Fifty-Fifth Anniversary of Sino-Pakistan Relations:

An Appraisal

Ghulam Ali

Abstract
Diplomatic relations between China and Pakistan are considered to be model
relationships between the two states. In May 1951, when they established their diplomatic
relations both the countries had noting much common in history, culture and sociopolitical systems. They adhered to different ideologies and later joined opposite security
blocs created by the Cold War. However, instead of these contradictions, the two
countries, over the last fifty-five years, have maintained good neighborly relations which
withstood the vicissitudes of domestic, regional and international environment.
These relations revolve around mutual interests, non-interferences in each others
internal affairs, respect for each others view points, and commitments for closer
cooperation for their long term interests. In addition to this, geographical proximity,
Indian factor, and identical views on major regional and global issues further
strengthened their ties.
The two countries have supported each other in many significant ways. China, time
and again, proved its commitment of friendship with Pakistan and came to its help during
crisis hours. Chinas support to Pakistan against India in particular was highly regarded
by policy makers in Pakistan. A general perception of China as true and trusted friend of
Pakistan got massive popularity among the people of Pakistan and Beijing acquired
foremost priority in Islamabads foreign policy.
Pakistan completed a number of mega projects with Chinese help. These projects
played a major role in Pakistans economic development and defence sector. Currently
China has been assisting Pakistan in Gwadar seaport, Ssandik Project, building six new
nuclear power plants; joint defence ventures (JF Thunder aircraft, naval ships, tanks etc.)
which indicates Chinas long term interests in Pakistan.
Pakistan also helped China in many befitting ways. From the very beginning,
Pakistan adopted a One China Policy and strictly adhered to it. It played an important role
in ensuring Chinas membership in the UN and acted as a genuine broker in Sino-US
rapprochement. During the height of Cold War, Pakistan helped to break Chinas isolation
and worked as a bridge between China and the Muslim World.
Fifty-five years relations are divided into three periods: Mao periods, Deng Period
and post-Deng Period. Each period is distinct from other. During the Mao period (from
the early 1950s to late 1970s) Sino-Pakistan ties touched to new heights. Indian factor
India as a common enemy of both China and Pakistandominated in their relations.
China explicitly supported Pakistan on Kashmir issue and provided substantial military
assistance to Pakistan. China rendered unprecedented support to Pakistan during the
Indo-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971.
In the late 1970s a number of factors affected the nature and dynamics of SinoPakistan relations. Change of leadership in China proved the major one. The post-Mao
leadership in China under Deng Xiaoping, adopted a pragmatic approach and placed
economic development as Chinas top priority. They abandoned the revolutionary zeal of
Mao, opened up Chinas economy to the outside world, and focused their attention on
normalizing relations with other countries, particularly around Chinas periphery. Against
this backdrop, Sino-Pakistan relations started witnessing profound changes. The most
salient are as follows:

(I) China adopted a neutral stance towards the South Asian region in general and
towards Indo-Pakistan conflicts in particular. (II) China toned down its vocal support to
Pakistan on a number of issues, i.e. on the Kashmir issue; it gradually shifted its stance
from support of the right of self-determination for the Kashmiri people to a peaceful
solution of the issue. (III) On other contentious issues between India and Pakistan, China
again stressed their solution through peaceful means. Chinas absolute neutrality towards
Indo-Pakistan conflicts was evident more clearly during the Kargil crisis in 1999 and the
Indo-Pakistan military stand-off in 2001-2. (IV) The defense sector also witnessed
glaring changes during this period. China gradually pulled its hand off alleged support to
Pakistan in the controversial missile and nuclear programme. However, open cooperation
in many defense sectors is continuing between the two even today. (V) Parallel to this,
China started normalizing relations with India. Since the 1980s Sino-Indian relationships
have been improving. Presently, Beijing and Islamabad have different views of New
Delhionce a common enemy. The post-Deng leadership continued his policies. Thus,
Sino-Pakistan relations continued to unfold in the post-Deng Period on the pattern set
during the Deng rule.
According to the finding of this study, contrary to the general impression that SinoPakistan relations turned lukewarm since the Deng period, in essence these relationships
got strengthened. In fact, the Deng Period heralded a new phase of these relations by
transforming them from security-oriented and Indo-centric nature of the Mao Period to
meaningful and durable nature. The foundations of this new relationship centered on a
wide range of common interests and objectives. In addition to changing security
paradigms, both countries focused on vibrant economic interactions through expansion of
bilateral trade, commercial ties and joint ventures.
The two countries enjoyed strong relations in defence and political sectors.
However, the economic relations between the two countries remained very limited. Only
recently they have given a particular attention and have taken several measures to boost
their economic ties. The Indian Factor played a role in bringing them closer to each other.
Since the improvement in Sino-Indian relations as well as readjustment in Sino-Pakistan
ties, this factor is no more a catalyst.
Non-existence of territorial, political and any kind of other major difference, indicate
that Sino-Pakistan relations would flourish in the future. The domestic, regional and
international developments, however, would continuously affect these relations. .

China and Pakistan have maintained exemplary relations for the last fifty fiver
years. In May 1951 when they established their diplomatic ties, they had nothing much
common in history, socio-political systems and ideologies. Furthermore, they affiliated
themselves with opposite security blocs that had emerged as a result of the Cold War after
their independence. Pakistan joined the capitalist bloc led by the United States (US) and
entered into military alliances such as Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) in
1954, Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) in 1955 and the Mutual Defense Agreement
with the United States in 1959. These military alliances explicitly contained anti-China
elements. China, on the other hand, adopted an entirely different policy and sided with
the Communist bloc led by the Soviet Union. These factors, however, did not stop China
and Pakistan from developing friendly ties. Since then both the countries have not only
maintained good neighbourly relations but also overcome profound domestic upheavals
and survived geo-strategic changes both at regional and international level including
improving Sino-Indian relations from 1989 onwards, the end of the Cold War,
developments post 9/11 especially with Pakistan as a frontline state in the war against
terror as well as the recent Indo-US strategic convergence. They proudly claim their
relations a unique example in the modern history. 1 These facts require an in-depth
analysis to know the factors which have kept the socio-politically divergent countries,
stead fast friends for over half century. This paper is an attempt in this regards. It divides
the fifty-five years relations into three periods. The paper also examines these relations
from political, military and economic perspectives as well as the Indian factor under
separate headings. A descriptive and analytical approach has been adopted in it.
1

An eminent Pakistani scholar has used this term in his detailed review of Sin-Pakistan relations. See
Khalid Mahmud, Sino-Pakistan Relations: An All-weather Friendship Regional Studies, vol. XIX, no. 3
Summer 2001.

Background
Pakistan was the first Islamic country, second commonwealth and the third noncommunist country which recognized the Peoples Republic of China on 5 January 1950
and established diplomatic relations on 21 May 1951. In the meanwhile Korean War
broke out. Pakistan despite its western-orientation, not only refrained from voting on the
UN resolution aimed at imposing sanctions on the export of certain goods to China and
North Korea but also continued its trade relations with China. 2 Pakistan later joined the
Western military pacts (as stated above) which aimed at containing China. It is assumed
that Pakistani leadership was aware that the defence pacts did not guarantee in cases of
Indian attack and that it had been chosen as ally only after India had turned down the
American overtures to become a partner. Due to its acute security compulsions Pakistan
direly need sophisticated arms and economic assistance to its survival, so it entered into
these pacts. At the Bandung Conference in 1955, Pakistani Prime Minister Muhammad
Ali Bogra assured to his Chinese counterpart, Zhou Enlai, that Pakistans alliance with
the West was not, in any way, directed against China.3 In case the United States launched
a coalition war against China, Pakistan would not be a partner to it, just as it was not a
partner in the Korean War. Resultantly, Zhou stated before the political committee of the
conference that he was quite satisfied by the assurances given by the Pakistani Prime
Minister regarding his countrys joining the Western pacts. 4 According to an analyst
China was far more realistic in assessing Pakistans rationale for participation in the Cold

Fazal-ur-Rahman, Pakistan-China economic Relations: Opportunities and Challenges Strategic Studies,

XXVI, Summer 2006, no. 2 <http://www.issi.org.pk/journal/2006_files/no_2/article/a3.htm>
3
Han Nianlong, et al., Diplomacy of Contemporary China (Hong Kong: New Horizon Press, 1990), p.
112.
4
Rasul Bux Rais, China and Pakistan: A Political Analysis of Mutual Relations (Lahore: Progress
Publishers, 1977), p. 10.

War defence alliances. It comprehended Pakistans security compulsions vis--vis India

and continued to pursue a policy of friendship with Pakistan.5

Beginning of a New Era

With the advent of the 1960s, a number of factors pushed China and Pakistan
closer to each other. They include Sino-Soviet differences, Sino-Indian border clashes in
1962, and Pakistans disappointment with its Western allies, that started arming India
against China in the wake of the Sino-Indian border clashes. 6 The magnitude of the US
concern to arm India against China could be measured in economic terms: up until 30
June 1959, the total American economic aid to India since its independence was officially
valued at somewhat over $1,705 million, which included $931 million in agricultural
commodities. Against this amount, in a short period of less than four years, from 1959 to
1963, India received $4 billion from the US.7 Pakistan, which was a US ally in three
major defence pacts, was naturally disturbed fearing that India would use this aid against
Pakistan. It led Pakistan to give a fresh look at its foreign policy options. Pakistan
approached China with whom relations had already started improving, and received
positive response. A new era in Sino-Pakistan relations started which continued
uninterrupted in the subsequent decades.
For the simplification of this study, the Sino-Pakistan relations are divided into
three periods: The Mao Period (starting from the early 1950s to the late 1970s); The Deng
Period (starting form the assumption of power by reformist led by Deng Xiaoping in the

Pervez Iqbal Cheema, The China Threat: A View from Pakistan, in Herbert Yee and Ian Storey, eds.,
The China Threat: Perceptions, Myth and Reality (London: Routledge Curzon, 2002), p. 303.
6
Anwar H. Syed, China and Pakistan: Diplomacy of Entente Cordial (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1974), p. 81.
7
Ghulam Ali, Sino-Pakistan Relations: The Indian Factor, IPRI Journal (Islamabad), vol. III, no. 2
(Summer 2003), pp. 99-100.

late 1970s to the late 1980s) and the Post Deng Period (from the early 1990s to the
present times). Each period is distinct from other and is briefly discussed here.

The Mao Period

During the first decade of their diplomatic ties, both Pakistan and China were
indulged with their internal problems. During this period Sino-Pakistan relations
developed rather slowly but absolutely free of troubles. In fact during this period China
was closer to India than Pakistan. Sino-Indian friendship of this period was proudly stated
as Hindi Chini bhai bhai (Indian and Chinese are brothers). Interestingly, despite its close
ties with India, China maintained neutrality on Indo-Pakistan conflicts particularly on the
thorny issue of Kashmir. It stressed the two countries to resolve their all outstanding
issues through peaceful means and never allow the external powers to interfere in the
regional issues. 8 Sino-Pakistan relations started improving after Sino-Indian relations had
turned hostile on the Tibetan issue and their long un-demarcated boundary in the late
1950s. New Delhi had granted asylum to the fleeing Dalai Lama, his government, and
thousands of his followers, an act that perturbed Chinese authorities. At the same time,
the SinoIndian boundary dispute became an explosive issue and led to border clashes in
1962. In the following two decades Beijing-New Delhi ties remained unfriendly. On the
other hand Sino-Pakistan relations during this period quickly developed and reached to
new heights. Parallel to this period Sino-Pakistan relations developed and strengthened.
China started supporting Pakistans Kashmir policy. Also during this period, China
repeatedly assured Pakistan of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Another significant aspect of Sino-Pakistan relations during the Mao period was the
8

At that time China even opposed the UN role in the settlement of the Kashmir issue. See Hasan Askari
Rizvi, China and Kashmir, in K. F. Yusuf, ed., Perspective on Kashmir: Pakistan Forum, Series no. 4
(Islamabad: Pakistan Forum, 1994), p. 215.

Indian factor. Their common enmity with India led them to foster their ties particularly in
defence sector. Pakistan strengthened its defence capabilities form Chinese support, while
China contained Indian influence to South Asian region by strengthening Islamabad
against New Delhi.
China proved its commitment of friendship and extended its support to Pakistan
on all appropriate occasions. Chinas support to Pakistan during the Indo-Pakistan Wars
of 1965 and 1971 won massive support among the people of Pakistan. During the 1965
Pakistan faced grim situation. The US first suspended arms supplies and later in
statement by the State Department issued a statement declaring its neutrality in the
conflict. The US also declined Pakistans direct requests to use its influence to stop a war.
At that occasion China directly intervened in favour of Pakistan. On 16 December 1965
China handed over an ultimatum to the Indian Embassy in Beijing demanding that India
to dismantle all its military related activities on the Chinese side of the Chinese Sikkim
border and return the kidnapped Chinese border inhabitants and seize livestock within
three days otherwise face the full responsibility for grave consequences. In the wake of
the 1971 crisis, China provided economic, political and moral support to Pakistan to
overcome the traumatic situation emerged as a result of the separation of East Pakistan
which became Bangladesh. In 1972 China used its first ever veto to hold the recognition
of Bangladesh as gesture of support to Pakistan. These were the formative years when
common perception in Pakistan began assuming China as its national saviour.
Sino-Pakistan ties were mutually beneficial. Pakistan, too, helped China in many
befitting ways. From the very beginning, Pakistan adopted a One China Policy and
strictly adhered to it. Pakistan helped to break Chinas isolation and worked as a bridge

between China and the Muslim World. It played an important role in ensuring Chinas
membership in the UN9 and acted as a genuine broker in Sino-US rapprochement. 10
Resultantly, Sino-Pakistan relations touched new heights during the 1960s and 1970s.

The Deng Period

The demise of Mao Zedong (1976) and the advent of reformists led by Deng
Xiaoping (1978), heralded a new era in Chinese history. The reformists adhered to
pragmatism as opposed to Maos idealism and placed economic development of China
their foremost priority. To achieve this objective, they introduced sweeping reforms both
externally and internally. They toned down the ideological rhetoric, de-radicalized
Chinese foreign policy and opened up the hitherto closed nation to the outside world.
They also paid special attention to normalizing relations with other countries, particularly
around Chinas periphery. The reforms had substantial impact on Sino-Pakistan relations
which, since then, have been witnessing both quantitative as well qualitative changes in
political, economic and strategic areas. The most salient are as follows:
(I) Under Deng, China adopted a neutral stance towards the South Asian region in
general and towards Indo-Pakistan conflicts in particular. (II) China toned down its vocal
support to Pakistan on a number of issues, i.e. on the Kashmir issue; it gradually shifted
its stance from support of the right of self-determination for the Kashmiri people to a
peaceful solution of the issue. Keeping in view the centrality of the Kashmir issue in
Pakistans foreign policy, it was a major setback for Islamabad. (III) On other contentious

Pakistan played a leading role Chinas entry into the UN see Ghulam Ali, Chinas Seat in the
United Nations: An Analysis of Pakistans Role, IPRI Journal, vol. IV, no. 2
(Summer 2004).
9

10

For a detailed study regarding Pakistans role in normalizing relations between China and the United
States, see F. S. Aijazuddin, From a Head, Through a Head, to a Head: The Secret Channel between the
US and China through Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000).

issues between India and Pakistan, China showed its neutrality as well. It indicated that
China would no longer side with Pakistan in case of the latters conflict with India. (IV)
The defense sector, which was an important component of Sino-Pakistan ties, also
witnessed glaring changes during this period. (V) Parallel to this, China started
normalizing relations with India. The new leadership in China, soon after assuming
power, arranged the visit of the then Indian Foreign Minister, A. B. Vajpayee, to China in
1979, followed by a series of high-profile visits between the two. These visits culminated
in the landmark visit of Indian Prime Minster Rajiv Gandhi to China in December 1988
the first visit to China by an Indian Prime Minister in 34 years. Also during this period,
China and India started talks on the thorny boundary issue.

The post-Deng Period

The post-Deng leadership in China followed his guidelines. Towards South Asia
China continued the policy of strengthening and stabilizing its relations with all countries
of the region. China continuously followed the policy of neutrality on the Kashmir issue
as well as on other conflicts between India and Pakistan. For instance Beijing did not
stand by Pakistan on the Kargil crisis or the Indo-Pakistan military standoff in 2001/2002.
On Kargil, the first serious encounter after nuclear explosions by India and Pakistan in
May 1998, China maintained absolute neutrality. Both Beijing and Islamabad had
divergent views on these skirmishes. Some observers had even stated that China had clear
differences over Pakistans Kargil policy. However, these were not expressed publicly
due to their long-prevailing bilateral relations. Beijing neither helped nor joined Pakistan
in calling for an international settlement of the dispute. It emphasized upon a bilateral
resolution of the issue through dialogues.11 As Chinese stated, China has a clear position
11

Ibid.

10

on this. The Kashmir dispute is a question left over by history. We hope that the relevant
parties would find a fair and reasonable solution to this question. We sincerely hope that
the two sides could take peace and stability of the region as the priority, exercise restraint
and solve the dispute peacefully through negotiations and dialogue. 12 An Indian analyst
termed Chinas stance a pronounced and extraordinary neutral position and stated that
this view was closer to India than Pakistan. All indications are that China regards India
as a major power and a potentially important player in a putative multi-polar world.
However, the analyst observed, it remained to be seen if Chinas neutrality on the Kargil
crisis signaled a major shift away from its historic support for Pakistan.13
Shortly after the Kargil episode, by the end of 2001, Indo-Pakistan tension again
escalated bringing the two nuclear rivals to the brink of war. On this occasion China
stressed upon both Pakistan and India to resolve their dispute through peaceful means. It
is our hope that both sides exercise maximum restraint and try their best to de-escalate
the tension. We have been watching each and every development in the situation and the
relations between Pakistan and India. We have been giving close attention to the least
development involved. We have our normal channels of contact and communication and
these contacts are carried out in normal communications. 14 Beijing adopted multichannel diplomacy to defuse the tension and stressed the need for the international
community to take a more balanced and unbiased approach to the problem. A
spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Kuong Qihuan, stated: This question
must be settled through a direct dialogue between India and Pakistan and declared that
12

13

14

China calls for fair solution of Kashmir issue-2002-05-27 <http:www.Kashmirhr.net/mainfile.php/news200205/114> (9 January 2003).
Mark W. Frazier, China-India Relations Since Pokhran II: Assessing Sources of
Conflict
and
Cooperation,
16-22
September
2000
<http://www.nbr.org/publications/review/vol3no2/essay.html>.
China urges restraint, Dawn (Islamabad), 30 December 2001.

11

China and Pakistan have friendly relations and China and India have friendly relations
too. He added that, China has always called on these countries to assert restraint and
solve their conflict through peaceful means.15 Chinas unambiguous role in this crisis
was a testimony to its neutral stance towards South Asia. It had left its traditional way of
tilting towards Pakistan. In fact Beijing had taken the stand that the dispute between India
and Pakistan must be settled bilaterally and had indicated that in case of any war it would
not side with any party.16 These events proved that China had uncoupled its relations with
Pakistan from its relations with India. There is continuation in the traditional relationships
between China and Pakistan parallel to evolving a greater degree of understanding
between Beijing and New Delhi. This parallelism has become a hallmark of Chinas
South Asian policy at the dawn of the 21st century.
Apparently Sino-Pakistan relations have turned lukewarm in the Deng and postDeng period as evident from Chinas reduced support to Pakistan on many issues.
However, the PhD findings of this author conclude that these relations never changed but
transformed from security-oriented and Indo-centric nature into more meaningful and
durable nature. The foundations of this new relationship centered on a wide range of
common interests and objectives with more focus on vibrant economic interactions
through expansion of bilateral trade, commercial ties and joint ventures. This is evident
from their ever expanding trade relations. As a result of these readjustments, their
friendship is capable of facing the challenges of 21st century.

15
16

Dawn (Islamabad), 4 January 2003.

S. Sethuraman, India-China Relations: On the Slow Burn
<http;//www.thehindubusinessline.com/bline/2003/05/13stories/200305130004080
0.htm>

12

The study of Sino-Pakistan military, political and economic relations would

greatly help to understand the whole dynamic of their long-standing ties. This part of the
paper analyzes the military, political and economic relations of the two countries.

Military Relations
Defense relations between China and Pakistan constitute the most significant
component of their all-round bilateral ties. It would not be wrong to state that Pakistans
defence needs led it to establish more comprehensive relations with the Peoples Republic
of China (PRC) in the early 1960s. In the subsequent decades, these relations matured
and deepened. In the following lines a brief sketch of Pakistans security compulsions
which emerged with its independence is given. It would enable the readers to understand
Pakistans inherent security compulsions which led it to join different security pacts and
alliances with big powers in general and Pakistans trust-based relations with China in
particular.
From the very beginning Pakistan faced an unrelenting security threat from India.
The partition of the Indian subcontinent by the British left many unresolved issues which
led the two countries at daggers drawn. After independence India emerged bigger than
Pakistan in size, population, resources, and armed forces. With this clout India tried to
resolve its disputes with Pakistan by applying military means. Within first year of their
independence they fought a war over Kashmir. As a result of this war, India controlled a
huge part of Kashmir which is since then under its control. It was time when Pakistan had
yet not established its regular forces. This acute security threat led Pakistan to joined the
Western bloc hoping that it would enhance its security positionthe aim which could not
be accomplished. In 1965, Indo-Pakistan conflict escalated leading to a full-fledge war.

13

The US then major ally of Pakistan, before the out break of war, imposed sanctions on
the Indian subcontinent. Although the sanctions equally applied on India and Pakistan
they, however, affected only Pakistan since India had also been procuring weapons from
the Soviet Union. This led Pakistan to explore other options. Pakistan approached China
with whom its relations had already started improving and received positive response.
Since then Sino-Pakistan ties are getting stronger and stronger. China has repeatedly
proved its commitments with Pakistan and never betrayed it at any point in history. Most
significantly, China never wanted Pakistan to dependent on it for military weapons.
Instead, it encouraged Pakistan for self-sufficiency. In most cases China transferred
technology with military deals. As a result of Chinese help Pakistan successfully built
defence related infrastructure which plays a vital role in Pakistan defence sector.

Sino-Pakistan Joint Defense Productions

Pakistan has completed a number of mega projects and joint ventures with
Chinese help covering three dimensions of its armed force: Army, Air Force and Navy.
The first joint project which was built in Pakistan is Heavy Mechanical Complex
followed

by Pakistan Ordinance

Factory and Aeronautical

Complex.

These

establishments produce small and medium range of armaments and provide essential
components for defence related industry. The two countries have jointly completed the
Karakoram-8 (K-8) which replaced the ageing T-37 fighters and the Super-7 fighter also
known as FC-1. In 2006, they successfully tested the first flight of multi-role JF Thunder
fighter airplane which would be handed over to Pakistan Air Force in 2007. JF-Thunder
is considered a substitute for the US F-16. During the recent visit to Pakistan by Chinese
President Hu Jintao, Pakistan Air Force and Chinese Aviation Industries agreed "for long

14

term collaboration and co-development in the fields of aircraft manufacturing and other
related fields including AWACS,"17
In addition to Chinas contribution towards conventional weapons, China is
accused for helping Pakistan in its missile and nuclear programmes. 18 During the mid1990s the US has imposed sanctions on both China and Pakistan in their alleged
cooperation. China was charged for providing Pakistan 500 ring magnets and transferring
M-11 missiles capable of carrying nuclear warhead. However, both China and Pakistan
have categorically rejected these charges terming them baseless. Pakistan claims that it
developed its nuclear and missiles programme from indigenous sources. They claim that
Chinese assistance in nuclear filed was monitored by International atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA). The issue remains controversial among these countries.
Beijings commitments, truthfulness and regards for Islamabads defence needs
are highly regarded in Pakistan. These commitments lack in case of other arms suppliers
to Pakistan, with the US at top. This perception widely prevails among the people of
Pakistan based upon the fact that Pakistan has faced the US sanctions at a number of
occasions some time at very critical juncture. Pakistan never experienced this
unreliability in case of China. Furthermore, Beijing wanted Islamabad to attain selfreliance in defence sector. It helped Pakistan in building ordinance factories, and in most
defence deals transferred technology as well. Chinas help also included supply of spare
parts, setting up local overhauling facilities, license production, training facilities and
joint ventures.

Unlike the US, China never linked its assistance with the internal

17

CNN <http://edition.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/asiapcf/11/24/pakistan.hu.ap/index.html>
For detailed account of the US allegations see, William Burr, China, Pakistan, and the Bomb: The
Declassified File on U.S. Policy, 1977-1997. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 114,
March 5, 2004.
18

15

development of Pakistan like the issue of human rights, democracy etc. and always
refrained from interfering in the internal affairs of Pakistan. Moreover, China respected
the sanctity and sensitivities of the military understandings reached between the two
countries and did not make them public unless required. In the early 1990s, the US
imposed sanctions on both Pakistan and China for their alleged cooperation in nuclear
and missile technology. China with stood Pakistan and did not succumb to pressure.
These factors obviously raised Chinas status in Pakistans calculations. In fact Chinas
military support to Pakistan has boasted its confidence and strengthened its defence
capabilities.

Political Relations
Ever since the establishment of their diplomatic ties, the political relations have
remained perfectly smooth. They were revived by regular exchange of visits by head of
states or governments, followed by the visits of high government officials, diplomats,
leaders from political parties and military officials. Almost every Pakistani ruler preferred
to opt China as first destiny of foreign tour after assuming power. China was always
happy to receive Pakistani delegations and reciprocated these visits in the same spirit.
Another dimension of the political relations was their mutual consultation on all
important issues. Pakistan more often takes China into confidence before taking any
important decisions either of internal or external nature. China furnished it with sincere
advice and never tried to impose its will. Most recently the two countries consulted each
other and discussed the situation emerged in the post-9/11 period, the US attack on
Afghanistan and invasion of Iraq. Pakistani leaders also visited China to get an advice

16

before conducting its nuclear test in 1998, during the Kargil Crisis in 1999, and IndoPakistan military stand-off 2001-2002.
In the long period of their diplomatic relations there were very few occasions and
issues on which the two counties had differences. Even such differences were mutually
resolved as an analyst has aptly stated, if there was any wrinkle in their mutual relations,
it was amicably resolved in private, outside the view of the worlds eye. 19 An issue
which surfaced their bilateral relations was an alleged links between Pakistani based
religious parties and separatist groups in Chinas turbulent province, Xingjian. Reports
published in media claimed that China conveyed its serious concerns to the government
of Pakistan regarding such links. Some reports also indicated that Ughar separatists got
training in Pakistan. A Pakistani scholar, after his visit to China and discussion with many
Chinese scholars wrote about Chinese concerns.
Though it was put across in a low-key friendly complaint, some eminent opinion
leaders in Beijing did not hesitate to register their displeasure over what they saw
as

export of Islamic fundamentalism to the Muslim majority Chinese province of

Xinjiang. The upshot of their contentions was that separatists elements in

Xinjiang

had linkages with Pakistani fundamentalist religious groups who were

training and

arming them for subversive activities. Some militants trained in Pakistan

they said,

have been caught, and the Chinese authorities have enough evidence of

their

Pakistani connection. Their real cause of concern, however, was that the

government

of Pakistan had done nothing to stop it.20

19

Tarique Niazi, Thunder in Sino-Pakistan Relations, China Brief, vol. 6, Issue. 5 (2 March 2006), p. 1.
Khalid Mahmud, China Revisited (part 2) Old friends learning new ways The News (Islamabad) 21
June 1998.
20

17

However, at official level neither of the governments has approved these reports.
Another issue on which China and Pakistan differed was Taliban government in
Afghanistan. Beijing's decision to join the 'Shanghai Five' along with Russia and three
Central Asian states was an indication of China's alarm over the rise of militant religious
fundamentalism in Afghanistan. While Islamabad's liaison with the Taliban was a cause
of concern for the Chinese, they were particularly disturbed by reports that some religious
parties in Pakistan also had a nexus with Islamic militants from Xinjiang province. Both
China and Pakistan also disagreed at NATOs air war against Yugoslavia.21 In addition to
this, Chinas diminishing support on Kashmir issue and casual attitude of the young
Pakistani leadership towards China are some other factors. 22 Another eminent scholar of
Pakistan, Shireen Mazari, also criticized extremely casual consideration of the then
Pakistani Prime Minister Benazeer Bhutto towards China. 23 As stated above these issues,
however, did not affect their mutual relations which continued uninterrupted.
Regular exchange of visits is one of the hallmark of their bilateral relations. In
recent years there is an increase in these visits. Each of these visits added new dimensions
and explored areas of cooperation. For example, President Musharrafs visit to China in
November 2003, resulted in signing of a Joint Declaration on Direction of Bilateral
Relations. In fact it is a road-map which would guide their mutual relations during the
21st century. It clearly laid more emphasis on expanding economic cooperation, while
maintaining to continue the existing cooperation in other areas and institutionalising

M Ehsan Ahrari, China, Pakistan, and the Taliban syndrome, Asian Survey, vol. XL no. 4
(July/August 2000), pp. 668-9.
22
Fazal-ur-Rehman, Pakistans Relations with China, Strategic Studies (Islamabad), vol. XIX & XX,
nos., 4 & 1 (Winter & Spring 1998) p. 61.
23
Shireen M. Mazari, China: A no-nonsense ally Pakistan must revere, Weekly Pulse (Islamabad), 24-30
May 1996.
21

18

mechanisms for consolidation of all-round relationship.24 Musharraf has paid three

official visits to China since his assumption of power in October 1999. This is the highest
number to any foreign country. These visits never prove to be routine ones, as after every
such occasion the two countries came closer to each other in different spheres of life. 25
Moreover, the overall geo-strategic environment for regional cooperation is gradually
becoming more favourable. Pakistans entry into SCO as an Observer and Chinas entry
into SAARC as an Observer would provide additional platform to enhance their mutual
cooperation.26
Recently the two countries have again pledged to strengthen their relations.
Chinese President Hu Jintao during his recent visit to Pakistan in November 2006 stated
that the Sino-Pakistan traditional strategic partnership would remain intact under all
circumstances. The changing global scenario with critical challenges or the situation in
the region will not affect our evergreen friendship adding that Sino-Pakistan friendship
was vital for prosperity and stability in the region. Lets make joint efforts to further
cement this friendship with hands in hands. Chinese can leave gold, not the friendship
with Pakistan, Hu said.27 Hu also declared Pakistan as an indispensable partner for
cooperation in the international arena.28 These pledges at high level are meaningful and
demonstrate that two countries value their long standing ties. As a true friend of
Pakistan, China hopes that Pakistan will play a greater role in regional and international
affairs and (China) will strengthen coordination and cooperation with Pakistan in the
Asean Regional Forum, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, South Asian Association for
24

Fazal Rehman, China-Pakistan Economic relations

Pakistan Times (Islamabad), 17 December 2004.
26
Ibid.
27
Dawn (Islamabad), 26 November 2006.
28
http://www.dawn.com/2006/11/25/top3.htm
25

19

Regional Cooperation, Asian Cooperation Dialogue, Asia Europe Meeting and other
regional organization, Hu added.29

Economic Relations
Despite strong strategic and diplomatic ties, the economic relations between the
two countries remained limited. Pakistan and China have entered in trade relations in the
early 1950s. However, a formal Trade Agreement was signed between the two in January
1963. Later, in October 1982, the two countries established Pakistan-China Joint
Committee on Economy, Trade and Technology. Trade between China and Pakistan had
generally been conducted under 1963 Trade Agreement, according to which, both
countries had granted MFN status to each other. Pakistan had, at that time, multi-modal
trade with China i.e. barter trade and cash trade. 30 Throughout period the trade balance
has always been titled in favour of China, except during the short period of Korean War.
Pakistan at that time was looking for buyers of its raw jute and cotton and suppliers of
coal. Pakistans exports to China in 1952, reached up to US$ 83.8 million and exports
from China were only US$ 2.2 million. Following the ceasefire in Korean War, bilateral
trade registered a sharp decline.31
Traditionally, throughout in its trade relations with China, Pakistan has had a
chronic trade deficit. Reasons for the limited trade can be summarized as fellow. First,
China is competing in almost all the major sectors of Pakistans potential export areas,
which ironically happened to be very limited. Second, Pakistani business community
remained contented with their established export destinations i.e., the US and the Western
Europe, and hardly made serious efforts either to diversify the export base or to explore
29

http://www.dawn.com/2006/11/25/top3.htm
Fazal ur Rehman, China-Pakistan Economic relations
31
Ibid.
30

20

other areas and regions for enhancing the volume of their exports. 32 Third, cheap Chinese
products could initially take over Pakistani market, the craze disappeared once people
realized that they were of low quality, with almost no guarantee by the company. This
was true for both small items, like shoes, as well as bigger items, like locomotives.
Fourth, Chinese brands were not as famous as the western ones, so the competition
usually went against China. Fifth, despite being neighbours, there was a lack of effective
means of communication between them. The Karakoram Highway, which opened in
1978, could not be used to increase the volume of trade in any substantial manner. In
addition, an underdeveloped shipping industry in Pakistan further limited the trade routes
and discouraged the growth in trade volume. Sixth, Pakistans cotton based industry is the
main pillar of its exports. Since China itself is a major textile manufacturer, trade volume
could not raise.33
China tried to compensate this low trade volume and trade deficit with Pakistan
by providing generous assistance to Pakistan to build infrastructure and acquire selfsufficiency. Most part of this assistance was either grants or interest-free loan. Pakistan
completed several major projects with Chinese help. These projects are significant from
an economic point of view. Due to lack of space only the name of major projects are
mentioned here. Karakarum Highway (KKH), Gwadar Deep Seaport, Chasma Nuclear
Power Plant, Indus Highway, Thar Coal Development, Saindak Metal (Coper/Gold)
Project, Makran Coastal Highway, power generation projects, both nuclear and nonnuclear and oil pipelines. China is also helping Pakistan in up gradation of Pakistan
Railways by providing technical assistance, locomotives and passenger coaches. In
32
33

Fazal ur Rehman, China- Pakistan Economic Relations

Atul Kumar, China-Pakistan Economic Relations, Special Report 30, September 2006.

21

addition to public sector, there is an increase in Chinese investment in the private sector
of Pakistan. Chinese entrepreneurs have invested into the following private sector;
Saigols Qingqi Motors Ltd, Zhongxing Telecom (Pvt) Ltd, Sino-Pak Metal Foundry in
Nooriabad, Sehala Chemical Complex, Pak Glass Ltd. Glass Industry, Saif Nadeem Ltd.
Haier Home Appliances etc.34 Since President Musharraf assumed power in October
1999, the economic dimension in Pakistan-China relations has come to the forefront. As a
result of his emphasis on economic cooperation during his China visit in January 2000,
economic relations slowly began to show signs of improvement, in terms of trade and
investments. The Chinese side has positively reciprocated in enhancing economic activity
between the two countries.35
In December 2004, Pakistani Prime Minister, Shaukat Azizs visited China and
signed seven agreements in trade, communication and energy sector and drew up a
framework for greater cooperation. These agreements proved step forward towards
increase in bilateral trade, further movement on preferential trade agreement, setting up
of joint agro-based industries and increased Chinese investment in Pakistan. Pakistan
announced Free Market Economy (FME) status for China. 36 China committed to provide
$150 million for Chashma nuclear power plant (phase II). It was part of the preferential
buyers credit of $500 million to be provided by Chinese government for investment
through Chinese companies.37 The Chinese side also agreed that the Joint Economic
Commission should consider the establishment of a Pakistan-China Joint Investment
Company and establishment of a Joint Infrastructure Development Fund for investment
34

Kumar, China-Pakistan Economic Relations,

Fazal ur Rehman, China Pakistan Economic Relations
36
Ibid.
37
Ibid.
35

22

in Pakistan. During the visit, Prime Minister Aziz also laid the foundation stone of much
awaited Pakistan consulate in Shanghai the financial capital of China.38
Under the agreement on Early Harvest Programme (EHP), which has became
operational since January 1, 2006, China has brought to zero all tariff on 767 items. This
was the first step towards establishing a free trade area between the two countries. It is
envisaged that by year 2008, Pakistan and China would be able to implement FTA,
covering 90 percent of the commodities. The remaining 10 percent would remain on the
sensitive list of commodities.39 During the recent visit of Chinese President Hu Jintao to
Pakistan in November 2006, the two countries signed 18 agreements, including a free
trade pact, which they hope will boost trade from $4.26 billion last year to $15 billion
within five years. The two sides have also signed a pact on a five-year plan to set up a
comprehensive framework for boosting economic ties.40 Pakistan provides the shortest
possible route from Gwader through Karakorum Highway to the Western regions of
China, which are undergoing a huge economic transformation. This route is secure, short
and can serve as an alternate to the sea route that passes through Straits of Malacca. 41 It
can also boost their economic cooperation. Both countries have been focusing on their
trade interaction trough this route.
At present the sectors identified for investment from China, includes energyrelated projects, telecommunications, infrastructural projects, automobiles, motorcycles,
tractors, air conditioners, refrigerators, televisions, mining, food processing, agriculture
and construction. The implementation on the Early Harvest Programme (EHP) from
38

Ibid.
Ibid.
40
Reuters, <http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=worldNews&storyid=2006-1124T091640Z_01_ISL301598_RTRUKOC_0_US-PAKISTAN-CHINA.xml&src=rss>
41
Fazal ur Rehman, China Pakistan Economic Relations.
39

23

January 2006 would facilitate growth in trade. 42 By 2004, the Chinese enterprises
approved or recorded by the Ministry of Commerce in Pakistan totaled 34, with Chinese
contractual investment of US $104.11 million. In 2005, the number of registered Chinese
companies in Pakistan reportedly grew more than fifty. Pakistan has invested in 96
projects in China, with a contractual value of US$ 71.48 million, and an actual
investment of US$ 17 million.43
Given Pakistans narrow base for exportable commodities a diversification in
exportable commodities and a proactive export policy of Pakistan could enhance the
volume of trade and also rectify its trade imbalance with China. It will not be possible for
Pakistan to increase its exports to China without diversifying exportable commodities.
Pakistan should seek Chinese investment for projects aimed at export diversification.
Chinese investment should be geared more to export oriented projects and less for the
domestic requirements.44 The two countries have realized vitality of economic relations
which is likely to surpass the geo-strategic considerations. Thus they have taken
particular measures to boost economic and commercial ties. They have overcome many
bureaucratic hurdles, have signed many agreements, given MFN status to each other and
established free economic zones. Although two-way trade is yet to take boom, in
comparison with past, it has shown upward trend. 45 From the recent measures it also
appears that they are ready to reap the fruits of globalization and the implementation of
the WTO regime by enhancing their economic cooperation. In fact durability of SinoPakistan relations would greatly depend upon the level of economic cooperation.
42

Fazal ur Rehman, China Pakistan Economic Relations.

Chinese Feasibility Study on Free Trade Agreement (15 March 2005).
44
Fazal ur Rehman, China Pakistan Economic Relations.
45
According to the figures in Pakistan Economic Survey, Sino-Pakistan trade jumped from US$ 1 billion in
2000-2001 to US$ 4 billion in 2004-2005.
43

24

Indian Factor
Sino-Pakistan relations cannot be truly understood without mentioning the Indian
factorIndia as a common enemy of China and Pakistan. Many analysts considered it
the prime reason of Beijing-Islamabad nexus.46 Such conclusions seem to be sweeping
statements if analyzed form the latest developments. Normalization of Sino-Indian
relations since the late 1970s parallel with similar warmness in Sino-Pakistan relations is
one of such examples. It is true that Sino-Pakistan relations started warming in the
context of Sino-Indian differences which emerged in the late 1950s and early 1960s
leading to their border clashes in 1962. However, it was not the sole reason of Chinas
becoming closer to Pakistan. Some other factors like Pakistans disappointment from its
western allies, further deterioration in Indo-Pakistan relations leading to war in
September 1965, Sino-Soviet differences and peaceful settlement of Sino-Pakistan
boundary issue in March 1963 were some factors which contributed towards their entente
cordial. In the subsequent two decades Sino-Pakistan relations cemented and witnessed
unprecedented progress. Incidentally during this period Sino-Indian relations remained
hostile. There is a gradual improvement in Sino-Indian relations since the 1980s. Parallel
to this China has adopted a balanced approached towards South Asian region in general
and towards Indo-Pakistan conflicts in particular, without affecting the traditional
Beijing-Islamabad ties. Although there is substantial improvement in Sino-Indian
relations, a number of complicated issues yet bedevil their relations: the boundary
dispute, the Tibetan issue and continued Indian hospitality to the Dalai Lama, and the
rivalry between the two countries for regional supremacy. These are problems that cannot
46

Robert G. Wirsing , The Enemy of My Enemy:

Pakistans China Debate Special Assessment December 2003, Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies,
<http://www.apcss.org/Publications/SAS/ChinaDebate/ChinaDebate_Wirsing.pdf>

25

be resolved in a short span of time. Even if SinoIndian relations acquire complete

tranquility, SinoPakistan relations will continue to flourish. This can be stated on the
following facts: First, China has reiterated, time and again, that the improvement in its
ties with India would not in any way affect the traditional friendship between China and
Pakistan, a friendship that has withstood the vicissitudes and vagaries of time. Second,
both China and Pakistan believe that with improvement in Beijing-New Delhi, would put
China in a better position to exhort India to moderate its policy towards Pakistan. Third,
the non-existence of any political or territorial dispute and the strict adherence to the five
principles of peaceful coexistence has cemented their friendship.47 Fourth, besides many
other factors contributing towards the sustainability in their relations, the identical
perception of the obtaining regional and international milieu is an important binding force
between them. Fifth, there has been continuity in the military structures of the two
countries; which has a direct bearing on the continuity in their bilateral relations. 48 Sixth,
both the countries have been expanding their cooperation on multi-lateral forums: at
Pakistans persistent efforts China has acquired Observer status at South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).49 On the other hand, China supported
Pakistan's Observer status in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). John Garver
also presented the similar argument and said, Better relations between India and China
have not led to a weakening of the SinoPakistan entente. China has been fairly effective
in pursuing these two relationships simultaneously. China therefore encourages moves
47

Mr Lin Shanglin, Consul General of the Peoples Republic of China, stated that both countries adhered
to the five principles of mutual respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in each
others internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence. It is due to the observance
of these five principles that both sides have remained long-term friends. See Lin Shanglin, PakistanChina Relations, Pakistan Horizon (Karachi), vol. 54, no. 3 (July 2001),
p. 14.
48
Fazal-ur-Rehman, Pakistans Relations with China, pp. 59-60.
49
Pakistan wants that China should be given a full membership of SAARC.

26

for improvement in the relationship between Pakistan and India, this being a new element
in its policy towards the subcontinent. 50 A Pakistani professor concluded on the similar
lines. He said, Standing the test of time, the Sino-Pakistan relationship has now matured
to a point where India's role as the 'common enemy' is no longer essential to its
sustenance. It is therefore necessary for opinion leaders in Pakistan to outgrow their
fixation with the 'India factor' in Sino-Pakistan relations. 51 It is true that upgrading of
Beijing and Islamabad's long-standing strategic partnership suggests that China's
improved relations with India will not mean the end of Beijing's pro-Pakistan stance in
South Asia.
It seems logical to conclude that in the past the India factor might well have
played a role in strengthening SinoPakistan relations, though other forces were also of
immense importance in bringing the two countries closer to each other. In future as well,
their relations are likely to continue to progress, independent of the Indian factor.

Why Entente Cordial?

The question arises that what are the factors which put China and Pakistan into an
enduring partnership, which has withstood the vicissitudes of times and profound
domestic, regional and international changes. A study of their relationships reveals a
number of factors to this end. The geographical proximity has played an important role in
converging their mutual relations. Since this is unchangeable it is hoped that their
relations would continuously grow friendly. The early settlement of their un-demarcated
border based on the terms mutually agreed to them created a permanent tranquility on
their border. Pakistan does not enjoy the same degree of security with its other
50

John W. Garver, Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Twentieth Century (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 2001), pp p. 240.
51
Khalid Mahmud, Sino-Pak ties: India factor, Dawn, 14 April 2001.

27

neighbours namely India, Afghanistan and Iran. For Pakistan it is more convenient to
access to China in case of emergency than those partners which are far away. The KKH
provides easy road access to each other. The widening of this road can open a new era of
economic activities as well as two-way interaction. The building of Gwader seaport
would further deepen their mutual interests in economic and strategic arenas. China can
reach to Indian Occasion trough KKH and Gwader Port by reducing a lot of distance.
Closer relations with Pakistan have helped China in suppressing the separatist moment in
the turbulent province Xinjiang. There is popular perception in Pakistan that the Chinese
do not interfere in its internal affairs. In addition to this, China never attached strings with
its aid to Pakistan.52 In defence sector China fulfilled all its commitments and agreements
with Pakistan and never left it alone during crisis. In comparison with Pakistans
unpleasant experiences with its other partners in defence sector, Chinas reliability got
wider popularity as a trusted and time-tested friend among the people of Pakistan. In
addition to this, the permanent highly tight hold of the armed forces of the two countries
in their national securities is another factor of continuity in Sino-Pakistan relations.
Pakistan had to maintain proportionally a large army due to its inherent security
compulsions. Sooner, army not only consolidated its role in the national affairs but also
took reins of power in its hands. The country was directly rule by army for considerably
longer period of time.53 While in China Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) plays a crucial
role in the national and foreign policy of the country. Since defence sector is the major
area of cooperation between China and Pakistan therefore, there has been continuity in
the military structures of the two countries, and a persistent interaction between them had
52

Khalid Mahmud, Sino-Pak ties: India factor, Dawn (Karachi) 14 April 2001.
Pakistan was directly ruled by army for three long periods: First by General Mohammad Ayub Khan from
1958 to 1969 immediately followed by General Yahya Khan from 1969-1971; second by General Zia-ulHaz from 1977-1988 and third by General Pervaiz Musharraf since 1999.
53

28

having a direct impact bearing on the continuity in the bilateral relations. 54 Sino-Pak
relations have never experienced any kind of set back from either side. Not only both
countries developed complete mutual understanding but also supported each other on
many major international issues. Whatever agreements they signed or evolved an
understanding between them, they always lived up to the expectations of the other.
Compared to China there is no dearth of western countries that have either let Pakistan
down or wriggled out their commitments in one form or the other. For instance the
American did not live up to the expectations of the Pakistanis in 1962, 1965 and 1971
despite the existence of various defense alliances. Similarly, the French wriggled out of
their commitment over the supply of reprocessing plant in the late 1970s. Since the
acceptance of the guiding five principles of coexistence, neither side ever tried to
interfere in others domestic affairs. Again if one compares it with some of the western
partners, the examples of interference in the internal affairs are not too difficult to
identify.55

Conclusion
At the time of the establishment of their diplomatic relations neither China nor
Pakistan had imagined that their friendship would become a model relationship at some
point in the future. Initially their relations revolved around their strategic cooperation,
Pakistans defence needs and Indian factor. Over the last five and half decades, they have
built such degree of confidence and trust and deepened their cooperation to the degree
that their ties would grow irrespective of any particular component. China enjoys
remarkable degree of respect and is regarded in Pakistan as all-weather friend of
54

Fazal-ur-Rehman, Pakistans Relations with China.

Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, Sino-Pak Cordiality: An enviable target,
<http://ipripak.org/articles/newspapers/sino.shtml>

55

29

Pakistan. Thus, strong relations with China have become a corner stone of Pakistans
foreign policy either it is handled by military elite or political governments.
In the future the internal developments in the two countries, Indo-Pakistan
relations, developments taking place in the region and the role of external actors
particularly the US involvement in the region would continuously influence the nature
and dynamics of Sino-Pakistan relations. However, it can be stated that non-existence of
political and territorial disputes, fifty-five years of trust, confidence and reliability and
commitment to the five principles of peaceful coexistence indicate bright prospects of
their future ties. Furthermore, the readjustments and expansion in their mutual relations
since the late 1980s which put their relations from closed and security-natured to more
open and broad-based with greater focus on economic relations would further deepen
their relations capable of meeting the challenges of 21st century.

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