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The
Catholic
Historical
Review
Vol. LXVII
1981 No. 1
JANUARY,
comments
about
legiance.1
in the University
Twin Cities.
is a professor
of history
of Minnesota,
en de Reformatie
Cornells
Erasmus
1962);
(Amsterdam,
Augustijn,
zur R?mischen
Kirche
Die Stellung
des Erasmus
1966);
Georg Gebhardt,
(Freiburg,
and Roland
Erasmus
1969).
(New York,
Bainton,
of Christendom
1
See
Tracy
especially
of the controversy.2
discussion
In the Froben Hieronymi
remarks in his
Opera of 1516, Erasmus
or preface to the "Dialogue against the Luciferians"
that
argumentum
is
in his polemical writings,
Jerome,
though usually quite vitriolic
even to the point of being
temperate on this occasion,
commendably
"less unfair" (minus iniquus) to the Arians. Erasmus himself seems to
have adopted Jerome's attitude: "the error of the Arians was more
[seil.,
truly a faction or a schism than a heresy, since the adversaries
the Arians] were virtually equal in number, and superior in learning"
in the classics
(Jerome had said the Arian bishops were well-versed
and drew their arguments
from Aristotle's
recog
logic).3 Erasmus
nized that the word haeresis
(unlike schisma) connoted
following a
definite belief or school of thought, but he stressed (with Origen) that
the 'intractable contumacy' of preferring one's own opinion to that of
the Church at large was more to be condemned
than the mere fact of
at times half the
error.4 Thus a party which
comprised
world or more could not be guilty of that prideful rebellion
the real sin of heresy consisted.
to the 1516 New Testament,
to which Erasmus
turned
notes
The
a
on
instances
of
number
Jerome, mention
immediately after his work
doctrinal
Christian
in which
Vol.
cum Luciferiano,"
Orthodoxi
23, cols.
Latina,
Patrolog?a
Migne,
"Dialogus
it
171-191. On the Synod of Rimini,
and the Fourth or 'Dated' Creed of Sirmium which
see Henry Melvill
Studies
1900),
(2d ed.; Cambridge,
Gwatkin,
of Arianism
adopted,
132-170.
3
1516), Vol. 3: f. 61-66. On the Arians as learned:
(Basel: Froben,
Hieronymi
Opera
Beddae
in Errores Natalis
he.
(published
cit., col. 174. In his Supputations
Migne,
ver
writes:
"Alicubi scribo: 'Arrianorum
error, factio schismaque
early 1527) Erasmus
pp.
doc
numero
eloquentia
prope pares erant,
haeresis,
quod adversarii
"
ed. J. Leclercq
Batavorum,
[Lugduni
(f)es. Erasmi
Opera,
superiores'
occurs after a citation
cited as LB). The passage
Vol.
9: 717D; hereafter
1702-1706],
a
from the scholia to
before
of
and
citation
to
the
from his preface
(1523)
Hilary,
Opera
it comes.
but I have not thus far been able to find whence
Jerome's
'Dialogue,'
4
of haeresis,
LB IX, 239C, 346F; Letter
For Erasmus'
views on the meaning
1232,
D. Erasmi
lines 22-30, in P. S. Allen, Opus Epistolarum
1906-1958;
(12 vols.; Oxford,
ius erat
quam
trinaque
in Epistolam
ad Romanos,
cited as Allen),
IV, 573. Cf. Origen, Cowmentaria
[Paris,
18621), p. 884. Short
2:8, ed. Charles Vincent Delarue
(Patrolog?a Graeca, XIV
und Kirche,
sketches of the history of the term may be found in Lexikon fur Theologie
13-15.
in Geschichte
und Gegenwart,
HI,
V, 6-8, and Die Religion
hereafter
BY JAMESD. TRACY
in which,
Greek
hence
On
his remarks
defends
2:6, LB IX, 205-207,
270BE,
286B, Erasmus
Philippians
1516 NT
the criticisms
of Edward
(his
Lee; see also LB VI, 867-868
against
on this passage
as taken by Leclercq
comments
from the final NT
edition of 1535).
6
LB IX, 231B.
7
LB IX, 183A-189A
of any single topic in Erasmus' Respon
(the longest treatment
siones ad Annotationes
Ed. Lei);
cf. LB VI,
at this point followed
375B. Erasmus
in the
Lorenzo
Valla's
by Erasmus
criticism
himself
of Augustine:
in Novum
Adnotationes
Testamentum
in X. Vallae Opera
1:842.
1962), Vol.
(Turin,
in 1505),
(edited
ERASMUS
AND THEARIANS
of Divinity."8
between the
ginning (principium)
Certainly differences
two parties were not serious enough to warrant
tearing apart the
In a note to the word char akter in He
harmony among Christians.
brews 1, Erasmus
is reminded of hypostaseos,
in turn calls to
which
in my opinion,
mind homoousion:
"a matter
to have
unworthy,
caused East and West to fall into pitiless war against each other, and
shamefully to disrupt the peace of the world."9
It lies beyond the scope of this paper to discuss Erasmus'
theology
save to express agreement with John Payne's
of Christ,
conclusion
was mildly
that his Christology
subordinationist,
though definitely
not Arian.10 More
to the point here is the striking novelty of his at
or even sympathetic
account of the Arian
tempt at a dispassionate
of
view.
To
the
orthodox
Fathers
in their partisan zeal
point
him,
were not above
the
of
'twisting'
meaning
Scripture.11 The Arians
were more learned than the orthodox, and sometimes equally numer
of Scripture
could be equally plausible,12
ous; their interpretations
and their root religious concern was at least possibly of such a kind as
might now be accepted by orthodox theologians. One might wonder,
viewed
the ultimate victory of the or
then, in what
light Erasmus
thodox party at the Council
of Constantinople
in 381, where
the
was restored to the creed once and for all. His conserva
homoousion
tive critics were not slow to ask the same question.
Lee, a young English theologian who circulated criticisms
New Testament
in 1517 and finally pub
annotations
lished them a few years later, called him to task at every point where
he questioned
of a supposed proof text against
the meaning
the
Arians. In his Responsiones
ad Annotationes
Ed. Lei (1520), Erasmus
in one place turns the tables on Lee, his orthodox critic, and chides
Edward
of Erasmus'
LB
IX, 252E-253E.
LB IX, 271C-F.
10
John Payne, The Theology
of Erasmus
(Richmond,
11
LB VI, 868 (note to Philippians
2:6 as taken from
1971), pp.
1535 NT);
56-59.
Arriani,
non video
posse
doceri,
nisi
ratiocinatione."
BY JAMES D.
TltACY
him for failing to realize how far from orthodoxy Arius' teaching was.
Where Erasmus
had said Arians denied the divinity of Christ, Lee
in reply correctly noted
retorted that they did cadi him 'God.' Erasmus
the distinction
the terms magnus Deus and verus Deus,
between
the
latter of which Arians reserved for God the Father alone.13 But then
in effect lays the ground for his own defense by suggesting
Erasmus
that there were probably different kinds of Arians,
just as there were
different
since the term
schools of Stoics or Academics.
Moreover,
off
from
the
union of the
oneself
'heresy' means deliberately
cutting
the Arian movement,
which at certain times and places out
Church,
can hardly be called heresy.14 As to doc
numbered
its opponents,
trine, it is true that Arians spoke of Christ as a creatura of the Father;
'to be born of
but, Erasmus
asks, what if by this term they meant
some
manner
to
to be
have
from
in
one's
and
another,
another,
being
to Jerome's
made?'15 In the same context he directs Lee's attention
account of the Synod of Rimini,
in order to show that (as he had said
was
to have
at Hebrews
homoousion
indeed "unworthy"
the
1),
a schism. Quoting
if somewhat
from Jerome,
apparently
was very
he
the
Rimini
so-called
'Arian'
creed
of
that
loosely,
suggests
close to orthodox teaching on the three Persons of the Trinity:
"The
to confess, and indeed did confess, that 'the Son
Arians were willing
of God is begotten of God,
like unto the Father,
and of the same
caused
the parties,
homoousion
tend with
or attack
13LB
14
On
15
LB
16
LB
op. cit.,
272B-273B;
357-368.
LB LX,
cf. Jerome's
239C,
Dialogus,
346F; Allen,
ed. Migne,
col.
V,
466.
179-180,
and Gwatkin,
AND THEARIANS
ERASMUS
IX,
309D-311C.
IX,
IX.
310B,
353C;
see below,
notes
32, 33.
190.
1118E; Allen, VI,
20
critical of Hilary
184; Allen notes that the passage
Allen, VI,176,
realized
the 1530 edition of this letter, meaning
that by then Erasmus
21
LB IX, 717E, "Nunc haeresis
est, quia nulli sunt Ariani."
22 LB
IX, 717DF.
769EF,
is deleted
his error.
from
BY JAMES D. TRACY
heresy?that
is, a wilful rupture of the concord of the Church?after
the final victory of the orthodox party at Constantinople.
But even
to
Erasmus
himself
twelve
allows
wonder
centuries
now, nearly
later,
whether
the Church might not have been better served by retaining
rather than by restoring
and irenic formula of Rimini,
and divisive
the unambiguous
homoousion.
Hence,
its
though it be heresy to break away from the consensus Ecclesiae,
content is still in some way open to question. One is reminded of
on other issues. He would have preferred St.
Erasmus' ambivalence
on
the rebaptism of heretics, but he accepts the
Cyprian's
teaching
Church's judgment against it.23 In 1526 he would have preferred the
but
Eucharistie
doctrine of the Protestant Reformer Oecolampadius,
the Real Presence because it is the consensus
feels bound to maintain
the point, he writes at this time to a
As if to emphasize
Ecclesiae.24
the ambiguous
to the creed
the authority of
"How much
Pirckheimer:
friend, Willibald
to others I know not; for me it is of sufficient
the Church means
had the
worth that I could agree with the Arians and the Pelagians
is to
Church approved what they taught."25 The consensus Ecclesiae
it seems, not because Erasmus
is necessarily
convinced of
be upheld,
its intrinsic truth, but because to rend the seamless garment of Chris
tian unity is a great sin, indeed the sin of heresy. As Richard Popkin
trusted
the Catholic
here anticipates
fideists of the
has observed,
Erasmus
later sixteenth century, who doubted
that men could ever agree on
the basis of Scripture or of human reason, and so looked to ecclesias
tical authority as the only bulwark against the chaos of private opin
ion. Religious
truth is thus the daughter of time, not in the sense that
there exists for Erasmus a transcendent dogmatic truth which must in
time become manifest
to the world, but rather in the sense that what
emerges with time as the consensus
as truth by God-fearing men.26
23
24
LB
IX,
Ecclesiae
deserves
to be accepted
483DF.
25
Augustijn,
Oorlog,"
Bijdragen
VII [1936],
155-171)
7:30 in the 1519 New
perhaps
distinguish
on which
Erasmus
like divorce
matters,
of schism.
voor
en Oudheidkune,
7e
Vaderlandsche
Geschiendenis
in his advocacy
of divorce
(see his ten-page note at 1
one
of heresy,
In light of Erasmus'
notion
Testament).
are at issue between
matters
which
between
contending
and
to respect
the consensus
felt bound
or the just war doctrine,
on which dissent
Ecclesiae,
carried no
and
other
implication
AND THEARIANS
ERASMUS
merely
wished
Athanasius
betray a certain coolness, but his preface to the transla
for the great defender of the homoousion.29
tions is full of admiration
notes is directly
influence in the 1527 New Testament
Athanasian
traceable at John 1:3, where Erasmus now includes, for the first time,
an argument
from Athanasius
about the significance of the article in
the Johannine phrase, kai ho logos en pros ton theon.30
Four years later, in the second of two apologies against the Italian
humanist Alberto Pio, another of his orthodox critics, Erasmus was
forced once again to defend his statement that Arianism was more a
faction or schism than a heresy. As before, he points out that Pope
and Emperor at one time supported the 'Arians.' But he now adds a
"It was heresy in the sight of God, but among men there
qualification:
was uncertainty,
the public voice of the Church having not yet been
for the first time he suggests that a transcendent
heard."31 Thus
standard of dogmatic
it could not yet be
truth did exist, even when
discerned within human time. A subtle but significant shift may also
be noted in his use of the argument that the Arians could be refuted
27
LB VI, 375B.
I am assuming
that the 1535 edition, as here reprinted by Leclerc,
for the 1527 edition.
represents
changes made by Erasmus
28
of
The
"Humanists
and Holy Writ:
Pauline
Jerry H.
Bentley,
Scholarship
of Min
Erasmus
and Lorenzo
Valla"
Ph.D.
dissertation,
(unpublished
University
nesota,
1976), pp. 186, 213,
29
LB IX, 273A, 551C.
30
LB VI, 337CD.
31 LB
IX, 1172AB.
228.
BY JAMES D. TRACY
a ratiocinatio
based on Scripture.
the Spanish
Against
as
he
in
to John
follows
reference
(1521)
theologian Zu?iga
argued
"Et
erat
Deus
Verbum":32
1:1,
only
by
That Christ
seems
to me,
a certain
by
ratiocinatio
than
a manifest
by
appella
tion. For John teaches that theWord existed from the beginning, indeed
without beginning, before the creation of the world, and that that Word
was
of divine
He
because
and
nature,
assumed
to be what
He
what
it may
was,
same
the
that
was
He
not
was
be gathered
man.
But
that He
did
not
cease
that
the
same
was
afterwards
in such wise
with
certainty,
made
of dual nature, human and divine. And this I have testified can be
gathered from many texts of divine Scripture, and I shall be impious if
ever
I should
doubt
Alberto
Against
this matter.
concerning
later he argues
be
also
employed.
from
the most
doubt
His
so
refuted
evidently
as
glory
loved
a Son
and
if by
unless
Scriptures,
that
shown
this
were
ratiocinatio
ratiocinatio
should
be
taken
of the divine
nature.
without
simplicity
Scripture
seen
of God
1, "And we have
'only-begotten,'
John
the only-begotten
Son of the Father."
3, "God
Again
chapter
simple
Son
the world
fore
I have
And
the
calls
from
as follows:33
through
nature,
that He
gave
as are
grace,
born
of
the
His
the
substance
only-begotten
other
Son."
saints.
Thus
(substantia)
of
He
is not
through
there
nature:
the Father.
common
Both
It may
seem
to relate Erasmus'
by way of explanation,
to
of
the
Arian
conflict
views concerning
his
changing
interpretation
the Protestant
Reformation.
Like Arius, Luther was
in Erasmus'
driven
from
the
of
the
certain
Church
hatred
opinion
by
segments of
the clergy.34 Like the bishops at Rimini, Erasmus advocated
for the
of his day an irenic ambiguity,
controversies
matters
that
suggesting
32
33
34
LB
IX,
LB
IX,
Above,
tempting,
310BC.
1175DE.
note
19.
AND THEARIANS
ERASMUS
10
not be made
articles of
and papal
like predestination
infallibility
faith.35 In both cases too his attitude toward church authority grew
more positive with the passage of time. At first he defends the consen
sus Ecclesiae
mainly for the sake of peace and unity: just as Arianism
as a whole
the
a heresy only when
the Church
became
adopted
so
the
that
it
is
"more
Nicene
Spirit
speaks
Holy
probable"
position,
through the bishops than through Martin Luther.36 Later he seems
more disposed to accept certain church doctrines on their own merits:
concerning the divinity of Christ now in effect
just as his ratiocinatio
he also argues that the dogma of original
is 'proven' by the
is debatable,
evidence
Church's age-long practice of infant baptism.37 But despite these gen
few if any direct comparisons
eral parallels, Erasmus himself makes
in church history. In the
these two great periods of division
between
to the contrary, one ought to assume he was
absence of evidence
includes the homoousion,
sin, for which
Scriptural
that history
of a scholar not to take too seriously the maxim
course
more
of
seems
his
the
that
itself.
It
thinking on
likely
repeats
own
course
of
his
the
followed
church
reading
history
fourth-century
to Athanasius.
His
in patristic sources, from Jerome through Hilary
vile
to
on
"the
offhand
reference
the
whole topic?an
last statement
a
to
in
his
preface
enough,
significantly
posterity of Arius"?comes,
enough
in 1532.
treatise De Spiritu Sancto3*
is
In conclusion,
itmay be suggested that the question of Arianism
can
be
best
that
but one of a number of topics in Erasmus'
thought
work on
approached
by paying more attention to his much-neglected
the Fathers of the Church. As to his attitude toward church author
is familiar in its broad out
ity, the result of this brief investigation
translation
of St. Basil's
combines profes
lines but novel in its details. Up to 1526, Erasmus
with certain reserva
to the consensus Ecclesiae
sions of allegiance
tions as to its content, even on a question so basic as that concerning
of Christ
is most fittingly pro
in which
the divinity
the manner
in the last decade of his life, he moves
claimed. Thereafter,
subtly but
the
toward
this
from
somewhat
away
skeptical position
unmistakably
faith of the Counter-Reformation.
35
The Growth
1972), pp. 187-196.
(Geneva,
of a Mind
Tracy, Erasmus:
36
De Servo Arbitrio.
37
LB IX, 985A-988B.
38
in the same category
13. Erasmus
also now put Arians and Manicheans
Allen, X,
doc
between
he had earlier (Allen, 4:574; 5:183) distinguished
(Allen, 9:47), whereas
and those teachings
trines that had some claim to a basis in Scripture
(like Arianism)
that were
manifestly
(like Manicheanism).