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Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 141
Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 141
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 141
ျမန္မာစစ္အုပ္စုမ်ားရဲ႕ ဥစၥာဓနစုေဆာင္းပြဲ
ရဲေဘာ္ဖုိးသံေခ်ာင္း
ppftmPm&Sifpepfwdkufzsufa&;
jidrf;csrf;a&;'dDrdkua&pDa&;vlYtcGifhta&;
aqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141
Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol 141
အထူးေဆာင္းပါး မာတိကာ
ျမန္မာစစ္အုပ္စုမ်ားရဲ႕ ဥစၥာဓနစုေဆာင္းပြဲ
အတၾင္းေရးမႁးခဵႂပ္ ဘန္ကီမၾန္းကို
ဴမန္မာအမဵိႂးသမီး
သက္ေသထၾက္ဆိုခဵက္ေတၾ ေပးအပ္
စစ္တပ္ အၾကမ္းဖက္ခံ ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားအေရး
ဘန္ကီမြန္းထံ တင္ျပ
သတၱဳစက္ရံုစီမံကိန္းေျကာင့္ ေတာင္သူျခံေျမ
ဧကရာခ်ီ လက္လႊတ္ဆံုးရႈံးရ
အရည္အေသြးရွိတဲ့
က်န္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈေတြ ေပၚေပါက္လာဖုိ႔
တရုတ္နယ္စပ္ သစ္ခိုးထုတ္မႁ
ဴပန္လည္႒ကီးထၾားလာ
အႏွစ္ခ်ဳပ္
Digest
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမုိကေရစီႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး
လႈပ္ရွားေနသူ ဇိုယာဖန္း ကမၻာ့လူငယ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္
ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံရ
ပိုးကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသူ တဦးျဖစ္သည့္ ဇိုယာဖန္းသည္ လက္ရွိ
အဂၤလန္ႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ေနထုိင္လ်က္ရွိၿပီး UK အေျခစိုက္
ျမန္မာ့အေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈအဖြဲ႕(Burma Campaign-UK) ၏
ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ဆက္ဆံေရးတာ၀န္ခံ တဦး အျဖစ္
ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၂၀၀၈
ခုႏွစ္၌ ထိုင္းျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ တေနရာတြင္ အမည္မသိ
ေသနတ္ သမား မ်ား၏ လုပ္ႀကံမႈေၾကာင့္ ကြယ္လြန္သူ
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အစည္းအ႐ုံး(KNU)တြင္ အေထြေထြ
အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဖဒိုမန္းရွာလဖန္း ၏ သမီးလည္းျဖစ္သည္။
ဆန္ဖရန္စစၥကိုတကၠသိုလ္၊ ဘာကေလတကၠသိုလ္က
ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆရာမ်ားသမဂၢတို႔က လမ္းမ်ားကို ပိတ္ဆို႔ျပီး
ဆႏၵျပေနသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရသည္။ ဆႏၵျပသူ ေထာင္ဂဏန္းရွိျပီး ေက်ာင္းမ်ား၊
လမ္းမမ်ားႏွင့္ အစုိးရရုံးမ်ားေရွ႔တြင္ စုေ၀း ဆႏၵျပလ်က္ရွိရာ၊ ရဲမ်ားက
လုံျခဳံေရးအတြက္ ေစာင့္ၾကပ္ေပးေနသည္။ ျမန္မာျပည္က စစ္အစုိးရကဲ့သို႔
လက္နက္ျဖင့္ အၾကမ္းဖက္ႏွိမ္ႏွင္းျခင္း၊ သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္း
က်ဳးလြန္ရန္မဟုတ္ဘဲ လမ္းသြားလမ္းလာႏွင့္ ဆႏၵျပသူမ်ားအတြက္
လုံျခဳံေရးႏွင့္ ထိခိုက္မႈ၊ မေတာ္တဆမႈမ်ားကို ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရန္
အဓိက ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 9
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
မဆလစစ္အစိုးရဟာ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စကားလံုးေတြ
ေလႀကီးဟစ္က်ယ္ေျပာၿပီး “ျပည္သူပိုင္သိမ္းတယ္” ဆိုတဲ့
ပုဂၢလိကပိုင္ဆိုင္ေတြ၊ လုပ္ငန္းေတြကုိ စစ္အုပ္စုပိုင္
လုပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူတို႔အေျပာက ဒါဟာ
၀ိသမေလာဘသမားေတြရဲ႕ လက္ကေန ဆိုရွယ္လစ္
အရင္းအႏွီး စုေဆာင္းတာ ျဖစ္ပါသတဲ့ဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္
လက္ေတြ႔မွာေတာ့ တိုင္းျပည္ဟာ ကမာၻ႔အဆင္းရဲဆံုးႏိုင္င
ံစာရင္း၀င္သြားၿပီး သူတို႔တစုသာ ခ်မ္းသာသြား ၾကပါတယ္။
သူတို႔ေနရာကို ဆက္ခံတဲ့ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စုကေတာ့
ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရး တည္ေဆာက္တယ္ဆိုၿပီး
အရင္းအႏွီးခြဲေ၀တာေတြ လုပ္ျပန္ပါတယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္ဟာ
မြဲသထက္မြဲ သူတို႔နဲ႔အေပါင္းပါေတြသာ ခ်မ္းသာသထက္
ခ်မ္းသာလာတာကို မ်က္ျမင္ေတြ႔ေနရပါတယ္။
တိုင္းျပည္မြဲေရးနဲ႔ ကိုယ္ခ်မ္းသာေရးဆီကို ခ်ီတက္ရာ
လမ္းေၾကာင္းမ်ား သိခ်င္ရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္က
စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ားဆီသာ သြားေမးေပေတာ့လို႔
ေျပာရမလိုပါ။
ဒီအျဖစ္အပ်က္ေတြထဲကေန သမိုင္းရဲ႕
သင္ခန္းစာတခုဆြဲထုတ္ပါဆိုရင္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြဟာ
သူတို႔အိတ္ထဲကို ထည့္ဖို႔ဆိုရင္ ဘာေႂကြးေၾကာ္သံကိုမဆို
ေႂကြးေၾကာ္မယ္၊ တဖက္လွည့္နဲ႔ျပန္ေျပာရရင္
သူတို႔တေတြဘယ္လိုပဲ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္-ေႂကြးေၾကာ္
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 10
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ဗိုလ္ေအာင္ႀကီးတို႔ လက္ထက္ကစလို႔
စစ္အုပ္စုထိပ္သီးေတြနဲ႔ နယ္စပ္က ဘိန္းရာဇာေတြ
ေရစက္ဆံုခဲ့ၾကတာပါပဲ။ဒါေပမယ့္ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာ
ဗကပေပၚလာေတာ့ စစ္အုပ္စုထိပ္သီးေတြအဖို႔
စားက်က္ေတြေပ်ာက္ကုန္ၾကပါတယ္။သူတို႔ရဲ႕
ေရာင္းရင္းအေပါင္းအသင္း နယ္ခံထိပ္သီးေတြ၊
ဘိန္းရာဇာေတြလည္း “လက္မဲ့ေတြ” ျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကပါတယ္။
ဒိေနာက္၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ဗကပထဲက
ခြဲထြက္မႈေတြေပၚေတာ့မွ စစ္အုပ္စုထိပ္သီးေတြဟာ
သူတို႔ရဲ႕စီးပြားေရး “ေအာင္ေျမ” ကို ျပန္နင္းႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
မဆလထိပ္သီးေတြဆံုး႐ံႈးခဲ့တဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို န၀တ၊
နအဖထိပ္သီးေတြရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ရတာမွ အတိုးနဲ႔
ရတာလို႔ေတာင္ ေျပာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။
အပိုဒ္ ၂၄
လူတိုင္းတၾင္သင့္ဴမတ္ေလဵာ္ကန္စၾာ ကန္ႚသတ္ထားသည္ႛ
အလုပ္လုပ္ခဵိန္ အဴပင္၊ လစာႎႀင့္ တကၾ အခၝကာလ
အားေလဵာ္စၾာ သတ္မႀတ္ထားသည့္ အလုပ္
အားလပ္ရက္မဵား ပၝဝင္သည္ႛ အနားယူခၾင့္ႎႀင့္ အားလပ္ခၾင့္
ခံစားပိုင္ခၾင့္ ရႀိသည္။
ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီေတာ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏
ႏိုင္ငံေရးထင္ဟပ္မႈတခုလည္း ျဖစ္ ေနသည္။
ေရႊတိဂံု ေစတီေတာ္တြင္ ၁၉၂၀ ၌
တကၠသိုလ္အက္ဥပေဒကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္ရန္
ေက်ာင္းသားတို႔ စုေဝးခဲ့ဖူးျပီ။ ၁၉၃၆ တြင္ ေနာက္တၾကိမ္
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 14
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ရန္ကုန္သည္လည္းေကာင္း၊
ေရႊတိဂံုသည္လည္းေကာင္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီးကို အျမဲတေစ
ေျခာက္လွန္႔ေနဟန္ရွိ သည္။
၂၀၀၇ စက္တင္ဘာ
ေရႊဝါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရသည္
စစ္သည္ဦးေရႏွင့္ မတိမ္းမယိမ္းမွ် ရွိေသာ
သံဃာ့အဖြဲ႔အစည္းကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအႏၱရာယ္အျဖစ္
ရႈုျမင္လာသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရသည္။ ထင္ရွားေသာ
ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား အပါအဝင္ ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ားကို
လူဝတ္လဲျခင္း၊ ဖမ္းဆီး အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားျခင္း၊ ျပည္ပသို႔
ထြက္ေျပးေစျခင္း စသည့္ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈမ်ိဳးစံုကိုလည္း ျပဳ
လုပ္ေနသည္။
တရုတ္နယ္စပ္ သစ္ခိုးထုတ္မႁ
ဴပန္လည္႒ကီးထၾားလာ
“အဓိကကေတာ့ တရုတ္ေတၾနဲႛ ပူးေပၝင္းလုပ္ေနတာေပၝ့။
ဒီမႀာရႀိေနတာက ၂၃၆ တပ္ရင္း၊ ၁၀၅ တပ္ရင္း၊ အထူး (၈)
စဗခ ဗဵႃဟာမႀႃး႒ကီး ဝင္းဴမင့္ထၾန္းတိုႛနဲႛ အတူ ပူးေပၝင္း႓ပီးမႀ
မန္ဝိန္း႒ကီး စစ္တပ္နဲႛအတူ ဌာနေပၝင္းစံု မိုင္းေခၝင္၊
ဂိုက္ထိပ္ကေနတဆင့္ ေနာင္ေတာင္းကို တင္ပိုႛေနတယ္။
အခုရက္ပိုင္းမႀာပဲ သိန္း ၃၀၀၀ ေထာင္ေကဵာ္၊
ေအာင္မိုင္ကုမၯဏီနဲႛ တာဆူးဆိုတဲ့အဖၾဲႛကေန သိန္း ၃၀၀၀
ေကဵာ္ေပးတယ္၊ သူတိုႛကေန ေဴမာက္ပိုင္းတိုင္းမႀႃး
ဗိုလ္ခဵႂပ္စိုးဝင္းကို သိန္း ၁၅၀၀ ေပးလိုက္တယ္။ ဒၝေတၾက
ပၾင့္လင္းရာသီ တႎႀစ္အတၾက္ လုပ္ပိုင္ခၾင့္ဴဖစ္တယ္”
ဴမန္မာႎိုင္ငံ ကခဵင္ဴပည္နယ္က သစ္ေတၾကို ၁၉၉၅
ခုႎႀစ္ေလာက္ကတည္းက အလံုးအရင္းနဲႛ ခုတ္လဲႀ႓ပီး
တရုတ္ႎိုင္ငံဘက္ကို သယ္ထုတ္ေနခဲ့တာဴဖစ္ပၝတယ္၊
ယင္း ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈကုိ အသက္ ၄၀ ေအာက္ အရြယ္ လူငယ္ ၅၀၀၀ ခန္႔ အမည္ စာရင္း
တင္သြင္း ခံရၿပီးေနာက္ ဆန္ခါတင္ ႏိုင္ငံေပါင္း ၇၂ ႏိုင္ငံမွ လူငယ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၁၉၇
ဦးထဲတြင္ ၎က (Young Global Leader) ဟူေသာ ကမၻာ့လူငယ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အျဖစ္
ေရြးခ်ယ္ ခံခဲ့ရျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံရသူ ဇိုယာဖန္းက ဧရာ၀တီသို႔ ေျပာသည္။
“ဒီလိုမ်ဳိး ေရြခ်ယ္ ခံရတာက တေယာက္တည္း အတြက္ မဟုတ္ဘူး ဆိုတာ က်မ
ျမင္ပါတယ္၊ ျမန္မာျပည္ တျပည္လံုးရဲ႕ လူ႔အခြင့္ အေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အခြင့္အေရး၊
တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အားလံုး အခြင့္အေရး အတြက္ လႈပ္ရွားေနတဲ့ အလုပ္ အကိုင္ ေတြကို
သူတို႔ အသိအမွတ္ ျပဳတယ္လို႔ က်မျမင္ပါတယ္”ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
ကယ္လီဖိုးနီးယားေက်ာင္းမ်ားက
ျပည္နယ္အစိုးရကို ကန္႔ကြက္ဆႏၵျပၾက
မိုးမခအေထာက္ေတာ္ ၀၀၁
မတ္ ၄၊ ၂၀၁၀
BANGKOK — While Aung San Suu Kyi remains the most widely-known
woman suppressed for her political views in Burma, the jails in that
military-ruled country continue to be filled by lesser-known women
dissidents being held on a range of questionable charges.Mid-February
saw the latest group of female political activists thrown into jail with a
two-year prison term, including hard labor, for a "crime" they committed
four months ago—donating religious literature to a Buddhist monastery,
an act that the junta deemed as "disturbing the peace." At the time of
their arrest in October 2009, Naw Ohn Hla, Myint Myint San, Cho Cho
Lwin and Cho Cho Aye had also been conducting regular prayers at the
landmark Shwedagon pagoda in Rangoon, the country’s former capital,
to secure the release of opposition leader Suu Kyi, who has been under
house arrest for over 14 of the last 20 years. "These women were very
persistent with their religious activity no matter the risks they faced, any
oppression," says Khin Ohmar, vice chairwoman of the Burmese
The Burmese military has agreed to root out Indian rebels who operate
along its northeastern border area, according to an Indian official
speaking in Manipur State near the Indian-Burmese border.Burmese
leaders reportedly assured India Home Secretary Gopal K. Pillai on his
visit to Rangoon on Feb. 18 that it would target rebel camps on its
territory.The Kolkata-based “The Telegraph” quoted Pillai's comments
during a security meeting in Manipur: “They assured us that any camp
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working against Indian interests would be targeted.” Pillai reportedly
advised security agencies during the meeting to prepare for joint
operations with the Burmese military. He said that maps showing the
location of rebel camps in Burma were provided to Brig-Gen Phone
Swe.Northeastern areas of Burma are reportedly the base of operations
for members of the United Liberation Front Assam (ULFA) and several
other rebel organizations. Tint Swe, information minister of the National
Coalition Government of Union of Burma, an exile government group
based in India, said: "When the India government talks about the
rebels, the Burmese government assures them that they will corporate
but that never happens. No one knows what will happen this time." The
Burmese government has said that it does not allow Indian rebels to
operate on its territory. However, various militant groups including the
ULFA, the People’s Liberation Army and the National Socialist Council of
Nagaland are said to be based in Chin State, Kachin State, the Naga
region, the Homemalin region and the Tamu region. One observer said,
"For three years, the Burmese have said they will launch offensives
against the rebels, and they ask for financial help and military aid from
the India government after every meeting." The area where rebels
operate in the Naga hills are notoriously hard to reach and offer
insurgents a relatively safe operational base, say observers. India and
Burma share a 1,630-km border. The UNLF and other rebel groups are
active in four Indian border states including Arunachal Pradesh,
Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram.During the 1988 uprising in Burma,
India gave shelter to many students who fled from Burma and
supported democracy efforts in Burma. India presented the Jawaharlal
Nehru award to pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in 1990.Later,
the two governments established closer ties in economic and military
affairs. India has provided arms and technology to Burma and the
Australia now has a well-designed aid strategy towards Burma which for
the first time offers the prospect of directly helping build a new Burma
after decades of military rule of one kind or another. Australian Foreign
Minister Stephen Smith announced the new approach in one of the most
important speeches on Australian policy towards Burma in the House of
Representatives on Feb. 8. Unfortunately, most of the Australian media
did not report the statement in which Mr Smith announced some
significant new directions for Australian policy.A key focus of Australian
aid will be to provide direct assistance to ordinary Burmese people to
help raise standards of living and expand opportunity. Smith said
Australia would increase its assistance to Burma by 67 per cent over the
next three years to around $50 million annually. For the first time in 20
years, Australia’s aid program will specifically include “capacity building
elements, addressing the long-term challenges facing the Burmese
people.” The aid program will continue to target health and
humanitarian needs, both through large nation-wide activities as well as
expanded community-level and village-level assistance, but it will go well
beyond mere humanitarian assistance. One significant new direction
highlighted by Smith is to expand Australian assistance to improve
teaching and mentoring skills, both in the classroom and at home, to
support training programs for early childhood development workers,
primary teachers and township education officials.Also in the area of
education, Smith reversed a long-standing policy of successive
Australian governments by foreshadowing the creation of a
scholarshipscheme for Burma. This will be the first time in 20 years that
EDITORIAL
COMMENTARY
Aung Naing Oo left Burma after the 1988 uprising and went to Thailand,
joining the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and becoming the
organization’s longest serving foreign affairs secretary. He was camp
secretary of the Thay Baw Boe camp, Karen State and head of the
"Jungle University." Based now in Thailand, he writes about Burmese
politics.
အရည္အေသြးရွိတဲ့
က်န္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈေတြ ေပၚေပါက္လာဖုိ႔
NEJ / ၄ မတ္ ၂၀၁၀
ျမန္မာစစ္အုပ္စုမ်ားရဲ႕ ဥစၥာဓနစုေဆာင္းပြဲ
ရဲေဘာ္ဖုိးသံေခ်ာင္း
ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား အေရး
လုံၿခဳံေရးေကာင္စီမွာ တင္မည္
05 March 2010 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2010-03-05-voa1.cfm
အပိုဒ္ ၂၄
လူတိုင္းတၾင္သင့္ဴမတ္ေလဵာ္ကန္စၾာ ကန္ႚသတ္ထားသည္ႛ
အလုပ္လုပ္ခဵိန္ အဴပင္၊ လစာႎႀင့္ တကၾ အခၝကာလ
အားေလဵာ္စၾာ သတ္မႀတ္ထားသည့္ အလုပ္
အားလပ္ရက္မဵား ပၝဝင္သည္ႛ အနားယူခၾင့္ႎႀင့္ အားလပ္ခၾင့္
ခံစားပိုင္ခၾင့္ ရႀိသည္။
အတၾင္းေရးမႁးခဵႂပ္ ဘန္ကီမၾန္းကို
ဴမန္မာအမဵိႂးသမီး
သက္ေသထၾက္ဆိုခဵက္ေတၾ ေပးအပ္
2010-03-05 RFA
ဴပည္သူႛလၿတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားဴပႂေကာ္မတီ
အစည္းအေဝးကဵင္းပ
2010-03-05 RFA
မုန္တိုင္းသင့္ေဒသမႀာ NLD က
ေရတၾင္းေရကန္ေတၾ လၿဲအပ္
2010-03-05 FRA
ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္းတြင္
စစ္သားစုေဆာင္းေရးျပဳလုပ္
ခိုင္လင္း/ ၅ မတ္ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/March%202010/5310a.php
ျမန္မာေတာင္းစားသူမ်ား မဲေဆာက္တြင္
ဖမ္းဆီးခံရျပန္
ရဲရင့္ / ၅ မတ္ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/March%202010/5310d.php
ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းမ်ားအေရး
ထိုင္းအလုပ္သမား၀န္ႀကီး ေဆြးေႏြး
စိုးမိုး/ ၅ မတ္ ၂ဝ၁ဝ
http://www.khitpyaingnews.org/news/March%202010/5310f.php
If the UWSA continues to reject the BGF plan, the junta could declare
the group and its political wing “illegal organizations,” the regime has
reportedly told Beijing. Burmese officials are said to have appealed to
China to help persuade the Wa to accept the BGF plan.If the Wa are
officially outlawed the way is open to military action against the UWSA,
which has an estimated 30,000 men under arms in Shan State. In the
face of rising tension along the Sino-Burmese border, the Chinese
People’s Liberation Army has alerted its troops to monitor the situation
closely, according to official sources. When Burmese government
forces recently attacked the Kokang's Myanmar National Democratic
Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the border region, the Naypyidaw regime first
COMMENTARY
Hard-earned Experience
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17968
By KYAW ZWA MOE Friday, March 5, 2010
His normal life ended in 1994. A new life he never expected began. His
life has not returned to normal—at least not yet. Kyi Win was 38. He
worked at First Private Bank in Rangoon, earning more than enough to
feed his family of five and send his kids to school. One thing overturned
his life: his political beliefs. Like other dissents, Kyi Win was aware that
his anti-government activities could put him behind bars. But it was hard
to foresee that it could destroy his entire family's stability and future.
Sixteen years ago, while working on the side for underground labor
organization, he was arrested for his political activities against the ruling
regime. He served five years in prison and was released—but it wasn't
over. He quickly realized Big Brother was watching him. Still, his harsh
imprisonment hadn't destroyed his political beliefs or courage. He took
part in the 2007 saffron revolution, and he kept up contacts with a circle
of political friends. He finally had to leave the country to avoid a second
arrest and imprisonment. Now he and his family are living in Umpiem
Mai Refugee Camp on the Thai border. His family is hopeful they will be
resettled in a third country. Now 54, Kyi Win's life reflects the experience
of thousands of dissents and political prisoners who have suffered
political persecution since 1988. Currently, more than 2,100 political
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prisoners are in Burmese jails. Since 1988, it's estimated the junta has
imprisoned 10,000 or more people for their political beliefs. Some, like
prominent activist Min Ko Naing, have been jailed more than once. Min
Ko Naing and many of his colleagues who had already severed time as
political prisoners are now serving draconian 65-year sentences in
remote prisons. Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi is another long-time
political prisoner, now totaling 15 years. With all the recent attention
given to the country's upcoming election, the Constitution, ethnic issues
and other matters, political prisoners are now just one of a long line of
important issues surrounding Burma's position in the world community.
Fortunately, the international community has kept renewing its calls to
release all political prisoners as one of a host of other issues, such as
ensuring a free and inclusive election process. Suu Kyi and the National
League for Democracy, have made the release of political prisoners a
pre-requisite to taking part in the coming election. Still, it will never
happen, and veteran Burma watchers know it. There will never be a
meaningful number of political prisoners released to curry favor from the
international community before the election. They will continue to be
used as political pawns in a sick game whose rules are written by the
junta. In a letter a few months back, Hla Myo Naung, a leading member
of the influential 88 Generation Students group who is now serving a 65-
year sentence in Mandalay Prison, renewed the call for a blanket
amnesty for all political prisoners prior to the election and an inclusive
election process. His message probably passed through the ears of most
people without a moment's thought.International bodies and news
agencies don't see the ruling generals' routine suppression of political
beliefs as priority news anymore. The generals know this well, and they
are experts at flouting international calls with impunity. They routinely
toy with high profile visitors whose very mission is to help solve the
political prisoner issue, such as UN human rights envoy Thomas Ojea
Quintana, who arrived in the country in February just in time for the
sentencing of another activist, Naw Ohn Hla, and three other dissents,
COVER STORY
“The forum was a chance to discuss and witness Burma’s progress in the IT
world,” said a teenage IT student who attended. “You could see and hear
something different in every room—from Unicode to IT security to open
source. It had everything.”But behind the scenes of Burma’s largest IT forum,
those in power were planning a division of IT spoils, while at the same time
establishing national security protocols and centralizing governmental
surveillance of the Internet. As IT assumes a larger role in Burma, a
younger, more computer-savvy generation is coming to the fore—led by the
scions of the military generals.More than 2,000 computer enthusiasts turned
up recently at an IT (Information Technology) forum in Rangoon, making it
the largest ever gathering in Burma devoted to computer technology. Like IT
conventions the world over, computer geeks schmoozed endlessly about the
latest innovations while distributors browsed for new products and sales reps
enticed clients into their booths.The IT forum, known as “BarCamp Yangon,”
took place on Jan. 23-24 in the imposing Myanmar Info-Tech business park
not far from Inya Lake. The event attracted both Burmese and foreign
sponsors.
(a) doing any act detrimental to the security of the State or prevalence of law
and order or community peace and tranquility or national solidarity or national
economy or national culture.
Blogger Nay Phone Latt, 28, was sentenced to 20 years and six months
imprisonment in November 2008 for Internet-related offenses. One of his
alleged crimes was storing a cartoon of Than Shwe in his e-mail.Later that
month, Burma’s best-known comedian, Zarganar, and Ashin Gambira, one of
the Buddhist monk leaders during the 2007 Saffron Revolution, were
sentenced to 45 years and 68 years respectively on a series of trumped-up
charges.One of the “crimes” leveled at Zarganar was that he was in
possession of three apparently subversive CDs—two with footage of Than
Shwe’s daughter’s wedding and the cyclone disaster, and one containing the
Hollywood movie Rambo IV, which depicts Burmese army atrocities against
the ethnic Karen.
Nay Shwe Thway Aung (right) lines up beside Hidetoshi Nakata at an exhibition
football match in 2007.
His most notorious escapades were played out last year when he reputedly
had a brief affair with a Burmese supermodel, Wut Hmone Shwe Yee. When
she tried to break off the relationship, Nay Shwe Thway Aung and his friends
allegedly kidnapped her and held her in a house for several days.Then, in
September, he was the subject of the gossip mills again when he and some
accomplices reportedly trashed a café in Rangoon owned by a rival from
another military family.Nay Shwe Thway Aung allegedly has influence over an
unruly gang of teenagers in Rangoon called “Sin Zway” (Elephant Tusk). He
was also recently at the center of a minor drugs scandal, according to exiled
media reports.
None of this has dampened the affection of his grandfather. Many observers
say it’s no secret he is being groomed to play a leading role in the country’s IT
revolution.
GUEST COLUMN
Clinging to ‘Dwifungsi’
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17931
By AUNG NAING OO MARCH, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.3
The new Constitution seeks to justify a military role in politics, but unless things
improve after the election, it will be at best a temporary extension of a failed
political experiment
After two military coups and three constitutions—the latest of which has
yet to be implemented—since achieving independence in 1948, Burma
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 90
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remains poor and underdeveloped, despite being rich in natural
resources. Peace and prosperity have eluded the country, and it remains
isolated from the mainstream of the international community.Since
1962, successive military governments have experimented with socialism
and a semi-market economy. But they have yet to find a polity that will
provide them with the system they seek—a semblance of civilian rule, a
dose of democracy, a robust market economy and military
dominance.Now, however, the military believes that it has found its Holy
Grail in the 2008 Constitution.Almost all Burmese political groups, both
inside the country and in exile, oppose the Constitution and the way it
was conceived, developed and ratified. The people are also skeptical—
few expect the Constitution or the coming election to improve their
lives.But at the same time, many still nurture some hope of change for
the better. However much opposition groups decry the entire process as
a sham, some people will try to take advantage of any opening the new
polity may offer, if only because they think it is the only game in
town.“Take it or leave it” pretty much sums up the choices on offer.
Against the backdrop of unresolved ethnic conflicts and deep-rooted
geopolitical concerns, the military leadership is not about to let the
country’s 54 million people decide the fate of the nation. All the generals
want at this point is an endorsement of a political system that reflects
military ideology and priorities, no matter how halfhearted. And it looks
like they may get it. At the core of the 2008 Constitution is the military
government’s cherished notion of “dwifungsi”—the term used by former
Indonesian President Suharto to describe the “dual function” of the
military as both defender and ruler of the nation. This ideology has
dominated Burmese military thinking ever since the army took power
from the democratically elected government of U Nu in 1962, citing the
need to counter growing ethnic unrest. It prevailed both during the 26-
year period that the country was ruled under the disastrous experiment
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known as the “Burmese Way to Socialism” and in the more than two
decades since the current regime seized power after crushing a
nationwide pro-democracy uprising in 1988.
ARTICLE
The NMSP, one of the smaller ethnic cease-fire groups, defies the Burmese
generals by rejecting their border guard force order
It was dawn when I reached Palanjapan, a remote village near Three Pagodas
Pass in Burma’s Mon State. People in every household were busy preparing
for celebrations to mark the 63rd anniversary of Mon National Day.Following
the rhythm of military drum beats, several columns of Mon soldiers dressed in
their best green camouflage uniforms and holding aging AK-47 assault rifles
marched toward the parade ground in the center of the village, where a
crowd of about 1,000 Mon waited for their leaders to officially open the
national day ceremony.Nai Htaw Mon, the chairman of the New Mon State
Party (NMSP), delivered a speech reaffirming the party’s pledge to work for a
federal union and self-determination for the Mon people.“This year is
important for our people and our political strength, based on our united
nationalist spirit,” Nai Htaw Mon said in a statement. “Until the realization of a
genuine multi-party democracy and the self-determination of the Mon people,
we will continue to resist and fight hand-in-hand with our allied ethnic
brothers.”Most Mon are devout Buddhists, and monks and abbots also sat on
the stage and made speeches during national day celebrations. Influential
Mon abbots continue to play a role in advising NMSP leaders. In Palanjapan
village, extreme poverty is visible, but on this special day the nationalist
sentiment and words of hope seemed to rally the villagers and the visitors,
giving them a fresh dream of better days ahead. Mon from both Burma and
Thailand attended the festivities. “Mon people should not miss this day. I
came from Ye Township to celebrate,” said 22-year-old Lewi Mon. “We want
democracy because it can give us equal rights in a union where our other
ethnic brothers such as the Shan, Kachin and Arakanese share those rights.”
However, in spite of such expressions of pride, there are serious questions
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 93
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
about the role of the Mon leadership and the effectiveness of the NMSP in
achieving political and economic gains, and—ever more importantly—where it
finds itself today in negotiations with the regime.Some Mon leaders believe
that the NMSP has lost the game of cease-fire politics with the junta played
out over the past 15 years, since no significant benefits have resulted from
the cease-fire agreement signed with the regime. “Despite reducing the
suffering of the people as a result of peace, the cease-fire hasn’t made any
progress in improving our political rights,” said Nai Sun Htorn, a member of
the board of patrons in the Mon Affairs Union. “The junta gave economic
opportunities only to the leadership of the NMSP, rather than focusing on the
development of the Mon people.” He said in the past he questioned Nai Shwe
Kyin [the late NMSP chairman who signed the cease-fire agreement with the
regime in 1995] whether the NMSP was a business or a political party.Nai
Htaw Mon confirmed to The Irrawaddy that the party could not accept the
2008 Constitution because it doesn’t guarantee the Mon people equal rights
and self-determination. He said the party also rejected the junta’s order to
transform its army into a border guard force under the control of the regime,
and said that the small Mon army will defend its territory if the Burmese
military launches an offensive. On its Web site, the NMSP’s central executive
committee has posted its criticisms of the constitution-drafting process, saying
it was unfairly dominated by the military and its hand-picked delegates, did
not include enough representatives from political parties and did not give a
fair hearing to the proposals put forward by non-Burman leaders and cease-
fire groups. Thirteen ethnic cease-fire groups, including the NMSP, submitted
proposals on ethnic rights, but these were ignored, the groups said. Mon
leaders are secretive about their army, but independent analysts say it
numbers between 700 and 1,000 soldiers. Its headquarters is located in deep
jungle and mountain terrain, and Mon leaders themselves are relatively
isolated. Following the cease-fire agreement, the Mon were given
development aid from the regime but that aid has gradually been reduced as
relations soured. Border-based analysts say Mon leaders now have minimal
funding and income. Border trade between Thailand and Burma through
Three Pagodas Pass stopped three years ago when the junta unilaterally
closed off the border trade gate, further lowering NMSP resources and
weakening the party.
Since late last year, a wave of privatization news in Burma has hit the
headlines of local journals and exiled news Web sites. The latest unofficial
word coming out of Naypyidaw is that the junta has ordered most state
enterprises to be privatized before the 2009-10 fiscal year ends on March 31.
According to figures released by Burma’s Ministry of Finance and Revenue,
380 small gold mines have been partly or totally privatized in recent years,
while more than 500 ruby and jade mines in Shan State, Kachin State,
Sagaing Division and Mandalay Division, including the well-known Mogok and
Mongshu mines, have come under private ownership. In December 2009
alone, 260 state-owned buildings, factories and land plots were privatized,
including 137 properties that were auctioned.Many state-owned enterprises
have been handed over to regime cronies like Tay Za, Burma’s richest
businessman and a close associate of junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe and
the regime’s No. 3, Gen “Thura” Shwe Mann. Besides being one of the biggest
purchasers of state-owned properties last year with the acquisition of prime
real estate in Rangoon and other urban centers, Tay Za also won a major
contract for construction of two hydro-power plants in December 2009. Last
month, officials from Burma’s Ministry of Energy announced it would sell off
all 256 state-run gas stations in the country to private enterprises, and only
30 percent of their monetary value would be required as a cash down
payment, with the rest advanced by state bank loans, local media reported,
quoting Minister of Commerce and Banking Maj-Gen Hla Tun, who spoke in
Naypyidaw. According to an official at the state-controlled Federation of
Chambers of Commerce and Industry, which has 138 members, the Fuel Oil
Importers and Distributors Association was formed on Jan. 23 with Tay Za as
chairman and Shwe Mann’s son, Aung Thet Mann, as vice chairman. Both men
are on the US sanctions list. Business sources said Tay Za’s Htoo Trading Co
Ltd has already been awarded a contract to operate state-owned gas stations
in Upper Burma which will later be fully privatized.
The great danger when states sell their assets is that they may sell them at ‘fire
sale’ prices to their cronies. This danger is very real in Burma. (IllustratIon:
HARN LAY/THE IRRAWADDY)
Snr-Gen Than Shwe was once an unknown rising through the ranks of the
armed forces—the sort of person it may now take to remove him from power.
Some former colleagues of Snr-Gen Than Shwe recall that the junta chief
used to have little political ambition and lived a simple lifestyle. They say he
actually thought he was on his way out in the 1980s and was preparing for
retirement. Gen Ne Win and his handpicked military commanders, who were
politically ambitious, never considered the possibility that Than Shwe might
one day rise to be commander in chief of the armed forces. To their minds, he
lacked talent, vision and ambition. He was just another “yes man.”
Burma’s secret police uncovered the plot and set out to discover the
ringleader. Ohn Kyaw Myint was hanged and several senior army officers were
purged. Than Shwe was among those who testified at the trial. As a result, he
was promoted and became strategic commander in central Burma. In the
early 1980s, a bitter power struggle between the intelligence wing and the
army forced Ne Win to make a dramatic reshuffle in the cabinet and armed
forces. Some top commanders who were locked into the fight were removed
and many mid-level officers, including Than Shwe, were promoted. This was
when a number of future leading lights began to move into prominence. Gen
Saw Maung, the first chairman of the current military regime before he was
succeeded by Than Shwe in 1992, and Col Khin Nyunt, who later became
military intelligence chief, were among the beneficiaries of Ne Win’s last big
shakeup before he fell from power in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising.When
Ne Win’s regime collapsed, Than Shwe became vice chairman of the newly
installed junta. But even then it was rumored that he planned to retire soon.
It was widely believed that the ambitious spy chief Khin Nyunt would assume
the top post. But that didn’t happen. In the early 1990s, a simple family
drama revealed the relative power of these two men. When Khin Nyunt’s
daughter appeared at an army swimming pool one day, Than Shwe’s
daughters immediately left to make way. It was seen as an indication that as
ARTICLE
Burmese monks in Sri Lanka find that their local counterparts wield far more
power than they could ever imagine having in their homeland.
For centuries, Burmese monks have been traveling to Sri Lanka, both to study
the Buddha’s teachings and to help their Sinhalese brethren restore the
monastic order on the island after periods of foreign domination.These days,
however, it is the Burmese monks who are more likely to feel under siege.
Since the crackdown on the Saffron Revolution in 2007, the Burmese regime
has imposed ever more stringent restrictions on monks seeking to further
their studies abroad—reinforcing their sense that despite their revered status
Burmese monks walk along Galle Face Green, a promenade near Colombo’s city
center. (PhotO: NEIL LAWRENCE/THE IRRAWADDY)
In contrast, Sri Lanka has long recognized monks as an important social and
political force—a role that the monks themselves have readily embraced.
“In Sri Lanka, monks are political actors in the public sphere and they see the
exercise of that public function as their primary religious obligation,” writes
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 104
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
religious historian Juliane Schrober in “Buddhism, Violence and the State in
Burma (Myanmar) and Sri Lanka.” In 2004, the political profile of Sri Lankan
monks was raised to a new level with the formation of the Jathika Hela
Urumaya (JHU), a party that has placed a number of monks in Parliament. But
this newfound status has not come without controversy. As a coalition partner
in a government led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Freedom
Party, the JHU supported the resumption of war against the separatist
Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam—a move that has made some religious
observers uncomfortable.“In my opinion, this is against the Vinaya,” said
Ashin Samvara, a Burmese monk studying at the University of Perediniya,
referring to the monastic code of behavior, which forbids acts of violence.
“If monks enter the government, this can be a problem, since it inevitably
involves conflict,” said another Burmese monk in Colombo, adding that this
was a view shared by many Sri Lankan monks. Despite such misgivings,
however, most Burmese monks agreed that, like their Sri Lankan
counterparts, they should at least be allowed to vote—another right that they
have been denied in Burma, and one that has recently begun to assume
greater importance. Elections are a major issue in both Burma and Sri Lanka
this year. Sri Lanka recently concluded a presidential election and will hold a
general election in April, while Burma is expected to go to the polls later in the
year for the first time in two decades. But for some Burmese monks, even this
point of comparison only served to highlight even greater differences between
the two countries.“Here, different parties fight each other in the election, but
in our country, it’s the government against the people,” said Ashin Bodhipala.
But the gap between Burma and Sri Lanka in terms of political freedom
appears to be closing. The Jan. 26 presidential election was marred by
campaign irregularities and accusations of intimidation against supporters of
the opposition leader, former army commander Sarath Fonseka, who was
later taken into custody for allegedly plotting to overthrow the government in
a military coup.As active political players, Sri Lankan monks have inevitably
been caught up in this increasingly divisive political climate. In an effort to
end “a situation of grave national crisis” caused by Fonseka’s arrest, on Feb.
14, a group of leading monks appealed to Rajapaksa to release the former
army chief. The monks were later forced to call off a planned meeting due to
Many Burmese monks also expressed dismay at the way the relationship
between the two countries’ leaders has affected perceptions of the situation in
Burma. Sri Lanka’s response to the Saffron Revolution, for instance, was
muted, despite dramatic images of monks—normally seen as inviolable
symbols of the Buddhist faith—being rounded up and beaten by armed riot
police. One monk attributed this to the fact that as news of the protests in
Burma grew, Sri Lanka’s state-run media started echoing official Burmese
propaganda, even claiming that democratic opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi—the supposed instigator of the uprising, and a lifelong Buddhist—was
Catholic.“If this had happened in any other country, there would have been
outrage in Sri Lanka,” the monk said. “But because it was in Burma, the
government was silent.”For the Burmese monks themselves, however, the
events of September 2007 were a catalyst for more direct involvement in their
country’s politics. In response to the brutal crackdown inside Burma, they
formed the Lanka Myanmar Student Monks Association (Lanka MSMA), which
soon joined Sasana Moli, the International Burmese Monks Organization.
Besides taking part in occasional protests in front of the Burmese embassy,
many members of the Lanka MSMA have embraced electronic media as a
means of promoting democracy in Burma. This has given some an opportunity
to make connections with prominent, politically active Sri Lankan monks.“They
said they can support our religious and cultural activities, but not our political
activities,” said Ashin Mettacara, whose latest online project, a Web-based
VIEWPOINT
one. Than Shwe, who probably still shudders at the memory of the 1990
election, which Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, won by a
landslide, wants to avoid a repeat of that fiasco at all costs. So, if he intends
to hold an election as relatively free and fair as the one that took place 20
years ago, he will probably call it at short notice to deny the opposition an
opportunity to organize and campaign effectively—unlike in 1990, when the
voting date was set nearly a year in advance. That is why regional leaders
need to start pushing the junta to stop playing games and declare an election
date. Fortunately, it seems that at least some members of Asean realize that
Hip-hop, rap and politics make strange bedfellows, but the young people of
Burma have found ways of using their favorite musical styles to get their
political message across.
Unlike conventional
pop music, the
recitative nature of
hip-hop and rap allows
performers to change
the lyrics at will,
discarding anodyne
romantic lines and
substituting their own.
BOOK REVIEW
Blackboard Memories
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17933
By JIM ANDREWS MARCH, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.3
Bernice Koehler Johnson discovered Burma and its problems late in life. The
American teacher was nearly 70 when she applied for a job teaching Shan
refugees in Thailand.Johnson had already taught in more than half a dozen
countries around the world, and Thailand promised to be just one more on
her teaching itinerary. “I liked adding new countries to the list,” she
confessed.
Her job in Thailand, however, took hold of her like no other. It wasn’t so
much Thailand or Burma that captured her heart but her Shan pupils—“bright-
Hard Labor
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17934
MARCH, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.3
The harsh conditions under which Burmese migrants are employed in Thailand
are documented in an exhibition of the work of British photographer John
Hulme that opens in Chiang Mai in April. Hulme spent six years photographing
Burmese migrants either in employment or seeking jobs along the Thai-
Burmese border.“More than half of these mainly young workers are
undocumented, forced to eke out a living on rock-bottom wages and in
constant fear of deportation,” Hulme says in a foreword to his exhibition,
titled “In Search of a Job—Any Job.”“They are employed in dirty, dangerous
and difficult jobs in Thailand’s fishing and construction industries, rubber
plantations, dockyards and shrimp farms, as well as providing cheap labor for
the tourist industry.”Hulme says he hopes the exhibition will “remind us about
the difficulties facing working class migrants in every country [who are]
inevitably the first victims of every fluctuation in the global economy.” The
exhibition runs at Chiang Mai’s Arts Center from April 3 until the end of the
month. A public forum on the issue of migrant labor will be held at the Center
After just a few months on the job, the head coach of Burma’s national
football team was sacked on Feb. 4 by the Myanmar Football Federation
(MFF) for failing to bring success to the team.Soe Moe, the person in charge
of the MFF’s Media Committee, told The Irrawaddy that Croatian coach Drago
Marmić was dismissed because the team did not improve under his instruction
and even lost while playing friendly matches with lower-level teams.
Drago marmić
“The coach didn’t know his players well and couldn’t predict the technique of
the rival team,” said Soe Moe.Marmić, whose contract started in November,
has been replaced by his former assistant Tin Myint Aung, who played on the
Burmese team when it was the runner up in the 1993 SEA Games in
Singapore. The new coach was also a member of the Ministry of Finance and
Revenue football team, which for years dominated the former national football
league.Tin Myint Aung took over as chief coach in time for the group qualifiers
for the AFC Challenge Cup 2010, held in Colombo, Sri Lanka, during the third
week of February. Before changing coaches, Burma fared poorly in friendlies
against Thai premier league teams in Thailand, losing 1-4 to the Port
Authority of Thailand and 0-3 to the Royal Thai Army. It was also defeated by
South Korea’s Ulsan University team twice in January.“Drago Marmić made
some tactical mistakes,” the Burmese team’s executive manager, Maung
Maung, was quoted on the Soccer Myanmar Web site as saying. He also
predicted that the Croatian coach’s departure would improve morale on the
NEWS IN BRIEF
Tin Oo Released
Burma’s detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said in February that
the general election planned for this year will lack credibility unless the regime
allows freedom of information. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate—who is
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 119
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
serving an 18-month extension of her house arrest—also said her party, the
National League for Democracy (NLD), has not yet decided whether to contest
the election, said Nyan Win, her lawyer and NLD spokesman. The party’s
offices in several townships have still not been allowed to reopen, making it
difficult for party members to communicate with each other.
BUSINESS
http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=17914
MARCH, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.3
The Burmese regime plans to sell several major state assets, including a
Sweet Necessity
Faced with a shortage of small denomination banknotes, people in Burma are
using sweets, cheroots, pens, candles and even tissue paper as a substitute
for loose change. Some small enterprises are printing tokens for customers to
use instead of scarce banknotes. Very few small-value notes are in circulation,
and those that can be found are so dirty that they are regarded as a health
risk. It’s believed that new small-value notes are not being printed because of
the high costs involved. Burmese bank notes are issued in denominations of 1,
5, 10, 20, 45, 90, 200, 500, 1,000 and 5,000 kyat .
Fight or Surrender
In the latest round of separate meetings between the Shan, Kachin and Wa
cease-fire leaders and Burmese Military Affairs Security Chief Lt-Gen Ye Myint,
ethnic leaders again resisted the junta’s pressure to transform their troops
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 125
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
into border guard forces under Burmese army command. Leaders of the
Kachin Independence Organization brought up the principle of autonomy in
the 1947 Panglong Agreement as an apparent negotiating tactic. The seventh
paragraph of the agreement reads: “Citizens of the Frontier Areas [the areas
of ethnic nationalities] shall enjoy rights and privileges which are regarded as
fundamental in democratic countries.” The United Wa State Army has
repeatedly canceled scheduled meetings with Ye Myint, citing the ill health of
its leader. The junta set the end of February as the new deadline for cease-
fire groups to accede to the border guard force scheme. Soon, the cease-fire
groups may be confronted with the ultimate question: to fight or surrender.
A rumor circulating in Rangoon suggests that the regime will form a caretaker
government in April to oversee preparations for the 2010 election. Several
senior military leaders will be named to key positions in the caretaker
government. Speculation centers on whether Gen Myint Swe, a protégé of
Snr-Gen Than Shwe and head of the Bureau of Special Operations (5), will
head the government. Current government ministers will be allowed to resign
and some ministers will be assigned to run for seats in parliament, say
sources close to the regime.
မဲေခါင္ျမစ္ေရခန္းေျခာက္မႈေၾကာင့္
မိုင္းလားၿမိဳ႕တေက်ာ့ျပန္စည္ကား
Friday, 05 March 2010 16:10 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္
မိုင္းလားၿမိဳ႕တေနရာ
သတၱဳစက္ရံုစီမံကိန္းေျကာင့္ ေတာင္သူျခံေျမ
ဧကရာခ်ီ လက္လႊတ္ဆံုးရႈံးရ
Friday, 05 March 2010 16:15 သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္
“ေအးရွားေ၀ါကုမၸဏီ စက္ရံုေဆာက္လို႔
ေျမအသိမ္းခံရတဲ့ ေနရာက
ေတာင္ကုန္းေနရာေတြဆိုေတာ့ ခန္႔မွန္းေျခ ဧက ၂၀၀
ေလာက္ေတာ့ရိွမယ္ ဆိုက္ေခါင္႐ြာသားေတြပိုင္တဲ့
ေနရာပဲေပါ႔ ထင္းလုပ္ဖို႔ စိုက္ထားတဲ့ ေျမလြတ္
ေျမရိုင္းၿခံ ေနရာေတြေပါ႔ ” - ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
ၿခံေျမမ်ားဆံုး႐ံႈးခဲ့သည့္ ႐ြာသားမ်ားအတြက္
ေလွ်ာ္ေၾကးေငြအနည္းငယ္ ေပးေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္ဟု
သူကဆိုသည္။“ဆိုက္ေခါင္ရြာကေတာ့
အိမ္ေျပာင္းရတာ မရိွဘူး ၿခံေတြဆံုးရံူးသြားတာပဲရိွတယ္ အနည္းအက်ဥ္းေတာ့ ေပးတယ္ ၃
ေသာင္းေလာက္ေပးတယ္ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ေဘးက သတလ နယ္ေျမမွာရိွတဲ့ လူေတြေတာ့
၀န္ထမ္းထဲမပါတဲ့ သူေတြ ေနရာဖယ္ေပးရတယ္” - ဟု ဆက္ေျပာသည္။ အဆိုပါ
စက္ရံုစီမံကိန္း တည္ေဆာက္ေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ မႏွစ္ကတည္းက နမၼတူၿမိဳ႕
ေခ်ာင္းတစ္ဘက္ကမ္းရိွ အစိုးရပိုင္ သတၱဳတြင္း၀န္ထမ္းရပ္ကြက္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ သတလ (၁
၊ ၂) ၊ ဗိုလ္ကုန္း ၊ ၃၂ မိုင္ ၊ ေဂါက္ကြင္း ရပ္ကြက္ မ်ားကို ဖ်က္သိမ္းေတာ့မည္ဟု
သတင္းထြက္ေနေၾကာင္း နယ္စပ္ေရာက္နမၼတူသူ အမ်ိဳးသမီးတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။
“မႏွစ္က အစိုးရ ၀န္ထမ္းရပ္ကြက္ေတြမွာ အေဆာက္အဦးသစ္ေတြ ေဆာက္ေနတယ္
ဓါတ္တိုင္ေတြလည္း အ မ်ားႀကီး စိုက္ထားတယ္ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြေျပာင္းခိုင္းမယ္ အစိုးရက
ေနရာမေပးဘူးလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ေလ ေအးရွားေ၀ါ ကုမၸဏီက လာလုပ္တယ္
အဲဒါတရုတ္ေတြလာမယ္ ဆိုၿပီး နမၼတူမွာ အိမ္ေစ်းေတြအရမ္းတက္တယ္သိလား” - ဟု
သူက ေျပာသည္။၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ဇႏၷ၀ါရီလဆန္းပိုင္းတြင္ ေအးရွားေ၀ါကုမၸဏီပုိင္ သတၱဳစက္ရံု
စတင္လည္ပတ္ေနေၾကာင္းေစာေစာကေဒသခံကေျပာသည္။“တရုတ္ကုမၸဏီတစ္ခုနဲ႔ေအး
ရွားေ၀ါနဲ႔ဖက္စပ္လုပ္တာေပါ႔ အရင္အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ အလုပ္ျပန္ခန္႔တဲ့ သူေတြေတာ့
မေျပာင္းရဘူး အလုပ္မခန္႔တဲ့သူေတြေတာ့ ၀န္ထမ္းရပ္ကြက္အိမ္ရာကေနဖယ္ေပးရတယ္ ”
- ဟုဆိုသည္။သွ်မ္းျပည္ (ေျမာက္ပိုင္း) အတြင္း၌ ခဲ ၊ ခဲမျဖဴ ၊ သြပ္ ၊ ေက်ာက္မီးေသြး၊ ေရႊ၊
ေက်ာက္နီႏွင့္ ထံုးေက်ာက္ စသည့္ သတၱဳမ်ိဳးစံု ထြက္ရာတြင္ နမၼတူမိုင္းတြင္းမွာ
အထင္ကရေနရာ ျဖစ္သည္။
ျပည္သူ႔စစ္မလုပ္လို၍
မြန္ျပည္သစ္လက္ေအာက္သို႔ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း
ေက်ာ္ခ | ေသာၾကာေန႔၊ မတ္လ ၀၅ ရက္ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၁၉ နာရီ ၃၉ မိနစ္
ခ်င္းမိုင္ (မဇၩိမ)။ ။ စစ္အစိုးရက ျပည္သူ႔စစ္လုပ္ရန္ ဖိအားေပးမႈမ်ားရွိသျဖင့္ မြန္ ၁ဝဝ
ခန္႔သည္ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာ နယ္ေျမေအာက္သို႔
ဝင္ေရာက္ခိုလႈံလာခဲ့သည္ဟု မြန္ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔က ေျပာသည္။“နယ္ေျမ နအဖ
စစ္တပ္က ျပည္သူ႔စစ္လုပ္ခိုင္းတယ္။ မလုပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ လူေတြက တလကို လစဥ္ေၾကး ၇
ေထာင္စီေပးရမယ္။ အဲဒါသူတို႔မခံႏိုင္ေတာ့ ေျပးလာၾကတာ” ဟု
မြန္ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔အတြင္းေရးမႉး ကိုေဇာ္မင္းဦးက မဇၥ်ိမကိုေျပသည္။
ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၂၂ ရက္ေန႔မွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီနယ္ေျမ ထားဝယ္ခ႐ိုင္ အေဒသ တြင္းသို႔
ယေန႔ခ်ိန္ထိ တဖြဲဖြဲ လာေရာက္ခိုလံႈၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္အေျခစိုက္
ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးအဖြဲ႕က ေျပာသည္။မိသားစုလိုက္ အိုးအိမ္စြန္႔ခြာလာခဲ့ၾကသည့္
ပုဂၢလိကလက္သို႔
ပုဂၢလိကလက္သို႔ ႏိုင္ငံပိုင္လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား အေဆာက္အဦမ်ား လႊဲေျပာင္း ငွားရမ္း
ေရာင္းခ်ျခင္းမ်ား ဆက္လက္ျပဳလုပ္လ်ွက္ရွိရာ ျမဝတီစာေပတိုက္သည္လည္း အပါအဝင္
ျဖစ္သြားသည္။ ဓာတ္ပံု- မဇၩိမ။ စစ္တပ္လက္ေအာက္ခံ ျမဝတီစာေပတိုက္ကို ယခုအခါ
ေဘာက္ေထာ္ ျပည္သာယာရွိ ယခင္တပ္မေတာ္ မွတ္တမ္း႐ုံးထဲတြင္
ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားသည္။
ျမန္မာဆန္ျပန္ပုိ႔သည့္ ဂါနာအာဏာပုိင္တုိ႔
တရားစြဲခံရဟုဆို
Friday, 05 March 2010 11:21 ရန္ပိုင္
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2719-2010-03-05-04-2
ျမန္မာဆန္မ်ား အရည္အေသြး မျပည့္မီေၾကာင္း မမွန္မကန္ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေၾကညာခဲ့သည့္
ဂါနာႏုိင္ငံ အစား အေသာက္ႏွင့္ ေဆး၀ါး ကြပ္ကဲေရး အဖဲြ႔ (FDB) ကုိ ဆန္တင္ပုိ႔ခ့ဲေသာ
သေဘၤာကုမၸဏီက တရားစြဲထားေၾကာင္း ရန္ကုန္မွ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမား တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ဆန္တင္ပုိ႔သည့္ စကာၤပူႏုိင္ငံ အေျခစုိက္ Universal Navigation Pte Ltd (UNPL)
ကုမၸဏီက FDB ကုိ ဂါနာႏုိင္ငံ တရားရုံး တခုတြင္ တရားစြဲဆုိထားေၾကာင္း UNPL
ကုမၸဏီ၏ ရန္ကုန္ရုံးခဲြက ရွင္းလင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္ဟု သိရသည္။
အိႏၵိယခြဲထြက္ေရး သူပုန္မ်ားကုိ
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္က ဝိုင္းဝန္းႏွိမ္နင္းမည္ဟုဆို
Friday, 05 March 2010 11:58 ဇာနည္မာန္
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/index.php/news/1-news/2720-2010-03-05-05-0
အိႏၵိယ-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အေနာက္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ေဒသမ်ားတြင္
ခိုေအာင္းေနေသာ အိႏၵိယ ခြဲထြက္ေရး သူပုန္မ်ားကို ႏွိမ္နင္းေရး အတြက္ ႏွစ္နိုင္ငံ
စစ္တပ္မ်ားက တိုးျမႇင့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ သြားမည္ဟု အိႏၵိယ စစ္တပ္ ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ ရွိသူက
ဆိုသည္။ အိႏၵိယ ျပည္ထဲေရး အတြင္း၀န္ Gopal K. Pillai ၏ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလအတြင္းက
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခရီးစဥ္တြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ ထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ နယ္စပ္ေဒသရွိ
သူပုန္မ်ားအေရးကို ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ျပီး ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရထံမွ ကတိမ်ား ရယူႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္ဟု
နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရး စည္းေ၀းတြင္ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အိႏၵိယ အေျခစိုက္
သတင္းဌာနမ်ားက ဆိုသည္။ “ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲမွာ ရွိေနတဲ့ အိႏၵိယနဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္တဲ့သူေတြရဲ႕
အေျခစိုက္စခန္းေတြကို သူတို႔က အဓိကထား ေျခမႈန္းေပးမယ္လို႔ ေျပာတယ္” ဟူေသာ
Gopal K. Pillai ၏ အဆိုကို သတင္းဌာနမ်ားက ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။
ႏိုင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္ သက္တမ္းတိုး တလ
ဆိုင္းငံ့မည္
Friday, 05 March 2010 17:17 ဧရာဝတီ
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကူး လက္မွတ္ သက္တမ္း တိုးျခင္း၊ အသစ္ လဲလွယ္ျခင္း ကိစၥမ်ားကို
ကမာၻတဝန္းရွိ ျမန္မာသံရံုး မ်ားတြင္ ဧျပီလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔မွ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔အထိ တလ
ဆိုင္းငံ့ထားရန္ ျပည္ထဲေရး ဝန္ၾကီးဌာနမွ ညႊန္ၾကား ထားေၾကာင္း ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံ
ဘန္ေကာက္ရွိ ျမန္မာသံ႐ံုးက ဧရာဝတီသို႔ ေျပာသည္။“ပတ္စ္ပို႔ သက္တမ္း တိုးတဲ့
ကိစၥေတြကို ယာယီ ရပ္ဆိုင္းထားဖို႔ ျပည္ထဲေရး ဝန္ၾကီးဌာနက ညႊန္ၾကား ထားပါတယ္၊
ဧျပီလ အတြင္းမွာ သက္တမ္း ကုန္မယ့္ ပတ္စ္ပို႔ေတြဟာ ဧျပီ မတိုင္ခင္မွာ သက္တမ္း
တိုးၾကရပါမယ္၊ ဘားကုဒ္ စနစ္သံုး ပတ္စ္ပို႔နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ဝန္ၾကီး ဌာနက ဘာမွ ရွင္းမျပ
ေသးပါဘူး”ဟု ျမန္မာသံ႐ံုး ဝန္ထမ္းတဦးက ေျပာသည္။ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကူး လက္မွတ္
ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားသူ တဦးကလည္း “မေန႔က က်မ သံ႐ံုးကို အခြန္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ သြားပါတယ္၊
က်မ ပတ္စ္ပို႔က ၂၀၁၀ ဧျပီလ ထဲမွာ သက္တမ္း ကုန္မွာပါ၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္ တခါတည္း
ပတ္စ္ပို႔ကို သက္တမ္း တိုးဖို႔ပါ သူတို႔ ေျပာပါတယ္” ဟု ဆိုသည္။
“သူ႔ထက္ ေကာင္းတဲ့
ရႈခင္းသာ
Thursday, 04 March 2010 14:05 ေနႏြယ္
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell
will travel to Asia March 7-17, 2010.Assistant Secretary Campbell will depart
Washington for Singapore on March 7, and will travel on to Kuala Lumpur,
Vientiane, Jakarta, Bangkok and Tokyo.On his trip, Assistant Secretary
Campbell will meet in Singapore with senior government foreign affairs and
defense officials.While in Kuala Lumpur, Assistant Secretary Campbell will
meet with senior Malaysian government officials and hold a town hall meeting
with American Embassy staff members.In Vientiane, Assistant Secretary
Campbell will meet with senior Laotian government officials and attend the
U.S.-Lao Comprehensive Bilateral Dialogue. He will also meet with
representatives of the Mekong River Commission.Assistant Secretary Campbell
will travel to Jakarta for meetings with Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Permanent Representatives for discussions on U.S.-ASEAN relations, as well as
meetings with senior Indonesian government officials.While in Bangkok,
Assistant Secretary Campbell will meet with senior Thai foreign affairs,
security and economic officials, and will make remarks on U.S.-Thai relations
at Chulalongkorn University.In Tokyo, Assistant Secretary Campbell will meet
with senior Japanese government officials.
EDITORIAL
The first is to convince Burma that it would be in the country's as well as the
regime's interest to hold an all-inclusive, free and fair election this year. The
second, and an equally important, reason is to create a distance between the
Burmese and North Korean regimes in terms of the sale of weapons and
nuclear arms proliferation. Washington believed its enthusiastic, softer
approach would convince the junta that the planned elections should be
carried out in a manner that is internationally acceptable and one that would
help the regime join the global community. So far, the regime has not yet set
a date for the elections or given the world a peek at any electoral laws. It is
clear that the enthusiasm for the elections is quickly evaporating, if not
disappearing, within the administration. The junta has its own roadmap to
follow and will certainly not pay attention to the guidelines being suggested
by well-wishers in other capitals. The irony of it all is that the junta is
managing to successfully buy time to maximise on the outcome of its grand
political strategy - staying in power at all costs without ever giving in. Most
importantly, the junta leaders want to keep opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi away from all political activities prior to the elections. Her party won the
elections in May 1990 by a landslide, but the regime annulled the victory and
took over. Therefore, it is commendable that women like Nobel Peace
laureates Shirin Ebadi and Jody Williams, along with other well-known human
rights activists, are working to highlight the extreme violence being inflicted
Burmese Days
http://www.cibmagazine.com.cn/Travel/Destination.asp?id=1259&burm
March 5, 2010
Some human rights groups argue that tourism helps prop up the regime,
but tourism advocates believe that the benefits of tourism outweigh the
negatives. They argue that most tourist dollars, when spent properly,
end up in the pockets of locals, and that the cultural exchange of
tourism is invaluable in a country that receives virtually no news from
the outside world.Bouts of political unrest and Cyclone Nargis, which
devastated the region in 2008, have caused tourism numbers to
plummet. Today, most of the roughly 260,000 annual foreign visitors to
Myanmar are Asians and Europeans on package tours. But the country is
increasingly visited by independent travelers looking to escape the South
East Asia backpacker circuit and experience a country that remains in
isolation. Indeed, Myanmar is one of the most off-the-beaten-track
countries in Asia, and eluding fellow tourists can be as easy as taking a
left instead of a right.For those adventurous souls entering Myanmar by
land from China, Mandalay, a bustling, if slightly rundown commercial
center of growing importance thanks to its proximity to China, is likely to
be your first stop. The grid streets of downtown are abuzz with life, and
televisions at outdoor BBQ restaurants play British premier league
football – which is, bizarrely, a national obsession in Myanmar. Mandalay
is centered around the palace and fort, home to the last two Burmese
kings, and the city's main draw is Mandalay Hill, which offers a
panoramic view of the city.Mandalay, at 150 years, is a rather young
city, but the surrounding area was for centuries home to the capitals of
ancient Burmese kingdoms. From the city it is simple to hire a horse and
buggy to take you through the ruins at Inwa, capital of the Burmese
kingdom for 400 years; watch a sunset at the stunning U Bein teak
bridge (the most photographed place in Myanmar) at ancient
Amarapura; and catch a morning boat up the Irrawaddy to Sagaing,
home to some 500 stupas and 6,000 monks and nuns.A perfect day trip
from Manadaly takes you to Pwin U Lwin, a charming hilltown that grew
in prominence during British rule as a summertime escape from
Phyu Phyu Thin has cared for HIV and AIDS patients since 2002,
providing counseling and education, sending them to clinics and
providing accommodation in Rangoon to those coming for treatment
from outlying areas.
RANGOON — When Aye Aye leaves her youngest son at home each
night, she tells him that she has to work selling snacks. But what Aye
Aye, 51, actually sells is sex so that her 12-year-old son, a grade 7
student, can finish his education.“Every night I work with the intention
of giving my son some money the next morning before he goes to
school,” said Aye Aye (not her real name). She has three other older
children, all of whom are married.
ထုတ္ေဝသူ တင္မိုး
ေမာင္စြမ္းရည္
မတ္ ၆၊ ၂၀၁၀
ခ်ာတိတ္ ဆိုရွစ္လစ္
ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အၿပီး တည္ၿငိမ္မႈရွိခဲ့ေသာ အေမရိကန္သည္ ဆယ္ႏွစ္တႀကိမ္
ဆိုက္ကပ္ေလေသာ စီးပြားေရးကပ္ေၾကာင့္ စက္႐ုံ၊ အလုပ္႐ုံေပါင္းမ်ားစြာအား
ပိတ္လုိက္ရ၏။ ဘဏ္တုိက္ႀကီးမ်ား ေဒဝါလီခံၾကရ၏။ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့တုိ႔က
တေန႔တျခားလမ္းေပၚတြင္ မ်ားလာ၏။ သန္းႏွင့္ခ်ီသည္။ အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ႏွင့္ ကြန္ကရက္သည္
ထုိျပႆနာအား မည္သို႔ကိုင္ရမည္မသိ…..။ စမ္းတဝါးဝါးျဖစ္ေနသည္။
ဤတြင္ … အိုဟုိင္အိုးျပည္နယ္မွ မစၥတာ ‘ကိုစီ’ ဆိုသူက
အလုပ္လက္မဲ့တပ္မေတာ္ႀကီး ဖြဲ႔စည္းၿပီး ဝါရွင္တန္သို႔ ခ်ီမည္။ ဝါရွင္တန္တြင္
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 196
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
အိမ္ျဖဴေတာ္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔မည္။ လႊတ္ေတာ္အာဏာပိုင္တုိ႔ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔မည္။ ေတြ႔ၿပီး …
အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ျပႆနာကို ေျဖရွင္းေပးဖုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိမည္။ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့တပ္မေတာ္၏
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးကို စီးဦးေဆာင္သည့္ တပ္မႀကီးသည္ ဤသို႔ႏွင့္ အိုဟုိင္အိုးမွ ဝါရွင္တန္သို႔
ခရီးရွည္ခ်ီတတ္ၾကေတာ့၏။
ဤသို႔ႏွင့္… ကိုစီလမ္းစဥ္အတုိင္း ဥကၠလန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္လည္း အလုပ္လက္မဲ့တပ္ဗိုလ္…
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကယ္လီဦးေဆာင္သည့္ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့တပ္မေတာ္ႀကီးသည္လည္း
ဝါရွင္တန္သို႔ ခ်ီျပန္ေလ၏။
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးကယ္လီ၏ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့တပ္မေတာ္တြင္ ဂ်က္သည္
တပ္သားတေယာက္အျဖစ္ ဝင္၏။ ဝါရွင္တန္သို႔ခ်ီရာတြင္ လုိက္ပါခဲ့၏။ ဤသို႔ႏွင့္…
ဂ်က္သည္ အလုပ္သမားလႈပ္ရွားမႈႏွင့္စၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးအား စတင္လႈပ္ရွားခဲ့သည္ဟု
ဆုိရမည္။
အလုပ္သမားလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားအတြင္း ေျခခ်ပါဝင္ခဲ့ေသာ ဂ်က္သည္
တိက်မွန္ကန္သည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဝါဒႏွင့္ သေဘာတရားမ်ားကို ရွာေဖြေလ့လာခဲ့၏။
စိန္႔ဆိုင္မြန္၊ ေဘးရီးယား၊ ပ႐ိုဒြန္တို႔၏သေဘာတရားမ်ားကို အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ဖတ္၏။
မွတ္၏ ေတြးေတာ၏။ ‘ပဲရစ္ကြန္ႁဗြန္း’ အေရးေတာ္ပံုႀကီးႏွင့္ပတ္သတ္၍ ယ်ထာဘူတ
ပညာရွင္မ်ား၏ က်မ္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ရွာဖတ္၏။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအာဏာသိမ္းပိုက္ၿပီးပါမွ
အေရးနိမ့္သြားရေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးႀကီးကို မေက်မခ်မ္းျဖစ္ရ၏။ မခ်ိတင္ကဲျဖစ္ရ၏။
သခၤန္းစာလည္း ထုတ္မိ၏။
႐ုရွားမွ ‘ဘာကူနင္’ ၏ အနာကစ္ဝါဒသေဘာတရားႏွင့္ ၿဗိတိန္ရွိ ‘ေဖဘီယန္း’
ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ဝါဒတို႔ကိုမူ ဂ်က္က သေဘာမတူ …။
ကားလ္မက္ ႏွင့္ ပရဲဒရစ္အိန္ဂ်ယ္တုိ႔ ျပဳစုသည့္ ‘ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေၾကညာစာတမ္း’ ကိုမူ
ဂ်က္သည္ နွစ္ႏွစ္ကာကာ သေဘာက်၏။ စြဲစြဲႏွစ္ႏွစ္ ယံုၾကည္၏။
“ဆုိရွယ္လစ္ဝါဒီမ်ားအတြက္ ၎တုိ႔၏ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ႏွင့္သေဘာထားမ်ားကို
ဖံုးကြယ္ထားရန္ ဘာအေၾကာင္းမွ မရွိေခ်။ တည္ရွိဆဲျဖစ္ေသာ
လူမႈေရးစနစ္အေဆာက္အအံုႀကီး တရပ္လံုးကို အၾကမ္းဖက္ေသာ နည္းျဖင့္သာ
ေမွာက္လွန္ပယ္ရွားႏုိင္ေသာ ေျပာင္ေျပာင္တင္းတင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေၾကညာဝ့ံရမည္ျဖစ္၏။
ယင္း ေၾကညာခ်က္ျဖင့္ အုပ္စုိးသူလူတန္းစားတရပ္လံုး ေသြးပ်က္ေခ်ာက္ခ်ားသြားပါေစ၊
ေႏွာင္တည္းထားေသာ အေႏွာင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားမွလြဲ၍ အရင္းမဲ့မ်ားတြင္ ဆံုး႐ႈံးစရာ
အျခားဘာမွ်မရွိ၊ ကမၻာေျမတခုလံုးကို ေအာင္ႏုိင္စရာသာရွိ၏။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာမွ
အလုပ္သမားမ်ားမ်ား စည္းလံုးညီၫြတ္ျခင္း ရွိၾကေလာ့ … …”
ဤအပိုဒ္အား ဖတ္တုိင္း ဂ်က္သည္ ၾကက္သီးဖ်န္းဖ်န္းထသည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။
သေဘာတရားေရးအရ ေလ့လာသကဲ့သို႔ လက္ေတြ႔တြင္လည္း ဂ်က္သည္
လုပ္ေဆာင္သည္။
(ပဲြေတြ႔ႏွစ္ပဲ သံခ်ဳိ)
မိုးမခမီဒီယာႏွင့္ မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား၏
သက္ၾကီးစာေပပညာရွင္ ေဒၚမာမာေအးကို
ဖို႔၀ိန္းတြင္ ဂါရ၀ျပဳ
မိုးမခအေထာက္ေတာ္၊ ဖို႔၀ိန္း
မတ္ ၆၊ ၂၀၁၀
(ဓာတ္ပုံ - ခင္ေမာင္ေလး)
ေနရာ
ဓမၼပါလဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္း
1725 Elmira St, Aurora, CO, 80010
ျမင္းမူတိပိဋကဓရ ဆရာေတာ္
ဘဒၵႏၲဝံသပါလာလကၤာရ ႂကြေရာက္
အဖူးအေျမႇာ္ခံ တရားဘာဝနာမ်ား
ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ေတာ္မူမည္
Phone: 303-343-3691
ေန႔ႏွင့္အခ်ိန္
မတ္လ ၁၇ ရက္၊ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔ ညေန ၇ နာရီ မွ
မတ္လ ၂ဝ ရက္ စေနေန႔ ညေန ၅ နာရီ အထိ။
တရားပြဲမ်ား
စေနေန႔ နံက္ ၈းဝဝနာရီ စတင္မည့္တရားပြဲတပြဲ ႏွင့္
ေန႔လည္ ၁းဝဝနာရီမွ စတင္မည့္ တရားပြဲတပြဲ။
သုတဗုဒၶ မည္ရထင္ရွား ျမတ္ဘုရား ဝတ္တြား ပူေဇာ္ၾကပါကုန္
“ခ်စ္သားစုႏၵ၊ ပရိယတၱိဗဟုသုတ ႂကြယ္ဝေသာ ပိဋကသုံးပုံ ႏႈတ္ငုံေဆာင္ ရဟန္းသည္
သင္ခ်စ္သားတုိ႔၏ တပည့္ သာဝက မဟုတ္ ‘သုတဗုဒၶ’ ဘုရားမည္ပါေပ၏”
အထက္ပါ ဘုရားရွင္၏မိန္႔မွာေတာ္မူခ်က္အရ ပိဋကသုံးပုံ ႏႈတ္ငုံေဆာင္
သာသနာ့အာဇာနည္ ေရႊစင္တိပိဋကဓရ၊ တိပိဋကေကာဝိဒ၊ ဓမၼဘ႑ာဂါရိက
ဘဒၵႏၲဝံသပါလာလကၤာရ အရွင္သူျမတ္သည္ “သုတဗုဒၶ ဘုရားတဆူ” ျဖစ္ေတာ္မူ၏။
ဤအရွင္ျမတ္၏ ႏွလုံးအိမ္၌ ဓမၼကၡႏၶေပါင္း ရွစ္ေသာင္းေလးေထာင္တို႔
ကိန္းဝပ္စံပယ္ၾကသျဖင့္ အျမင့္ျမတ္ဆုံးေသာ တရားဘ႑ာတုိက္ႀကီးလည္း ျဖစ္ေတာ္မူ၏။
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ဤအရွင္ျမတ္အား လႉဒါန္းပူေဇာ္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ ရတနာသုံးပါးလုံးကုိ
တေပါင္းတည္း ပူေဇာ္ရာေရာက္ေပသည္။
“သုတဗုဒၶ ဘုရားတဆူ” ျဖစ္ေတာ္မူေသာ သာသနာ့အာဇာနည္ ဘဒၵႏၲဝံသပါလာလကၤာရ
အရွင္သူျမတ္ ႂကြေရာက္ အဖူးအေျမႇာ္ခံလ်က္ တရားဘာဝနာမ်ား ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ေတာ္မူမည့္-
ဖြားႏွစ္ေဒသ ရပ္မိဘ
သာသနာ့အာဇာနည္ ျဖစ္ေတာ္မူသည့္ ဘဒၵႏၲဝံသပါလာလကၤာရ ဆရာေတာ္
အရွင္ျမတ္သည္ စစ္ကုိင္းတုိင္း၊ ျမင္းမူၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ခြက္ခြင္းရြာ၌ ခမည္းေတာ္ ဦးေက်ာ္၊
မယ္ေတာ္ ေဒၚက်င္ၿမိဳင္တုိ႔မွ ၁၃၂၇ ခု တန္ေဆာင္မုန္းလဆန္း ၁ဝ ရက္၊ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔တြင္
ဖြားသန္႔စင္ေသာ သားျမတ္ရတနာျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သာသနာစဝင္ ရွင္ငယ္အသြင္
သာသနာနန္း ခုိဝင္လွမ္း
သာသနာ့အာဇာနည္ျဖစ္ေတာ္မူမည့္ ရွင္သာမေဏ ဝံသပါလာလကၤာရကုိ ၁၃၄၆ ခုႏွစ္
တေပါင္းလျပည့္ေန႔တြင္ မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕ မွန္ကင္း ပေဇၨာတာ႐ုံေက်ာင္းတုိက္၊ ခ႑သိမ္၌
မုံရြာၿမိဳ႕ သဒၶမၼပေဇၨာတာ႐ုံေက်ာင္းတုိက္ ပဓာနနာယက ဆရာေတာ္ အဂၢမဟာပ႑ိတ
ဘဒၵႏၲနာဂဝံသကုိ ဥပဇၩာယ္ျပဳ၍ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕ သူေဌးတန္းရပ္ ေက်ာင္းဒကာႀကီး ဦးဘုိမွီ၊
ေက်ာင္းအမႀကီး သုဓမၼသိဂႌ ေဒၚေရႊၫြန္႔ သား ကုိေဌးလြင္ တုိ႔၏ ပစၥယာႏုဂၢဟကုိ ခံယူကာ
ျမင့္ျမတ္ေသာ ရဟန္းအျဖစ္သုိ႔ ေရာက္ရွိခဲ့ပါသည္။
ေက်းဇူးႀကီးမား ဆရာမ်ား
ျမင္းမူၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ခြက္ခြင္းရြာ ေအာင္ေျမဘုမၼိဆရာေတာ္ ဘဒၵႏၲပဝရ၊ မုံရြာၿမိဳ႕
သဒၶမၼပေဇၨာတာ႐ုံေက်ာင္းတုိက္ ပဓာနနာယကဆရာေတာ္ အဂၢမဟာပ႑ိတ
ဘဒၵႏၲနာဂဝံသႏွင့္ ဂဏဝါစက ဆရာေတာ္မ်ား၊ ဆားလင္းႀကီးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ဝါးတန္းရြာ
သဒၶမၼေဗာဓိဆရာေတာ္ ဘဒၵႏၲဉာဏိႆရ၊ မႏၲေလး စစ္ကုိင္း ျမင္းမူ
ပေဇၨာတာ႐ုံေက်ာင္းတုိက္မွ နာယက ဆရာေတာ္မ်ား၊ ေက်းဇူးေတာ္ရွင္
မင္းကြန္းတိပိဋကဓရ ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး၊ မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕ ဗန္းေမာ္ေက်ာင္း
တုိက္ဆရာေတာ္ အဂၢမဟာပ႑ိတ ဘဒၵႏၲကုမာရာဘိဝံသ၊ ဆ႒တိပိဋကဓရ ဆရာေတာ္
ဘဒၵႏၲဝါယာမႏၵာဘိဝံသ စေသာ ဆရာေတာ္မ်ားထံ အာစရိယ မု႒ိ လက္ကုိင္မိေအာင္
က်က်နနသင္ယူခဲ႔ပါသည္။
ဘဲြ႔တံဆိပ္ထူးမ်ားစြာ ဆြတ္ခူးကာ
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 211
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ဆရာေတာ္သည္ ပညာပါရမီ ထူးကဲသာလြန္သည့္အေလ်ာက္ ေအာက္ပါ အဆင့္အျမင့္ဆုံး
ဘြဲ႔တံဆိပ္ေတာ္မ်ားကုိ ထူးခြ်န္စြာရရွိေတာ္မူခဲ႔ပါသည္။
၁။ ပရိယတၱိသာသနာ လကၤာရ သာမေဏေက်ာ္ (သာမေဏဘဝ ၁၈ ႏွစ္သားအရြယ္၌
ဆက္ကပ္ခံရေသာဘြဲ႔)
၂။ သာသနဓဇဓမၼာစရိယ (သာမေဏဘဝ ၁၈ ႏွစ္သားအရြယ္၌ ဆက္ကပ္ခံရေသာဘြဲ႔)
၃။ နိကာယုေဇၨတက ဓမၼဝိသာရဒ ဝိနယဓရ
၄။ နိကာယုေဇၨတက အတၳဝိသာရဒ ဒီဃဘာဏက
၅။ နိကာယုေဇၨတက ဓမၼတၳဝိသာရဒ မူလအာဘိဓမၼိက
၆။ နိကာယုေဇၨတက မူလ အဘိဓမၼ ဓမၼာစရိယ
၇။ ပရိယတၱိ သာသနဟိတဝိနယဓ
ဂ။ နိကာယဝုၯိဝိနယေကာဝိဒ
၉။ ဝိနည္းေရွ႕ပုိင္းအာဂုံ ဥဘေတာ ဝိဘဂၤဓရ - (၁၃၄၇)
၁ဝ။ ဝိနယဓရ - (၁၃၄၉)
၁၁။ ဝိနည္းေရွ႕ပုိင္း ေရးေျဖ ဥဘေတာဝိဘဂၤေကာဝိဒ (၁၃၅ဝ)
၁၂။ ဝိနယေကာဝိဒ - (၁၃၅၁)
၁၃။ ဝိသိ႒ဒီဃဘာဏက (ဂုဏ္ထူးျဖစ္ ထူးကဲစြာရရိွေသာဘြဲ႔) (၁၃၅၂)
၁၄။ ဒီဃနိကာယေကာဝိဒ - (၁၃၅၃)
၁၅။ အဘိဓမၼာေရွ႔ပုိင္း အာဂုံ မူလအာဘိဓမၼိက - (၁၃၅၄)
၁၆။ အဘိဓမၼာ ေရွ႕ပုိင္းေရးေျဖ မူလအဘိဓမၼ ေကာဝိဒ - (၁၃၅၇)
၁၇။ အဘိဓမၼာေနာက္ပုိင္း အာဂုံ အာဘိဓမၼိက - (၁၃၅၉)
၁၈။ အဘိဓမၼာေနာက္ပုိင္းေရးေျဖ အဘိဓမၼ ေကာဝိဒ - (၁၃၆၁)
၁၉။ တိပိဋကဓရ တိပိဋကေကာဝိဒဘြဲ႔ - (၁၃၆၁)
ရပ္ရြာအက်ဳိး သယ္ေဆာင္ပုိး
ဆရာေတာ္သည္ ကုသုိလ္ရွင္မ်ားပါဝင္လ်က္ ဇာတိေမြးရပ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ခြက္ခြင္းေက်းရြာ၌
အေျခခံပညာ အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္းႀကီးကုိ သိန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အကုန္အက်ခံကာ
တည္ေဆာက္လွဴဒါန္းခဲ့သည္။
သာသနာအတြက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္
ဆရာေတာ္ ဘဒၵႏၲဝံသပါလာလကၤာရသည္ မင္းကြန္းေတာင္႐ုိး မိုးမိတ္ ကုန္းေျမ
တိပိဋကနိကာယ ေက်ာင္းတုိက္ ၌ သီတင္းသုံးေတာ္မူလ်က္ မၾကာေသာကာလတြင္
မိုးႏူးပန္းအသြင္ လန္းရႊင္လာေတာ့မည့္ တိပိဋကဓရ အရွင္ျမတ္မ်ား
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 212
jynfolvlxktaygif;cHpm;ae&aom qif;&J'kuQrsdK;pHkrS vGwfajrmufatmif ppftm%m&Sifpepfudk t&ifOD;qHk;wdkufzsufjypf&rnf/
ေပၚထြန္းေစေရးတာဝန္၊ တိပိဋကဓရေလာင္းလ်ာ အရွင္ျမတ္မ်ား ပစၥည္းေလးပါး
ျပည့္စုံေစေရး တာဝန္၊ ဘာသာေရး အသင္းအဖြဲ႔မ်ားစြာတုိ႔၏ ၾသဝါဒါစရိယ တာဝန္၊
ဓမၼကထိက တာဝန္စေသာ မင္းကြန္း တိပိဋကဓရ ဆရာေတာ္ဘုရားႀကီး၏
သာသနာျပဳလုပ္ငန္းႀကီးမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ေဆာင္ရြက္လ်က္ရွိပါသည္။
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စစ္တပ္ထိုးစစ္ေၾကာင့္ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနသူေတြကို
ကေနဒါ ဆက္ကူညီသြားမည္
07 March 2010 http://www.voanews.com/burmese/2010-03-07-voa4.cfm
ဖင္လန္ႎိုင္ငံ ေရၿႛေဴပာင္းအေဴခခဵ
အမဵိႂးသမီးထူးခ႗န္ဆု ဴမန္မာရရႀိ
2010-03-06 RFA
ဴခံေဴမ ခၾဲစိတ္ေရာင္းခဵသူကို
ေဒၞေအာင္ဆန္းစုဳကည္ တရားစၾဲမည္
2010-03-06 RFA
တရုတ္နယ္စပ္ သစ္ခိုးထုတ္မႁ
ဴပန္လည္႒ကီးထၾားလာ
2010-03-07 RFA
မိုးမခမီဒီယာနဲႛ ဴမန္မာမိတ္ေဆၾမဵား
ေဒၞမာမာေအးကို ဂၝရ၀ဴပႂ
2010-03-07 RFA
http://photayokeking.net/Articlesmm/fiber-optic-cable-3.html
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လုပ္ၾကံမႈ
http://photayokeking.net/Articlesmm/2009-08-02-07-15-15.html
စာဖတ္ပရိတ္သတ္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
ျပည္ေထာင္စုႏွင့္ သန္းေရႊ
ေဆာင္းပါးရွင္ - ဆရာ ဂါမဏိ
ေခတ္မွီဖြံ႔ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္ပါတဲ့ ဒို႔တပ္မေတာ္
စာဖတ္သူမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား
မယံုမရွိနဲ႔ အမွန္ပါဘဲကြဲ႔
ေပးပို႔သူ - ေျမၾသဇာအဖဲြ႔
http://photayokeking.net/Articlesmm/tatmataw.html
ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ နယ္ေျမအတြင္းရွိ တပ္မေတာ္သားေတြဟာ စား၀တ္ေနေရးကို
ခက္ခဲစြာ ရုန္းကန္ေနၾကရၿပီး သက္ဆိုင္ရာ အရာရွိမ်ားထံ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္တင္ျပကာ “ဗိုက္”
ျပႆနာအား ႀကဳံသလို ေျဖရွင္းေနၾကရပါတယ္။ မဂၤလာဒုံတပ္နယ္ ပင္မယာဥ္
သိုေလွာင္ေရးတပ္ (ပယန) ကို ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီး အဆင့္က အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ၿပီး FAW ကဲ့သို႔ ယာဥ္ႀကီး
မ်ား၊ ယာဥ္လတ္၊ ယာဥ္ငယ္ မ်ိဳးစုံအား ထားရွိရာ တပ္ႀကီး အဆင့္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ
တပ္ပိုင္ယာဥ္ေတြဟာ လုပ္ငန္းသုံး ပင္မေထာက္ပ႔ံပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး တပ္ရင္း (ပထပ)၊ ေရွ႔
တန္း အေျခခ် ေထာက္ပံ့နဲ႔ ပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး တပ္ရင္း (ရထပ) ၊ ေထာက္ပံ့နဲ႔ ပို႔ေဆာင္ေရး
တပ္ရင္း (ထပရ) တပ္မ်ားရွိ ယာဥ္ေတြနဲ႔ မတူပဲ ကလပ္ (ယာဥ္အဆင့္အတန္း) (၁/၂)
ရွိေသာ ကားသစ္မ်ားကိုသာ ထားရွိသလို စစ္တပ္က အသံုးမလိုေတာ့တဲ့ ေလလံတင္မဲ့
ယာဥ္အေဟာင္းမ်ားကိုလည္း ထားရွိၾကပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ ကားသစ္မ်ားကို လူထုအုံၾကြမႈ
အေရးေတာ္ပုံႀကီးကို ႏွိမ္ႏွင္းရန္နဲ႔ အေရးေပၚကိစၥ မ်ားမွာ သုံးဖို႔ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းသိရပါတယ္။
ယာဥ္အေဟာင္းမ်ားကိုေတာ့ ေလလံတင္ရာမွာ ဘုရင့္ေနာင္၊ ဗိုလ္တစ္ေထာင္နဲ႔
စမ္းေခ်ာင္းက ကုလားၾကက္တန္းရွိ ကုလားမ်ားနဲ႔ လက္၀ါးခ်င္းရိုက္ကာ စားေပါက္ “ဂြင္”
ရိုက္ၾကေၾကာင္း သိရွိရ ပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ မဲသေ၀ါက် နီဆန္းပက္ထရိုကားမ်ားကို
ကုလားမ်ားက သက္ဆိုင္ရာ အဆင့္ဆင့္နဲ႔ ဂြင္ရိုက္ကာ ေလလံဆဲြၿပီးသကာလ ျပန္ရိႈင္းျပီး
ခန္႔ခန္႔ႀကီး စီးေနၾကတာ ကိုလည္း ေတြ႔ရိွရပါတယ္။ လိုင္းေၾကးအေပၚ မူတည္ၿပီး ပစၥည္းစုံ
ပါ/မပါ ၊ တာယာပန္း ရွိ/မရွိ၊ ခ်ိတ္ဆက္ကာ ဆီဒင္ကား၊ ေဗါက္စ္၀က္ဂြန္ကား၊
ဂ်စ္ကားမ်ားပါမက်န္ေအာင္ ေလလံပစ္ျပီး စီးပြါးရွာစား ေနၾကရပါတယ္။ဒါ့အျပင္ ပယနမွ
ရဲေဘာ္ေတြဟာ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ အရာရွိ/အရာခံေတြထံ တိတ္ တဆိတ္ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ညွိႏႈိင္းၿပီး
ျပင္ပသို႔ အလုပ္ ထြက္လုပ္ၾကရပါတယ္။ တပ္ပိုင္ ေရလွည္း မ်ားအား တစ္ရက္လွ်င္ က်ပ္
၅၀၀ ႏႈန္း ေပးသြင္း၍ ျပင္ပမွာ ေရေရာင္းၾက ရပါတယ္။ တပ္ၾကပ္ႀကီး တစ္ဦးဆိုရင္ ပယန
တပ္ရဲ႕ အရာရွိ ဗိုလ္မွဴးတစ္ဦးပိုင္ စူပါရုဗ္ ဗင္ကားကို ျပင္ပမွာ အဌားလိုက္ဆဲြေပးျပီး
တစ္ရက္လွ်င္ က်ပ္ (၇၀၀) ေက်ာ္ႏႈန္းနဲ႔ တစ္လကို က်ပ္ ၂၀၀၀၀ ေပးသြင္းရပါတယ္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စုနဲ႔ ဘုံရန္သူ
Saturday, 06 December 2008 00:00
http://photayokeking.net/Articlesmm/general-than-shwe-and-his-special-co
စာဖတ္ ပရိသတ္မ်ားခင္ဗ်ား - ယေန႔ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြဟာ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ လံုၿခံဳေရးကို
ေၾကာက္ရြံ႔ၾကတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ရန္သူေတြထက္ မိမိ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ေနာက္ေက်ာ ဓားနဲ႔
ထုိးခံရမွာကို ပုိမိုျပီးေသမေလာက္ ေၾကာက္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္သားခ်င္း
တူရင္ေတာင္ တုိင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔ စစ္ရံုးတုိ႔က စစ္သည္မ်ားကို အတြင္းစည္းထိ ကပ္ခြင့္
ေပးေပမဲ့ အနီးကပ္ကိုေတာ့ မရရွိေသးတာမုိ႔ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊက ယံုၾကည္မႈ
နည္းေနေသးေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွား ေနပါတယ္။ ဗုိလ္သန္းေရႊဟာ ဗုိလ္ေန၀င္းလို သနက
vrf;jyMu,fjrefrmpmMunfYwdkuf ( pifumyl ) vufa&G;pifaqmif;yg;rsm; twGJ 141 248
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(၄)ကဲ့သို႔ အနီးကပ္ တပ္မ်ိဳး မထားေပမဲ့ စိတ္ႀကိဳက္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ ေလ့က်င့္ထားတဲ့
ကိုယ္ရံေတာ္ ခါးပိုက္ေဆာင္ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ ထားရွိေၾကာင္းကို သင္တန္းေတြမွာ ထူးခြ်န္စြာ
ဆင္းလာခဲ့တဲ့ ပင္တုိင္ ေဆာင္းပါးရွင္ ရုရွားျပန္ တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိ Lt.Comet က
ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ကိုဖိုးတရုတ္ထံ ေရးသား ေပးပို႔လာပါတယ္။ ယခုလို ေဆာင္းပါး ေပးပို႔လာတဲ့
Lt.Comet အား ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ကုိဖိုးတရုတ္မွ အထူး ေက်းဇူးတင္
ရွိပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ား။ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ နအဖေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊတို႔ရဲ့
ကုိယ္ရံေတာ္တပ္ဖြဲ႔ျဖစ္ေသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္ ႏွိမ္နင္းေရး လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္အဖြဲ႔
ေပၚေပါက္လာပံုဟာ ဗိုလ္ခင္ညႊန္႔ကေန စရမယ္လို႔ ေျပာရပါမယ္။ န၀တ စဖြဲ႔ခါစမွာ
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း အၾကမ္းဖက္ခံရမႈျဖစ္စဥ္ တစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပြားလာရာ တပ္မေတာ္
ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး ေစာေမာင္က ဖြဲ႔စည္းဖုိ႔ အမိန္႔ေပး လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီအခါ ဗိုလ္ခင္ညႊန္႔ဟာ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး အကူ(၁) မွ ဗိုလ္မွဴးသူရ တင့္ေရႊအား
ဦးစီးခိုင္းကာ ရဲမြန္တပ္ၿမိဳ႔မွာ အေျချပဳၿပီး ပထမဦးဆံုး အၾကမ္းဖက္ ႏွိမ္နင္းေရး တပ္ဖြဲ႔ကို
စတင္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ားကို က်ည္ကာ အကၤ်ီမ်ား ၀တ္ဆင္ေစၿပီး
ဆက္သြယ္ေရး အိုင္ကြန္စက္မ်ား၊ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ စကားေျပာစက္မ်ား ကိုင္ေဆာင္ ေစကာ
အေသခံ ကြန္မန္ဒို တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား သဖြယ္ လႈပ္ရွားေဆာင္ရြက္ ေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။
aemufqufwGJ
Appendix
ရက္စြဲ။ ။ ၆.၃.၂၀၁၀ ။
ကမၻာ့Aမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားေန႔ Aထိမ္းAမွတ္ Aခမ္းAနားကို ၇.၃.၂၀၁၀ (တနဂၤေႏြေန႔) ဖင္လန္ႏုိင္ငံ စံေတာ္ခ်ိန္ ေန႔လည္ ၂ နာရီ မွ ၄ နာရီAထိ
ဖင္လန္ႏုိင္ငံ၊ ကူAိုပီAိုျမိဳ ႔၊ Old Kuopio Museum ခန္းမတြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Mrs Jaana Marjanen သည္ Kuopio Puijo ခရစ္ယာန္Aသင္းေတာ္၏ သင္းAုပ္ဆရာမ ျဖစ္ျပီး၊ ဘာသာေရးဆိုင္ရာ မဟာဘြ႔ဲကို
ဟယ္လ္ဆင္ကီးတကၠသိုလ္မွ ရရွိခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၈၃ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဆီြဒင္ႏိုင္ငံ၌ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘုန္းၾကီးAျဖစ္ ခန္႔Aပ္ခံခ့ရ
ဲ ျပီး၊ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္
ဖင္လန္ႏုိင္ငံသို႔ ျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရွိလာခဲ့သည္။ ၂၀၀၃ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ Kuopio Puijo ခရစ္ယာန္Aသင္းေတာ္ ၏ ပထမဆံုး Aမ်ဳိးသမီး
သင္းAုပ္ဆရာမ Aျဖစ္ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံခဲ့ရသည္။
မေမမ်ဳိးသြင္သည္ သကၠရာဇ္ ၂၀၀၀ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလတြင္ ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံ မနီလိဳြ င္ စခန္းမွေန၍ ဖင္လန္ႏုိင္ငံသို႔ ဒုကၡသည္Aျဖစ္ လာေရာက္
ေနထုိင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၂၀၀၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဖင္လန္ႏုိင္ငံ
Kuopio Business College မွ Information Technology Service ဒီဂရီ
ရရွိခ့ဲသည္။ လက္ရွိကာလတြင္ Savonia University of Applied Sciences ၌ Bachelor of Engineering in
Information Technology ၊ (IT) ဘာသာရပ္ကို သင္ၾကားေနသည့္ ေနာက္ဆံုးႏွစ္ Aင္ဂ်င္နီယာ ေက်ာင္းသူတေယာက္ျဖစ္သည္။
Aထက္ပါသတင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ Aေသးစိတ္ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းလိုပါက
၂၀၁၀ ေအာ္စကာဆုေပးပြမ
ဲ တိုင္ခင္၊ အေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ႕တကၠသိုလ္ေတြမွာ Burma VJ ရုပ္ရွင္မွတ္တမ္း” ကိုၿပၿပီး ဗမာၿပည္အေႀကာင္းကို
ေဆြးေႏြးေနၿဖစ္ႀကတယ္။ ၂၀၀၇ ေရႊဝါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး မွာ အဓိကပါဝင္ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ႀကၿပီး၊ အေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စုမွာေရာက္ရိွေနႀကတဲ့၊
ဦးပညာေဇာတ၊ ဦးအဂၢ၊ ဦးေဃာသိတ စတဲ့--ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္ေတြကို တကၠသိုလ္ေတြက ဖိတ္ႀကားေဟာေၿပာခိုင္းတယ္။
အေနာက္ဘက္ေဒသက တကၠသိုလ္ေတြမွာေဟာေၿပာေနတုန္း၊ နယူးေယာက္အထက္ပိုင္းေဒသ က တကၠသို္လ္ေတြက ဖိတ္ႀကားတာေႀကာင့္
မတ္လ (၄) ရက္ေန႔မွာ သူတို႔တေတြ နယူးေယာက္အထက္ပိုင္းေဒသ ရိုခ်က္စတာၿမိဳ႕ဆီကိုေရာက္လာခဲ့ႀကတယ္။ ဒီၿမိဳ႕က တကၠသိုလ္ေတြမွာ
ထူးၿခားမႈတခုရိွတယ္။ တကၠသိုလ္အတြင္းမွာ တည္ရိွတ့ဲ ေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္းေတြဆီမွာဦးေဆာင္လုပ္ကိုင္ေနသူေတြဟာ တခ်ိန္တုန္းက
အာဖရိကန္ေတြအတြက္တန္းတူေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ ( Civil Rights Movement) ကိုဦးေဆာင္ပါဝင္ခဲ့သူေတြၿဖစ္သလို၊
အထင္ကရႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ သူတို႔ရဲ႕သားသမီးေတြ၊ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ သတင္းသမားေတြလည္းရိွေနႀကတယ္။
ဂါဇာကမ္းေၿမာင္ က ပါလက္စတိုင္းနယ္ေၿမေတြကို အစၥေရးေလတပ္က ဗံုးႀကဲတိုက္ခိုက္ေနတုန္းကဆိုရင္ စာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြကို ေက်ာင္းသားေတြက
သိမ္းပိုက္လိုက္ၿပီး အစၥေရးရဲ႕တိုက္ခိုက္မႈေတြရပ္တန္႔ေစဖို႔ ဆႏၵၿပပြဲေတြက်င္းပခဲ့တ့ဲ တကၠသိုလ္ေတြၿဖစ္တယ္။ ( ၿဗိတိန္တကၠသိုလ္ေတြမွာ
ၿပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တ့ဲေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ႕လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို သတင္းမီဒီယာေတြမွာေဖၚၿပခဲ့ေပမဲ့ အေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စုမွာ ၿပဳလုပ္တဲ့ဒီလိုပြဲမ်ိဳးေတြကိုေတာ့
သတင္းေတြထဲမွာသိတ္မေတြ႔ရဘူး)။ ရိုခ်က္စတာ တကၠသို္လ္ထဲမွာ ရိွတဲ့ ဂႏၵီ အႀကမ္းမဖက္တကၠသိုလ္မွာဆိုရင္ အစၥေရးရဲ႕လုပ္ရပ္ကို
ႏုိင္ငံတကာကိုတင္သြင္းရမဲ့ရာဇဝတ္မႈအၿဖစ္စပ
ြ ္စဲြရႈတ္ခ်ခဲ့တာေႀကာင့္ ေက်ာင္းအာဏာပိုင္တခ်ိဳ႕နဲ႔ ဂႏၵီတကၠသိုလ္မွာဦးေဆာင္ေနသူ၊
ပါေမာကၡေတြႀကားၿပႆနာေတြတက္ခ့တ
ဲ ယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ပါေမာကၡေတြကိုထုတ္ပစ္ဖို႔အထိ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြကႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ႀကတယ္လို႔ဆိုတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့
ပါေမာကၡေတြက သူတို႔ရဲ႕လြတ္လပ္စာြ ထုတ္ေဖၚေၿပာဆိုခြင့္ေတြကိုကိုင္စြဲၿပီး သူတို႔ယံုႀကည္ရာကိုလုပ္ေလ့ရိွတယ္။
ေၿဖ--ဦးဇင္းတို႔ကေတာ့ ဗုဒၶရဲ႕သားေတာ္ေတြၿဖစ္တ့အ
ဲ တြက္ တခ်ိန္မွာ အႀကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြကို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းမႈကအႏိုင္ရသြားေစရမယ္လို႔ယံုႀကည္တယ္။
တခ်ိန္ခ်ိန္မွာ-မေကာင္းဆံုးဝါးေတြ အဆံုးသတ္သာြ းမွာအေသအခ်ာပါ။ ႏိုင္ထက္စီးနင္း ဖိႏွိပ္ေစာ္ကားမႈေတြ ကိုခုခံဖို႔အတြက္ လက္နက္ကိုင္
ဆင္ႏြဲေနတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားအဖြ႔အ
ဲ စည္းေတြ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြလည္း နယ္စပ္မ်ဥ္းတေလ်ာက္မွာရိွပါတယ္။
ရွစ္ေလးလံုးအေရးေတာ္ပံုအၿပီးတုန္းကဆိုရင္ ေက်ာင္းသားေတြေထာင္ခ်ီၿပီးေတာခိုႀကတယ္။ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲကိုဆင္ႏြဲခဲ့ႀကတယ္။
တခ်ိဳ႕ဆိုၿမိဳ႕ေပၚကိုၿပန္လည္ေရာက္ရွိသာြ းၿပီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကိုလုပ္ႀကံသတ္ၿဖတ္ဖို႔အထိႀကိဳးစားခ့ဲႀကတယ္။ဒါေပမဲ့ အႀကမ္းဖက္ကို
အႀကမ္းဖက္မႈနဲ႔ၿပန္လည္ဆင္ႏတ
ဲြ ယ္ဆိုတာ လြယ္ကူတ့အ
ဲ ရာေတာ့မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဥပမာ-လုပ္ႀကံမႈေတြလုပ္ခါနီးမွ လက္နက္ေတြ
ေရာက္မလာတာမ်ိဳး၊ သတင္းေပါက္ၿပီးဖမ္းဆီးခံတယ္။ ေသဒဏ္ေတြခ်မွတ္ခံခဲ့ရတယ္။ စစ္ေအးတိုက္ပြဲအၿပီးကာလဟာ---
လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအင္အားစုေတြကို အႀကပ္အတည္းက်ေရာက္သြားေစတယ္။ လက္နက္ဘယ္လိုရွာမလဲ၊ ဘယ္သူကလက္နက္ေပးမွာလဲ
ဆိုတဲ့ေမးခြန္းကိုေသေသခ်ာခ်ာေမးေနရတယ္။ ေနာက္-နယ္ေၿမပို္င္ဆိုင္မႈအေနအထား၊ ႏိုင္ငံအားလံုးဟာ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးစီးပြားကိုသာ
အဓိကစဥ္းစားေနႀကတဲ့အတြက္ နယ္ေၿမထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈၿပႆနာေတြကလည္း အဓိကအေႀကာင္းအရာတခုအၿဖစ္စဥ္းစားေနရတယ္။
က်ေနာ္တို႔အေနနဲ႔ ေတာင္အာဖရိကမွာလႈပ္ရွားခဲ့သလို၊ မင္ဒလ
ဲ ားန႔ဲေအအန္စီ၊ ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးနဲ႔ယူဒီအက္--စတဲ့လႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကို
အားက်ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ခုနေၿပာသလိုပါပဲ စစ္ေအးတိုက္ပဲြအၿပီးမွာ ၿပႆနာေတြ၊ အႀကပ္အတည္းေတြကအမ်ားႀကီးပဲမို႔လား။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို ေရာက္တ့ေ
ဲ နရာတိုင္းမွာ ေၿပာၿပေနခဲ့သလို၊ ႏို္င္ငံတကာကလူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြဆီက ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့၊
စိတ္ဓါတ္တက္ႀကြေစမဲ့အရာမွန္သမွ်ကိုလည္းေလ့လာပါတယ္။ လူထုလႈပ္ရွားမႈေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔လည္း ေတြ႔ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဘာပဲၿဖစ္ၿဖစ္ ေရရွည္မွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔တေတြ၊ အႀကမ္းဖက္မႈကိုက်ဴးလြန္ေနတဲ့စစ္အစိုးရကိုအႏိုင္ရမွာအမွန္ပါ။
ေၿဖ--အဲ့သလိုသာလုပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ စစ္ေအးတိုက္ပတ
ြဲ ုန္းက အာဏာရွင္ေတြကိုေထာက္ခံေပးမႈေႀကာင့္နာမည္ပ်က္ခဲ့တဲ့၊ မွားယြင္းခဲ့တဲ့မူ ကို
ၿပန္ကိုင္သလိုမ်ိဳးၿဖစ္သာြ းလိမ့္မယ္လို႔က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္။ ဒါေႀကာင့္မလုပ္ေစခ်င္ဘူး။ သတိေပးခ်င္ပါတယ္။
စစ္ေအးတိုက္ပြဲတုန္းက ၿပည္သူလူထုကိုရက္ရက္စက္စက္ႏွိပ္ကြပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ နာမည္ဆိုးနဲ႔ေက်ာ္ႀကားခဲ့တဲ့အာဏာရွင္ေတြကိုႀကည့္ဗ်ာ။
ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက အေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ႕အေကာင္းဆံုးစာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြမွာပညာသင္ဘြဲ႔ရသြားခဲ့ႀကသူေတြမဟုတ္လား။
သူတို႔တေတြ အေမရိကန္ဒီမိုကေရစီကိုမသိတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ သိၿပီး မက်င့္သံုးရဲတာဗ်။ အေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စုကလူခ်မ္းသာေတြလို
စည္းဇိမ္ခံဖို႔ေလာက္သာ သူတို႔လိုသင္ယူခ်င္တာမို႔လား။ ဒါေႀကာင့္လည္း သူတို႔အသိုင္းအဝုိင္းတခုလံုးကိုႀကည့္လိုက္ပါ။
ၿပည္သူေတြကသာ စားစရာမရွိငတ္ၿပတ္ေနတာ။ စစ္တပ္ထိပ္ပိုင္းအသိုင္းအဝိုင္းဟာ ထားစရာမရွိေလာက္ေအာင္ခ်မ္းသာေနႀကတယ္။
က်ေနာ့္အထင္ေတာ့ သူတို႔ကိုအေမရိကန္ၿပည္ေထာင္စုက တကၠသိုလ္ေတြမွာ ေခၚၿပီးပညာသင္ေပးလည္း သူတို႔အေနနဲ႔အေမရိကန္ဒီမိုကေရစီ
ေတာ့သင္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ စည္းဇိ္မ္ေတြကိုကာကြယ္မ့အ
ဲ ဆင့္ၿမင့္ခံတပ္ကိုဘယ္လိုေဆာက္ရမလဲဆိုတာကိုပဲတတ္သြားလိမ့္မယ္။
မားကို႔စ္၊ ပီႏီုေခ်းနဲ႔ လက္တင္အေမရိကား က ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြရဲ႕လုပ္ရပ္ကိုသမိုင္းမွာအထင္အရွားေတြ႔ရမယ္ေလ။
ဗမာစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အသိုင္းအဝိုင္းေတြကိုေခၚၿပီးပညာသင္ေပးရမယ္ ဆိုတ့ဲ စိတ္ကူးကိုဖ်က္ပစ္လိုက္ပါဗ်ာ။ နာမည္ပ်က္တာပဲအဖတ္တင္သြားလိမ့္မယ္
ေအာင္မိုးဝင္း