LANGUAGE, POWER AND IDEOLOGY STUDIES IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE edited by RUTH WODAK University of Vienna Volume 7 Ruth Wodak (ed.) JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY - AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA. LANGUAGE, POWER AND IDEOLOGY Studies in Political Discourse 1989Table of Contents Notes on contributors vii Introduction xiii Part I: Language and totalitarism 1 and intervention: the concept of Nazi (“Deutsche Zeitung in den Christoph Sauer 3 Language policy during the fascist period: the case of language educa- tion Gabrielle Klein 39 The political speech of Futurism and its relationship to Italian Fascism Rosi Rindler Schjerve 37 War with words Herbert £. Brekle 81 Part I: Language of politics/or politicians 93 Some remarks 01 c strategies of pers ‘means, without weiten pi Karl Sornig 95vi ‘TABLE OF CONTENTS "Credibility and political language Werner Holly us 1968: The power of political jargon —a “Club-2” discussion Ruth Wodak 137 Phonological variation in parliamentary discussions Sylvia Moosmuiler 165 Social prejudice as a resource of power: towards the functional ambivalence of stereotypes Uta M. Quasthoff 181 Part II; Institutions, control and discourse in specific settings 197 Mediating racism. ‘The role of the media in the reproduction of racism. Teun A. van Dijk 199 Manipulation strategies in newspapers: a program for critical linguis- ties Florian Menz par ‘The case of W. A critical journey to the border between psychiatry and justice Ernst Strouhal 2s1 Revising the patriarchal paradigm. Language change and feminist lan- Buage politics Marlis Hellinger 273 Notes on contributors HERBERT E. BREKLE, born 1935. 1951-58 compositer, printer, and proof-reader. 1958-63 studies in English and Romance Philology and Philosophy at the University of Taibingen. Dr.phil. 1963, “Habilitation’ 41969. Since 1969 Professor for General Linguistics at the University of Regensburg. 1972-18 member of the Town Council of Regensburg, 1978-82 fnvember of the Regional Council of the Upper Palatinate (Bavaria). Since 1978 active in the ecological movement. TEUN A. VAN DIK (1943), took degrees in French and Literary Theory at both universities of Amsterdam, and is currently professor of Discourse Studies at the University of Amsterdam. His earlier research took place in the fields of literary scholarship, text grammar and discourse pragmatics, after which he worked for a decade, mainly in collaboration with Walter Kintsch, on the cognitive psychology of text processing. He is now primar- ily engaged in the social psychology of discourse, with major applications in the study of the structures and processing of news in the press, and the com- tnunication of ethnic prejudice and racism in text and talk. This later work explicitly contributes 10 “critical” discourse analysis. ‘His major book publications in English include Some Aspects of Text Grammar (1972), Text and Context (1977), Macrostructures (1980), Issues in the Pragmatics of Discourse (1981), Strategies of Discourse Comprehen- sion (1983, with Walter Kintsch), Prejudice in Discourse (1984), and Com- ‘municating Racism (1986). His recent books, News as Discourse and News “Analysis are in press. Teun A. van Dijkis editor of the 4 volume Handbook of Discourse Analysis (1985), and founder and editor of TEXT.NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS MARLIS HELLINGER is professor in linguistics at the English Depart- ment of the University of Hannover, FRG. She has published in contrastive linguistics, creole studies and feminist linguistics. Within the latter field her ‘ain interest is in language change under the impact of the women's move- ‘ment in different languages. She is co-author of the first German guidelines for nonsexist language use. Two recent publications are Englisch-orientierte Pidgin- und Kreolensprachen: Entstehung, Geschichte und sprachlicher Wandel (Wissenschafiliche Buchgeselischaft: Darmstadt, 1985) and — as editor — Sprachwandel und feministische Sprachpoliik: Internationale Perspektiven (Westdcutscher Verlag: Opladen, 1985) WERNER HOLLY, born in 1946, Hochschulassistent at the University of, ‘Trier, Germany. Publications: Imagearbeit in Gesprichen (1979), Politische Fernsehdiskussionen (with Peter Kilhn and Ultich Paschel, 1986); articles on conversation analysis, perlocutions, verbal actions, word formation, political language. GABRIELLE KLEIN was born in 1949 in Freiburg i.Br., where she began her studies. Moreover she studied at Paris, Florence, and Aix-en-Provence. From 1974 to 1984, she worked at the University of Perugia, (from 1976 to 1982 with a fellowship from the Italian National Council of Research, and from 1982 to 1984 as a “Ricercatore Confermato” (Lecturer)). Since 1984 she has been Lecturer at the University of Naples (Department of Modern Philology). She has written a number of papers on topics in sociolinguistics published in Italian and German Journals. She is also the author of La sociolinguistica. Orientamenti di ricerca nella Repubblica Federale Tedesca, negli Stati Uniti e in Gran Bretagna (Firenze, 1977) and La politica linguis- tica det fascismo (Bologna, 1986). FLORIAN MENZ, bom in 1960, M.A. (linguistics); studies of general and applied linguistics in Vienna (Austria) and Berlin (West), Main research fields: language and institutions; language, power, and ideology. Working in projects on legal language, language and politics, readability research of scientific texts for the general public, doctor-patient. interaction. Since 1984 active in postgraduate courses for teacher and civil servants, ‘Main publications: Variation in Schiileraufsatzen: eine quantitative und qualitative Pilotstudie im Rahmen einer sozio-psychologischen Theorie der NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS ix Textplannung. Wien, 1984, Ma. Thesis. Wodak, Ruth, Florian Menz, Benedikt Lutz & Helmut Gruber. Die Sprache der “Méchtigen” und “Ohnmaichtigen”. Der Fall Hainburg. Wien. 1985 SYLVIA MOOSMULLER was born in 1954, She attained her Ph.D. in 1984. Title of the dissertation: “Soziale und psychosoziale Sprachvariation. Eine quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung zum Wiener Deutsch Since 1984 she is working on the project “Gehobenes Deutsch in Oster- reich, Varietditen und Normen”, Since 1986 she is lecturer on “Frauensprache — Mannersprache” at the University of Vienna, UTA M. QUASTHOFF received her Ph.D. (1972) and her Habilitation (1979) from the Freie Universitat Berlin. She is presently a Heisenberg Fel- low of the German National Science Foundation, teaching at the Universi of Bielefeld. She has published books and articles in semantics, psycholin- uisties, sociotinguisties, discourse analysis, and developmental linguistics. ‘Among the topics she has investigated are stereotypes, conversational nar- ratives, formation of language theories, definite article, discourse markers, doctor-patient-interaction, tense in spoken German, and reference forms. She is currently working on the development of narrative skills in children, the possible contributions of psycholinguistics and discourse analysis to Cognitive Science and Artificial Intelligence (especially: discourse genera- tion) and on a microanalytic approach to intercultural communication. ROSITA RINDLER SCHJERVE, bor in Villach in 1948; obtained degree in interpreting and translating from Vienna Us and English studies at Vienna University; PhD from 1975; studies abroad: Italy and France; from 1977 “University Assistant” at the Department of Romance Studies, Vienna University; 1986 “Habitita- tion” on “Language Contact in Sardinia: Sociolinguistic Studies in Lan- guage Shift in Rural Areas”; research and numerous publications on sociolinguistic aspects of language contact and language change, as well as contrastive linguistics, the Technische Univer- (CHRISTOPH SAUER has a MA in philology fr sitit Berlin, He is presently lecturing in pragmatics, discourse analysis, and language for specific purposes at Utrecht University. After earlier work in text theory, mass communication research, and foreign language learning,x NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS his current work focuses on ideological aspects of discourse and communi- cation, nazi language policy, and institutional interactions in the court- room. His Ph.D. dissertation, expected to be completed in 1988, will deal «with nazi discourse and propaganda in the occupied Netherlands. KARL SORNIG, born March Ist, 1928 at Knittelfeld, Austria studied Eng- lish and German literature and linguistics, took his degree (Dr. phil.) in 1951. Taught highschool and college in Austria and Turkey, University lec- turer (Dozent) at the Institute of Linguistics of Graz. University since 1973. Special interests: pragmalinguistics, semantics, discourse analysis, sociolin- ‘uistics, language teaching Publications: Articles for various series; books: Lexical Innovation, Benjamins 1981; Soziosemantikc auf der Wortebene, Niemeyer 1981; Holop- hrastisch-expressive Auferungsmuster (1986 forthcoming); Aspekte und ‘Motive der Sprachmagie (forthcoming) ERNST STROUHAL was born in 1957, in Vienna, studies in German philology, linguistics, philology in Vienna (1975-1982). He received his Ph.D. with a dissertation on “Hermeneutik und Avantgarde, Zur Theorie poetischer Praxis”, 1982. He is presently lector at the Linguistic Depart- ment of the University of Vienna; and employee of the Amt der Niederds- terrcichischen Landesregierung. His special interests are: aesthetics, semio- He lives, works and writes in Vienna. ications: Biirgernahe Gesetzestexte in Niederdsterreich (ed.), Wien 1983. Winds of change? — Konservative Sovialstaatskritik in Oster- reichs Medien (together with H, Schmidl), Wien 1986, Recht auf Sprache. Verstehen und Verstindlichkeit von Gesetzen (together with O.E.Pleiffer, R. Wodak), Wien 1987, RUTH WODAK received her Ph. D. 1974 and her “Habilitation” 1980 in Vienna. She is Full Professor at the University of Vienna and Head of the department of Applied Linguistics sinec 1983. Her main fields of research are socio- and psycholinguistics as well as discourse-analysis (class- and sexspecific language behaviour, language minorities, mass communic therapeutic discourse, legal discourse, doctor-patient-discourse, language and ideology, antisemitism etc.) She has published 9 books and over 100 articles in these fields: Das Sprachverhalten von Angeklagten bei Gericht (1975); Das Wort in der NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xi Gruppe (1981, translated as Language Behavior in Therapy Groups, Univ. of California Press 1986); Hilflose Nahe — Matter und Téchter erzithlen (1984); The Language of Love and Guilt (1986; together with Muriel Schulz); Recht auf Sprache (1987, together with Ernst Strouhal and Oskar Peiffer); Information fur Informierte (1987, together with Benedikt Lutz); Die Sprache der “Méchtigen’” und “Ohnmiichtigen” (1985, together with Florian Menz, Benedikt Lutz, Helmut Gruber); Sprache und Macht (1986, together with Rudolf DeCillia, Karl Bliml, Elisabeth Andraschko).Introduction Ruth Wodak University of Vienna Questions asked of a sentence What is the use of the sentence? . To whom does it pretend to be useful? ‘What is its challenge? pepper ung. von Sitzen in einer neuen Enzyklopddie, Werke 20: 174) 1. Language and power! These questions posed by Bert Brecht almost seem to present the frame of ": What is the speaker’s intention, what happes jer sentences or utterances support the mean sutionary force?” And of specific interest for cr guists is the question: What are the social and “political practices” involved in or triggered by the sentence? Today, of course, we speak of “discourse” or of “text” (written and oral); we do not accept the sentence as largest unit any longer. But even though Brechtxiv RUTH WODAK he almost intuitively touches on the concepts of ‘context”, “illocutionary and perlocutionary force”, and especially of power: Who takes the floor, who controls, who chooses, who es what is good or bad (language) behaviour? All the papers in this volume deal with issues which are investigated in a critical manner similar to the one described above. All authors are con- cerned with the so 1c of language behaviour, with the dialectics between society (including its subsystems), power, values, ideologies, opin- ions expressed and constituted in and about language. A critical analysis should not remain descriptive and neutral: the interests gui ysis (See Habermas 1971) are aimed at uncov- ering injusti aking sides with the powerless and suppressed. ‘This does not mean, however, that the research is necessarily one-sided, not “scientific” as such. But we all know — at least since the important dis- cussion on subjectivity and objectivity in the social sciences (see Adorno 1969) — that no research is completely objective, i.e. the interests, values and decisions of the researcher always guide the analysis. It is important, therefore, to state these values explicitly, to analyze all aspects, to take into account multiple data and methods before drawing any conclusions or before starting to interpret or explain. A certain distance from the subject under investigation is necessary. ‘These very brief and thus incomplete argu- ‘ments can be summarized in one sentence as the “leitmotif” for this vol- ume: “diagnosis” first, interpretation and “therapy” to follow! (See Wodak et al. 1985, 19862,b; Wodak and Quasthoff (eds.) 1985; Menz, this vol- ume). ‘What are the aims of critical linguistics? Generally speaking, we want to uncover and de-mystify certain social processes in this and other societies, to make mechanisms of manipulation, discrimination, demagogy, and propaganda explicit and transparent. (This would be the diagnosis.) As the second step, as many indicators, data and knowledge as possible con- cerning the whole context of these processes have to be examined, to ena ble us to interpret and understand how and why reality is structured in a certain way (this would, of course, be an interdisciplinary task). Lastly, if possible, practical and political steps should be taken by teams of prac- titioners, researchers in other fields and the people who are most involved: ‘The only permanent advance in the condition of life in any field occurs when people take their own affats into their hands. I believe that this is ‘tue of the study of Black English as itis true everywhere (Labov 1982: 195-196), INTRODUCTION xv Strategies of defence have to be developed; naturally the hope prevails that changes can be brought about. Language changes always manifest social changes — but language changes (or changes in language behaviour) can also trigger social changes (sce Wodak and Schulz 1986; Hellinger, this vol- ume, Pfeiffer, Strouhal and Wodak 1987) ‘Thus language only gains power in the hands of the powerful; language is not powerful “per se”. Often enough, a specific language even symbolizes, the group or person in power (sce the papers in part I of this volume), and fights about the status or discrimination of one or the other language sym- bolize power struggles (see Wodak et al. 1986; van Dijk and Quasthoff- Hartmann, this volume). Naturally, many issues mentioned here have also been dealt with in other scientific fields (sociology, communication studies, political sciences, sociopsychology etc.). But often enough, the function and status of lan- guage have been neglected. And although the study of the relationship between “language and power” or “language and politics” began a long time ago (rhetoric, stylistics), the detailed and subtle approach from a c cal point of view (“critical linguistics”, or “critical discourse analysis”) certainly new (sce Chilton 1985; Kress 1985; Seidel 1985), ‘This volume has a place in the new tradition: it draws together diverse theoretical and methodological concepts in analyzing issues of social rele- vance. The aims and goals can be summarized as follows: Boyond description or superficial appl domain asks further questions, such as tion, eritical science in each jose of responsibilty, interests, and ideology. Instead of focussing on purely academic or theoretical prab- Jems, it starts from prevailing social problems, and thereby chooses the perspective af those who suffer most and entically analyzes those in power, those who are responsible, and those who have the means and the oppor tunity to solve such problems. As simple as that (van Dijk 1986: 4). a. Research interest: Uncovering inequality and injustice. b. Object under investigation: Language behaviour in natural speech situations of social relevance (institutions, media, minority prob- acism ete.) is to be investigated. A threatening or involve # power play betwee: interest.xvi RUTH WODAK cc. Interdisciplinary research: Social phenomena are too complex to be dealt with adequately in only one field. 4d, Empirical research: Data from natural speech situations are to be analyzed, Nevertheless, theory and methodology, values and aims are to be discussed explicitly. fe. Inclusion of the historical perspective: Social processes are dynamic, not static, This has to be reflected in the theory and in the methodology. f. “Leitmotif" of critical research: “Diagnosis” first, interpretation and “therapy” to follow! g. Researchers are forced to take sides: Especially in cmpirical research, the “subjects under investigation” cannot be treated as objects any longer. Research includes the “researched” and, even- tually, ought to help them (if possible). hh, Social and political practice is aimed at: Results of research not only imply success in the academic field, but they should also inchude ‘proposals for practical implementation. i. Necessity for new notions and extensions of traditional concepts of “language behaviour” and “meaning”: Social phenomena are very complex, irrational and rational, Many different and ambivalent, conscious and subconscious motives are relevant. Thus multiple ‘methods, manifest and latent meanings, cognitive and affective aspects are important. Finally, the historical and social context should not be neglected. 3. Language, power and ideology ‘The papers collected in this volume try to cover aspects of critic guisties, as mentioned above. Each author defines hisher notions, interests, tools, and concepts. Some papers include large samples and mul- tiple analysis; other articles present qualitative case studies. The volume is divided into three parts: I. Language and totalitarism; II. Language of politicians and of politics and III. Institutions and control. Papers with simi- lar topics are collected in one part; thus, the reader can compare different approaches and procedures of analysis. Let us start with Part 1, Language and totalitarism. Christoph Sauer i concerned with “Nazi language policy” in the occupied Netherlands. His concept of “multidimensionality” of meanings makes transparent in what INTRODUCTION xvii way ideology was transmitted via newspapers. He analyzes the whole “textworld, textuality” of the print-media; he succeeds finally in showing how reality was constructed and manipulated, a reality in contradiction to the experience of the population under occupation. Gabrielle Klein and Rosita Rindler Schjerve both analyze the language under the Mussolini-regime. These papers are of particular interest because of the severe neglect this historical period has suffered from up to now. Kiein is concerned with language politics on the macrolevel (c.g. in schools), Rindler Schjerve, on the other hand, with the microanalysis of speeches and programmatic statements. Thus, these first three papers allow for a comparision of methodologies, but, above all, they supply a deeper insight into the power mechanisms of the fascist period. Herbert Brekle traces the meaning of “important words” throughout the newspapers (c.g. “Krieg”, right through World War I up to now. This is important because the roots of fascist propaganda and idcology become manifest. The second part of the volume is concerned with the “Language of politics and or politicians”. Karl Sornig differentiates the complex phenom- ‘enon of “persuasion”. He succeeds in deriving a new and interesting taxonomy The paper by Werner Holly is also of a more general nature. He looks at persuasion mechanisms, at strategies used by politicians when they attempt to appear and sound c". He is able to point to a few very important contradictions between “what is said” and “what is meant”. My own paper deals with the political jargon used by the student movement of 1968. How do group languages grow, how does jargon ereate what is the relationship between political jargon and specific lagies? A talk show on TV with two well-known student leaders is analyzed and their jargon compared with the language of the “green move- ment” of the 1980s. Sylvia Moosmiiller a lyzes the language of politicians. She combines, socio-phonological methods with discourse analysis. Speeches in parl ment, from male and female politicians, were tape-recorded, transcribed and coded. Moosmiiller also succeeds in pointing out very important and significant sex-specific differences. Thus, her analysis included two levels: lage and strategies; sex-specific behaviour and difficulties of ‘women in a “male profession” ‘The paper by Uta Quastholf-Hartmann includes a general analysis.RUTH WODAK She is concerned with “the nature of stereotypes and prejudices”. She goes into great detail in both analyzing and defining their functions on several levels. She poses the important questions: why and how do stereotypes sud~ denly become dangerous and menacing? What really happens in the society investigated? ‘These questions naturally imply interdisciplinary resear otherwise, cach individual answer would be too simplistic. ‘The third part of this volume deals with Institut course in specific setings. ‘Teun van Dijk presents a thorough and impressive an: racism is transmitted through the media in the Netherlands. It is not or important how much is said about foreigners (classical content-analysis), bbut even more so what and how it is put, and this is precisely the very pro- ductive type of contribution critical linguistics can make Florian Menz presents an analysis of the Austrian newspaper with the is newspaper frequently creates control and dis- opini eral recent examples. ‘The paper by Ernst Strouhal is very innovative: he compares three texts and three textual worlds with each other. All texts are concerned with the same topic: a woman is declared insane by psychiatric institutions and the court, and her child is taken away from her. Stroubal interviewed the woman, the psychiatrist and also obtained the written statement presented at court. How do the stories and accounts differ? Is the woman really insane? What are the criteria used? This paper is extremely important for political and socio-practical purposes. It is both fascinating and appalling to follow the way the woman was discriminated against. Here, t00, as soon us ‘we know about these latent mechanisms, we shall be able to build strategies and defences against such blatant injustice. ‘Marlis Hellinger points to yet another source of discrimination: she compares sexist language behaviour in several languages and analyzes the arguments which are often used to fight against attempted changes. It is all a question of “strategies”. She succeeds in showing very clearly that the lan- ‘guage systems themselves allow for many changes; the norms and values of patriarchal societies, on the other hand, prevent progress. Let me thank Iris Zavala and Myriam Diaz-Diocaretz for making the publication of this volume in their series possible, The friendship and he of these two extraordinary women have impressed me very much, | would also like to thank Ms, Barbara Seidihofer for her comments on the English INTRODUCTION xix translation and Ms. Elisabeth Andi cess and with the correspondence. Last, but not least, I want to thank my friends and my son, Jacob Engel, for their patience with me in difficult stages of the publishing and editing process. Without their warmth and support, academic work would become senseless and aimless. ‘nko for her help in the editing pro- NOTES 1, Many thoughts expressed in this shot ‘guage and Ideology” ia Ut ‘well as Teun for REFERENCES Adomo, T.W. 1969. Der Positivismusstreit in der deutschen Soziologie. Berlin-Neuwied: Luchterhand, Chilton, P. (ed.). 1985. Language and the Nuclear Arms Debate: Nukes- peak Today. London & Dover, N.H.: Frances Printer. van Dijk, T. 1986. A Programm for Critical Discourse Analysis. Unpubl. Manuscript, mas, J. 1971, Erkenninis und Interesse. Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp. Kress, G. 1985, “Ideological structures in discourse”. In: Handbook of Dis- course Analysis. London, Vol. IV: 27-42. Labov, W. 1982. “Objectivity and commitment in linguistic science: The case of the Ann Arbor trial”. Language in Society 1982: 165-201 Lutz, B. and R. Wodak. 1987. Information firr Informierte. Wien: Akade- mie der Wissenschaften, Pieiffer, O.E., E. Strouhal and R, Wodak, 1987. Recht auf Sprache. Wien: rae, G. 1985. “Political discourse Analysis, Vol, IV: 43-60. is”. Handbook of Discourse axx. RUTH WODAK Wodak, R. 1985, “Ierrschaft durch Sprache? Sprachwandel als Symbo! vend Auwsdruck des gescilschaftlichen Wandels”. In: Wien 1949 davor! \Yanach , Liesheth Waechter-Bohm (ed.), 75-00. Wien: Brandstatter Woduk, R, F. Monz, B. Lutz and H, Gruber. 1985. Die Sprache der Méich- tigen und Ohnmachiigen. Der Fall Hainburg. Wien Wodsk, R., F. Menz, B, Lutz and H, Gruber. 1986a, “Power struggles in the media Linguistica (in press). Wodak, R., R. De Cilla, K, Bliml and E. Andraschko, 19860. Sprache und Macht. Wien: Deuticke (in press) Wodak, Rand U. Quasthoff-Hartmann, (eds). 1985, “Kommunikation in Institutionen”. Aufrisse 4/1985. Wodak, R. and M. Schulz. 1986. The Language of Love and Guil dam: Benjamins, ‘Amster- Part I Language and totalitarismStructures of consensus-making and intervention: the concept of Nazi language policy in occupied Holland (“Deutsche Zeitung in den Niederlanden” 1940-1945) Christoph Sauer University of Utrecht Introduction, LL On my approach tions on the presence of certain words (or tendencies) in texts which are then traced back to an ideology in which these words figure as central concepts. This procedure cannot get at the heart of the problem it addresses, fails to account for the way in which certain words may the first place. For if one were to remain Reich in order to republish these books again after the War (ef. some examples in Romer 1985ff., mainly concerning the removal of terms such as, “race” or of anti-Semitic formulations). But what conclusion can we draw from the fact that this practice has been exploited on several occasions? at the authors of texts can — and do — have recourse to an ins concept of ide: addition, changes “neutral” texts into “ be rendered “neutral” again by a process of del ly presumably apologists of National-Socialist (NS)-texts who, after the4 CHRISTOPH SAUER Jn my contribution T should like to propose an approach which does not, in viewing it as external and merely instrumental, treat the ideological as harmless, On the contrary, I will trace linguistic forms to the conditions of their in- and reception, and, in so doing, treat ideological relations as inscriptions of a specific social practice.? The practice of National Socialism, T would argue, was contradictory; for this reason, 1 feel that great scepti- cism is called for in the reading of monolithic accounts in which the Nazi- period is presented exclusively as a force of nature, and in which the issue g to the argument of terror. On the contrary, the point is to take the cultural range of fascist articulations seriously, and to render problematic the propagan- istic goal of the ideological effort, namely the voluntary self-subordination to the regime. In this rega power to the Nazis did not take place in a vacuum free of all ideology, waite ing to be filled. Rather, their success was based on a transformation and rearticulation of ideological forms already in existence (see Faye 1972). A tion is realized in a restructuring of other ideologies. The re ideological as such is defended by those fascists who view it as a sphere of action which is utilized by individuals to articulate their social experience (ci. Haug 1980). The specific form in which such experience is lated is the goal of ideological endeavors. The way in which one formulates something, and the way in which the choice of a particular formulation ‘excludes other formulations and experiences lies at the heart of the exertion of ideological influence. Propaganda, and especially as sophisticated a sys- tem of propaganda as the Nazis operated, is geared towards the desired ubiquity and pervasion of this kind of reorganization of experience. First, I shall develop a theory of language policy that allows me to relate the meanings of linguistic forms to the concept of experience. In order to do $0, @ communicative concept of the text is required which pro- jects the act of reception as an active reconstruction of the meanings pro- duced by the text. Therefore [ shall employ a theory of linguistic action which makes a closer determination of the nature of textual actions possi- ble. In order to encompass the specific performance of Nazi newspaper texts and to expose the ideological in them, I shall especially concentrate on the term allusion: NS-texts allude to further NS-texts and initiate in the pro- cess of reading a movement whereby the reader becomes aware of conmtec- tions, recognitions, actualizations, evocations of what he already knows, etc. My conception ultimately aims that the development of a multiple STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 5 mode of reading which exposes in various dimensions the manner of the mise-en-scéne of the ideological in each case. In so doing, I shall be concen- trating on the state of occupation, which entails eertain modifications for NS-journalists. Two central questions 10 be considered throughout the actual analysis are first extent does the subjectivity (of the author) become operative in respect to the form and function of the text, and secondly what effect does this subjectivity have within the framework of the general regulation by propaganda? 1.2 Language policy Texts in NS-newspapers — which T shall be mainly concentrating on here — must fulfill a variety of conditions in order to achieve their goal ‘This goal 1 would generally characterize as a contribution to fascist ideo! ogy. For before ideological influence can be exerted, the reader must first be made to read the text concerned. Various factors play a part in this: the general newspaper culture (on this term ef. Rehbein 1983) with its textual conventions and stylistic traditions; the outward appearance of the news- paper; the observance of the regulations of the propaganda institutions (subsumed under the heading of mm”); the internal arrangement of the newspaper; and the “inventiveness” of the author. It is tics the multitude of conscious and semi-conscious decisions that, in the end, constitute the text The ephemerality which generally characterizes the daily newspapers imposes specific procedures (cf. sections 1.3 and 1.4) upon the author as well as upon the reader. As part of a newspaper edition, a text assumes a cific position in a “syntagma”. ‘This “syntagma” has both predecessors, i.e. the previous editions of the same paper, and successors, i.e. the future editions. At the same time, however, the actual newspaper article also functions as a “paradigma”, since it equally represents a specific position in the concert of all similar articles to be found in comparable newspapers of the same date, The exact position depends of course on the strategy of the Propaganda institution, the line followed by the newspapers, and the indi- vidual capabilities of the author. But in every position articulated “syntag- cally” and “paradigmatically”, there is al general, more or less representative texts w! ight justifiably term the fascist “discourse” (following Foucault 1971). In writing, the author is also reacting to these general texts, and in reading, the reader reconstructs6 CHRISTOPH SAUER this reaction of the author and at the same time produces, in respect of the general texts, a position of his ow ‘As far as the texts themselves are concerned, it may be asserted that the linguistic means of which they consist converge to form a total-meaning — even if the latter may in fact remain contradictory. The way in which meaning is formed, and the way in which it is communicated, is based upon processes that transgress the confines of the individual text, ‘The latter realizes, against a general background, a number of actual operations of meaning to be reconstructed by the reader. The linguistic forms, as bearers of meaning, are socio-t determined; therefore, each text func- tions as a reconstruction or variation of the socio-historical determinants. In order to be able to focus more closely on the problematic nature of mean- ing, I propose te introduce the concept of language policy. In so doing, T am not referring to fields or activities that are described as “language planning” and the like. On the contrary, my point of departure is constituted by actual linguistic relations, and — in refutation of a universalist concept of ‘guage — by socio-historical problems in the discussion of linguistic forms.* Central to this is the concept of experience. based upon a bo prehended 1s consciousness — scious is uated with being atthe centre of attention |...) That should be conscious st ion of jos. (Fanuschek a sroughlexperioncing ‘The familiar maxim “Germany awake!” can, for instance, enter my con- sciousness as “vulgar saying” and/or as ms to enter the party”; or J ray become aware that it derives originally from an epigrammatic poem by an early Nazi, and thus be conscious of it as a “quotation” ete. Experience, then, is assimilated in various ways. Analyticaly, it is possible to make @ distinction between the assimilation of experiences undergone, their poten- tial for transfer, and their production, their genesis: “The different modes of ssi those of language, They are s0% 31 experience, meaning that ing experience produced are precisely predetermined. They embody prior ‘experience in & interference in the assimilation of experien tic forms of expression are to be used in whi STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 7 extreme case of production and assimilation of experience contradicting fone another. (Jamuschek and Maas 1981: 78; translated by Andreas Michse!) ‘This concept of language policy does not mean that “code” or “jar gon” which was first incomprehensible now becomes clearly understood, but rathcr that previously incomprehensible utterances are understood by ing the way in which they encompass social experience. We may lca simple adjective, yically ideological {aprenon mich nth eontet of the-National Movement” has eq ‘rite spect pstnal sense whichis several removes from aig tr etymological senses tn expression which wat completely poitied Between 1900 and #985, and which subsequently esappeared simost com> pletely form German usage, Ths f the expreson vase. What does Toiksch mean? Tt derives rom the word“ people” (Volk) an thas ot (woth, Infact however, sR has, within revolutionary" oF apy a quite afer logon to what French sme tine, this word represents ast meaning one may stil discern the in play between these levels. This play ‘German right and han excess of emotional particip rendered possible a series of political conjuring tricks syed with, and fon, that certain lefist content of the word Yolk) that is con= fined in the etymological meaning and simultaneously actuated the extreme nationalist content of the racism. (Faye 1980: 94-96; transiated by ‘Andreas Michael) - In this sense, language policy is able to explain the uncertainty facing cone upon being unexpectedly confronted with a typical NS-text. In its vag uucness, it seems simply incomprehensible, and only in calling upon our his- torical knowledge does the threat which it may have articulated for its con- temporaries gradually become apparent. The charge of having taken NS. language policy too little into account is, on the other hand, to be levelled against those who would retrospectively characterize fascist texts exclu sively as “empty”, “hollow”, tc. As long as the socio-histori- cal dimension of the interferen: ion of experience is not ‘made evident, such descriptions only scratch the surface of the matter in question8 CHRISTOPH SAUER 1.3. Erosion of linguistic forms and ideological usefulness ‘A basic problem confronting NS-propaganda is the rapid erosion of cortain linguistic forms. If time and again the reader is to be made to per ceive a particular utterance as the expression of his “new” experience and to assimilate it as such, it is necessary for him to encounter this expression often enough so that the ideological effect of language policy does not prove to be as ephemeral as a puff of smoke. Precisely because only a sm: number of criteria are to be called upon for propagandistic success (thus Hitler, for instance, speaks mainly of simplicity and repetition in Mein Kamp)), the professionals feel compelled (0 combat the monotony that looms large. A series of measures were developed to prevent such exhaus- the diversification of the carrier-media (newspapers, journals, broad~ casting, pamphlets, whispering campaigns and others); the addressing of target groups (creation and consideration of particular addressees); the internal polymorphism, exploiting historically predetermined forms of newspaper publishing (information, commentary, entertainment, literary supplement, advertising etc.); stylistic variation (on the basis of a popular concept of style which entails that the same thing may be said in a variety of ‘and again); and the inclusion of subjectivity (journalists as for- mulators and supplementors). If, however, the ideological dimension is to ons must not descend too con- fusedly upon the recipient concezned. In order to deseribe this matter, a new formulation of the concept of the ideological is required. This must also take into account which forms are available, and how these forms are actually used. ought to be clear now: we cannot simply view all constituents of an NS-text ‘as being, ideological. After all, it was not, however much some simplifiers may have concentrated on this aspect (ef. Steiner 1954/1984), the German language that rendered fascism possible; on the contrary, itis the speaker ‘and the socio-historical situation that are of prime importance. The ideological is not so much an expression of the polarity of “true and “false”, or a static opposition of a “factual” and an “ideological” ‘description of social reality. Rather the ideological is the sphere in which ‘the formal determination of social practices and their transformation are discussed and/or deliberated, and it operates through a conjunction and ion of existing ideologemes. Ideologemes such as “people” “state”, “power”, “nation”, “culture” and others are part of the basic STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 9 equipment for the development of pol jon. They constitute the “raw material” of ideological operations, and the mere fact of their pre~ sence in texts docs not indicate the ideological orientation of such texts. ‘Anti-Semitic ideologemes are not, in this sense, in themselves genuinely fascist. It is only the specific combination of the anti-Semitic with the anti- national, and the projection of the referents of this combination as a “counter-people” vis @ vis the “German people” that may be concluded to ‘an instance of fascist operations of transformation (cf. Haug 1980). From vantage point, it is also possible to view more clearly the frequent appeal made by Hitler in his speeches to “fate”. By subordinating himself, and thus, by proxy, his listeners, to a “divine power”, Hitler is able to as the Fuhrer — the surrender of all ity” It is, then, a basic concern of NS-propaganda to make sure that, throughout all variations of the texts and their individual forms of presenta~ tion, the manner of ideological combination finks up with a formulation that is already familiar. Thus NS-texts must be transparent in a special way. The recipient is meant to read the current, topical form identity in the name of the “com tion together aan articulation of social practice with which he is already familiar. Tt ‘would be a misjudgement of fascism and of its undeniable success to attri- bute this specific reading-performance, this reconstruction of the dual struc- ture, solely to violence. The spectrum of the ideological ranges from threat to seduction, and it ought not to be overlooked that recipients are drawn into a vortex of certainty and uncertainty in which it seems very desirable indeed to manage to recognize at least some “key terms” or paraphrases (cl. section 1.5). Recipients arc meant to be “concerned”, and it is the reconstruction of the meaning of the text — necessarily accompanying the act of reading — that produces this “concern” In this respect T feel that one of the most effective scenes of Orwell's incteen Lighty-Vour fails to penetrate to the core of the matter: Just now I held up the finger of my hand to you. You saw five fingers, Do you remember that? crs of his lft hand, with the thumb concealed. There ars five fingers there. Do you see five fingers? Yes. ‘And he did see them, for a flecting instant, before the scenery of his mind changed. He saw five Fingers, and there was no deformity. (Orwell 1949) 1984: 220)10 CHRISTOPH SAUER ‘This scene, in its literary exaggeration, is hardly suited to demonstrate the operation of the ideological as conceived of in the present study. The “scenery of mind” is indeed decisive; but the decision whether a deformity exists or not is precisely what is not so. Neither “yes” or “no” is central: it is the displacement of both possibilities into @ new term, a new experience. ‘The ideological is not operative in simple descriptions of observations, that is, when there is sensory certainty within the space of observation shared by those participating in an interaction. ‘The ideological operates only within the genuinely textual nature of complex communicative forms, ic. in texts. “The decision whether an utterance is ideological or not is coupled with the specific linguistic form in which this utterance is manifest. Not every uutieranee, not even one of a Nazi-Fithrer, can be designated ideological. However, once the choice for the ideological has been made, the recon- struction of meaning in the process of understanding on the part of the reci- pient reveals further layers of meaning, In the main, these concern the inte- gration of statement into a larger framework. This also sheds some light on the fact, which has often been noted, that NS-texts are ‘extremely vague and offer very few points of attack. In order to be certain of reminding the recipient of the larger text, it was simply sufficient to ‘weave certain catchwords or key terms into one’s text. 1.4 The text and linguistic action ‘The deliberations we have thus far embarked upon demand a concep- tion of the text which takes into account the communicative relations we have already mentioned above, The ‘al dimension is of special importance, that is, the transition from orality to writing and the compara- tive emancipation of formal linguistic means in written texts. Viewed categorically, oral communication is the starting point for a definition of the concept of the text. The simultaneity of linguistic production and fingui reception as an interaction characterized by a constant interchange of roles between speaker and listener results in, through the emergence of writing, a retardation (ef. Ehlich 1982, 1983) (see Figure 1). | author > [text H speech action situation 1 i text] > reader | speech action situation 2 Figure I: Communicaive positioning of the text STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 11 ‘The roles of author and reader are now fixed and connected with one another only through the text. The ot in oral communication now finds, sitoriness of linguistic action is able to transgress the confines of the original shared perception. In a text, the loss of immediate access offers new possibilities of action. Thus it can- not be our sole concern to view in a text the analogy to the speech-situation ‘of communication; rather, the text must be defined as a liberation and mul- tiplication of linguistic means which nevertheless, by way of specific proces- ses of production and reproduction, are connected to the communicative background (cf. also Riceeur 1971, who develops this as a “suspension of ostensive referents”), The author's a until the text is, ivity, his production of the text, remains fragmentary imated by the reader in the process of reading, that is, the reader treats the text in a way that no longer has anything to do with the Romantic projection of the search for the intention of the actual author-person. The reader is an agency that realizes the communicative connection and transforms it into a mixture of something that is his own and something that is alien to him. Texts confront the reader-agency with an ‘ensemble of linguistic forms whose arrangement is the result of the author’s activity, and which the reader, within certain limits, reproduces and reac- tuates. The author himself, too — and here I go beyond Ricceur (1971) — is viewed as an agency. He is not primarily important as a person, Rather, he is subject to a force-field of other texts and discourses; many participate is clearly evident in the institutional conditions of the ind more particularly in the special conditions of NS-prop- aganda, whose influence on the actual history of a text ranges from its occa sion, via its formulation, to its retrospective approval or censure (cf. Bram- sted 1965; Hale 1964; Sauer 1983; Hirschfeld 1983), The immediate methodological consequence of this fanning-out of the author-agency and reader-agency is an expectation of multi-dimensional textual actions, which ‘may be read as multiple illocution and multiple address (Sauer 1985a, 1985b). When applied to the ideological, this notion mcans that the formu- lation of specific ideologemes in NS-texts is to be traced to an interconnec- tion with specific groups of addressees, [fone assumes the readership to be structured pyramici with the NS-Fihrers at the top, followed by the party members, then sympathizers, and finally the masses — then one may, as Hagendoorn (1982) has suggested, venture to differentiate various con- tent-areas in such texts, and to successively treat these areas as “hints” for the reconstruction of meaning by the various groups. The vagueness of a particular utterance would then be explained by the fact that its arget”-2 CHRISTOPH SAUER. group already knew enough to know what to do with it. Now, although this ‘approach to the multidimensionality of NS-texts is sensible in principle, T feel it is too mechanistic; it is too reminiscent of a secrecy of communica- tion, and thus, in the end, implies a conspiracy theory of fascism. As I have ‘made clear in connection with the term of language policy, the aim of NS- texts — and something which, I might now add, they pursue multidimen- sionally —is the interference in the assimil Like Thompson (1984: Ch. Sif.), T attach little importance to the dif- ference between speech and writing as far as a characterization of the ideological per se is concerned, For both linguistic modes it is true that: mn of experience, of domination lily referring to ‘one thing and implicitly referring to another, by entangling these multiple referents in a way which serves to sustein domination. (Thompson 1984: 200) I should like to emphasize, that the ing in ideological writings or speeches/dialogues must always be based upon idcologemes already existent so that the reader's or listeners’ assignation to specific (and not arbitrary) formations of the ideological can be initiated. ‘The consideration of this fact brings me to the additional aspect that, vie~ wed historically, a written form of the ideological is presupposed. Current discourses operate through this historical text whose written form (a book, a party programme, election poster, etc.) exerts a decisive influence on the shaping of currently chosen formu only a5 an aid to memory. I shall now turn again to the NS-texts and add a further observation. It concerns the author-agency. An emphatically personalized concept of the author, as the epitome of individual creatorhood, is a fairly recent matter, i fhe adoption of bourgeois copyright that distinctions theft of intellectual property”, “quotation”, “ghost “parody” etc. have become habitual and legal. All of them are terms that promote a cult of the author (cf. also Svensson 1984) The journalistic technique of reporting other people's utterances while con- cvaling one's sources (“informed circles have disclosed") is equally based upon the differentiation — which is part and parcel of the cult of the author — of “original” and “normal flowing speech”. In this respect, however, one may already observe a blurring of the stringency of this distinction {olding of the complex of mean- strategies — even if ‘STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 13 suggested by the copyright which one recognizes historically as the principle of reporting in earlier newspapers (“aviso”). But any newspaper article which is adorned with a name or ini author. Here too, however, the use of pseudonyms has made for a blurring of borderlines, In respect of the press of the 20th century it scems fair to s that on the one hand, it supports the cult of the author, and on the other, blurs the borderlines hetween the “own” and the “alien”, And under the conditions of the NS-propaganda this development continues and is in fact even escalated. In part, the author disappears into the army of duplicators and copiers and functions wholly as an agency. In part, orality is, in the orality of the fascist Fihrers, re-institutionalized with a priority over writ- ing, and thus makes of them, as authors, a de-agency, a “flexancy”. A ensues, while at the same time the population is sub- jected to a flood (which abates only under the exigencies of war) of media ‘of mass-communication of every sort. The influence of this development on ‘the newspapers is not easily specified, but it was, in all probability, of little importance. It amounted to little more than Hitler's speeches, and some times those of other, local NS-Fiihrers printed in their entirety, quotations from Hitler in the form of banner-headlines and vignettes, and, from time +o time, a pithy staccato in a commentary in order to imitate the flow of liv- ing speech. Of greater importance was the way in which the speeches of the respective Fithrers were exploited on every possible occasion as suppliers of quotations leading to new textual procedures (often coerced by the regula- tions issued by the propaganda institutions). These articles are to ormamen- talize the Hitler-quotations and make a “super-author” of the Fahrer. In this way, many texts are endowed with a dual structure: on the one hand, journalists are freed of the necessity of producing new and inve ieas” all the time; on the other hand they must — as producers of an “en- vironment” for Hitler-quotations — develop a style that is not too different from the quotations. This balancing is an example of the liberation of of action addressed in the concept of the text, namely of possibilities of action subjected to the conditions of NS-propaganda. 1.5 Allusion and multiple modes of reading in the ideological ‘The category of the ideological contains, as a rule, more than just a single, unique act of the production of a meaning (by the author) and the reproduction (by readers). Such uniqueness, on the contrary, is reserved —“4 CHRISTOPH SAUER fat least in the memoirs, for instance Speer (1969) — for the moment of illumination or awakening. This was mostly during an event in which Hitler took part, or even during a personal meeting with him; a moment from which time onwards the whole structure of existing ideological premises is reversed: suddenly, the scales have falien from the eyes of the captivated listener, and he now dares to know what hitherto he had, at most, merely suspected. This graphic image, infused with biblical imagery, captures the effect of the ideological: the upheaval of previous views and opinions that now appear with greater rigidity than before. All future contact with NS- ideology will now be transparent in a specific way. It encompasses immediate articulations of the ideological and, a the same time, the evoca- tion of the experience of the awakening. This transparency is what T am concerned with here. Its presence also explains why any reader — including ‘those who did not experience the awakening —is able to recognize any NS- text for what itis. For the reader does not only, in the act of reading, recon- struct the meaning of the text, but he also relates this meaning to texts he already knows. The current text thus functions as an organizer of meaning and as a link to fascist discourse. Nevertheless, it is the reader who must realize this connection. If he does not, he can always fall back upon the topical, current meaning of the text, although this entails that certain suspi- cions he might entertain will then remain “unfulfilled”. The expectation of a possible transparency in a discourse he already knows is not one held arbitrarily by the reader. It is urged upon him as soon as he recognizes cer- tain outward signals, for instance the author, the newspaper, the occasion of writing, the presentation etc., or upon perceiving certain “indications” in the text itself. These indications may be quotations, or the author's explicit declarations of allegiance; they may be familiar key terms, or combinations ‘of ideologemes previously received. These indications, however, may also be more elusive, unrecognizable to the reader at first sight, and emerge only in the course of his activity of reconstruction. These more elusive indi- cators for un ideological classification of a text I propose to term allusions. Allusions are of importance not only for the case we have just assumed hat of a coincidental confrontation with an unknown text, a case which certainly does not occur very often — they also ensure that whatever the gals its identity with the ideological to the initiated, though not ‘mentioning it explicitly. Allusions constitute a kind of repetition on a more abstract level of the ideological, without having recourse to literal meaning, I wish to treat allusions especially as literary allusions (Svensson 1978, STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 15 1984), as allusions to utterances in earlier texts and not to events. ‘They then constitute a kind of shortened quotation that presents the current text as part of a larger discourse. This relegation of the literality of a quota might be traced to a strategy of avoiding repetitions. However, this stylistic approach, which concentrates on varying aspects, is too superficial (ef Sauer 1986). It neglects the demagogic effect of the literary allusion, which suggests an identity even where current and historical meanings are sepe- rated by a large gap. The creation of a “brace” between the two in the act of the production and reconstructive reception of the text influences the stock of social experiences and can result in new experiences being assimi- lated only as continuations of those already known, or in old experiences ies of the moment (creation of “root- ‘Thus the effect of an allusion in the text of any NS-journalist to speeches of Seyss-Inguart (the vice-Hitler in the occupied Netherlands) consists of inscribing into current events an element of threat (from the ‘means of repression of the occupier) and of thereby preventing an alterna- tive reception of current events by the Dutch, such as, for instance, a weak- ness of the Germans. In general, literary allusions to NS-programmes widen the range of the ideological by also ascribing to new events ideologi- cally depicted. This fact is @ result of th and “politiciza- tion” of all aspects of life in fascism. ‘The point is not that allusions of this kind can function in this way because this is a fact; the point of an underly- ing theory of language policy is that allusions are communica strategies which exist in order to articulate this ideologization. It isthe indi- vidual whose self-subordination to the fascist system consists in the assimi- lation of experience. Whoever recognizes allusions and actuates their potential has already taken the first step on the way towards being ens- nared If it has now become clear that the generally extremely complex NS- texts harbour an explosive mixture of abbreviations and redundancies, and. that the multidimensionality of these texts is more than a mere “du should also be plausible to base one’s analysis on the method of multiple modes of reading (following Maas 1984), The sclf-declared meaning of a text, its “message” I shall relate to the recognizable mise-en-scine of its content, i.e. to the actual linguistic means of its “surface”. Next, T shall engage in an analysis of the purpose of its mise-en-scene — the fact that the text was written in this particular way and not other — by considering the ‘textual16 (CHRISTOPH SAUER socio-historical context, which in this context means the situation of ovcu- pation. Tn general it will become obvious that the form of a mise-en-sctne and its purpose are not congruent but characterized by contradictions. ‘These contradictions then necessitate a simultaneity of different modes of reading, which T propose to examine with a view to the issue of ideological management. 2. ‘The situation of occupation 2.1 Deutsche Zeitung in den Niederlanden On 10th May 1940 the German Wehrmacht attacked the hitherto neu- tral Netherlands, and, with the bombing of Rottercam, forced the Dutch to capitulate after only five days. While the German troops concentrated on the subjugation of Belgium and France, an argument arose between the occupied Netherlands and the Reich over the future structure of the ‘occupying regime, an argument ended only by Hitler’s appointment of the Austrian Seyss-Inquart, previously “the Reich Minister without Portiolio”, to the post of “Reichskommissar for the Occupied Netherlands”. The replacement of the military administration by a civil one was a manifesta tion of a special German and National Socialist “attention” to the Nether- lands which, as the ideological prescription for the countries in Northern 1d Northwestern Europe decreed, was to go beyond a merely administra- ve integration of the country into the “New Europe”. The founding of the Deutsche Zeitung in den Niederlanden (= DZN) — whose first edition was, published on Sth June 1940, and which finally fel silent with the publishing of a hectographed page on Sth May 1945 —is part of this scenario. ‘The DZN is one of 27 (!) German-language occupation newspapers in the various accupied countries: in Belgium, for example, there was the Briisseler Zeitung, in France the Pariser Zeitung, in Norway the Deutsche Zeitung in Norwegen. The DZN mainly addresses Germans in the Nether- lands — amongst whom there were, of course, many soldiers — and the Dutch; in addition, it was also read in the Reich and elsewhere. One of the important ns of the DZN was to demonstrate “the way one had to write” to the Dutch press, which had difficulties in accepting the Gleichschaltung that the occupier had immediately imposed. The DZN was only able to occupy so exemplary a position because it was subjected to the control of not one but several NS-propaganda institutions: the Presseab- STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 17 teilung in The Hague, Goebbels’ Minisierium fiir Volksaufklirung und Propaganda in Berlin; and the Pressepoliisches Amt der NSDAP under Diettich, Furthermore, as a publication of the NS-Europa Presse, the DZN ‘was part of the Party press under Amann (cf. Bramsted 1965), Small won- der, then, that in The Hague this multiplicity, to which must be added the attempts of Dutch Nazis to influence the Dutch press, produced a chaos which was difficult to control, Accordingly, the DZN occupied an inter. ‘mediary position which might be summarized as follows daily paper for the Germans in the Netherlands; soldiers’ paper; organ of the Reichskommissariat; daily paper for the Dutch; bellicose anti-English ideological philet (cf. Sauer 1983) All this appeared in the guise of a serious newspaper which, in appear- ance and in the varicty of its subjects, modelled itself alter the highest of standards, such as the Frankfurter Zeitung and Das Reich. The DZN, accordingly, was quite voluminous: two pages of politics; one “Page of the Day”; one “Ps ‘one or two pages of economic news, sports, culture, advertisements and many photographs on the last page. It was printed and edited in Amsterdam. As it was part of a chain of Papers, it also contained many articles which were presumably also to be found in the other papers in the group (for the time being detailed examina- tions of this are not yet possible). These, then, were articles not written especially for the Netherlands, but included reports from correspondents, columnists, among whom were many “celebrities”, serialized novels, adop- tions from other newspapers and magazines and articles of “PK-people” (Propagandakompanien of the Wehrmacht) ete. 2.2. NS-ideology for the Netherlands ‘While some of the rulers of the “Third Reich” added to their per riches by buying paintings at “favourable” prices or engaging in dealings on the black market, the course officially adopted was a meandering between naked power-politics and Germanic back-slapping. Seyss-Inquart’s most important instructions from Hitler were to integrate the economie power of the Netherlands into the German war economy, {o emphasize the shared “Germanic” descent and gradually, under the aegis of a “New Europe”, to18 CHRISTOPH SAUER weed the Dutch away from their sense of independence and annex them in some way to the Reich. ‘AS a small country of great economic potential, and as a colonial power (at lea ly, until the Japanese occupied the colonies in the East Indies), the Netherlands not only provoked blatant envy in the Germans, they wete also forced into the ambivalent role of being Germany's junior partner. As such they were offered various allurements which wer ever, always attached to far-reaching conditions. These included ani tic administrative measures and assistance in the deportation of Dutch Jews; provisions of volunteers to serve on the Eastern front in particula forced Inbour in the Netherlands and in the Reich (Arbeitseinsatz); political reorganization under a NS-puppet (the Leider (Fidhrer) of the Nationaal- Socialstische Beweging NSB) and an increase in the influence of the SS on ‘occupation policy (danger of annexation). On the whole, the policies of the Germans amounted to a " Germanization and, when this did not ‘turn out to be particularl ly blatant realiza of German interests. Apart from making ideological appeals manifold in a variety of fields, the occupier concentrated upon articulating, as a form of co-operation and collaboration, the will to survive demonstrated by many Dutch and th ngness to continue to fulfil, under the prevailing cir- cumstances, their usual everyday duties (ef. for an overview Warmbrunn 1963; de Jong 1969 etc.; Hirschfeld 1984). T should finally ike to quote a not altogether representative example of how one would have liked, as a German Nazi, ideally to have treated the Duteh, Its taken from a memorandum for the founding of a “Secret La ‘guage Office” intended to co-ordinate and to intensify all NS-activities in the realm of language policy; and it reveals in which forms the claim of the Reich to world domination could sometimes be manifested. |. Furthermore, opportunities which cannot be passed up are now pre- senting themselves as rezards the Dutch, as Germs incratt a defends Dutch cities, as German soldiers stroll along with Dutc (Daeh; “mesjes”). Now is the time to decisively cultivate the awareness ip between the German and Dutch peoples. [.] Yet its ate an awareness of our close kinship with the Dutch, by ‘that the Duteh and the Flemings, when they speak the same as we do in the Re language, guage. The ein ‘Low German sry language is not iterary language but only a written dialect. Otherwise, Afrikaans STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 19 ld not have split off from i. "Th the Dutch, and the bringing; would ensve, of a desire for great Schmidt-Rohr on ted July 1942, quoted after lated by Andreas Michael) Tt cannot be wholly denied that such thoughts, at least from time to time, flowed from the pen of this or that DZN-journalist. In various articles one may find, over the years, more or less obvious pointers to such fan- tasies, often coupled with expressions of irritation at the “obstinacy” and “stubborness” of the Dutch, and especially at the “immobility” of the Dutch press, which had been “forced into line” (gleichgeschaltet. 3. Mlustrative analysis 3.1 On the selection of the texts In a general press-landscape these texts (A and B) constitute special cases. They derive from the intention of the editors of the DZN to place emphasis on the second anniversary of the attack on the Netherlands, and thus of the beginning of the war for the Dutch. This emphasis has a dual purpose: firstly, to show the occupied that the occupier has not “forgotten” the traumatic experience they had gone through and secondly to counter suspected Dutch memories of time before occupation by stressing the necessity of taking action hic et nunc. The particularly precarious position of the DZIN on this point, and the reference to a particular date, gave rise to experiments with new forms of writing. If on the first anniversary there was a preference for retrospective articles, articles that recapitulated past events in the form of reports or summaries (cf. DZN of 10th May 1941, as well as a small series of articles appearing under the heading “Before and ‘After 10th May” on 12th May, 13th May and 14th May 1941), now, on 10th May 1942, the new experiences following the attack on the Soviet Union, and the general expansion of the war come fo the fore. The editorial intro- duction (text A) already makes it clear that the readers are to be given the impression that there is simply no time to indulge in trifling reminiscence. Such reminiscence is substituted by seven brief and personal articles by the respective section editors who individually aim to vilify the temporizing attitude of the Dutch towards the occupier’s efforts at nazification, and to pressure the Dutch into being, either voluntarily or nolens volens, more20 CHRISTOPH SAUER accommodating towards German demands. T suspect that this kind of text els more of the general impetus of the occupier’s mnguage policy than dutiful articles on less explosive occasions could. It is precisely because these commemorative articles, of which text B is an example, were written with a full awareness of the precariousness of the situation they addressed, that they release textual strategies which correspond to the precarious inter- mediary position of the DZN. The selection of these texts documents the “normality” of the occupier in heightened circumstances of articulation. 3.2 Texts Text A: Text B: DEN 10th May 1942, p.3 AFTER TWO YEARS (On 10th May the spark of war which until then, in the West, had been almost indistinguishable from an armistice also jumped across the borders ‘of the Netherlands. re. Amsterdam, 10th May “There i still war in Burope and in the world. In gigantic final struggle the nations who fee! themselves to be bearers of true civilization have taken om. ‘Anglo-Saxonism and the destructive powers of Bolshevism. Today, ‘wo years have passed since the occupation of the Netherlands by Germany, ‘which was pravoked by the behaviour of our enemies. It cannot be the task atthe present time to account forall that has been achieved, with peaceful intent, inthis country. Nevertheless, if we give several of our contributors ‘the chance to express their impressions upon such a purely extemal occa sion, its done so with the awareness that inthe struggle tant t0 take action than to meditate, Nor can a brief mor tion, whose character is more subjective than objective, prehensive. Rather, it is to be judged in the same way ast from these two years: al the end of this war which we bear together, the shared task of European peace awaits us. DZN 10th May 1942, p.3 INA STATE OF WAR (1) Itis not that we had wished for the Netherlands to be saddled with the worst kind of war and all ts conceivable consequences. (2) On the con- trary, it would be worth a lot to us if many things were easier and simpler in this country. (3) For that would be a sign that there were fewer worties thin the Reich as well. (4) But the Dutch as a whole do not yet in fact know the meaning of war. (5) Indeed, they have not even properly under- stood yet that they themselves are eatght up in the most gigantic and far- reaching confrontation of alltime, and that they must take sides, one or the other. STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION next morning they awoke behind German lines, (9) And quicker than 1d have been the case with a prolonged defence of the country, the tary-grey uniforms returned home to their families. (10) For the Fier tgenerously gave them their freedom. (11) Only a few days later, the Reichskommissar arived, accompanied by a civilian government that did absolutely everything to satisfy the wishes of the Dutch. (12) The use of terror by the occupying forces which the Jewish papers had prophesied — nothing of the kind. (13) Dutch girs (Dutch: meisjes) strolled along with German soldiers; people sat in the cafés und laughed; in the evening, one raised one’s tipple (Dutch: borrel), sat together cheerfully, and was able to walk home on streets that were safe lates night. (14) All this did not have to be so. (15) The freedom conceded to the Dutch was an expression of the fith of the Reich in the healthy sense of reality attributed 0 the Dute (16) If today allthis i no longer as it once was; if one must be home ‘om the stroke of twelve; ifthe rations of potatoes, bread, meat and lard are the flow of liquor (Dutch: jencver) has cigars are soldat exorbitant prices — true, expression of the war, but, in the end, they are rather srovoked by plutoeratic-Bolshevist Jewry, they do so gladly. (22) Inthe helicf, nay, in the knowledge that i is too late fora different solution to be found. (23) We cannot force the Dutch to believe in the German victory. (24) We do not even make those who think differently hope for the German victory. (25) But we have to expect that everyone, after two years, understood that the Netherlands, 00, is in the thick of war. (26) Of a duel betsveen a new manifestation in the Hie of nations ageinst an old demand ing extreme sacrifice. (27) So world-wide and significant is this struggle 1d on social and cultural ‘the examples of South America © 10 dance to their tune! (30) Yer the United a culture from destruction. (31) For they have none. (32) The moloch of a2 CHRISTOPH SAUER (33) “Germany fights for Et Europa:) is what the Dutch newspapers write every day above the Gert ‘Army report. (34) Because the Germans wish it to be so, many will say Fine, But also because 5) Just as i 6 not possible to only take care of Holland, since, owing £0 the bad foresight of past European polit « Europe depends on oversees supplies forts food — something ind has always viewed with great joy, since this furnished her ‘weapon of the blockade. (36) This example at once, however, should show the Dutch whose side they are on today. (37) One does not took up aems. (38) The area in © that they ean ignore these licence for (43) Tris war which will also liberate Hi Europe, HVT. (Sranslated by Andreas Michael) 3.3 Text A and its function of directing reception ‘Text A might be viewed as setting the scene for the reader for the entire article; itis the (boldfaced) introduction to the individual contribu- tions which follow. Tt plays on ected expectation of the occupier’s reaction to the anniversary of ng of the war for the Netherlands, ‘and transforms this expectation into a self-evident “duty” of the DZN. The importance of this duty, however, is devalued by the dichotomy between “action” and “meditation”. The reader thus expects a form of meditation which is characterized as being not very important, as “subjective”. Text A also addresses the question as to how comprehensive the subsequent indi- vidual contributions will be: itis obviously concerned with scaling down the issue, presumably in order to avoid the thought of any definitive account. In this way the DZN also avoids the precarious problem of the addressee of such an account: the Reick, the Dutch, the Party, or others. The basis of assessment for the collection of articles that are introduced by text A is not explicated for the reader; this gives rise to a certain tension, a void of expectation to be filled by the texts to follow. Of course, text A also com- municates some official information, but it does this ma STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 23 4 quotation (“the occupation of the Netherlands by Germany, which was provoked by the behaviour of our enemies”) — something which, from the very outset, had been continuously repeated as the German reading and thus signals that this time the theme is to be different, Thus the repetition in text A of elements of the official discourse functions as an allusion to German justifications of the attack of 10th May 1940, and cloaks the mem- ory in authority. ILis, asit were, the purpose of text A to negate any expec- tation of an unequivocal theme, and, in announcing “their impressions”, to cate a specific curiousity directed towards differentiating these texts from the usual ones. Instead of a compilation from the editors and the archives, the reader gets a sequence of “their impressions”. The sign-board of the introduction signals an intended rejection of other textual strategies and thus indicates that the exigencies of the moment demand different — and perhaps less explicitly “propagandistic” — forms of writing, 3.4. Textual strategies intext B: first mode of reading ‘Text B is, in the context of my discussion, the actual example of a lan~ ‘guage-political procedure. It is one of seven examples, from which this par- ticular text, owing to the great similarity of these examples, has been selected somewhat a random. The subject of B is the current situation in the occupied country, which is suffering from an increasing scarcity of resources of all kinds. All of the privations, and all of the measures of the ‘occupying power, are articulated in the term “war”, although “struggle” is nowhere spoken of. The self-declared theme — already signalled by the title — of the contribution, then, is this: the gradual change of the Dutch situation into that of a war-like state. “This message is presented in a very specific manner. It appears in the form of an argument: the occupier carries on a kind of dialogue with the occupied in which actual or virtual counterargument of the Dutch is immediately refuted. All of this amounts to an imposition of the German perspective on the Dutch, who evidently see a different cause for the aggra- vation of the situation. It is part of the physiognomy of this text that it adheres to the formulation “the Dutch”, while at the same time addressing them as readers; similarly, a judge may speak of “the accused” although the latter stands before him and might also be addressed in a different manner. On the one hand, the form of writing forces this mode of writing upon the ; on the other hand, it allows him to exploit a subtle oscilla24 CHRISTOPH SAUER tion between the Dutch as “subject” and “object”. ‘The exposition contained in sentences (1) to (5) is already dircctod towards the conclusion, i.e. the “side” one is said to have to “take” (5). The author, in so doing, starts with a bang; he simply denies that the Dutch pos- sess any grasp of what is his own point of departure, name of war". Thus the argument begins with a reproach whi forces the opposing side into the defensive. The next section, (6) to (15), briefly describes reminiscences of the “five days of May 1940” (6) and the ensuing phase of the occupation, the “freedom” (15) the Dutch allegedly had. The author idyllizes the gradual restructuring of the country under the ‘aegis of National Socialism as a generous privilege (cf. (14)) and an agre- able surprise in view of their worst fears — for which others, namely “the Jewish papers” and not the Dutch themselves, are held responsible. The changing of the initial phase is the subject of section (16) to (22). Here, there suddenly appears the term “sacrifice” (18, 19), whose reference, at first, had been the rationing of food, but which is now directed towards death, Compared to the latter, the restrictions imposed on life in the ‘occupied country appear small. Both in the second and in the third sections, the journalist articulates a comparison with “graver” situations, in order to be able to dismiss the changes as “harmless” (16): things might have been much worse. ‘The fourth section, (23) to (32), turns to the “inner” condition of the Dutch. The particular aim is to wrest from them the acknowledgement “that the Netherlands, too, is in the thick of war” (25). What is at stake, however, is clearly more than mere lip-service; for pre-war expectations and previous thoughts are taken up, and, with reference to the occupation policy of the Allies, presented as outmoded. The DZN is here trying to get the occupied to admit that the German occupation is not as bad as all that. ‘The argument of “culture” (28, 30, 31, 32) in this draws on historical stereotypes that are not particular to Nazi ideology. Indeed, it may be gen- erally asserted that the explicitly ideological articulations one might expect, here are very much muted. Nevertheless, the fifth section, from (33) to (41), starts out with them, albeit only in the form of a quotation from Dutch papers, a form which makes it possible for a conflict between the formula- tions imposed by the Germans and those the Dutch themselves would wish to be acted out here. In the main, however, this section is concerned with advocating a change of sides on the part of the Dutch, and to lead them from the position of an enemy (37) into another, which can only be STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 25, localized very indirectly. In this regard, the formulation “on whose side they are on today” is the key point: it permits 2 “factual” reading by evok- the German continental esult of a d includes the refutation of the other “side”, The final part of the section, presenting the “bottleneck” (41) in supplies as the result of the pre-war politics of the Netherlands and other occupied countries, con- stitutes a justification. Thus the circle which also includes Sections 2 and 3 hegemony; but which one “sid ind the terms “subjugation” and “coercion” are sedulously avoided. ‘The first passage through text B, then, reveals a review of pre-war developments and developments in the occupation policy of the recent past, fa review in which the deterioration of the quality of life in the occupied Netherlands is portrayed as ineluctable. The possibility of speaking of a “crisis” is countered by the author by the use of the term “mistake”, which is said to name the real cause. Thus the occupier is acquitted, and an attempt is made to prevent the reader from thinking that the clock might still be turned back. It is notable that text B as a whole projects a tone of irritation: from the outset, the reproach of being unable to imagine the real meaning of “war” is addressed to the occupied, and in (4, 5) it takes on, as it were, a life of its own, in spite of the concession to be found in ( result of this is the final expectation that, even if only on this score, more “war” would “balance the scales of justice” 3.5. Consensus-making and intervention: other modes of reading ‘The mise-en-scéne of the “message” of the text strikes one as being rather poorly developed and inconsistent. It is very obvious that the text oscillates between a variety of focal points. This constitutes a contradiction of the importance of the occasion of writing and of the degree of awareness involved in this address, both of which, for instance, were evident in text A. For this reason it would also be wrong merely (o presume that the writer had an off-day. In fact it is of little interest to speculate to what extent the formulations are calculated; to proceed thus would at best only result in the26 (CHRISTOPH SAUER question of what the intention of the author was. My approach to the con- cept of a text focusses, by way of contrast, on the central question of which specific reconstructions and operations of meaning are occasioned by the text, und how these correspond to the ideological practice of fascism as an ‘occupying power. The fact that text B proceeds in a rather irregular fash- ion, I take to be an indication of a specific mode of reading. The DZN here jumps from one aspect to another, and is evidently able to expect the reader to effect a corresponding argumentation. The moment this is achieved, the reader will also have adopted as his own the perspective of the text. This is altogether different from agreeing with or refuting the text; the point, rather, is to activate the reader’s memories of the first years of occupation, to assimilate them into the text, and to reformulate them in the light of new aspects. ‘The central perspective is predetermined; it is that of dently, however, this is not intended to mean that the Net ‘become an actual theatre of war, for this would imply an Allied ‘The issue, rather, is to render infinite a restricted meaning of which signifies an armed combat of military forces —, and thus to include under the heading of “martial acts” forms of behaviour hitherto beyond the concept of “war”. Here one may detect a certain (but not more than that) similarity with the concept of “total war” whose announcement was made in a macabre spectacle by Goebbels in his infamous speech in the Berliner Sportpatast. While “total war”, especially in its articulation as a “totaliza- tion of the war”, is aimed at the most pervasive mobilization of men and forces, the way in which “war” is here rendered infinite is a technique of transforming meaning, a technique that enlarges the semantic range (= extent) of “war”, The more comprehensive “war” becomes as a concept of perception, the more it will extend over other aspeets of life. ‘These aspects, having become martial, cut off other, non-martial modes of behaviour, and locate these “outside”, that is, as something harmful to “war” and thus to be refrained from. It is this restructuring of social experience towards which the text is geared. The frequently mentioned counter-position shows what the face of martial behaviour in the Netherlands is to look like: no more complaining, strong action, the entering of new alliances, turning over a new the page in history; in short: to support congenially the occupying power. What is cloaked in the gown of argumentative dialogue is to be calibrated to the martial pattern of order and obedience.’ One of the pre~ requisites for this isa sanctioning power that is capable of enforcing obedi- STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 27 ence. ‘To increase the violent measures of the occupier (which are already pointed out here) would be to counteract the originally intended self-nazifi- cation of the Netherlands. ‘Therefore the text e the structure of “order and obedience”, an intervention into the situation as it has been till now, an intervention that transforms the experience of the occupied: the dichotomy of “war” and “peace” that (in the textual deserip- tion) determines most actions of the Dutch, now results in a new conjune- tion of these two concepts. Reactions to the wishes or orders of the occupier can now only he articulated as obedience or as insubordination (with all its attendant consequences). To continue to insist on “ behaviour that the occupier represents as criminal using all possible means. A third stance, for instance that of a denigrating attitude such as charac terized the first phase of Dutch response to the occupation, will no longer be tolerated by the Germans With the imposition of the pattern of “order and obedience”, the text reacts to the most recent measures put into effect by the Nazis to transform the Netherlands, measures that indeed document that the previously hoped-for “voluntary falling into line” (Selbsigleichschattung) had not been successful. At the beginning of May, 1942, the so-called “Jewish Star” Gudenstern) became compulsory after most Jews (especially in Amster- dam) had already been herded together in ghetto-like conditions. This was done in preparation for deporting, which commenced in the middle of 1942. ‘ew instances in the text in which there are anti-Semitic formula- these administrative measures of the Holocaust. More important st ever, is the excision of further possible formulations, which thus 1 reader to his own recapitulations, ‘This is also the case with the preparation bour deployment” (Arbeitseinsatz), the combing- through of Dutch factories in search of surplus workers who were to be for- cibly deported (o the Reich; this started in April 1942 (on the Arbeitseinsatz in general of. Herbert 1985). Here, too, readers only find underlying refer- mainly refer to the “securing of food” (28) to which the occupied themselves are {o contribute in greater measure. The intervention in existing conditions is in part articulated in ostentatious silence and in deliberate vagueness, both of which transgress the self-erected frame of fe dialogue and function as allusions and gaps. It is, further- congruous with this textual strategy that the explicitly ideolog- ical should be s0 rare. Only in the sentences (18) to (22) do we find an28 (CHRISTOPH SAUER ideological manner of speech, which encompasses ctifice”, anti-Semitism and “faith”. Now, here is an occasion ‘on which I fee! it is not sufficient to speak merely of an abbreviation which is (supposed to be) nullified by the reader in the act of reading. In consider- ation of the deliberations we have embarked upon thus far, I should like to propose an interpretation that detects, at this point, a tendency to substi- tute for an ideologization a militarization. This tendency is not yet fully developed, although it is already dominant here. The renunciation of explicitly ideological modes is not caused by a relaxation of pressure, let alone by German resignation; on the contrary, this renunciation is opera tive as an exacerbation and “martialization”. I thus ascribe to the sometimes polemical tone a literal meaning, of reproach, of a scolding and reprimand- ing of the Duteh, especially in (4, 5, 13, 14, 16, 17, 23, 24, 25, 33, 34, 38). It is not irony — although this cannot be wholly excluded — that isto the fore in these descriptions that are addressed to the occupied and report on some of their modes of behaviour; it is a demagogic narrowing of perspective. If one follows the Ianguage-political operations of meaning in text B, then a war-like state in the occupied country is shown to be the only way t0 continue the implementation of an occupation policy under the aegis of Germany and National Socialism given the altered conditions of the inter- nal and external situation, i.e, the course of the front-line, In the “syn- tagma” of the “New Europe”, the “peaceful” Netherlands are exchanged for “martial” Netherlands, and this new “war”-paradigm entails further rearrangements and displacements, Apart from that of intervention, the text also pursues an aim of a con- sensus between occupier and occupied, for the active participation of the Dutch must continue if the most basic necessities of life arc to be provided. In order to bring about such a consensus, the text draws part ofits authority from Hitler and Seyss-Inquart by alluding to certain modes of formulation: the superlatives “the most gigantic and wide-ranging confrontation of all time” (5) surely stem from Hitler and from the empathy of the DZN-jour- nalist; while “this one or that” constitutes a paraphrase taken from various speeches of Seyss-Inquart’s, who was particularly concerned with banishing from Dutch consciousness a “third way”, and who on several occasions also used the “duel” (26) (o vilify an attitude of non-participation among the Dutch (cf. Sauer 1984). The partial recognition of habitual modes of speech of the various Filhrer is a means of creating the consensus. Another is to refrain from differentiating Dutchmen from one another in the text. The lod”, the “birth of a STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 29 absence of even the slightest mention of Dutch Nazis indicates the calcu- lated decision made here by the DZN to omit a consideration of this issue, which was a sensitive one for the occupied, who generally reacted rather negatively towards Dutch collaborators with the Nazis. The general stereotypes of the United States and of the Soviet Union (in 30, 31, 32) are further elements in a consensus, elements whose acceptance is a foregone conclusion for the author. The appearance of Dutch words in the German text is of special import: Meisjes (13), Borrel (13, 19), Jenever (16), weledele Mijnheren (17) and Duitschland strijdt voor Europa (33). In these linguistic forms the DZN demonstrates to the occupied its detailed knowledge of the situation and of ‘current general moods. In addition, there is a certain, measured spiteful- ness on the part of the author, who is thus, within the predetermined prop- aganda framework, able to allow a free rein to his subjectivity, and also perhaps to make use of personal familiarity with the Dutch language, some- ing not to be expected of all DZN-men. In this kind of textual strategy the consensus — which after all presupposes a certain degree of parallelism of opinion — crystallizes into an imposition of @ single description which constantly refers to the addressee. This procedure is especially versatile in those instances where the Dutch conception of their own national charae- teristics comes into play. This is the case in sentence (15): “The freedom conceded to the Dutch was an expression of the faith of the Reich in the healthy sense of reality attributed to the Dutch”. The “healthy sense of ity” is surely viewed as an adequate formulation of the emphasis on the pragmatic (which, incidentally, is operative in Dutch politics even today!) In this way the occupier also succeeded in keeping low the losses caused by friction, and in prompting most Dutchmen to “go on”. However, the “heal- thy sense of reality” is given a special twist in the relative clause “which one had attributed to the Dutch”. “One”, in this context, is unmistakably the Reich More important, however, is that the image the Dutch had of them- selves is thus made dependent upon another egency, upon somcone who is called upon to confirm the image. ‘This makes the “healthy sense of res the result of a relationship between the Dutch and that “someon the very least by the condition that the Dutch should be wellbehaved in the eyes of the Germans. In this way, the achieve- ment of a consensus based on a “healthy sense of reality” is transformed from a simple statement that might or might not be true into a linguistic30 CHRISTOPH SAUER action that compels whoever is so desi dence between formulation and fact, actual case here is that “everyone, after two years”, should have “under- stood that the Netherlands, too, isin the thick of war” (25). The consensus instrumentalized by the text draws the Dutch reader more strongly into the operations of meaning in the text than would be the case were he not him- self implicated; and these operations of meaning themselves constitute an intervention in existing conditions. Although the analysis of text B presented here has not been exheus- tive, we may conclude by noting that the language-political procedures and the textual strategies are rather complex, and that they operate through the multidimensionality of the text. The force of the ideological here was derived mainly from allusions to various fascist Fihrer and from the ry perspective. By considering sovio-historical determi- it was possible to take adequately the situation of occu- pation into account in our analysis. I should like to conclude by proses the results in a diagram (see Figure 2) ated to bring about a correspon- other words, to bow the Reich. The Toni anaset feywarana | BE ue -areeeho Deck pe occupacion f aa ican eae Mise-onscne | ilonca) tothe Dat central perspective ofthe‘ order and obedence a em sci experience mr Prepeseiation ofan [snacking at ch words in German test text B (DZN 10 May 1942, p. 3) Figure 2: Co-occurence of textual strategies ‘The multiple mode of reading, in the form in which it has been demonstrated here, is necessary to instigate the “movement” required in order to trace NS-language policy und ideological combinations of texts, STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 31 Without such a search-strategy the task, in the main, would be to assign categories to elements in the text. It ought, however, to have become clear ‘that the categories themselves derive from ideological discourses and must ‘thus equally be included in the scope of interpretation. 4, Reading between the lines Techniques of camouflage such as were adopted by the “inner emigra- tion” and later painstakingly uncovered in subsequent academic works in order to document the opposition to the regime they were held to express are not the exclusive province of those texts.* Worse stil, they are exploited by the Nazis and the NS-journalists themselves. All implicit appeals addres- sed to the reader in contributions to newspapers and magazines to read ly between the lines — a specific regulation of reading, one might jerent in these texts — are equally inherent in Nazi-texts. The NS- provides for written forms of mistrust, of deception, of duplic- ity, of closedness, of ambivalence and allusion. These procedures were not invented by the Nazis; but they were certainly exploited by them. Without « socio-historical linguistic analysis it will be impossible to distinguish Nazi- texts from camouflaged texts, unless one wishes to refer to the good or bad intent of the author (and then it would be neccessary to divine his inten- tions). We must, however, accept what all the more recent work on the ideological emphasizes, namely that the text, any text, to a great extent cludes the authority of its author, that it becomes independent, Only in considering other contemporary texts and discourses, then, is it possible to reconstruct with any kind of comprehensiveness the ficld of meanings inscribed into the text by the author, and the way in which the text itself socially processes this field of meanings. Thus the technique of reading between the lines is a minimum condition to be satisfied by any science of the “text”, and by any attempt to examine linguistic actions as “texts” in their historical or present circumstances. In this task, itis not possible to set, once and for all, norms by which one might distinguish with any cer- tainty the “nazistic” from the “democratic”; they have to be developed for each individual ease.32 CHRISTOPH SAUER ACKNOWLEDGEMENT T peesented some paris ofthis article in Di Utrec hat the Rijksunivesit scam Ideology and Langage” ia Mare 1986. T woul eoraments and important dis ing my text ike to thank Joaquin Ri Specict thanks are due 10 Andteas 1. Isa confine my eiscussion her the historical National Socialism and functioning es an occupying power. In this respect, my discussion ofthe language and ideology focusses on a case-study whose potential for being generalized is This, however, a case-study having & decisive influence on our notions, ideology and the ideological function, More particulary, inflationary we ideological is constituted in each eae by already-exstng ideok ‘eologieal (et. Haug 1680) 3. sunly Language and the State Covlias (1985) focusses on the insu ions oflangunge planing. His (Saussure) has non which diferent aspirations ate (or may be) projected. 4, The BZN was published (7 times & week) a6 «daily newspaper wi approximately 50.000 copies, wl ‘papers which the DZN, even its extemal appearance, save to emulate. More particu ise of photographs (from the archives, if STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 33 i 6. Sentence (26) features 2). Furthermore, even motivation: it diearticulates 1 1 also explains the Prssin officers! the Netherlands REFERENCES Bramsted, Emest K. 1965. Goebbels and National Socialist Propaganda 1925-1945. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. Coulmas, Florian, 1985. Sprache und Staat. Berlin & New York: de Gruy- ter. Dewische Zeitung in den Niederlanden, 1940-1945. Rijksinstituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie (=DZN). Ehlich, Konrad. 1982. “Zum Textbegriff. Aspekte. 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Opladen: ‘STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 35 Sauer, Christoph. 1985b. “Niederkinder, “Nederlandsche Oost Compagnie’ in der NS-Sprachpolitk. In Ger. manistik — Forschungsstand und Perspektiven, Georg St6tzel (ed.), 278- 318. Berlin & New York: de Gruyter. Sauer, Christoph. 1988. Forthcoming. “Nazi stylistic strategies in the ‘occupied Netherlands”. In The Taming of the Text, Willie van Peer (ed.). London, Boston & Henley: Routledge & Kegan Pau Simon, Gerd. 1979. *Materialien iiber den Widerstand in der deutschen Sprachwissenschaft des Dritten Reichs”. In Sprachwissenschaft und politisches Engagement, Gerd Simon (ed.), 153-206. Weinheim & Basel: Beltz. Speer, Albert. 1969. Erinnerungen. Frankfurt am Main & Berlin: Propy- len Verlag Steiner, George. 1984. “The hollow miracle”. In A Reader, George Steiner (ed.), 207-220, Harmondsworth: Penguin (orig. 1959), Stolzenburg, Herbert, 1957. Ober die journalistische Darstellung oppositio- neler Elemente des gesellschaflichen Zeitgespriichs im totaitdiren Staat. Ph. D. dissertation, Miinchen. Svensson, Arnold. 1978. Zum Sprachgebrauch der SPD im wirtschafis- olitischen Bereich nach 1945. Ph.D. dissertation. Hamburg, Svensson, Amold. 1984. Anspielung und Stereotyp. Opladen: West- deutscher Verlag, ‘Thompson, John B. 1984. Studies in the Theory of Ideology. Cambridge: Polity Press, Warmbrunn, Werner. 1963. The Dutch Under German Occupation 1940- 1945, Stanford: Stanford University Press. APPENDIX Test A: DZN 10.5.1982 p. 3 NACH ZWEI JAHREN Pr, Amsterdam, 10. Mai ‘in Europa und in der Welt. In cinem gigantischen Endkampt sind dic Volker, die sich als Trager wahrer Zivil sachsentum und die zerstorenden Michte des36 CHRISTOPH SAUER. soit der durch das Verhalten unserer Feinde provoricrten Besetmng der Nicderiande Gurch Deutschland vergangen. Es kann nicht Aufgebe des Augenblicks sein, Rechenschaft zu geben dber all dss, was in der fredlichen Arbeit in diesem Lande sgeleistet wurde. Wenn wir trotzdem einer Reihe von Mitarbeitern das Wort geben, uin ‘aus einem rein dusseren Anlass uns einige persoaliche Findricke wiederaugedet aeschicht das in dem Bewussscin, dass es mitten im Werk, mitten in Arbeit und Kampf Wwichtiger it, zu handeln als zu mediieren, Ein kurzes Hes mehr subjektiven als objektiven Charakter trigt, kan! ben. Es ist vielmehr im glei Tett B: DZN 10.5.1992 p, 3 ES HERRSCHT KRIEGSZUSTAND iden den Krieg in schisfster Form und alle nur en. (2) Im Gegenteil: Wir giben otwes darum, denkbaren Foigen an den Hals wi wenn vieles leichter und in Zoichen dafur, dass 6s auch im Re! die Hollander in ihrer itheit wissen ja a nicht cinmal recht begin, dass teste Auseinandersetzung Zeiten a missen — hier oder da, i elnen Schreck, den ihnen die {inf Tage im Mai 1940 in die Knochen jagten. (7) Einige gewiss traf es schwer, firchter lich sogar. (8) Aber dic Gesamtheit der neun Millionen: Sie ging cines Abends im Schutz der niederlindischen Wehrmacht schlafen und erwachte am anderen Morgen biter den deutschen Linien, (9) Und schneller als im Falle einer langen Vertcidigung des Landes Kehrten dic Feldgrauen in ir nkreiszurick. (10) Dena der Faihrer Schenkte ihnen grosszigig dic Freibeit. (11) Mit dem Reichskommissar zog schos spiter eine loyale Vervaltung cin, cic alles, aber auch alles zur Beftiedigung mi dlischer Wiinsche tat. (12) Der von don Jidenblattern prophezeite ‘ungsmacht — keine Rede davon, (13) Die Meisjs flanierten Arma deutschen Soldaten, maa sas in den Cafés und lachte, hob akends Mund, hockte gemutlch zusammen und Konnte zu spater Stunde aut den Heimweg antret 28 alles hatte nicht so zu sein brauchen. (15) In der landern gewalhrte, zeigte sich das Vertrauen des Reichs in den ‘wenn man Schlag zw6lt Brot und Fleischrationen eine. grossen. Sprange trom heinahe versigt jst und Zigarren zu Phantasiepreisen le diese Dinge Ausdruck des Krieges, aber immerhin noch ‘Mijmheren keinen Grund abgeben, um it den Deutschen 2u hadern, dic Unversohnlichen au spielen. (18) Denn noch nie Ist dic Geburt einer neuen Zeit ohne Opfer eingeletet worden, 30 wie auch junges Leben nicht schmeralos und von ungefihr unter die Sonne titt. (19) Andere bringen grossete ‘Opfer als den Verzicht auf Borrel und blauen Dunst, (20) Sie stellen sich vor das wer. ‘echandelt werden, so sind STRUCTURES OF CONSENSUS-MAKING AND INTERVENTION 37 em haben. (21) Aber sie tum n-Dolschewistischen Judentum, gern. (22) nicht mehr gefunden werden kann. an den deutschen Sicg 2u glauben, nmal, auf den deutschen Sieg 70 Degrifen haben, im Krieg stehen. (26) In einem Zwveikampf einer neuen gegen eine alte Erscheimangsform im Leben der Valker, der schwerste Opfer aufgibs, (27) So weltweit und bedeutungsvol it dieser Kampf, dass selbst das Land der unbegrenricn M6 seine recht engen Grenzen zu sehen beginnt. (28) Wir méct erlasen, dic Ni der in diesem Zusan- menhang darauf auimerksam zu machen, dass auf Seiten der Alhierten, dic. ja bekanotlich die Kleinen Volker von der “faschistischen Agetession” schitzen, mit Newn- Millionen-Volkern nieht so ftiedlich ber die Sicherung der Ernshrung, soziale wad kul- Fragen verhandelt wird. (29) Dort heist es — siehe Sudamerika oder Iran — h, nach deren PYeife zu tanzen. (30) Dabei konnen dic Vereinigten Staaten nicht Anspruch nehmen, eine Kultur vor der Vernichtung zu bowahren. (31) Denn keine. (32) Der je ebenso wie die seelenlosen Sowjets (G3) “Duitschland strijét voor Europal™, schreib lich aber den deutschen Wei lerlindisehen Zeitungen s gab ihm die Blockade- indern aber zeigen, aut s heute stehen, (37) Man gehort nicht immer za der Partei, aut deren Seite man die Waffen erhoben hat. (38) Der Ra lebt, diktiert andere Bindunge Sal lie einen Freibriet far geqs abgeben soll, voroege: hen zu kénnen glauben. (39) An diesen Stunden der Vater aber kaut Holland heute. (40) Gleich Frankreich, gleich Belgien oder Griechenland, (41) Bis Deutschland, die Actse, ie Dreipaktmachte es endgiltig herausgefuhrt haben aus dem Engpass, in dem 7 wenig wichst und in den die Bomben der gewissenlosen Weltzerstorer fallen, (42) Es ist der Krieg, der anch Holland dic Freiheit bringt, withrend der Frieden Europa knebelte. HA,Language policy during the fascist period: the case of language education Gabriella Klein University of Naples Introduction. ‘The seemingly asystematic character of language policy (LP) during the two decades of Italy makes one wonder whether it can rectly be defined as an LP, However, through comparison of the processes of other LPs on which sociolinguistic studies are available today, and on the basis of thorough-going research into and interpretion of first-hand sources from that era (particularly reviews, newspapers, archive documents, laws and decrees, dictionaries), T would like to develop the thesis that fascism followed a precise LP design, ‘Three main steps can be identified in the regime’s LP: (i) in public edu- cation fascism attempted to create a policy of linguistic uni bordered on dialectophobia (Klein 1984a, b); (ii) simultan more aecentuated manner, the idea “one nation = one languat developed. This exercised pressure on the principal minority languages both in the schools and in public and even in private use; (it) the effort not only to achieve but also to mantain this ideal linguistic unity culminated in an autarchic LP with regard to so-called “exotisms” (Klein 1981, 1982 and Raffaelli 1983). The following considerations will provide a general scheme of LP pro- «cesses (Section 1), illustrating its specific application to the field of language education during fascism (Section 2) and synthesizing the fascist LP inter- ventions in other fields (Section 3)40 (GABRIELLE KLEIN 4. Theoretical and methodological framework From a methodological point of view I will refer to sociolinguistic studies on LPs and thus a general series of aspects and sub-aspects of the problem, 1.1 The first aspect is the definition of the norm, including a preliminary examination of the sociolinguistic repertoire of a given speech community (€-g. according to the well-known distinctions among functional categories such as Standard, Cl Pidgin, Artificial, Xized Y (mixed but non-reduced variety, like Pidgin, of group usage), Interlanguage (mixed variety like the former, of individual usage), Foreigner Talk (variety used by native speakers with foreigners); (Stewart 1972 and re-claboration by Bell 1978: 152-157). The definition of the norm encompasses the distinctions among various language statuses reflecting dif ferent governmental attitudes (unique official, adjunctive official, regional official, encouraged, tolerated, discouraged languages, and one could add “forbidden” languages). Various functions of the normative variety must furthermore be specified: language of wider communication for external and/or internal use, language for educational use or common teaching object in formal education and/or medium of instruction (possibly varying with different levels), language of religion (Bell 1978: 182-184). 1.2. The second aspect is definition of the type of language planning. It is possible here as well to identify a series of sub-aspects. In deciding on the type of language planning to apply, one must distinguish between attemp- ted LPs which in a micro- and intra-linguistic perspective aim at the whole language system or a part of it (Knipfer and Macha 1971: 72), and other attempts which in a macro- and extra-linguistic perspective aim at all guage varictics in a community or at one of these. The extra-linguistic perspective deals therefore not with the linguistic code itself but with the funetion of one or more linguistic varieties in their functional distribution (pragmatic and social) in the community. In language planning a policy- approach can be identified and further subdivided into various standardiza- tion processes according to whether the problem is the choice of a code (= constitution of an official language), the stability of the code (= co tion) or the functional extension of the chosen code (= differentiation). Then there is the cultivation-approach, whose problem is differentiation LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD A within the code itself; @ particular case of this és linguistic purism (Clyne 1975; 144-145), Tn defining the norm of usage, one must distinguish different standardi- zation options: formal (language behaviour codified by the community of users) ¥s informal (uncodified but socially preferred norms of usage); ‘monocentric (single set of universally accepted norms) vs. polycentric (dif- ferent coexistent sets of norms); endonormative standardization (based upon native models of usage) vs exonormative standardization (based upon foreign models of usage) (Stewart 1972: 534 and note 5) 1.3 Itis important to consider the “norm establisher”, whether individuals or institutions, their motivations, interests and measures of intervention. Here it is useful to distinguish between decisional and executive organisms, intra- and extra-governmental, such as politicians, writers, journalists, academics, and the clergy. Knipfer and Macha (1971: 73-75) adduee four types of motivation: (i) aestethic viewpoint, (ii) simplification of comm cation by language rules (e.g. in multilingual communities, the establish- ment of one language, @ conglomerate or a completely new language as standard); (ii) normalization of technical languages as means of nationaliza- ion; (iv) language as means of social control (normalization of connota- tions and values aimed at influencing speakers’ thought processes). A fifth type of motivation could be national integration, which will be indispensa- ble in this study, These measures of intervention are carried out using means such as pre- scriptive laws and models to follow (e.g. spelling and grammar books, lter- ary works and translations, movies, plays, journals, newspapers etc). ‘The choice of the means determines the area(s) of intervention. As a result itis possible to intervene in specific areas such as education, publishing activities, the cinema, theater, radio and television, and mass communica- tion in general, industry, agriculture and so on. ‘One must remember, furthermore, that in every LP process there are pressure groups such as professional teachers’ associations, typewriter and computer designers, editors in general and textbook writers in particu- lar, journalists, ideologists, ete 1.4 The fourth aspect regards the application range: one must distinguish whether the LP refers to a whole language community or to a part. It is important to consider that adaptation to the norm is influenced by factors2 GABRI IN such as the prestige and power of the “norm-establishers tions, conformism, and the speakers’ willingness to identify establishers. (Knipfer and Macha 1971: 76). ‘The description of this aspect should always be preceded by an analysis, of the speech community type, distinguishing between endoglossic, exoglos- sic and mixed states (Bell 1978: 170-171). In endoglossic states the official jonal language is the mother tongue of the majority of the population; this may imply problems of language minorities and of immigrants who bring with them non-standard varieties of other languages. Exoglossic states are extremely heterogeneous linguistically; one of the varieties may assume the function of lingua franca, but is not accepted as official lan- guage, so that an extrancous language may be necessary to fulfil this func: tion. In mixed states an indigencous language may satisfy the function of a national variety and a non-indigeneous one may become an official lan- guage. One must, furthermore, identify possible situations of diglossia and 1.5. An exhaustive analysis would require an evaluation of the success of any LP, although this is very difficult to measure. In this regard one could refer to the studies on interaction, in LP processes, between sentimental and instrumental forces having integrative or disintegrative effects (Kelman 1972 and Fishman 1971), as well as to the studies on methods of evaluating success or failure in language planning (McNamara 1971 and Rubin 1972). 2. LP in schools In a multilingual society with a high rate of dialectophony and illiter- acy, a totalitarian c the fascist regime in Italy (1923-1943), can be. expected to consider establishing an official and unifying language norm. To reach this objective, schools as the principal acculturation agencies became the focus of attention for the fascist regime: precise language edu- cation interventions permitted formal, monocentric and endonormative standardization, Socio-potitical control and national integration rep- resented the motivational forces in this operation. Instruction in and through the first language as well as second- language teaching were important in the socio-political formation of the student, especially after the consolidation of powcr in the 1930s, ‘Therefore, 1 will examine the response of the fascist state to the problem of language LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD B norm as well as the role it gave to n and modern foreign languages, ‘The two most decisive points in the conception of language education in the elementary school were the ministerial programs of 1923 (minister Gentile) and of 1934 (minister Ercole). The progressive exclusion of dialect from educational programs was accompanied by the increasing importance of grammar teaching. This pro-grammar strategy was also important in ‘teaching Latin as a language which became a model for the learning of Ita- Jian as well as of modern foreign languages. 2.1 The language of education and the language/dialect issue in the elemen- tary school. In order to resolve the problem of illiteracy in the early 1920s, adult educa- tion followed the so-called “from dialect to language” method (Klein 19 41, note 24), which was subsequently adopted at the elementary school level. The students’ dialect represented the point of departure aiming at the acquisition of Italian as the “national” language; the ultimate aim was Ita- jian as a unifying language variety. This point is clearly illustrated in the wording of art.4, para.1, R.D, (Royal Decree) October 1, 1923, 0.2185: “In all elementary schools of the Kingdom instruction is to be imparted in the language of the State”. This paragraph remained unchanged in the so- called “retouches” to the Gentile Reform carried out by the minister Fedele (RD. January 22, 1925, 0.432, art.31, para. and T.U. [Testo Unico] approved by R.D. February 5, 1928, 0.577, art.33) ‘The inspiration behind this paragraph is naturally mirrored in ministe- rial programs for the elementary schools and the relationship between the ‘wo varieties, dialect and the standard language, is conceived as a unilateral dependance: the M.O. (Ministerial Ordinance) November 11, 1923 prop- osed, beginning at the 3rd year of elementary school, “exercises in transla- tion from dialect” (see also art.8, section 4 of the R.D. October 1, 1923, n.2185; art.27 of T.U. approved by R.D. January 22, 1925, n.432; and art.29 of T.U. approved by T.D. February 5, 1928, n.577) in order to ena- ble the student to gain a mastery of Italian, the sole recognized aim. This unilateral conception attributes a subordinate role to the dialect variety which is already stated in didactic prescriptions for the 2nd year such as “methodic and graduated exercises in dictation, aimed specifically at combatting spelling errors which are more frequent when suggested by the dialect” (M.O. November 11, 1923). The programs of 1934 (M.D.4 GABRIELLE KLEIN [Ministerial Decree] September 28, 1934) no longer refer to these “exer- cises in translation from dialect” but retain the prescription of dictation exercises in the 2nd year to “combat spelling errors which are more fre- quent when favored by the dialect”. Furthermore, while the M.O. of November 11, 1923 refers, for the 4th year, to “litle lexical exercises: (a) ‘word families in the Italian language; (b) annotations of dialect sentences and words most difficult to translate”, this sccond part has been removed in the 1934 programs. The 1923 programs contained, for the Sth year, “or- ganic notions of Italian grammar, with particular emphasis on syntax, and systematic reference to dialect”, whereas the 1934 version lacks this “refer- ence to dialect” Up until 1928 the Ministerial Commission on textbooks, whose reports and lists are published in the Bollettino Ufficiale della Publica Istruzione (title changed in 1929 to B.U. della Educazione Nazionale), published lists of primers on regional culture and books of exercises dialect (Circular n.90, October 18, 1924; M.D. June 19, 1925), And in 1928 the Commission announced the adoption of 2 “unified state texthook” esto unico di stato), criticizing most of the “books on regional culture” for jt corresponding to teaching programs, and for lacking freshness, reada- and attractive variety” (M.D. November 20, 1928). ‘As the pre-1934 programs did not reject di ‘hat time in educational reviews on the languagei ively on the elimination of the interference of dialect elements in Italian (Caimo 1926: 34). From 1934 on, when programs no longer took dialect into account as a point of departure for the acquisition of Italian, the educa- tional debate became more rigidly anti-dialcet. This attitude of dialect sub- ordination was now taken to extremes, although dialect and the reality it expressed were still recognized: even though its existence could not be negated, a new language variety was {o be superimposed on it (Laurenti 1935a; 322). The negation of dialect figures as a negation of the reality it represents (Parente 1937: 388), and by the 1940s the objective of language unification acquired an expl al connotation (Villa 1941), The impossibility of dispensing with dialect as a point of departure, since it is the students’ mother tongue, is shown in a Circular from 1940 containing ns for use of the Ist year reading book”; point V refers to an “examination of illustrations in beginners’ readers; the child learns to say in a clear and precise manner the names of the objects or ani- mals illustrated, translating them from dialect” (Cite. n.2, December 30, 1940) LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD. 45 2.2. Conception of grammar in first-language education Language unification, whose forum during the regime was the school, seemed possible by centering language tcaching on grammatical instruc- tion, ‘The concept of grammar teaching underwent substantial change from the 1923 programs to those of 1934, even though superficially these changes may not seem fundamental. The 1923 programs for grammar teaching were formulated in a relatively generic manner, suggesting an inductive learning process, while the 1934 programs were more specific, prescribing exercises modelled on grammar rules, The debate which developed around the question of grammar teaching revealed its essential importance during that period. Following the Gentile Reform, grammar teaching based on definitions and abstract rules, a gram- mar “separate from what was a spoken or written language”, was criticized, although no one conceived of the abolition of grammar itself (Gabriel 1924: 433). The contrary opinion proposed inducing the stu: to discover the rules (Gabriclli 1924: 434). One of those who spoke out against grammatical definitions was Padellaro (1927a and b), who defended exercises which he believed to be indispensable in the student's learning process “to express himself as an adult”, because only by means of exercises could he acquire “the technique of this expression” (Padellaro 1928b: 3; see also 1928a). Various educational exponents supported the opinion that: observation by the stu let me repeat without, any specific notion of grammar (Montiani 1934: 1165), But even though following the 1923 programs many educationalists were ‘opposed to the use of grammar books and to grammar itself, the review La Scuola fascista published an anonymous article which reveals that already by 1927 “the grammatical zeal” had come to the fore ag affirms that “without grammar, language cannot be learned” (Purus. 1927). After the 1934 programs, this debate changed definitively. The 1923 abolition of the grammar book was criticized, and the consensus was that “the new programs seemed to give it [grammar teaching] more space; furthermore, there is a return to the use of a specific book” 338). While before 1934 grammar had been considered mainly a subject to be mastered (A.C. 1927: 261), it was now defined as46 GABRIELLE KLEIN of the language and not a superfluous complement as, unfortu- is * (Pucci 1936: 414), 2.3 The role of Latin as a language model ‘This evolution from an anti-grammar to a pro-grammar concept of language teaching can also be seen in second-language teaching, taking its impetus from Latin. The teaching of Latin had played a central role in the formation of the student since the time of the Gentile Reform. The classical orienta- tion of the 1923 Reform considered the teaching of this language to be the “foundation of classical education”. So “where it is taught, it must deter- mine the characteristic direction at school; it must be the nucleus of the forma mentis, the hinge of spiritual orientation” (Mondolfo 1923: 169). Finally “a beneficial effect on the learning of modern languages” was attri- buted to Latin (Vignola 1927: 543; see also Mittner 1933: 211). This con- ic method, encompassed not only the study of Latin literature bat also “the exercise of speaking, rea‘ self and composing directly in Latin” (Barbera 1925b: 232) In this case as well, the teaching of grammar was defined, by its critics, as “pedantic” and a “grammatical fetish” (Barbera 1924a: 122); on the other hand, a proposal was made to substitute the translation from Ttalian by direct composition in Latin (Gianola 1928: 428) School programs of 1923 contain no explicit indications on grammar teaching; only one Circular by Minister Fedele (n.6, January 30, 1926) rifies that “no language examination program includes any abstract grammar thesis”. It adds however that “every language and literature ‘examination covers the domain of grammar which is a composite discipline, since grammar, style, and thought are an inseparable unit” (see also Dal masso 1940: 39). The controversy about the teaching of grammar in Latin and in all other languages was thus silenced. Fit 1936, the school pro- grams reinserted grammar into all language courses, including Italian Simultaneously, or perhaps as a result (in the late 1930s), this object of Latin teaching acquired a new significance, that of a model of civilization: “grammar should be studied along those fundamental lines which represent the strong backbone of this language of achievers, which is what the Romans were” (Dalmasso 1940: 41). In the programs, Latin was described vage which had the virtue of expressing man and humanity both in sovereign dignity and in lucid and harmonious spirituality” (Dal- expressing one- LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD. a7 masso 1940: 46). Studying guage was equated with studying its mmar, and the grammatical method was considered “the only method possible for a profitable instruction of this language” (Tescari 1941: 182) ‘The School Charter by Minister Bottai reconfirmed the preeminent position of the study of Latin (“Dichiarazione” XIX and XXTM of the Char- ter): “Latin poses not only the problem of J, but of the whole of education” (Bottai 1942: 317). This minister maintained that the cation” of general education and its decadence were consequences (Bottai 1942: 319; see also 1 Rifiorimento... 1932) ‘These observ: 10... 1931, Galdi 1931 and should maintain an elite would lose its role as a ns seem to suggest that character: if it were disseminated too widely model for Italian and other modern languages, & model in that it is the expression of the Roman Empire whose magnificence represented an example for the fascist “Empire’ 2.4 The political significance of foreign language With the Gentile Reform, the teaching of grammar had experienced a crisis not only in Latin but also in modern foreign languages. The 1923 ministerial programs replaced it with “intuitive and practical” teaching (Allero 1941 349). The teaching of modern languages, furthermore, exclusively ut (Min. Ed. Naz. 1941; 259). A remedy to this crisis was seen in updating courses abroad for foreign language teachers (Vignola 1928: 389-391). In fact the Ministry of Public Education (Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione), recog- nizing the importance of foreign language instruction, suggested govern ‘ment funding for such courses, and proposed to increase the number of nguage teaching positions in middle schools (ACS, PCM 1929, £5.5, n.6263 (2)). It is interesting to note that the creation of these additional positions had the essential purpose of reversing the ratio between French and English teaching positions, French having previously enjoyed an enormous preva- ence. However, families continued in their preference for French, and a further problem was the high number of teachers trained in this subject, Tn 1938 the Ministry made a further attempt, again reducing the number of ing positions, and Mussolini ordered Bottai to demote French48 GABRIELLE KLEIN to an optional subject (ACS, PCM 1938, £.5.3, n.5502). This reduction ‘made way for an increase in German teaching positions. In spite of the formative importance attributed to the learning of mod- es in view of the “intense and powerful policy of imperial ‘Alfero 1941: 352), Bottai’s School Charter abolished the teach- languages in the middle school, inserting them later, once stu- dents had thoroughly learned both Italian and Latin grammar. This seem- ingly contradictory decision is understandable in view of the fact that the Charter reintroduced grammar as the basis for all language learning, and recognized Latin grammar as grammar par excellence. Not before the 1940s did the political and cultural relevance of modern languages become accentuated; a confirmation of this was the extra- scholastic initiatives to encourage for The decisive political role by now acquired by modern language teaching is evident in the addition to the four principal languages (German, English, French, Spanish) of Arabic which was becoming necessary in view of rel the African colonies, Tn conclusion, language teaching policy in the schools can be have constituted not so much the elaboration of didactic techniques, implementation of LP for which the school represented an indispensable route to the regime’s three objectives: (a) to establish a language norm through the teaching of Italian, thus creating a medium for instruction, whereby dialectophony and related illiteracy could be diminished; (b) to use Latin as a teaching object to constitute a language model for both the language of instruction (j.c. Italian) and foreign languages; (c) to establish among modern languages as objects of instruction, on the ity a mumerical ra basis of their political ut 3. Did an LP exist during fascism? ‘The theoretico-methodological framework and the heuristic data (like those presented here and in Klein 1986) make it possible to define more precisely the type of LP during fascism. {As for the sociolinguistic repertoire of the specch community (je. the speakers inside the political territory) it consisted of at least three types of varieties: one of which was standard Italian, another vernacular? and a third, dialect or regional Italian. A standardized Italian (Bertoni-Ugolini 1939), which in fact did not exist, was supposed to serve as the norm for the [ae] LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD. 49 official variety, attributing a subordinate status to the minority languages the dialects had been tolerated in private usc, every meuns was nonetheless applied to discourage the use of minority lan- ‘guages both in public and private life: for instane the use of minority languages on tomb st names and the prohibition of the use of non-Italian names. ‘The measures Against the minority languages were much more severe than those aiming to discourage the dialects. Therefore, the minority languages had a status first of a “discouraged language” and then of a “forbidden language”; thus the standard variety assumed all functions at a public level, and as for the minorities, the attempt was made to impose its use also privately ‘Language planning thus directed all the varieties: both on a micro- and intralinguistc level (e.g. the “battle” against regionalisms and exotisms; Monelli 1942; see also Foresti 1977: 119-120: note 38) and on a macro- and extralinguistic level (c.g. with all measures against jargons and dialects, affirm that the language planning on a micro- and used to obtain final results on a macro- and extr From the intra-linguistic point of view, the LP during fascism was charac- terized by a cultivation-approach, especially in the form of linguistie purism (Migliorini 1935), Somehow, it was determined also by a poli aiming at the stability of a chosen code (codification) of a standardized Ita- lian with reference to the dialect speakers and minority groups. With regard to the Italian colonies in Africa, however, one « that it was aimed at the choice of an Ttalian code (constitution of an official language). Finally, there existed a functional extension of the chosen code (differentia tion) where the dialects and the foreign terminologies (= cxotisms; c.g. in advertising) had so far been used publicly. At the same time the standardi- zation regarding the state interventions was formal in the sense that “lan- guage behaviour is codified by the community of users” (Stewart 1972: 534), even if there existed all along a spontaneous informal standardization. Furthermore, it was monocentric and endonormative. Regarding norm establishers one can find not only in the intragovernmental environment (the senators of the regime such as Tom ‘maso Tittoni, Alessandro Chiapelli and Luigi Federzoni, or ministers of public education such as Gentile and Bottai) but also in the extragovernmental structures (linguists such as Migliorini or Bertoni, and intellectuals), Language planning, therefore, was already dete50 GABRIELLE KLEIN was responsible for purifying the I cexotisms, while on an executive level, it was the respomsil Tralian Academy. In this operation, the two bodies found valuable allies the syndicates (Confederazioni Professionali). In addition, numerous writ crs and intellectuals in general (Emilio Cecchi, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Luciano Anceschi, Mario Luzi, carlo Emilio Gadda), journalists (Ermanno Amicucci, director of Merlo), and even non-linguists but members of the Academy (the philosopher Franseeseo Orestano, the mathematician Francesco Sev- eri) participated in the debates (cf. the discussions about the relationship between language and revolution in the reviews, L’Orto and Critica fas- cista, during the years 1934-1935, and that of the relationship between the literary language and the language of everyday usage in the review La Ruota, in the years 1941-1942). ‘The authors of the above debates made, concrete contributions to the determination of LP processes during the fas- cist period. The prefects of the minority territories (Val d'Aosta, Alto ‘Adige, Venezia Tridentina, and Venezia Giulia), delegated by the “prefec- tural centralism” of the regime, interferred actively in LP problems of the linguistic minorities, ‘As to the underlying motivations of the LP, they served only as a social control with the goal of applying the proclaimed “national unity” to the lin- guistic level as well. On the ideological level the LP was characterized by “autarchism” (Migliorini 1937) and xenophobia, the evidence of which was clearly demonstrated in the sphere of internation: npet- ition. As a result, the purification of the language from foreign interfer- ences aimed, above all, at the technical languages of commerce and indu try, as well as cultural productions and sport ‘As regards the measures of intervention connected with both the areas and the means, there existed laws, decrees, ministerial circulars, and the so- called “veline” from the Ministry of Popular Culture (Ministero della Cul- ‘ura Popolare) which regulated the language use of the press (Flora 1945, ‘and Matteini 1945). For the extra-governmental areas, one can cite the edu- cational instructions in terms of textbooks, especially the unified state textbook (testo unico di stato), and grammar books; the publishers of gran mars and dictionaries (Trabalza — Allodoli 1934); mass communication by LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD 51 ‘means of broadcasting, newspapers, magazines and other journals, as well ion and the academic world were provided with scholarly reviews (Lingua Nostra which even had a “norma- ions. With regard to profes- the =a tes (Confederazioni) were extremely active in the LP in 15 of substitutions for foreign terminologies (Conf. Fase. Prof. Art. 1941), The application range of this LP (especially forthe stability of the code, i.c. codification) applied to the whole speech community, charac- terized either by endoglossia or diglossia with partial social bilingualism, As for the eultivation-approach, language planning was concentrated in various specialized sectors (commerce, industry, some cultural sectors and sport), while for the constitution of an official language the LP aimed at an extension of Italian as a standard variety, in the colonies as well (Foresti 1984). ‘The motivations responsible for the acceptance (or pseudo-acceptance) of such linguistic impositions were doubtless for the majority, the fear of sanctions (for instance, fines prescribed by law), while for others it was the readiness to identify themselves with the regime and to recognize the pre~ stige of some of its leaders and, of course, of Mussolini whose use of the Italian language had become a model and found its way into text and gram- mar books in the form of quotations (Trabalza — Allodol In conclusion, one may claim that the LP during fa intentional and, to a lesser extent, systematic. The p during the fascist period can be said to be characteristic of a totalitarian regime, which denied implicitly every local and regional autonomy in the name of a state culture idealizing itself in the myth of Rome and a fascist ‘Empire”. Consequently dialectophobia reached its height during this period, although, due to its deep roots, it still survives today, though to a much lesser extent. The same applies to the xenophobia which, already existing in a less coercive form (Raffaelli 1983), was brought to its climax during that period. Finally, without doubt, the state centralism of the regime revealed itself to be particularly repressive with regard to the more important minority languages. On the basis of the documentation brought to light in my rescarch, one should conclude that a distinction ought to be made between a LP of fascism and a LP during fascism, in other words between an intragovernmental LP and an extragovernmental LP.22 GABRIBLLE KLEIN ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ‘The fest section is from Chapter 1, the second section from Chapter 3, and the third se from Chapter 7of Gabriella Klcin, 1986. La poles linguistic dl fascism, Bologna: 1! Mul Grateful thanks are due to Mary Pali and Sophia Foo Peliciar for thir help with the tans tion of the text, T would ulko like to thank Thomas Frank fo some sylisticcorretion ofthe Eng: lish version of the text, NOTES 1. This is x document from the Central State Archives (ACS), Pres Ministers (PCM). 2. This is especially tru in the cae of the minor cy of the Council of, ‘one may define this LP a “fas like to refer tothe discussion in Klein 1986: 148-1¢9 and 153-157, Ast the succes ofthis LP, sec Klein 1086: 153.157, REFERENCES Language policy Bell, Roger T. 1978. Sociolinguistics. Goals, Approaches and Problems. London: Batsford. Clyne, Michael. 1975. Forschungsbericht Sprachkontakt. — Unter- suchungsergebnisse und praktische Probleme. Kronberg/Ts.: Scriptor. Fishman, Joshua A. 1971. “The impact of nationalism on language plan- ning: some comparisons between early twentieth-Century Europe and ‘more recent years in South and Southeast Asia”. In Rubin and Jernudd (eds) 1971: 3-20. Fishman, Joshua A. 1972a. Advances in the Sociology of Language. Vol. I. ‘The Hague — Paris: Mouton. Fishman, Joshua A. (ed.). 1972b. Readings in the Sociology of Language. ‘The Hague — Paris: Mouton. (Ist publ. 1968). ‘Kelman, Herbert C. 1972. “Language as aid and as barrier to involvment in the national system”. In Fishman (ed.) 1972a: 185-212. LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD. 3 Knapfer, Annelen and Jargen Macha, 1971. “Zu einer allgemeinen Analyse von Sprachnormicrungen”. Linguistische Berichte 16: 69-77. McNamara, John. 1971. “Successes and failures in the movement for the restoration of Trish”. Rubin and Jeraudd 1971: 65-94. Rubin, Joan. 1972, “Evaluation and language planning”. In Fishman (ed.) 1972a: 476-510. (Ist publ. in Rubin and Jernudd 1971, 217-252). Rubin, Joan and Bjorn H. Jernudd. 1971. Can Language Be Planned? Sociolinguistic Theory and Practice for Developing Nations. Honolulu: Univ. Press of Hawaii. (1st publ., reprinted in paperback 1975) Stewart, William A. 1972. “A sociolinguistic typology for describing ‘mutiingualism”. Fishman 1972b. 531-545. Language policy during fascism: bio, 1977, “Proposte interpretative ¢ di scismo: la ‘politica linguistica” Foresti (eds) 1977: 111-148. Foresti, Fabio, 1984. “Il problema tinguistico nella ‘px colonialismo fascista”. Parlare fascista 1984: 133-155. Gabriella. 1981, “L’italianita della lingua ¢ "Accademia d'Italia Sulla politica linguistica fascista”. Quaderni Storici 47: 639-675. Klein, Gabriella. 1982. “Zur italienischen Sprachpolitik: Der Normbegriff des Italicnischen wahrend des Faschismus”. Linguistische Berichte 79: 53-62. Klein, Gabriella, 19842, “Le tendenze di politica linguistica nel fascismo e 10 di un contronto”. Armali della facolta di letere e flosofia — Universita degli studi di Perugia — sezione 3: Studi linguistico-letterari (1981-82) XIX, nuova serie V: 39-53. Klein, Gabriella, 1984b, ““Tendenzen der Sprachpolitik des italienischen Faschismus und des Nationalsovialismus in Deutschland”. Zeitschrift fir Sprachwissenschaft 1: 100-113, Klein, Gabriella. 1986. La politica linguistien del fascismo. Bologna: U1 Mulino, Leso, Erasmo, Michele A. Cortelazzo, Ivano Paccagnella and Fabio Foresti. 1977. La lingua italiana e il fascismo. Bologna: Consorzio Pro- ‘inciale Pubblica Lettura. lare fascista. 1984. Convegno ai studi “Parlare fascista. Lingua del fa- scismo, politica linguistica del fascismo” (Genova, Centro Ligure di Storia Sociale, 22-24 marzo 1984), Movimento operaio e socialista 1. erca su Hingua e fa- Leso, Cortelazzo, Paccagnella and itica indigena’ del34 GABRIELLE KLEIN Ratfacli, Sergio. 1983. Le parole proibite. Purismo di stato e regolamen- tazione della pubblicta in Halia (1812-1945). Bologna: 1! Mulino. Source materials from the fascist period: A.C, 1927, 261-262. Alfero, G.A. 1941. “Le lingue straniere nel quadro det nuovo ordinamento scolastico”. Scuola ¢ Cultura 5-6: 347-352. Barbera, Mario. 1924a. “Lo studio della lingua latina nella scuola classi. La Civilta cattolica I: 121-130. Barbera, Mario, 1924b. “Lo stu La Civilta cattolica V: 220-234. mncesco A. Ugolini. 1939, “L’asse linguistico Roma suze”. Lingua Nostra T: 25-27, Bottai, Giuseppe. 1942, “Funzione del latino nella nuova scuola”. Scuola e Cultura 6: 315-325 Caimo, Ines. 1926. “Classe I: ‘educazion Italiana, Didattica 2: 34. Conf. Fasc. Prof. e Art, 1941, Confederazione fascista dei professionisti artisti, Autarchia nel vocabolario. Bibliografia Fascista 12 (suppl. of December). Dalmasso, Lorenzo. 1940, “Per una didattica del latino”. Scuola e Cultura 1: 37-46, Flora, Francesco. (ed.), 1945. Stampa dell'era fascista. Le note di servizio. ‘Roma: Mondadori. Gabrielli, Giorgio. 1924. “Lingua e grammatica”. I Dirtt della Scuola. La sewola in azione 28: 433-435. Galdi, Marco. 1931. “Ancora a proposito del latino ‘modern« z0¢c0 9. 4, Gianola, Alberto. 1928. “I tormento del latino”. Levana 4: 727-434. Latino... 1931. “Un ‘latino-moderno’ lingua internazionale”. 5.3 Laurenti, Livio. 1935a. “I nuovi programmi per la scuola elementare”. 1 Diritti detia Scuola. La scuola in azione 21: 321-322. Laurenti, Livio. 1935b. “I nuovi programmi per la scuola clementare”. 7 Scuola, La scuola in azione 22: 337-338. Matteini, Claudio. 1945, Ordini alla stampa. Roma: Ed. Politecnica Italiana. sicora in tema di grammatica”. La Nuova Scuola Italiana 9: del lingua latina nella seuol La Nuova Scuola Tt Mar- Il Marzocco LANGUAGE POLICY DURING THE FASCIST PERIOD 55 Migliorini, Bruno. 1935. “Il tipo radiodiffusione italiano contem- poraneo”. Archivio Glottologico Italiano XXVII: 13-39. Migliorini, Bruno. 1937 Min. Ed. Naz. 1941. Ministero delf’Educazione Nazionale. Dalla riforma Gentile alla Carta dell Mittner, Ladislao. 1933. “Spiegare la grammatica, (Note di un professore di lingua straniera)”. Scuola ¢ Cultura 2: 211-226. ingua, dialetto e gergo”. Primato 13: 244, ©, 1931, “Della grammatica ¢ di altre cose”. La Nuova Scuola Haliana 39; 1169-1170. Padellaro, Nazareno. 1927a. Padellaro, Nazareno. 1927 cista 1: 3-4. Padellaro, Nazareno. 1928a. “Moneta linguistica”. La scuola fascista 29: 2. Padellaro, Nazareno. 1928b, “Nessi e passaggi”. La scuola fascista 33: 2-3. 1937. *Valore politico ¢ formativo delVinsegnamento della lingua”. 1 Diritti della Scuola 25: 388-389. , A. 1936. “Mezzi di avviamento alla composizione”. La Nuova Scuola Italiana 11: 414-416. Purus... 1927. “Purus grammati Rifiorimento... 1932. “Per I Verbo". La scuota fascista 9: 3. 'L decreti della grammatica”. La seuola fas- *. La scuola fascista 5. 4, rimento dello studio e dell'uso della tingua latina”. I! Marzoceo 48: 3-4, Rispoli, Guido. 1930. “Variazioni sul latino”. La scuola fascista 7. 7, ‘Tescari, Onorato. 1941. “L'insegnamento del latino”. Scuola e Cultura 3-4: 179-1854 Trabalza, Ciro and Ettore Allodol Firenze: Le Monier. Vignola, Bruno. 1927. “Le lingue straniere: TI. Ney Annali della Istruzione Media 6: 536-544, Vignola, Bruno. 1928. “La scelta e la preparazione degli insegnanti di lin- gue straniere”. Annali della Istruzione Media $-6: 385-395, Villa, L. Sereno, 1941, “La lingua ¢ la guerra”. I Diritti della Scuola 26: 408, 1934. Grammatica degl Naliani. stituti TecniThe political language of Futurism and its relationship to Italian Fascism Rosita Rindler Schjerve University of 1. Textual analysis as a contribution to historical research, ‘The present study deals with an analysis of the pol Futurism at the beginning of the 20th century in Italy. Thi attempt to clucidate the contents of the Futurist discourse in a ct ner and in so doing cl language of study will ‘means of linguistic analysis the political and ideological pos ‘uturist movement in its historical i analyze the linguistic means and stra furthermore Futurism. ‘Taking into account that this study is an exposition of hi have so far scarcely been considered in historical research on Fas- bute to a deeper understanding of the historical dimensions of Fascist phenomena. In recent years y in the study of historical processes (cf. esp. Maas 1964) Considering thet certain exitetal and expe: arc expressed through language, a textual critical analysis wary sources can contribute to the comprehension of38 ROSITA RINDLER SCHIERVE specific historical situations. Especially in cases where the textual analysis reveals texts to be expressions of specific social and ideological realities and where it points to mechanisms which ed to the formation and interaction between language and ideology in a given historical situation, does such an analysis have the dual functions of enlightening us and broadening our con- sciousness. In a critical analysis of historical texts it is generally problematic to reconstruct the experiential correlations, using only written data associated with given linguistic conventions in a certain historical situation. This is especially true of political discourse with its power to persuade and elicit action. In interpreting discourse onc must take care not to apply present day intuitive and associative values, because of a lack of detailed knowl edge of the pragmatic and psychological dimensions of a given historical sit- uation, Perceiving meanings hermencutically means that the interpretation guistic data rmust be supported by an exact knowledge of the (cf. Wodak 1983: 265). The various sociological, socio-psycholoy linguistic approaches which deal critically with the analysis of ideolog language use, for example the study of the origin of myths (cf. Barthes 19702), stereotypes (ef. Schaff 1968; Quasthoff 1973) and jargons (cf. Adorno 1970), provide us with the necessary tools, which together with methods of textual analysis, enable us to analyze the meaning of political texts and to elucidate and objectify their role in historical processes. 2, ‘Textual analysis and criticism of ideology ‘The present analysis is based on a definition that sees the creation of a text as a communicative action determined by socio-historical factors and which understands texts as relays of interactions geared to specific goals “The actual linguistic creation of texts and the social setting in which they originate, are in close relationship to one another. Analyzing the means applied in the creation of the text, one can, therefore, critically elucidate the social setting and the ideological forces at work through the use of lin- guistic correlates. Ideologies are themselves closely related to cognitive and psychological processes and are expressed through language or originate in or are Ianalytic approach enables ws to eluci- date critically the structures of ideas within an ideology, which stem from value judgements and attitudes that determine people’s actions; further- POLITICAL SPEECH OF FUTURISM AND ITALIAN FASCISM 59 ‘more it provides a way of illustrating the ideological formation of certain social forces by examining the linguistic strategies used in creating texts (cf. Bairger 1973; Wodak 1983). ‘Assuming that ideology is a system of ideas based on value judgements and attitudes, which aids certain forces within a society to further their interests or to stabilize their power, a descriptive approach which elucidates the origin and activity of such structures of ideas serving political power, by ized, is of necessity ‘The present analysis is also meant to be a critical contribution de: with the meaning of Futurist texts in the hist. Ttaly. Above all, with the aid of textual linguistic methods and with resort to actual historical events, the present paper undertakes to demonstrate the active political potential of these texts and to analyze critically the credibil- ity and the rationality of their argumentation. As the form and contents of the linguistic documents of Italian Futurism display many similarities with the language of later Fascism, there is every reason to believe that Futurism, inspired by nationalistic extremism and revolutionary acti had in its political activities anticipated ideological and action-indi ments, which were later used by Fascism on its road to power. The «1 study of the political texts of Futurism will hopefully help to reveal the ideological and pragmatic functions of this type of propagandistic discourse and to show to which purposes this movement, inspired by the “will of revolutionaries”, actually applicd the power of its words. For this reason it seems necessary, however, to briefly outline the actual historical situation \d the movement of Futurism in pre-Fascist Italy in order to interpret the linguistic correlates of these socictal realities in accordance with their his- torical context. 3. Futurism in its socio-political context Italy had achieved its national unity only relatively late and after 1861 had not been able to solve the question of the Irredenta, the “unre- deemed regions” of Trieste and Trento. Italy began the process of indus- triatization too late and arrived on the scene only after mast of the colonies had been distributed. In domestic politics the socio-economic differences between the industrialized north and the feudalistically structured south seemed to be irreconcilable.60 ROSITA RINDLER SCHJERVE ‘This paralyzed the democratic and liberal development of the young monarchy. The memory of the time of the Risorgimento and its heroes was fe, especially among the intellectual youth. ‘The latter partially turned away in disappoinment from the political inactivity of the parties in power and started to come together in patriotic youth organizations. In this way a hotbed for radical nationalism was created, which by 1910 had devel- oped into a party. Initially it found little echo in literature, but after the Libya campaign it spoke out more and more loudly for a militant patriotism and imperialistic expansionism. The origin of Italian nationalism lay in a movement, supported by the social elite, who felt impelled to go out into the streets to fight against the striking and demonstrating socialist proleta- rians (cf. Priester 1972; Alff 1971). This development took shape shortly before the First World War and reached its peak in the street riots and growing fascist influence in the post-war period. ‘This is the immediate background of the origin and influence of Futurism founded in 1909 by F.T.Marinetti as “the anticipation of a new fecling” and as an exceedingly nationalistic artistic movement, Right from the beginning, however, the Futurists did not limit themselves to questions of artistic form, but participated in political and social activities. Although the Futurists initiated certain endeavours with the nationalists, they remained a movement independent from nationalism, a movement whose political program differed in several points from that of the latter. Initially limited to literature, Futurism later expanded to the fields of painting music and architecture. With avant-garde clan and deep contempt for the past, Futurism held the view that bourgeois art had no chance of further development and only a radical break with the past and its traditions could lead to new artistic directions. Arte-azione was the motto of Futurism, that is to say to express art through actions. However, not only art, but life as a whole should be perceived as action. On February 20th, 1919 the first Futuristic Manifesto was published in the Paris magazine “Figaro”, in which the Futurists sang the praises of their “love of danger” and glorified “war as the only way of cleansing the world” Aside from the programmatic artistic Manifestos which were the Italian contribution to the European art revolution (cf. Baumgarth 1966), the Futurists also wrote several pamphlets of political propaganda in which the intellectual affinity to the language of the Fascists is evident. In particular, the political programs and agitational evening meetings of the Futurists organized by Marinetti drew a great deal of attention. ‘These were aimed at POLITICAL SPEECH OF FUTURISM AND ITALIAN FASCISM 61 stirring up the population against Austria and German culture and at con- vincing them of the necessity of the imminent war. The outbreak of the war against Libya was referred to as the “great Futurist hour”, and in “the Man- ifesto on Ttalian ‘Tripolis” the Futurists demanded that the government should proclaim “the birth of Pan-Italianism” (FF, page 74). In 1913 they finally published in “Lacerba” the “political program of Futurism”, in which they announced that all liberties were permitted except being a pacifist, a coward and an anti-Italian. They also called for a stronger army and navy, patriotic education of the proletariat, colonial expansionism, irredentism and antisocialism as well as the intensification of physical edu- cation and training, After the outbreak of the First World War they started 4 propaganda campaign in favour of an intervention on the side of the Entente. Together with the nationalists they organized the first shock troops of Arditism, the much feared fasei interventisti. Marinetti organized demonstrations in Rome and Milan and incited the students to protest against the “destructive intellectualism originating from Germany” (cf, Salvemini 1966: 104¢f.). Here he met Mussolini, who participated in the interventional campaign. After the war they appeared together in public with the fasci. Together they set fire to the editorial office of the soci newspapers office “Avanti” in Milan, and both were key figures behind the slaughter in Bologna. In front of the parliament in Rome Marinetti called the people to oppose the government, and in the 1919 elections the Futurists and Fascists ran together on a common list. In order to secure his aims, Mussolini had finally agreed to compromise with the Church and the Monarchy, which did not correspond to Marinetti’s conceptions. In 1920 Marinotti left the Fascist Party. In 1924 he published “Futurism and Fas- cism” in which he emphasized that “Vittorio Veneto and the seizure of power by the Fascists was the realization of the Futurists’ minimum pro- gram”, and that Futurism was intended to be an artistic movement which would intervene in the political struggle “only in times of extreme danger to the nation” (FF, page 235), 4. Textual analysis 4.1 The texts into context The study of the political texts of Futurism reveals three stages of development (cf, Hardt 1982); there is only one collection of texts entitled2 ROSITA RINDLER SCHIERVE Guerra, sola igiene del mondo from the first stage lasting from the I tion Manifesto of Futurism (1909) to the entry of Italy into the First World ‘War (1915). This stage is characterized by a high level of verbal azgressive- ness, in which the Futurists glorify war as a revolutionary force renewing, the world. These texts represent a call to war. The aim is to mobilize all forces in the Italian nation, in order to take up the fight against Austria, to regain Trieste and to stake out Italy’s claim in the race for future colonies, (cf. text T1-T4). ‘The second phase, which lasted from the official separation of artistic, and political Futurism in 1918 to the withdrawal of the Futurists from the Fascist Party in 1920, includes the Manifesto del partito futurista italiano (1918) and the collection of articles Democrazia futurista (1919) as wel the Manifesto AI di 1a del Comunismo (1920), which are characterized by a moderate tone and are the first attempts to come to grips with the real social problems in Italy. The external enemy, Austria, had been defeated; now it was matter of defeating the internal onc. The Papacy, the Monarchy, Parliament and the Senate had to be eliminated. In order to free Italy from. the old filth, a revolution was needed (cg. Concezione futurista della Demo- ‘razia {rom the magazine “L’Ardito” 1919, cit. in FF: 124-127). Event socialism and communism alo had to be challenged. Tn the third phase, the Futurists, and especially Marinetti, at last moved closer to the Fascist Party. At this stage, no new ideas were devel- oped and also in Futurismo ¢ Fascismo 1924, an autobiography of Futurism which Marinetti dedicated to the Duce, he does not bring forth any innova- tions, only linguistic reproductions and a varicty of political texts. Tn our analysis of Futurist language we will refer to the collection of texts Guerra, sola igiene del mondo (G1) and to Marinett’s book Fururismo ¢ Fascismo (FF) 4.2. Language use and ideology According to the exter jernal characteristics of Futurist tex they can be classified as a subtype of the text-class? “political discourse’ ‘The texts serve political propaganda. Since propaganda always refers to something controversial and aims at changing public opinion (cf. Dieckmann 1969: 38), the contents and form of these texts are not acciden- tal, but conscientiously planned and carried through by the Futurists, in particular Marinetti. We can reconstruct the intentions of Futurist language POLITICAL SPEECH OF FUTURISM AND ITALIAN FASCISM 63 from the actual historical context, i.e. the historically documented activities of Futurism in Italy during the pre- and post-war period up to the seizure of power by the Fascists. In this context we are particularly interested in the linguistic expression the Futurists gave to their dreadful ideology of war and the way they succecded, at a time of social change, increasing societal insee- urity, and growing uneasiness about existing conditions, in becoming the spokesmen of ideas which the Fascists later applied in political practice. existing inferiority complex and fears of cert those of the in Adorno 1976; Marcuse 1970a), suggest that there exist certain characteris- tics of ideological linguistic usage (cf. also Wodak 1983). The formance of ideological contents and systems show certain characteristic features such as distortions into the mythical (ef. Barthes 1974?) or the use of stereotypes (ef. Schaff 1968; Quasthoff 1973) and specific jargons (cf. ‘Adorno 1964). By creating certain contrasts and enemy-images through the cautious application of discursive strategies, language becomes emotion- charged. In a kind of pettified concreteness it forces itself upon the recipient of the text and hinders his reflection upon the contents expressed. We find these characteristics in Futurist texts as well, where, for example, the concept of war is transformed into myth. The stereotypical use of con- cepts such as , “Tac tated argumentation creat activated ‘The political texts of Futurism are comprised of propaganda speeches, programmatic Manifestos and autobiographical descriptions. Whereas the propagandistic-programmatic writings aim at convincing the recipients of the necessity of war, in the autobiographical writings of Futurism Marinetti tries to present the development of the movement, to legitimize its political practice and to emphasize its contributions to interventionism and the sei- zure of power by the Fascists. These various interactive objectives show up in the textual structure, where different classes of texts arc. realized Whereas in the propagandistic-programmatic texts, the textual base is argumentative and partially instructive, in the biographical writings the nar- rative class of text pre’ The following ana ind “heroism” as well as a biologically orien- sn emotional hothed on which prejudices are of texts limit itself to excerpts taken from64 ROSITA RINDLER SCIUERVE political speeches and manifestos, because they are clear examples of how language was used for political propaganda purposes, and how Futurism thereby prepared the way for the contents considered to be the main ele ments of Fascist ideology 4.3. Analysis of the political speeches and manifestos ‘The following section is dedicated to analyzing the linguistic realisation of the texts by means of textual linguistic concepts taken from the different theorotical models relating to textual planning (cf. Werlich 1975; Gitichy Raible 1975 and 1977; Quasthoff 1979; Beaugrande/Dressler 1981; Wodak 1981; etc.) and with recourse to sociological and socio-psychological approaches, which serve to throw a critical light onto the way political lan- {guage functions (ef. Birger 1973; Quasthoff 1973; Wodak 1983 and 1985; etc.) ‘The political speeches and manifestos of Futurism are texts which were used in the service of conscious propaganda. Some of the speeches were delivered at Futurist cultural events or during political negotiations, usually by Marinetti himself. The manifestos usually reached their targeted reci- picnts through newspapers and magazines. In spite of the somewhat differ- ent medial-communicative conditions under which these texts originated, there is almost no noticeable difference with regard to their performance. ‘The propagandistic speeches as well as the programmatic manifestos show substantially the same text-typological and text-constitutive features. ‘in both cases the same discursive techniques are applied using emotionally charged language, with the aim of inducing the listener to arrive at affective value judgements or to approve of those presented to him. /This aim of per- suasion is realized by applying strategies typical of propaganda: argumenta- tion and instruction.’ Looking at the selected texts listed below, we will pursue the question as to what the contents were which the Futurists con- veyed through these texts and in which manner they delivered their dis- course in order to persuade. In the propagandistic texts of political Futurism the primary task is one of communicating an ideology, which, as a tool of aggressive nationalistic and imperialistic interests, tried to subordinate all forms of human endeavour to serve the purposes of an imminent war. In order to attain this, goal, persuasive means which were apt to justify the Futuristic ideology of aggression had to be employed. POLITICAL SPEECH OF FUTURISM AND ITALIAN FASCISM 65 4.3.1. Creating enemy-images To substantiate this aggressive message externally, opponents and enemics had to be created against whom one had to fight in order to elimi- nate them and the grievances they caused. A very important strategy of Futurist discourse is to create imaginary enemies, against whom one all forces within society. Tt is employed in every text. In their aggression against Austrian and German culture the Futurists could link up with certain resentments derived from the tradition of the Risorgimento, and were able to arouse prejudices on the psychological level which could be exploited politically. In domestic politics their hatred tumed against the “intemationalistically and pacifistically” disposed socialists and against conservative clerical circles, who through their encouraged s “passatism” ‘These were the enemies they declared war on. For this purpose they applied the strategy of adopting the main concept and values of their oppo- nents and changing them completely by means of skilful linguistic delivery, making them appear absurd and casting doubt on the credibility and the social importance of their contents. ‘Already in 1909 the Futurists Ti) of an “internation else but the activ= ak in their Discorso ai Triestini (cf. istic and antipatriotic socialism” which is nothing lorification of the nceds of stomach” as well as of an “anxious , whose ideals limited themselves to “comfortable slippers and a warmed-up bed” In 1919, in speach on the Piazza Belgioioso, Marinetti referred to lictatorship of callous hands” and said that communism was “criminal absurdity” in a “creative race” such as the Italian (cf. 'S) In his manifesto A di la de! Comunismo (1919) he described com- munism as the “outgrowth of a bureaucratic cancer which gnaws away at mankind” (ef. T6). In order to successfully undermine the political goals of the oppone1 qualities attributed to him were negated and presented as a contrast to posi- tive qualities found in their own movement. Thus, for example, the glorifi- cation of the “needs of stomach”, “the slippers and the warmed-up bed” was set against the “glorification of patriotism” and “of war as a glorious bath in heroism” (ef. TI). ‘The espousal of peace by the international ‘was seen as an expression of the “bad and putrefying forces in the blood” and contrasted with the “good forces” of the Futurists who were inspired by war (ef. Ts).66 ROSITA RINDLER SCHJFRVE 4.3.2. Escape into myth Because the language of the Futurists excluded rationality, it had to resort to myths and irrationalisms. Only then could it strengthen its claim that its ideology was true and gain credibility for itself. Its dec tions, in which it calls upon the never changing laws of nature to justify the myth of the hygienic needs of men for war. “Patriotism and love of war have nothing to do with ideology: they are principles of hy them only decadence and death would remain...” (ef. T2). “War as the only hygiene of the world” was seen as the natural consequence of biological principles: “war cannot perish, because it is a law of life...” (ef. TA). In dcr to emphasize the importance of their war in finally overcoming the ‘stumbering mediocrity of the spirit” (ef. 1) it was elevated into the realm of heroism as a “synthetic need to go beyond the limited human abilities” (cf. T6), as “a noble bath in heroism” (ef. TI). War needed its heroes, — therefore a type of man was ereated which R9 (inhuman) ‘ eran B10 (orn Besomes tied) a , 7 is TIE it Gots by tase wh nro TS (soil) === * te a " ? 19 (uti) 2a "RA (mila banecks) R12. (Commins bari) 110 (anrchia pict) —-—--+ RIE. Gleb apsin th seman prison ‘T3 emerges here as contrastive theme from RI and R2; as well as T6, T7, TS, from R9 and R10; 79 reappears in altered form as R11 and T10 is POLITICAL SPEECH OF FUTURISM AND ITALIAN FASCISM 69 the paraphrased form of T1; hence mankind must proclaim war against the communist prison. By creating contrasts the argumentation obtains stringency, it becomes clear and intelligible and could go without further reflection, Another important factor in determining the structure of argumenta- tive texts is the speaker's point of view. It is often impersonal, although the Futurists insert occasional personal comments, in particular in texts which are written reproductions of speeches actually delivered, and in which they consciously contrast themselves with their opponents; by this change in perspective they attempt to present themselves to the recipients of the texts, as ideals to be followed. For example: “One cannot energetically look into the future without our personal hygicne of the daily struggle... We nourish policy we are so far away ... from socialism’ fe sing the praises of patriotism” (ef. T1). And the expression “we are optimists T demand ...” (ef. TS) result clearly from the drawing of a line between the Futurists and communisin, The presentation is objective and the mode factual, e.g. “the life of insects shows us how everything is reduced to reproduction at all costs and sense- less destruction” (cf, 6), etc. In order to carry out its objectives Futurists propaganda uses not only argumentative types of texts, but also instruction. The instructive nature of a text becomes obvious whenever it is a matter of announcing important points of the program that seek to induce certain actions. Typical of the structure of these texts are the explicitly enumerative sequences, which are often visually separated from one another and pro- vided with numbers. So, for example in (13), where Futurist principles are listed as follows: 1. “We shall permit...", 2, “it shall be proclaimed...”, 3. “we shall erase... A characteristic of the Futurist discourse is that it is highly charged emotionally. This results mainly from the well-

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