedin a specific region. Analyses of two separate visitas (inspections) form the bass for this paper (Helmer 195556 (1549; Ortiz 1967 [1562]}. The particular valuc of these visitas comes from the fact that they contain richly detailed, direct testimony froma series of local ethnic leaders as well as villagers within a central highland region administered from the Inka installation at Fludnuco Pampa, a major north-cental highlands center (Figures 1 and 2). Many ethnic leaders were aduiinistearors during the Inka period, and itis possible that data they presented were taken fron Inka period khipu (mnemonic knotted string records) Inka Labor Service 19 When working with the visitas, allowances must be made for miss data, forgotten details, inaccuracies on the part of those beirg interviewed, mistranslations. or simple misstatements due ro an unwillingness co cooperate. Despite these problems, the visitas offer unusually valuable insights into the ‘organization and contol of produetion for the state atthe tegional level Although the information in both visitas was fileced through an inter- preter, the numberof individual interviews recorded adds to ther value Inthe 1549 visita the Spanish inspector visited and ralked to people in more than a hundred settlements. In the portion of the 1562 vista available to us, the Spanish official eecorded direct testimony from more than four hundred people. Some of the material tends to be repetitive, and may reflect a tendency on the part of the scribe to hear and to record the repeated information while missing the differences. However, there is adequate variation berween interviews to make them valuable. This relatively direct testimony allows us osee how labor was allocated, which services required higher manpower contributions, and where production actually was taking place. ‘limited amount of material from documents recorded in adjacent high: land regions is presented as a comparison to data from the two main visitas Unless specifically indicated, statements of informants were in reference to conditions that obtained during the Inka period. The Data “The documents that form the data source for this paper were recorded in the Huallaga Valley, a relatively remote area some seventy to one hundred kilo- meters east of Husinuco Pampa, the Inka administrative center located along, the main Inka highland road (Figures 1 and 2). The ewo visitas date from 1549, seven years after the «$42 Spanish conquest of the Hivallaga Vslley, and from 1562 (Helmer 1955~ 56 [1549]; Ortiz 1967 [1562]). These documents will be refered to as the 1549 visita and the 1562 visita ‘The Spanish inspectors in 1549 and 1562 interviewed members of Hua~ Naga Valley groups ranging from major ethnic administrators to ordinary vile lagers. in the 1562 visita, individual householders were questioned in great detail. However, only a portion of this document, the village-by-village data for the westmost group, survives. Although house-to-house interviews dealt ‘mainly with colonial period problems, this information is nevertheless useful. ‘Many Inka period economic mechanisms forthe generation of goods and ser- vices were still in place in 162. Labor scevice and tribute quantities still were being divided among the diminished population based on Inka period socio- political units (see Wachtel 1977 for a discussion of early colonial tribute payments). ‘The visitas recorded census data and information on resources available for colonial tribure. Questions relevant tothe Inka period were concerned with population size, sociopolitical divisions, categories of specialized labor service,2 ‘ery Yarov LeVine and disteibution of labor quotas among the Chupachu. Informants also scribed the variety of goods produced and transported mainly to Inka store- hhouses at Husnuco Pampa, Pumpu, and also to Cuzco (Figures 1 and 2). By comparing data from the two vistas, vatiations in the way Inka period thers five goods and services were recorded are evident. In 1549. Rod, silver cloth, and ajf (chil peppers), part of the maize and coca crops, plu sandals and ‘wood products, were reported co ave been carried directly to Cuzco. In 1549, contributions were always recorded in terms of individuals providing labor service, on which the Inka based their caxation sistem. By 4562, contributions tothe Inka were being reported in terms ofthe products produced about half of the time, This reRected Spanish influence, which placed more emphasis on actual amounts of tribute goods. Inthe 1562 visita, informants reported that it ‘was wealth goods such as gold, silver, feathers, and fine loth that had been transported to the inka capital. Informants stated that other products usually had been carried to regional Inka storchouses at Hudnaco Pampa and Pumpu (Figure 2). Although the 1562 vistas later in time, there are reasons why these data are as important as those from the earlier document. First, since the Huallaga Valley was not conquered until 1542, the Spaniards had only twenty years in which o initiate changes, Second, the inspector did a more detailed study ofthe valley in 1563. Thus he was able to record much more direct testimony than was taken in £549. This provides a wider range of opinions on labor organiza tion and the distribution of materials produced during the Inka period. Finally, recent archacological research has indicated that, except for pres- tige goods, most Huallaga Valley production went 10 Hudnuco Pampa store houses rather than vo Cusco, as suggested by informants in 1549 (Morris 1967 174-77). Similar conclusions were reached through the study of storage asso. ciated with the Inka center at Hatun Xauxa (Earleand D'Aleroy 1982; D'Altroy and Hastorf 1984; D’Altoy and Earle 1985). This is reasonable given the dificult of teansporting bulk staples long distances in the Andes. ‘The Research Arca Both visitas gathered information within vllages*occupied mainly by the Chu ppachu, and by a subgroup known asthe Queros (Figure 2). Because of is high strategic value, the state had transferred groups of Chupachu out of the area along the lower Rio Huallaga. The Inka had then resetled small numbers of ‘other ethnic groups ino that part of the valley to replace them. ‘The major economic focus of the Chupachu was agriculture. Compared to other valleys in the central Andean highlands, the Huallaga i relatively low inclevation (Figure 2). This is especially significant in the Andes, where agri- cultural production zones ate highly dependent on elevation (Figure 3). Al- though pasturelands high above the Huallaga Velley are limited, there are ex- Inka Labor Service a exevorigy ay etre Figuce 3. Figure 3 isa diagram showing the relation of agricultural zones to altitude in the Andes. In order to compare the agricultural orientation ofthe villages in Table 4, ‘Queros (Qu) and Chupachu (Ch) villages, with similar combined total population, ate shown at thei approximate elevations (after Tell 1968: 33). tensive frost-free agricultural elds bordering the rive. The Rio Huallaga flows from south ro north dropping in elevation from 30000 r500 meters asit passes through Chupachu territory. Then it enters the hor, humid lowlands bordering the Amazonian forests, The Inka state placed 3 high value on Chupachu teri- tory because of its ability to produce maize, coca, and chili peppers, and because of the region's proximity to lowland forest resources including, wood, hone and the brilliant feathers of tropical birds (Sce Bird 1967; Murra 19723 LeVine 1985, for analyses of Huallaga Valley land use Since it was Inka policy 10 delegate authority to local loyal ethnic leader- ship, a complicated hierarchy of Chupachu leaders, each with varying degrees of power, played a pivotal role between the Inka state and the Chupachu people, Leaders organized and controlled approximately four thousand heads of house- holds who owed labor service to the state. The visitas used the Spanish- introduced term cacique principal (major chief) for Paucarguaman in the 1549 visita and Xagua in the x562 visita, and the term principal forall other mem-a "ery Yau LeVine bers ofa hierarchy of subleaders. However, conflicting statements the vistas, make it unclear whether there was a cacique principal atthe head of all four thousand Chupachu during the Inka period. Four of the twelve principales interviewed stated tha chey knew of no single cacique principal in Inka times. (One ceported that it was the Spaniards who had appointed a single leader over all of the Chupachu,? ‘Testimony recorded in the vistas described how initial Inka reorganiza- tion of the valley had delegated power among four principales in charge of sociopolitical divisions known as waranga Sublesdets were assigned within the four waranga, each of which had an ideal of ton puchaka (a unit composed of one hundred heads of households). Each pachaka principal controlled from one to five villages or hamlers inthis region of small scatcred settlements. Using data from the wo visitas, it is convenient ro discuss production and the control of labor at four levels of Huallaga Valley society. Level I represents the entire Chupachu ethnic group, idealized at four thousand heads of house- holds during che Inka period. Level II isthe four waranqa, each with about ‘one-fourth of Chupachu population. Level IIL isthe pachaka, composed of about one hundred houschold heads, Finally, Level IV is the village Level I: The Chypachu Ethnic Group Both the x549 and 256 visitas report labor ateyories for which the entire CChupachu ethnic group was responsible. In 1549 Pauearguaman, cacique prin cipal, described the actual numbers of Chupachu who served the state in these capacities. Table x displays che data from 1549. along with labor service de- scriptions made by Xagua, cacique principal in 2562. For purposes of analysis, labor service deseiptions in the visitas will be categorized using two criteria: the apparent length of service to the state, and distance of assignments from the central Chupachu region. As shown in ‘Table 4 these categories are: (A) fulltime workers, probably on annual assignment (Murra 1982: 240-41), stationed far from the Chupachu ethnic region: (B) fulltime workers on annual or permanent assignment, stationed within the CChupacha region, at Huinuco Pampa, or in adjacent regions: (C) seasonal parttime labor. Ic is assumed that only Chupachu groups retaining their ethnic afiliatons were part of the labor service assignments described by Paucarguae man in the 1549 visita. However, in 1562, Xaguaincluded agilukwa who ate known to have severed ethnic afiiations. The labor assignments in Category A are those who worked in or near (Cuxco, including consteuction workers, royal retainers, various guards, makers ‘of munitions and liters, and a large group of cultivators. Other guards (sol- diets?) were assigned to frontier areas to the north at Chachapoya and Quito. Category B has miners of gold, silver, and sae within the region or in the region administered from Pumpu (Figure 1). Included in Category Bare those the state sent to live permanently in the lowlands in order 1» supervise or work in st Inks Labor Service Py ‘Table 1, Inka Period Labor Service Assignments for the Chupachu Ethnic Group Pauearguaman Xagua Labor Assignment Cavegory 15491562 rs, gold (120 men, 120 women) 8 240 + “Mines, silver (60 men, 60 women) B 120 + Construction, Cuzco area men and women) A 00 + Gulivators, Cuzco area (men and women?) A 490 Rerainers, Cuzco atea A 150 + GGuatds, for deceased Inka, in Cuzco ry 150 (Guards, for weapons of same, in Cuxco A 10 Guards. at Chachapoya A 200 Guards, at Quito rN 200 Guards, for body of Inka, in Cuzco A 20 Feather gatherers (lowland zone) c 120 + Honey gatherers (lowland zone) c 60 + ‘Weavers of fine cloth B 400 + Dye and color makers B 40 Guards for heed animals B 240 + Local maie field guards, crop ro Causor and Hadnuco Pampa B 40 + Cultivators of local jf, etop 10 Cuseo B 40 + Sale miners B 40-60 " Coca growers, crop to Cuzco and Huinueo——B. 40 + Hlunters for the royal deer hunt c 0 Sandal makers, for Cuzco and Huinuco ¢ 40 + Carpenters, ourpur to Cuzco ¢ 40 + Porters, output to Husnuco Pampa c 40 + Guseds for Husnuco Pampa B 68 Carriers to tansport cargo to Pumpu c 80 Guards for women of Inka B 40 Soldiers and hammock carvers (military) c 500 Seasonal cultivators within valley c 500 + Makers of munitions and liters in Cuzco A + Processors of dried, salted fish c + ‘Men 10 make snares and traps for the hunt + Women in service co the Inka (lfetin + “F Figures in che column under Paucguannan rapes puribers of Todians [or each aig thanks however, Xagua did nor give pure inh declaration. Also, about half of Nagua's ‘Scaratone atin terms of goods produced rather than labor assignments, thus the plus si fies that similar declaration was made. For example, 2 declaration of salt implies salt nines and clay prets, potters In Xagu's statement, the destination of goods was more ‘tten Huuco Pampa rather tha Cuzco FS" Construcion was in ten of wall builders for Cus in 1549 and in local road fonction 10 156 Data ae fom Helmer (1955-56 [1sapl 4t=aa) and Oni (1967 [563] 25-27)M Tery Yarov LeVine ‘owned fields growing maize, aji, and coca. They assigned herders to guard state-owned animals in high elevation pasturclands, ‘The 400 weavers of fine eloth were specialized artisans. Whether they ‘went in a group to work flltime at Husnuco Pampa under stare supervision of rotated in smaller groups throughout the year isnot known. Because ofthe high premium the Inka state placed on fine cloth, 1 is likely that weavers were specially trained and highly valued workers. Some assignments within the region could have been cither in Category B, fulltime, or C, on a rotating, parttime basis. These inchide various guards working atthe Hugnuco Pampa center. The remainder of the labor services in Table x fit into Category C: parttime artisans, cultivators, gatherers of local resources, cargo carriers, hunters and fishermen, and men assigned to miliary service. These workers devoted a portion of the year to full state obligations. ‘The £562 visita contains statements for the colonial period that suggest how artisans producing pottery, wood objects, and sandals operated within the Inka state. Artisans producing craft goods to full state obligations probably also were producing similar crafts fr thie principales and for fellow villagers During the colonial period, these artisans were free of labor service in comm. nity fields where crops were grown for Spanish officials (Ortic 1967 [1562]: 197). They also gave no tribute other than the produets oftheir craft (bi 146,163, 199, 211, 256). Sons of artisans were trained into thei father’s trade in order to replace him when he died (ibid., 247). It appears that some artisans were needed only for short-term, parttime work, in which ease fellow villagers temporarily cazed for the Fields which provided subsistence for the absent san (ibid, 133). The last point suggests that ror al artisans were fulltime workers. For those artisans who did work fulltime during the Inka period, pro 0.5) at the 5% significance level. The implication is chat Inka period quotas of spe- Gialists were drawn from the pachaka administrative level.!® “Thus data from both vistas point to the pachaka as the level at which labor service was organized, Interviews show thac pachaka principales visual- ined labor service quotas as a specific number per pachaka for both the Inka period and the colonial period. However, as noted earlier, enclaves of artisans, permanently assigned salt miners, honey and bied feather gatherers, as well as coca growers (remaining from Inka period organization and visited by the in- speetor in 1.49) were shared by one, wo, three, or by all four waranga. It isInka Labor Serves ” Table 5, Clu and Staple Goods ‘Tribute to the Spanish by Village in 1563" 6 ery Yarov LeVine Table 4. Specialized Ratio of Labor Villags® in Order of Size Population Labor to Population Chupachu [choc Rumat * 6.75 087 Aux 86 533 062 Allauca Rumar 10 5.66 051 Oxpa) 123 a7 04 Mantacocha, Quits, Quileay 156 375 024 Quinoas wi 5.58 029 Torals 74 31.24 ‘Mean labor assignment per person 042 Queras ‘Auchi 7 3.00 an Guayan Queros a 1.00 023 Goaoya 45 1.00 1022 Guacas 46 2.08 04s Achinga 9 417 024 Chaulla 64 2.00 031 Guancaye 64 1.00 016 Queros 65 3s “050 Pesta 83 358 043 Rondo 142 7.00 049) Atcor 166 5.25 032 Torals 794 30,33 ‘Mean labor assignment per person 038 "The fllowing villages were woe facie Tn se avast drove srlements where part ot all of the popilation claimed aflation with warangs other than the west warang, of ‘where part oll ofthe population war reported ax rextld mitenag colonists ‘lear that while Inka period quotas of specialists were recruited atthe pachaka level, waranga principales controlled production, Level IV: The Village aa a the village level show that labor serve for the bulk of the products stored at the Huanuco Pampa center, cloth and staples, were organized at the village level. Quantities ofthese materials, which provided the basic foundation for stae revenues, were elated to local population size and possibly ro the clevation-specific staples grown by each village ‘While the data refer mainly to tributes in 1562, since many of the methods used for distributing Inka period quotas were being utilized by the Spaniards, these data can provide insight into Inka period organization atthe village level Village Population Cotton Wool Maize Wheat Potatoes Beans Chupach hoc Rumat 7% 2500S SSS Atax % 280 0953828. Allauca Rumar 110 KS 2204S Oxpa 3 MS 20 223 430 24 40 Mantacocha, Quira, Quileay 156 52503085 Quinoas mi S00 000 OS BO Totals 2245 20 150.3 252 194 265 Mean per person for population of 744 302.003 202 034 026.036 Queros ‘Auchi 7 45 $ 2 10 Guayan Ques 4314.5 20-9 20 Guaoya 45° 130 20 10 Lo Guacas 46 170) 25° 1220 Achinga 4 166 60 10 0 Guaneayo si ass 25 0 0 halla 13.0 27 10 0 Qveros 65 16.0 24 10 30 Pecta 83 180 49° 200 Rondo m2 390 SS 230 Awcor 166 42.0 $2 25 40 Tovals 25.1 362131 130 Mean per persan for population of 794 271.009.137.046 017.016 “Cont loth nin icant of cothing) wool sn velloner, eval ote beating of ne animal: Maize, whexe and potatocs are fonga (about 1-3 bus). Beas arin mas ical to aout "35 3 bey Vilg elevations are bal on continsty to modern villages of sesame, or sina, same 224. oaton eimai clon he ote a tine cleo the pects 49 As noted above, the villages of the three Queros pachaka are compared to a second group of Chupachu villages. Table 5 is a distillation of the raw dara «cllecte from interviews with principales of the villages, augmented by data from house-to-house interviews. The ¢-test was used to compate means forthe two groups of villages for cloth and staples." Cloth. The Inka preferred wool cloth, but cotton was the principal cloth woven to mect colonial demands, Despite this difference interviews show that cloth* Terry Yarow LeVine still was being produced mainly by women in the home in a pattern comparable ‘co weaving during the Inka period when cloth other than high status qumpi, had also been woven inthe home, Village quotas were probably affected by the number of women in the village, and I believe this was true in the Inka period 35 wel, Despite some variation in means per person fr cloth, contributions at the Village level tend to increase in relation to population size. ‘Cloth quotas included sets of clothing, single garments, table covers, por tions of tents, and blankets. In order to mak: comparisons for this paper amounts were standardized 3 closely as possible. The distribution of means for cloth contributions per person per Queros village is from 0.17 (0 0.34. The ‘overall mean per person forall Queros villages is0.27. Chupachu villages hada distribution of means per person per village of from 0.26 00.34 and an overall s10up mean of 0,30. Comparing contributions of cloth, the null hypothesis of no difference is no eejected (t = 1.19, df = 15, p > 0.25) atthe 5% level of significance. Since only one Chupachu village and seven Queros villages e= ported wool contributions, it did not scem appropriate to compare the 1wo roups. The expectation is thar the Queros were producing more Inka petiod ‘wool chan the Chupachu since their villages were closer ro grazing areas above the Huallaga Valley. Food Staples. All able-bodied men, and often women, worked on community land to meet quotas, similar to the general agricultural work they had been accustomed to doon Inka state land. Theres litle doubt that quotas of staples in Table reflect Spanish influence. Contributions included European wheat (a replacement for Andean cereals). However, maize provided the bulk of stapes. During the Inka period, contributions in Andean root crops would have been much more important. Analysis of the Hudnuco Pampa storchouses showed only about 7% storage space for maize, but from 40% to 65% vex for root crops (Mortis 1981: 354). ‘The mean maize contributions of the twe groups (0.202 fanega forthe CChupachus 0.137 fanega for the Queros) are significantly diferent at the 5% level (t = 2.64, df = 15, p <0.025). The overall higher elevations of Quetos Villages could well account (or ther reduced aceess to maize, which has higher yields below 3000 meters, This is voiced by a Queros principal who explained that maize yields were low because his village was in cold country (Ortiz 1967 [1562]: 182). ‘Wheat yields well at higher elevations. Although the mean wheat contt- bution (0.046 fanega) for the Queros was greater than the mean wheat con- tribution (0.034 fanega) for the Chupachu, the rull hypothesis of no difference is not eeected (¢ = ~1.11, df = 13, p > 0.15) atthe 5% level of significance. ‘The mean potato contribution (0.026 fanega) for the, Chupachu was signifi cantly different atthe 5% level (= 2.39, df = 15, p <0.05) from the mean ‘Queros contribution (0.017 fanega). For beans, 2 low elevation crop, i is not Inks Labor Service ” necessary to use the f-test. If cases with no contributions are excluded, by visual inspection, the Chupachu mean can be seen to be significantly higher than the Queros mean. Instn, these data suggest two economic facts that may be relevant ro the Inka period as well as the colonial period. First, cloth production quantities appear to be related to population size and especially tothe numberof females present inthe population. Second. staples production also was related to pop Tavon size and was affected by the environmental constraints of village location. Summary “The Spanish cheoniclers consistently stressed that the Inka stare maintained a highly centralized socioeconomic control over their empire. The visita data reviewed in this paper provide insight into how the state achieved these goals by delegating politcal and economie power to local ethnic leaders incorporated inco the state sociopoltieal hierarchy. The state organized the Huallaga Valley so that four waranga principales were directly responsible for supervising the cconomic mechanisms for raising state revenues. Four Chupachw waranga principales supervised the major production taking place within the Huallaga Valley. ‘They contelled the production of atisas, miners, and cultivators. From the data, it appears that the only cottage indusiry in the valley was the spinning and weaving of ordinary cloth with which housewives filled ther fee time, Artisanal production of ceramics, wood abject, sandals, and rope took place in workshops located in villages spe- cialized for a single craft. Data indicate the importance of the woodworking «raft, as well as coca cultivation, in this valley when compared to other regions showing that quotas of labor service were geared to the major resources avail able to each ethnic group. “The data also indicate that the control local ethnic leaders maintained cover prestige materials was limited. All metals mined by the Chupacha were channeled directly «9 Cuzco. Feathers went either tothe Inka center at Hudnuco Pampa or directly 1o Cuzco, no doubt to be used in the production of status cloth, Visita data show that four hundred Chupachu artisans were assigned t0 the weaving labor category yet inspectors found only two villages specialized for weaving in 1549. We also know that there were specialists working under direc state control at Hudnuco Pampa, Some of these specialists were likely to have been the Chupachus weavers of prestige cloth, Whether specialists were men or women permanently atached tothe state or specialists who served for only a year, their presence at Hudnuco Pampa shows the close control over cloth production exercised by the state. Itisinterestt at labor services involving basic craft production, the cultivation of lixury ageicultural products, and the acquisition of regional resources were shared equally among the four waranga. ‘This was true even° Terry Yano LeVine 7 though access to raw materials was not evenly dscibuted throughout the Hua- Haga Valley. Labor categories where no end product was involved did not have ‘equal distribution among the four waranga. As few as one ro as many as three waranga provided the labor for limited-term projects such as stone working, ‘masonry, armament manufacturing, load carrying or the maintenance of roads “The waranqa principales evidently played only a symbolic role in labor recruitment. Based on a series of direct Chupachu statements and on statistical snalyses of data from the 1562 visita, itis lear that pachaka principales mo: bilized the labor to fill state quotas from among the one hundred household units under their jurisdition, According to Inka labor service rues, all Chu- ppacha, male and female, youths and the elderly, were subject to labor assign- ‘ments in keeping with theie ability co produce forthe state Despite the importance of the specialized labor of artisans and of culti- vators growing luxury crops, the bulk of Inka rerenuc, woven fabric and agri cultural staples, derived from production ofthe ordinary farmer and his spouse, atthe village level. Since quantities of ordinary scaples and cloth show a close correlation to population size, wesee that most Chupachu familie, in addition to other labor assignments, provided this basic service forthe state. Data also suggest thatthe variety of agricultural products was dependent on the environ: mental constraints of village location. This isa reasonable assumption given the close relationship between Andean crops and altiude (see Figure 5). Conclusions “The 1549 and 1562 vistas offer unusually valuable insight into the logistics of ‘revenue raising among the Chupachu of the north-central Andean highlands. Part of the value of the Huallaga Valley vistas derives from the fact that the data they contain are detailed and provide insight into the daily life of the CChupachu. This gives us the viewpoint of low-level ethnic elites and ordinary artisans and farmers under the Inka state system. “The pre-Incaic Chupachu were relatively few in number and existed at a simple level of sociopolitical organization. This contrasts with the highly com- plex and populous polities of the Andean southern highlands and the Andean ‘coast that have been the usual focus of major Andean research. The data show hhow the state transformed simple, self-sufficient farming villages, whose pro: duction level was low, into, a highly organized system producing the basic storable surpluses that financed state projects, Heavy dependence on a corvée labor taxation system and suppression of long distance trade and markets place the Inks in direct contrast to many preindustrial expansioniscic states. In cightcent’-century African Dahomey, the ruler played a similar central role in controlling all agpects of the economy. “The small bu expanding Dahomey state also based its taxation on a careful census of manpower and resources. However, unlike the Inka state, Dahomey Inka Labor Service 7 raised revenucs by collecting a portion of total prod HNasby rodcton, as well s by levyin taxes in kind on marker and trade transactions. Cowie shell served the Mate 4s equivalencies in some areas of taxation and distribution (Polanyi 1968: wras) 1 Triple Alliance Autee empire, although more comparable in size to the Ika than Dahon, lacked he alc contol which he Inks hel ve their empire. According to Pedro Carrasco (1982: 33-39). Mesoamerica was sill politically fragmented during the early sixteenth century. Triple Alliance leaders found it convenient 0 allow subservient political units considerable autonomy. ‘A.combination of revenue-rasing procedures financed the Triple Alliance ‘empire, with variations in the amount and the character of tribute levies and in required labor prestatons. One factor in subservient polities. Given the high cost of moving bulk items long, dis ng bulk items long di second factor was the distance of polities from the empire capital at Tenoch- ln Fal gn he wie dinate of scuasn Msn bac often was based on the regional resources that the Triple Alliance considered of highese value. Adding additional taxes to state revenues was a flourishing state- sponsored trade and market system, where eacao beans often served asa me- dium of exchange. Tt seems likely that successful archaic states developed the revenue easing recanisms es uted co he requirements of ther environments a he sociopolitical realities of the polities brought under their hegemony. The im- portance of the Chupachu data is not only that they ill in some of the detail missing in the broad generalized outline ofthe Inka stae that Spanish chroni- clers derived from the Inka elite but that they make it possible to gain insight into how labor service, so critical to the success ofthe Inka revenue system, was organized and implemented at the regional level. Only through more detailed information on how economic mechanisms functioned will we be able to und stand more clearly how archaic states created the revenues which financed suc- «esl maintenance and expansion, Notes 1 Thispaper beefed alsa rom dscson advice, andeneourageen co Tinotiyk Ean Taam N, Daly. Ter tae moon ee a sh pean ren ch del iy wh were impli rather than explice| ppc she help of Darighe Read who feviewed the manusep or the appropriateness ofthe santa prton, 2 When ransatingSpatishpasagescosaning the word pueblo have chosen to uc the word vila Spanids sing this word probably ere titling sclment was smal arg, but oly that wales nce dan a Spanish Ciudad, oil. However esearch ico setlement sie inthe Huallaga Valley (LeVine 1985) indiaestht 97 of che stlenens fi the anthropolopeldeba2 4 Tery Yarow LeVine tion of smal village less than 500 occupants, with 500.0 999 occupants for large village), and only one settlement could be considered a town (more than 1,000 ‘ccupanis). ‘Although eight Chupachu principales stated that there had bec a cacique principal ‘over al of the ethnic group, the following four uotations question the existence of the political position of one leader over the emie ethnic goup duting che Inka petiod. This is easonable given the Inka penchare for directing loyalties toward the State and away from centeal leadership. [Dio queen tempo del yng oy deve asus padees queeran cuateo mil indios ue sobre todos 0 habia aber i caiquc principal sino que cada uno “cellos mandab su guaranga y cuando querian hacer alguna cosa se jntaban todos cuatoal prover y manda yen lo delhacer usa enttese (Ot 1967 [362]: 70) ((Pestated tht he heard sad by his elders tha inthe time ofthe Inka tere were 4,000 Indians... and that they nec had a chief nor main politcal Tear over ll ut that each one of them [aranga leads) pave ores co his ‘own waranga and when they wished to arange something, they gathered all fous [warangs leaders] together in order to decree and 0 command and 0 create jie {ce fay) among thersle.) [D)ijo queen tempo del yaga eran cuatro mil ndios y asi loa ofdo decir asu ppadrey que cada guaranga tenia sueaciquey que no sabe ni oy6 decir i sobre todos ellos habia otro catique principal. (Ortiz 1967 (1562): 77), ({H)e stated that in Inka times there were 4.000 Indians and thus he as heard it said by his elders and thar each warangy had its chief and that he ' not ‘cognizant of or has he heard i sail whether they had another main political Teader overall of them) [Dijo que en tiempo del ynga eran cuateo ily que silo ha oido deca otros ins viejo que él» «y que no sabe ni oy decir que sobre todas las custo uarangashubiese alin cacique principal y cuando ls espafioles enraron en sta tierta los caciques de las cuatro guarangas eran muertos.» ¥ por e310 porque don Gémcz era hombre que sabia mandar lo hizo cacigue de todas {uatro guarangas. (Ortiz 1967 [2562]: 81) ({He stared that in the tirme ofthe Inka there were 4,000 and tha thus he has heard it sid by others much older than he... and tha hei not cognizant of not has he heatd it said that ove all the four warangas there might be any ‘acique principal and when the Spaniaeds entered this and the caciques ofthe four warankas were dead... and for this reason and because don Gomez was aman who knew how to command, he [the Spanish eaptain} made hima [don ‘Gémez]eacique of al four waranka,) {EJ tiempo del ynga crn cuatro il india y cada puaranga ena su caique Pehepal ext de bide) mo sabes habia to principal sobre elon. (Oris 1967 [621 85) {inka vines there were 4,000 Indians and cach warangs had is cacique Principal and ths by hearsay and he no: cognizant of whether there wa Stother leader overall ofthe.) For the Huallaga Valle, she village is valid a8 a division below the level ofthe pacha, In gts with more dense population, wheresetlement size was often [eater than too households, the pachaka woul tend tbe below the level ofthe lage Inthe uallaga Valley the «549 vska recorded approximately 137 sete- Inks Labor Service ° ments. Only one sertlement, Mul, with 119 houses (Helmer 1955-56 [154 ‘could be considered 2 town. This settlement had an estimated population ranging between 1190 (119 X 5 members, doubled to allow for population decne) and 1666 (119 X 7 members, X 2 for population decline), Inthe 2562 visita (Ortiz 1967 [1562]: 139-56), each portion of this setlement, now called Rumar, is recorded separately, chocu Rumar and Allauca Rumar, indicating a two-part divi sion common to Inka organization. Possibly this division was used to dilute the authority of the group and to deter rebellion (Cobo 1892 [1653]: 229). Each portion of Rumar may have been cqual toa pachaka. However, of the remaining Settlements, 97% are estimated to have had fewer than too households. [Tlienen contratacones cons yachas y guamaliesy Chnchacocha en que les Hevan at yesatan con fos guarales an y también alos yachos evan ay papaty ney tescran con lloslanay ganado ya Chinchacocta evan ale papacy ally algunas veces coca cvandelaieneny porello renal y lana y pescado que nohay ene ellos personas quelotengan por rato y mancra de ivr sino que cada uno como le viene la necesidad at To ace y los otros {sims vienn a ellos y de esta manera se comunican ycontatan los unos en los otros. (Oni 1967 [156]: 178-79) {Chey have wade with the acka and the Huamalie and the Chinchacocha in hich they carry 10 them peppers and barer with the Guam for wool and also tothe Yacha they canry peppers and potators and maize and barter wwth them for wool and fate and to Chinchacocha the cary maize and potatoes and peppers and sone times coca when they have and for this they ingsal and wood and fish and tha hee are not among them people wo righ maintain forthe sac of ade and ava way of Hiving bu tat each one wv the ced comes to him this he docs it and the other Ukewise come to them and in th way they coonmunizate and rade with ech other) ‘The following excerpts from the 1549 visitashow the existence of single-eraft and single-crop setlements, some of them controlled by one of two waranga princi- pales, some shared by al four waranga. In all ocher villages inspected, the name of the village principal was given. For most specialized villages, either the name of the \waranga principal i given, of itis noted that there are representatives ofall four ‘waranga and the principal is not specifically named. Bracketed words are my addi- [O}tosi. bistamos vm pueblo que se llama Jayle . . . en dove eassas sete yyndiosedossvihudas evn bieio que son todos alpargateros dela parcialidad de Chinchaopoma. (Helmer 2955-56 [1549]: 24) ((MJoreover, we visited a village which is called Jayle «in 12 houses seven Indians and two widows and an old man who ate all sandalmakers of the section [waranga] of Chinchaopoma [waranga prineipall-) IE In der de julio, vistamos vn pueblo que se dize Cachuchu que es de Pau: carguamans tiene diez echo casas y, en ells, teze adios y quatro bihudas; txen tierra de los Yaros: sn olleros del tiempo del Ynga. (Ibid, 27) ((Oln the roth of July, we visited a village which is called Cachachu which is of Paucarguaman; it has 18 houses and, in chem, 13 Indians and four widows ths inthe Land of the Yar they a pes ein tein of he Ink.) [E}ste mesmo dia, vistamos vn pueblo de los Yaxos de quees principal Paxias tiene en el, Paucarguaman tress yodios; stn ali para sal. (bid, 28)“ Terry Varo LeVine (( This same day, we visited a village of the Yaros [ethnic group south of the ‘Chupachu} of which Paria is principal; Paxarguaman feteiqe principal of the Chupacha} has init [che village three Indians; they are there forthe salt.) Le, vsitams tr pueblo gue lama Goan quces de capiteres desta ‘parcialidad de Chinchaypoma, (Ibid., 27) * " {Also we vised another village which led Goan which sof carpe tesof this section of Chincha [Ee di, stato oto pucoqu sella Paya sido pane a) (VTIhs dye we wed ashe lage whi called Dayna ight marsed Indians; they are potters of all rhe four sectices.) mee ocho yndioscasados: son LElstediavstaros otro pcb ques llama Vas tee ses cass en ells, sph odo fe pala Se Par uaa y Sn So hinchao[pom, con mis doe mytimacs Chameoe Son cove cama, {Ibid., 36) me (CT) day we vie anor age which called Urs it has ix hoes andy inthe sc lian the two re fom the section of Paucar icaciqe principal] and another two of Chirchaypoma fest waranaa pit cipal], with two more Chuncos colonists; they are coca workers.) mer 7 [Mlis aban quarenta carpinceros para hazer plaos y esudilla cotta cossas paral ynga co llevaban al Cuzco mis daban quarenta olleros para hazer oll elas llevaban a Guanuco. (Helmer 1955-56 14549] 41) {(More, they gave 40 woodworkers to make ples and bowls and things [of \woad] forthe Inka and they eacred then ro Cuzco-more, they gave 4o potters ‘co make jars and they exeied them to Husmco [Pampa] 8 {[Dixeron que de cada cient yndios, hechaban tress yndiose ress yndiase que lo sacavan todo el afo. (Helmer 1955-56 [1349] 40) ((T)hey stated tha from each 100 Indian, they would recruit three men and thtee women and they mined gold all the yea.) [dnt dinates ps ce es osm cl Caza y er eaeatcil Ui hee ef maori owl ena Cao alan rare ey ad a etme ea ca aes £0 Ques wilge contributions tn increase in lation villages, while Ch tach illageconbtion show a endeny so decease with villages eno or the wilage of Quioas, This variability maybe eld to prowinnry of Chapachs villages Spanish eiemensand should Be adesd in» frre pape 1 Fora tests equality of variance wa checked, Ir only one ease whet) was the sulnpths of cave, Fr hates edo eg References Bird, Robert M, 1967 La agricultra en la vista de On de Ia provincia de Lebin de Hudnuco en 1562.1: 365~67. Husnuco: Universidad Hermilo Valdizd Inka Labor Servie 4s Burchard, Roderick 1974 Cocay tuequede alimentos. lt Reciprocidad eintercambio en los Andes pecuanos. G. Albert y E. Mayer, eds. Pp. 209-51. Lima: Instituo de Estudios Peuanos. Carrasco, Peto 1982 Thepolitical economy ofthe Aztec and Ineastates The Inca and Aztec sates, 1400-1800. G. A. Collier, RT. Rosaldo, and J.D. With, es. 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New York: Academic Press The Inka State in the Southern Highlands: State Administrative and Production Enclaves Mary B. La Lone, DePauw University, and Indianapolis University-Purdue University at Indianapolis, and Darrell E. La Lone, DePainw University Abstract Inka state expansion was financed by a command economy which was able to mobilize production for che state on 2 vas scale, As the empire grew and requited seater resources fo finance its expansion, the state elaborated upon special combina- ‘fons of land tenure and labor organization which brought increased production for state ends. This paper examines a particularly powerful combination of land and labor organization used by the Inka: the establishment of state enclaves for production and administration and the mobilization of muitmtag labor for service on those es claws. Documentary evidence is presented for the sites of Guaiparnyacca/Ocomarca, Ragehi, Abancay, and Cochabamba in che southern Andean highlands. “The Inca busied himself fr four years with the government and welfare of bis subjects, Ther, deeming it wrong to devote s0 much time to the quiet enjoy- ‘ment of peace without giving an opportunity for martial exercise, be gave orders that supplies und weapons should be collected with special eae an bis soldiers summoned for the following year. Garéilaso de la Vega (1966 [609 159) Garcilaso’s portrayal of che Inka who deemed it “wrong to devote so much time tothe quiet enjoyment of peace” aptly epitomizes the expansionist state. It was precisely through the relatively infrequent enjoyment of peace that in such 3 short time the Inka state expanded from the Cuzeo Valley as far south as what are today parts of Chile and northwest Argentina, and as far north as regions now bordering Colombia. Whatever gains the state harvested from absorbing such vast regions presupposed hardly less vast costs in supporting such military adventure and in maintaining vigilance against ebellions. Support of such a military enterprise would inevitably exceed the capacity of the traditional tribuce system. Mobilization of a massive army created formidable food demands, while simultaneously removing tribute payers from Ethnobistory 34:1 {Winter 1987). Copyright © by the American Society for Ethno- history. coc o0t4-1801/87/54.50.