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Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any pioiographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Beli & Howell inormavon Company 300 North Zee Road. Ann Arbor Mi 48106-1346 USA ‘3137614700 800/521-0600,MASS HUMAN SACRIFICE AND SYMBOLISM OF THE FEATHERED SERPENT PYRAMID IN TEOTIHUACAN, MEXICO by Saburo Sugiyama ‘A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment ‘of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY December 1995UME Number: 9611719 Copyright 1996 by Sugiyama, Saburo ALL rights reserved. UME Microform 9611719 Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. ‘This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North zeeb Road Ann Arbor, #i 48103MASS HUMAN SACRIFICE AND SYMBOLISM OF THE FEATHERED SERPENT PYRAMID IN TEOTIHUACAN, MEXICO by ‘Saburo Sugiyama has been approved December 1995 ne” py g@ ‘Supervisory Committee ACCEPTED:ABSTRACT Various kinds of archaeological data recovered from the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (FSP) are analyzed and interpreted in terms of symbolism and socio-political implications. ‘The location of the pyramid is interpreted through a reconstruction of te city layout Teotihuacan Measurement Unit studies suggest that the Ciudadela was a major siructure of the city that was integrated into an early master plan. The city's sacred geography seems to stress that the Ciudadela represents a watery underworld. Architectural and iconographic studies of the FSP indicate thatthe facades commemorate a mythica! 2ermological event, the initiation of time and space by the Feathered Serpent. Another sculptural representation juxtaposed with this, the Primordial Crocodile in the form of a headdress, seems to symbolize the authority of a time-bearer. The mortuary program, discovered at the FSP in the 1980s, seems to have been integrated into this larger construction plan. Burial data on ‘more than 137 individuals and rich offerings are chronologically discussed with their ‘excavation contexts and analyzed to detect spatial pattems and correlations among mortuary features. Symbolic objects are interpreted in the light of rich pictorial information from the city and abroad. Consequently, it s revealed that mass human sacrifice of individuals, richly adomed as elites-warriors (of both sexes) appear to have taken place in dedication to the Pyramid. Four ritual and/or social categories of persons interred are suggested by variables of burials and offerings. In addition, a possibility that royal burials were also included in the grave complex is suggested. The studies indicate that the burials were prepared as part of a ritual display of warfare and human sacrifice, in which the cosmology and calendar systems ‘were most likely embedded. The various kinds of symbolic materials studied are better ‘understood in a socio-political context as a proclamation of a rulership, which manipulated the erection of the FSP on an exceptionally large scale around 200 A.D. The FSP seems to have been the place of origin of symbols of divine authority that was widely diffused later to link rutership to warfare and sacrifice in Mesoamerica.to Kumiko, and in memory of Masako and Jusaku SugiyamaACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research is a result of my long term study of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (FSP) and the Ciudadela in Teotihuacan, The ideas here expressed developed through various projects supported by different institutions and grants. My first fieldwork at the FSP ‘was carried out as a par of the Proyecto Arqueolégico Teotihuacan 1980-82 directed by ‘Arglgo. Rubén Cabrera Castro of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia (INAH) in Mexico. Further excavations in the same project at the FSP in the 1983-84 seasons gave new joint project of INAH and ASU was formed with Arglgo. Cabrera and Dr. George Cowgill as co-directors, and myself as their principal assistant, with funding from the National Geographic Society, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Arizona State University Foundation, and other sources, granted to Dr. Cowgill. I was independently aided by the Dissertation Research Program of the National Science Foundation (DBS- 9307740) forthe analysis of the data described here. Finally, a large portion ofthe interpretation and writing were carried out at Dumbarton Oaks, where I was a Resident Junior Fellow for the 1994-95 academic year. During this long period of the study, I was encouraged and assisted by many people. J am most grateful to Dr. George Cowgill, who was the chair of my Ph.D. committee both at Brandeis University and at ASU. He made invaluable contributions tothe study presented here throughout all stages of the project. Without his support and trust in my decisions in the field and laboratory work, the project and my dissertation would not have been realized. 1 ‘was fortunate that several other scholars patiently oriented me towards high academic standards. Dr. René Millon, with whom I worked at Teotihuacan in 1984, motivated me to ‘come to the US to study. It is hard for me to express my indebtedness appropriately for his continuous support and patient discussions with me on Teotihuacan and archaeology. Dr. Barbara Stark was particularly helpful for giving me different points of view toward method,theory, and data on Mesoamerica. She also took the time to make lengthy, careful, and straightforward comments I needed. Dr. Emily Umberger gave me many insights about Mesoamerican cultural traditions. She assisted me not only in considering Aztec ideology and polities, but also to critically evaluate native concepts of history and mythology in Mesoamerica. Dr. Christopher Carr, specialist in death and cross-cultural analysis of mortuary treatments, gave me innovative archaeological perspectives for symbolic behavior. Tam thankful to all of them for their assistance and patience. My first interest in the FSP arose when I was mapping monuments and "palaces" for the PAT80-82. This was made possible by the generosity of Arqlgo. Rubén Cubrerz. Castro ‘who gave me an opportunity to work at Teotihuacan. I sincerely express my deep gratitude to him for this and his continuous support. I am also thankful to members of the Proyecto Templo de Quetzalcoatl 1988-89; particularly, Dr. Carlos Serrano, Dr. Emily McClung de ‘Tapia, Arglga. Oralia Cabrera, Arqlgo. Alejandro Sarabia, Martha Pimienta, Alfonso Gallardo, Lillian Thomas, Donald Booth, Stephanie Reiss, Martin Dudek, Rodolfo Cid, Clara Paz, who worked in the field and/or provided data on the materials of the PTQ88-89 as mentioned in the text. Don Pedro Baiios and Don Ceferino Ortega substantially assisted in the excavation of the PTQ88-89. I am deeply thankful to all of them, including the workers who performed the hard task of tunneling with me during both seasons of '88 and ‘89. ‘At ASU, Elizabeth Dinsmore assisted me in inputting the graphic data in the computer with a digitizer. Some drawings made by Oralia Cabrera, Versnica Moreno, and Kumiko ‘Sugiyama are included in the dissertation. Jamie Borowicz deserves special credit for his, ‘excellent ink drawings of the victims’ bodies. During my stay at Dumbarton Oaks, I also received support and comments from Elizabeth Boone, Chris Beekman, Frances Hayashida, Andy Darling, Javier Ureid, John Carlson, Sue Scott, and others during the stage of writing. am also thankful to Debra Nagao and Mary Glowacki who read, commented on, and made English corrections of earlier versions. Substantial assistance by Kumiko in the preparation of figures also deserves credit. 1 am very thankful to all of them.‘TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES..... ix LIST OF FIGURES... x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. 1 Il THEORY AND METHOD. 10 1 General Themes. 10 2 Particular Themes...... 5 Il EXCAVATIONS OF THE FEATHERED SERPENT PYRAMID (FSP). 2 1 Discoveries at the FSP before 1980.... 2 2 Discoveries at the FSP between 1980 and 1987. 26 3 Discoveries by the PTQI988-89... 30 MESOAMERICAN COSMOLOGY... 38 V THE CIUDADELA AND THE CITY LAYOUT. 44 1 Search for the Teotihuacan Measurement Unit (TMU 47 2 Principles of Space Management in the City 50 3 Monuments on the Avenue of the Dead... 4 4 The Ciudadela as an Integral Element of the City Layout... 56 5 Concluding Remarks...... 59 Vi ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE.. 65 1 Architecture of the FSP. 66 2 Sculpture of the Facades at the FSP.... n 3 Sculpture of the Temple atop the FSP.. 87 4 Concluding Remarks... 92CHAPTER Page VII_ BURIAL PATTERNS AND THE PEOPLE BURIED AT THE FSP.......... 96 i Excavation Contexts. 99 2 Burial Patterns. ut 3 Concluding Remarks. 129 VII OFFERINGS... 135 1 Obsidia 138 2 Greenstone. 152 3 Siate and Other Stones..... 167 4 SHEN sesseessseseesns 172 5 Others. 184 6 Offering Associations... 187 IX SACRIFICIAL AND ELITE BURIALS IN TEOTIHUACAN: OVERVIEW... 195, 1 Sacrificial Burials in Teotihuacan. 196 2 Elite Graves in Teotihuacan and Teotihuacan Provinces. 204 X — CONCLUSION.. 214 1 Symbolism of the FSP.. 214 2 Socio-Political Implications of the FSP. 219 REFERENCES CITED. 238 TABLES. 281 FIGURES........ 291LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1 Quantitative data of the graves found atthe FSP. 281 2 Burials found at the Feathered Serpent Pyramid. 283 3 Classification table of greenstone figurines found in Grave 14. 286 4 List of objects found at che Sun Pyramid, according to an inventory written by Einique Diaz Lozano and Eduardo Noguera in 1934. 288Figure 10. 12, 13, 15, 16. 17. 18, 19. 20. LIST OF FIGURES Page General plan of Teotihuacan. esse a 291 Plan ofthe central section of Teotinuacan, indicating the location ofthe Feathered Serpent Pyramid (FSP)..ccnccneeniusneae 293 Principal facade of the FSP.. 295 General plan of the Ciudadela, before the extensive excavations of Marquina under the direction of Gamio (1922)... sone 297 General plan of the central section of the Ciudadela, published in 1922... 29 General plan of the FSP, made by the author for the PAT80-82, before the excavation in 1982. 301 General plan of the FSP, after excavations in 1989, with the location of burials and caches associated with it. 303 General plan of the FSP, after the excavation in 1982... 305 Profiles of the sculptural facades of the FSP.. 307 Profiles of six trenches excavated into the south facades of the FSP in 1982... 309 General plan of Grave 190... 31 Profile of Grave 190, a wall of the "South Palace”, and the FSP... 313 General plan of Grave 203 315 General plan of Grave S.... 317 General plan of Grave 6. 319 General plan of Grave 10. 321 General plan of Grave 11... 323 Plan of Grave 1, indicating the location of materials associated with the body. 325 General plan of the Front C operation: 327 329 General plan of the South Tunnel (center) and two profiles...Figure 21 2. 24, 25. 26. 2. 28. 29. 30, 31 32 33. 34. 35. 36. 37 38 39, 40. 41 General plan (middle) of the tomb for Grave 2 and associated wall profiles... General plan of the looters’ tunnel, showing the location of the test pits. General plan of Grave 12, looted in ancient A stratigraphic profile of Grave 12. General plan of Grave 13... East-West profile of Grave 13, demonstrating layers disturbed by looters. Profile of the looters’ tunnel near Grave 12.. Plan and profile of Grave 15, General pian of the Central Tunnel and seven profiles that show the type of fill around Grave 14.... General plan of Grave 14, which was found directly on the tepetate floor at the center of the FSP..... Central section of Grave 14, showing the distribution of offerings. ‘A representation of the underworld and upper world, as depicted in the Codex Vaticanus. ‘Cosmogram indicating temporal and spatial divisions, from Codex Fejérvary Mayer. Plan of the principal (west) facade of the FSP... ‘The map showing the extent of the ancient city ca. A.D. 600. The central ceremonial zone along the Avenue of the Dead, Plan of the ancient Chinese capital of the Sui state, founded in $82 A.D... Reconstruction of the FSP, made by Marquina (1951:85)... Plan of the FSP reconstructed by the author in 1982, based on the blocks and sculptural heads found in situ. Representations of the Feathered Serpents carrying headdresses on the bodies. Representations of Feathered Serpents and others.... 347 349) 351 353 355 357 359 361 363 365 367 369 37Figure 2. 4“ 44 45, 41 48. 49. 50. 51. 92. 53. 58, 56. 37. 58. 59. 61 Representations of the Feathered Serpent as a border design, Representations of the Feathered Serpent in the form of a headdress... Representations of the Feathered Serpent as main motif of ceramic decoration with icons of heart and/or blood. A variety of Feathered Serpent representations. Representation of realistic serpent and Feathered Serpents set on mat symbols. Representations of the Feathered Serpent set on mat symbol. Representations of the Feathered Serpent used as independent symbols... Representations of the Feathered Serpent with bodies in various forms. Representations of headdresses as symbols of authority... .. Representations of Venus and other symbols which were possibly related to Venus. Representations of headdresses..... Representations of headdresses with possible calendrical significance... Representations of Cipactli (a and c) and the Feathered Serpent (b).. Known examples of glyph V in chronological order, according to Urcid. Representation of Zapotec glyph V, according to Urcid... Representation of Zapotec Year Bearer M, according to Urcid.. ‘Teotihuacan representations of headdresses with a nose pendant but with no face depicted Fragments of burned clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform: Various. Fragments of bumed clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform: Feathers. Fragments of bumed clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform: Feathers, shells, and possible plants... xii Page 373 375 377 379 381 383 385 387 389 391 393 395 397 399 401 403 405 407 41Figure 62, 63 65 66. 67 68 69. 70. an 72. 2B. 14, 8. 16. n 2. 79, 80. Page Fragments of burned clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform: ScrOllS... seo ssn 413 References for scroll motif represented in burned clay fragments found in Adosada platform... 415 Fragments of burned clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform: Feathered disk and dots....0.0 oe 417 Fragments of burned clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform: Circles and half oval pieces.. 419 Unidentified fragments of burned clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform (1), a1 unidentified fragments of burned clay with motifs modeled in low relief, found in the Adosada platform (2), 423 General plan of the FSP, showing the distribution pattern of the buriat complex. 425 Distribution of bodies by general position... ar Distribution of bodies by orientation of body axis... 29 Distribution of bodies by orientation of body face. : 431 Distribution of bodies by body flexion posture. 433 Distribution of bodies by arm position. 438 Distribution of bodies by sex. 437 Distribution of bodies by age... sstnesene 439 Classification of dental modifications made by Javier Romero. 4a Distribution of bodies with dental modification... se 443 Distribution of bodies by dental modification type: Al, Ad, and AS.. Distribution of bodies by dental modification type: B1, B2, B4, and BS....... 447 Distribution of bodies by dental modification type: C5, El, and ES, 449Figure 81 82. 83, 84. 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90. 91 92. 93. 94, 95. 96. 7. 98. 99. Page Distribution of bodies by dental modification type: F2, F2 & 3, F2 & 4, and FIO... 451 Distribution of bodies by dental modification type: G1, G3, G16, and Gl, 10 & 16... 453 Distribution of bodies by a combination of dental modification typeS.nu- 455 General plan of Grave 14, showing only osteological materials. 457 Body positions in Grave 14, reconstructed on the basis of field drawings, photos, 459 The reconstruction of body positions in Graves 12 and 13. 461 The reconstruction of body positions in Graves 153, 190, 203, 2, and 4....... 463 ‘The reconstruction of body positions in Graves 5, 6, 10, and 11. 465 ‘The reconstruction of body positions in the graves found at the NE, SE, SW, and NW comers. 467 Individual reconstruction of bodies found in Grave 14 (1). 469 Individual reconstruction of bodies found in Grave 14 (2). 47 General reconstruction of the body positions of burials at the FSP...... 43 War captives tied with rope, as depicted on Classic Maya sculptures. 475 Captives with arms tied behind the back represented on stelae from Monte Alban. 477 Chart showing two groups of obsidian projectile points sorted by length and weight 479 Obsidian projectile points: types A, B, C, and D (miniature) 481 Distribution of projectile points by types in Grave 14.. 483 Obsidian blades found in a row under organic materials in Grave 14. 485 General distribution of obsidian blades in Grave 14. i 487Figure 100, 101. 102. 103. 104, 105. 106, 107. 108. 109, 10. i 112. 113, 14. 1s. 116. 47, 18, 119. 120, 121 122, 123. Page Distribution of obsidian blades from Grave 14 by color with silhouette of DOMIES esssesene 489 Distribution of obsidian blades from Grave 14 by length... 491 Distribution of obsidian blades from Grave 14 by width. 493 Distribution of obsidian blades from Grave 14 by number of notches. 495 Two types of obsidian blades. 497 Five types of obsidian bifaces.. 499 Plot by length and width of obsidian bifacial knives classified as type Dor... SOI Distribution of obsidian knives from Grave 14.... 503 Distribution of obsidian knives in Grave 14 by types D and Bases 505 Representations of obsidian curved knives.... 507 Obsidian figurines (eccentrics) of types Al, A2, and A3. 509 Obsidian figurines (eccentrics) of types B, C1, C2, and C: su Plot of obsidian figurine types Al, A2, and A3, by length and width.. 513 Spatial distribution of obsidian figurines by type... 515 Distribution of obsidian figurines in general. 317 Representation of a stylized head of an animal, possibly a feathered serpent... 519 General distribution map of greenstone beads in Grave 14. 521 Distribution map of greenstone beads in Grave 14 by diameter... 523 Greenstone earspools of different sizes. 525 Distribution of earspools in Grave 14. 527 Two types of greenstone nose pendant. 529 Distribution of all nose pendants (18 pieces) from Grave 14 plotted by weight. $31 Representations of anthropomorphic figures adorned with a type B nose pendant..cecc.os ere reece 533 Greenstone figurines: types Al, A2, A3, and Bono 535 xvFigure Page 124. Greenstone figurines: types C1 reer 537 125. Greenstone figurines: types C2, and Dios 539 126. Greenstone figurines: types E, F, and Goncccccccnsenunniennne SAI 127. Greenstone figurines: types HI 543 128. Greenstone figurines: types H2 (i)... 545 129. Greenstone figurines: type H2. (2). 547 130. General distribution of greenstone figurines in Grave 14. 549 131. Spatial distribution of all greenstone figurines from Grave 14 by typewun. SSI 132. Greenstone “Resplandores”.. 353 133, Distribution by size of greenstone “resplandores” in Grave M.eusouunnune 555 134, Greenstone cone with triangle motifs... 557 135. General distribution of greenstone cones in Grave 14, 559 136, Table for greenstone cones found in Grave 14, with a graph indicating negative correlation between the height and the number of triangle motifs carved on the surface of the cones. 561 137. Spatial distribution of 18 greenstone cones found in Grave 14, by the diameter, the height of cones, and the number of triangle motifs carved on their surface... 563 138. Greenstone plaques found in Grave 13. 565 139. Greenstone object in the form of a scroll, found in a disturbed layer of Grave 13. 567 140. Greenstone objects unique to Grave 14.. 569 141, Slate disks found in Grave 190.... sn 142, Two charts showing three types of disks, defined by size... 3573 143, Spatial distribution of individuals wearing slate disks by diameter... 515 144, Distribution of disks in Grave 14 317Figure Page 145, Large cones with stems found as materials for construction fill in the central zone of the FSP..... reece : 579 146. Large Cones.... 381 147, General spatial distribution of unworked shell from Grave 14. 583 148. Spatial distribution of unworked shell by type in Grave 14 585 149, Shell pendants: type 1 587 150. Shell pendants: type 2... 589 151. Shell pendants: types 3 and 4... 591 152. Shell pendants: types 5 and 6... 593 153. General distribution of shell pendants from Grave 14.. 595 154, Distribution of shell pendants in Grave 14 by types I and 2... 597 155, Distribution of shell pendants in Grave 14 by types 3, 4, 5, and 6.20.00 599 156. Typology of shell beads, pendants, tooth imitations, and other worked plaques (1). 601 157. ‘Typology of shell beads, pendants, tooth imitations, and other worked plaques (2) 603 158. ‘Typology of shell beads, pendants, tooth imitations, and other worked plaques (3). 605 159, Typology of sheil beads, pendants, tooth imitations, and other worked plagues (4). 607 160. An example of the shell collar complex with maxilla pendants. 609 161. Collar composed of real human maxillae ou 162. Real and false maxillae used as pendant. 613 163. Coyote representations in Teotihuacan murals. 61s 164. So-called Xipe Brazier found in Tomb 58 of Monte Albéitencincnuue 617 165. Ceramic statue with maxilla pendants, derived from the Oaxaca region (1)....._ 619Figure 166. 167. 168. 181 182. 183, 184. 185. 186, 187, 188, Page Ceramic statue with maxilla pendants, derived from the Oaxaca region (2).u.. 621 Variety of shell earplugs found at the FSP. 623 ‘Spatial distribution of individuals wearing shell earplugs in the FSP burial complex... 625 Spatial distribution of shell carp 14, 27 Pottery found as offerings or caches at the FSP...... 629 Variety of baton in the form of feathered serpent... 631 Reps 633 Fragments of textiles and organic materials found in Grave Wve 635 |. General spatial distribution map of offerings found in Grave 14. 637 . Spatial distribution of objects considered as general offerings.. 639 Locational map (central section of Grave 14) of greenstone clusters... 64 . Locational map (southwestern section of Grave 14) of greenstone cluster 643 General distribution map of possible greenstone clusters in Grave 14.. 645 Correlation of textile remains called "bags" with the greenstone clusters. 647 Correlation of obsidian knives with greenstone clusters.. 49 Correlation of all geocoded obsidian blades with greenstone clusters... 651 Correlation of obsidian blades whose width measures more than 15 mm, with greenstone clusters. 653 Correlation of shell pendants (types 3 and 4) with greenstone cluster. 655 Correlation of obsidian projectile points with greenstone clusters. 657 Correlation of stone disks with greenstone ClUSt€tS....ccccunnnsnnnnn 659 A trumpet shell containing an offering cluster insid 661 Objects found as a set under the stairway of the Adosada platform covering the facade of the FSP. 663 Scattering ritual scene depicted in Teotihuacan murals... 665Figure Page 189. Representations of greenstone nose pendants... 667 190. Reconstruction of the Sun Pyramid by Leopoldo Batres, showing the location of child bUTialS...csnsmenesnnsese 669 191. Plan of Mound A at Kaminaljuys . on 192, Plan of Mound B at Kaminaljuya, 673 193. Plan showing the process of modification at Structure A in Kaminaljuyt. 675 194. Plan showing the process of modification at Structure B in Kaminaljuya. 617 195. Possible afiiat viduals suggested by burial patterns and associated. offerings found at the FSP. 679CHAPTER i INTRODUCTION ‘Around the time of Christ in the Mexican Highlands, a new religious center arose. This sacred center seems to have had its origins during the Patlachique phase (150 B.C. to 1 B.C). The population is estimated as between 20,000 and 40,000 by the end of this phase (Cowgill 1974:381-383; Millon 1981:221). This sacred center became, rather quickly. the largest and most populous urban center in the New World at that time. During the stage of ‘monumental construction (Tzacualli phase; AD 1-150), the urban area already seems to have expanded to approximately 20 square km, with about 60,000 to 80,000 inhabitants (Cowgill 1992a:96; Millon 1981:221). The place was called Teotihuacan by Nahuatl speakers several ‘centuries after the city’s fall, bt its original name, the language used, and the ethnic groups who created the city are unknown. Archaeologists have extensively excavated the site to disclose parts of its history, cultural features, and the process of urbanization. Many surveys, excavations, and studies of materials have been made since the last with different ki ‘of approaches and techniques. The first scientific inter-disciplinary approach was carried out by Manuel Gamio (1922) between 1917 and 1922, Since then, several explorations have been carried out. ‘Among them, the Teotihuacan Mapping Project (called hereafter TMP, Millon 1973; Millon et al. 1973) directed by René Millon substantially contributed to forming our current view of the city and is frequently cited in this dissertation (Figures 1 and 2). The Basin of Mexico Settlement Survey Project, directed by William Sanders (Sanders, Parsons, and Santley 1979) placed Teotihuacan in a regional context, while various explorations in the 1960s and 1970s in residential compounds provided information about groups from different social levels and their activities. According to these studies, the formation of the city involved inter- site population movements, systematic exploitation of natural resources, development oftechnologies and trading systems, and interactions among various kinds of socio-political organizations. Unmistakable influences of Teotihuacan throughout most parts of Mesoamerica were felt by the fourth century, after the construction of major monuments in the city had been completed. The city seems to have functioned for centuries as a well- developed urbanized center, until its rather sudden collapse, possibly in the seventh century (Cowgill 1995, personal communication). In spite of the quantity of research during the last century, the data stil do not evenly represent different sectors of Teotihuacan society. It is readily noticed that data about the people of the highest social status are still scarce. is particularly evident in burial data, for example. More than 800 single or multiple graves with more than 1,400 skeletons have bbeen discovered to date in Teotihuacan (V. Rodriguez 1992). Recently published comprehensive analytical studies of burials provide substantial data on the population from Tow, intermediate, and higher status and their cultural traits, as reflected in mortuary practices (Rattray 1992; V. Rodriguez 1992; Spence 1976, 1994; Sempowski 1983, 1994; Storey 1992). However, people of the highest social status are still not represented among the data from residential areas, Consequently, interpretations of the political structure seem to be influenced significantly by the lack of royal graves in the archaeological record. ‘The fact that specific paramount individuals has not been identified in art works also appears to restrain researchers from explicitly discussing rulers or ruler-centered political structures. While the excavations in residential areas provided information about ecology, subsistence, technologies, trade, and social life of Teotihuacanos, excavations of ‘monumental constructions revealed other aspects of the Teotihuacan state. They apparently represented ideational aspects of the state in symbolic manner. They were excavated mainly by the Mexican archaeologists of national institutions, most recently the Instituto Nacional de Antropologfa e Historia (INAH), as the nation's interest in their cultural heritage and history have been raised institutionally since the beginning of this century.+ Leopoldo Batres (1906) first excavated one of the major monuments in Teotihuacan, the Pyramid of the Sun, in the early 1900s. In 1917, Manuel Gamio (1922) introduced scientific approaches for the first time and excavated extensively the Ciudadela complex, including parts of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (FSP), the subject of this dissertation. In 1962-64, an INAH macro-project directed by Ignacio Bemal (1963) excavated and ‘consolidated the Moon Pyramid complex and a major portion ofthe temple-residence ‘complexes along the Avenue of the Dead (e.g., Acosta 1964). Two decades later, another INAH presidential project, the Proyecto Arqueol6gico Teotihuacan 1980-82 (PAT80-82), directed by Rubén Cabrera (Cabrera etal. 19823, 1982b, 1991), mainly excavated the southem section ofthe city’s core, including many structures which Gamio had not excavated in the Ciudadela. In the early 1990s, Eduardo Matos iected excavations of the ‘Sun Pyramid complex, uncovering the northern and eastem pars of the pyramid and the large platforms surrounding the pyramid. In spite ofthe efforts of these national projects, the question of how these monuments were involved in state affairs remains poorly understood, In this di ion, T address one ‘of the major monuments, the Feathered Serpent Pyramid located in the Ciudadela, in order to discuss the nature of early government of the Teotihuacan state. This monument was the third largest pyramid and, perhaps, one of the monuments of highest energy expenditure in Teotihuacan, as suggested by its sculptural facades, The Ciudadela, containing the FSP as its principal pyramid, seems to have been one of the most important structures created by the state (Cowgill 1983). ‘The FSP was one of the excavation fronts of the PAT80-82, in which I was involved ¢ 1982 (Cabrera and Sugiyama 1982). As a complementary operation of PAT80-82, part of a burial complex, possibly of sacrifices, associated with the FSP was found by me on the south side ofthe pyramid in 1983-84. Thave pursued the issues of this state-related ritual since that ime, analyzing information obtained by previous excavations atthe FSP (e.g.,4 Sugiyama 19892). Subseque joint project called the Proyecto Templo de Quetzaleoatl 1988-89 (PTQ88-89) was formed and explored this monument more intensively, under the coordination of Cabrera, George Cowgill, and myself as later described in detail. These new discoveries are inspiring new insights and interpretations for reconsideration ofthe Teotibuacan polity. They include a large scale grave complex of apparently sacrificed people, militaristic attire, and other symbolic artifacts of high quality ‘The detailed excavation reports and general formal analysis of materials discovered are being completed for publication by various members of the project. 1 discuss for this dissertation the symbolism of the FSP covering various kinds of materials. Particularly, I explore the symbolism involved in the monumental architecture, sculptures, burial complex, and offerings discovered at the FSP, based largely on the data from PTQ88-89. My goal is to understand better the nature of an early state and the process of urbanization of a non-industrialized city in the New World. My intention isto provide a perspective toward these ends through the interpretation of symbolism involved in a major snument in Teotihacan. Although my original intention was only to discuss mortuary practices carried out atthe FSP, I have expanded my task to include the city layout, the ‘monumental construction and the sculptural program at the FSP. This is because I believe that the various symbolic acts associated with the pyramid would have been manipulated as a continuous process by the state administration. As in other Mesoamerican states, rulership of the Teotihuacan state may have been encoded metaphorically in monumental buildings and art ‘works (e.g., Umberger 1987b, Marcus 1992, Schele and Miller 1986). If so, the search for ritual meanings expressed in architecture and sculptured facades of the pyramid may lead us toa better understanding of the burial complex as a segment of a state program. A large portion of the dissertation is devoted to the interpretation of ritual and cosmological meanings involved in different kinds of materials. The underlying objectives of this are, however, to search for coherent meanings and to discuss their socio-politicalimplications. In doing so, different kinds of descriptive and analytical tools are also explored. Finally, I discuss the symbolism of the FSP globally and relate it to the state polity Chapter I discusses current theoretical and methodological approaches that deal with symbols in archaeology. I touch upon the degree to which we can deal with ritual behavior and methodological issues, such as how we can decode ritual behavior from archaeological materials. I particularly stress the feasibility of reconstructing the relationship of rulership to religion in the Teotihuacan state. I believe thatthe materials recovered from the FSP over the last decade are suitable to begin considering ideological and cosmological issues. I propose some strategies, though still incomplete ones, for deciphering ritual meanings. The chapter also includes an overview of theories for analyses of iconography and mortuary practices, which are the main focus of the dissertation. In order to provide background forthe studies, in Chapter Il 1 summarize the history of exploration and excavation at the FSP. This refers to many discoveries of different kinds of materials by several archaeologists during the last 80 years. The degree of detail in description in their published and unpublished reports varies significantly from one discovery to another. Moreover, many of the objects discovered earlier are no longer accessible. Therefore, the data from the excavations after 1980 are the main sources for the analysis. Particularly, the information obtained by the PTQ88-89 forms a core part ofthe data described. In Chapter IV, I briefly introduce Mesoamerican cosmology and ideational elements ‘which we might be able to recognize through studies of archaeological materials recovered in Teotihuacan. As various versions of belief systems were diffused widely in time and space, I stress some pri 1 features and cosmological structures that were commonly shared by various soci in Mesoamerica. Particularly, indigenous concepts of time, space, deities, and cosmogonical myths are briefly summarizedIn Chapter V, I begin an analytical interpretation of possible meanings attached to the location of the FSP and the Ciudadeta in which the FSP stands as the principal pyramid, The locational data are examined in terms of cosmological settings within the holy city layout, Thave proposed elsewhere (Sugiyama 1993a) to have existed since the early stages of, the city’s formation. My study of the measurement unit used in Teotihuacan (Sugiyama 1983) is a basic tool for this assessment, together with information about the topography, orientation, and architecture of the city. According to this study, the Ciudadela, located topographically atthe lowest place on the northem Avenue of the Dead, may have been constructed for particular ritual displays related to the mythological underworld and the time- reckoning systems. ‘The study of the architecture and iconography of the FSP follows in Chapter VI, in order to uss mythological aspects of the building. Architecture, sculptured facades, as ‘well as representations of burned clay fragments found in the construction fill of the Adosada (a stepped platform built over the front of the FSP), which may have been walls of the temple atop the FSP, are interpreted in the contexts of Teotihuacan iconography. The sculptural facades of the FSP seem to have commemorated a creation myth of time (Lépez et al. 1991). ‘More concretely, the facades can be read as the following: the Feathered Serpent brings time from the watery underworld to this present world; it bears a calendar sign on its body, probably in the form of a headdress that represents the Primordial Crocodile, a Teotihuacan antecedent to the Aztec creature Cipactli As my survey of later representations of the Feathered Serpent elsewhere in the city suggests, the Feathered Serpent at the FSP seems to have borne symbols of warfare, human sacrifice and rulership, In chapters VIL-IX, I discuss the massive burial complex found at the FSP, the core part of the dissertation. About 137 individuals with rich offerings have been found to date around and in the FSP. The majority of these interments correspond to the pyramid, and ‘many were found with their wrists crossed behind their backs as if they had been tied.Moreover, a majority of the people buried were identified as sol s because of the types of offerings associated with them (¢.g., Cabrera et al. 1991, Sugiyama 1985, 1988b, 1989). Based on the excavation contexts, they have intuitively been interpreted as remains of human sacrifice, although there is no direct evidence on the bones conceming cause of death, ! ‘Consequently, ritual human sacrifices and militarism have been stressed to have existed as an important social component from an early time in Teotihuacan (e.g., Millon 1988b:109), In this dissertation, I try to interpret the data from this burial complex more specifically, systematically, and comprehensively. Chapter VII deals withthe burial patterns at the FSP, The burial complex might have been, rather than single event, a complicated ritual process that involved various types of burials. Several alternative explanations are first examined inductively in the excavation contexts (Section VI-1). I discuss the possible interpretations of each grave, based on stratigraphy, association with architecture, and differences in treatment of the dead among the graves. ‘After a diachronic review. I examine hypothetical propositions that the graves were highly patterned to express the state's ideological concerns, and that social hierarchy among burials existed in a metaphoric religious manner. Mortuary features, such as the locations 1 1 do not touch on osteological data, except for general information available, which 1 include in Chapter VI-2. The bones discovered previously to PAT80-82 are unavailable. ‘The bones unearthed in the PAT80-82 and 1983-6 seasons were analyzed by various Mexican physical anthropologists and the deta have partially been accessible (Gonzélez and Fuentes 1982; Flores 1985; Sugiyama 1989a, 1991a; Serrano, Pimienta and Gallardo 1991, 1993). With respect to the bones of the PTQ88-89, two Mexican physical anthropologists who have worked at the Teotihuacan laboratory in 1988-1993 have published basic data on the victims, from which general information was provided for this dissertation. Further analyses of DNA, stable isotopes, cranial deformation pattern, skeletal stress markers, paleopathology, and nonmetric skeletal and dental traits, are being undertaken or are still to bbe done in the near future, primarily forthe identification ofthe people buried. Concerning osteological materials found at Teotihuacan in general, specific studies of cut marks on bone have been initiated recently. For example, Mexican physical anthropologists Carmen Pijon, Luis Alfonso Gonzélez, Rodolfo Cid and their associates of INAH are working with bones from sacrificial burials. They presented papers in the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnographic Sciences held in Mexico City in 1993, but the data are not available yet.and the morphologies of the graves, the number of individuals buried in each grave, positions and forms of bodies, age, sex, and other physical traits of the burials are used to plot the spatial distribution of bodies in a search for patterns (Section VI-2). The studies seem to indicate that the by ils at the FSP manifested a foundation program integrated into the monument. In addition to dedicatory burials, itis noticed thet a royal burial or royal burials might have been included in the graves found at the FSP. Unfortunately, the "candidates" for royal burials, two graves found near the center of the pyramid and a large pit in front of the staircase, were looted in ancient times (Sugiyama 1993b). Although we cannot know for sure whether the body of a ruler was included in the graves at the FSP, the issue is discussed in the light of circumstantial field data and the burial pattems. It is preliminarily concluded that almost all graves found at the FSP, including the central grave, were essentially sacrificial in dedication to the erection of the monument, and that an elite burial might have bbeen integrated into the monument sometime after the completion of the construction. ‘Chapter VII consists of analyses of offerings organized by type of mater Formal analyses of obsidian, greenstone, shell, pottery, ceramic figurines, and organic materials are currently underway by various researchers, and detailed descriptive information will be published in Spanish, in English, and in electronic files (World Wide Web pages). ‘Therefore, after a brief description, I discuss these materials in terms of their symbolic significance. Offerings are first classified on the basis of their morphology. After possible cemic classifications are proposed, the ritual meanings involved are suggested. The multiple correlations among them, and their associations with victims are also included in preliminary form, as the data are still being completed. I analyze locational data using the MapInfo (Maplnfo Corporation 1992-94) system and visually display some results. Through this, the uniqueness of the distributional patterns of the offerings, the interrelation among burials, as well as hierarchical groups of graves, are indicated.Before overall conclusions are provided, sacrificial burials and elite graves in Teotihuacan and Teotihuacan-related sites are briefly reviewed in Chapter IX. This includes highly hypothetical propositions about the graves associated with major monuments in Teotihuacan, In Section IX-1, I first review other sacrificial burials in Teotibuacan, in order to compare the instances at the FSP more specifically with them. ‘The mortuary forms of sacrifice in residential areas contrast considerably with the cases at the FSP. In Section IX-2, elite burials associated with monuments 2 8 are reviewed in general. Particularly, burials discovered at Mounds A and B, Kaminaljuys, by Kidder, Jennings and Shook (1946) may be useful to distinguish possible elite graves from sacrificial ones at the FSP. In Chapter X, I briefly synthesize the information I have described previously. them, I stress essentially the cosmological nature of the archaeological materials recovered from this central monument of the city. Particularly the cohesiveness of meanings in various kkinds of materials, which were derived from mutually independent studies, is discussed in terms of a city-wide program which, if effect, materializes Teotihuacan worldview. A discussion about socio-political implications of these ritual behaviors is an end of this dissertation, It is argued that the exceptional magnitude of materials at the FSP can be best interpreted as official symbols that ruling groups manipulated in creating a New Era brought by the Feathered Serpent. The two important socio-political institutions, warfare and hurman sacrifice, seem to have been woven into this "net” of ritual meanings. These institutions ‘metaphorically established at the FSP in Teotihuacan about 200 A.D. seem to have diffused, in time and space, to other Mesoamerican societies, as well. These symbols were most likely connected with individualistic rulersMETHOD AND THI 5 ORY IL-1. General Themes For some years many archaeologists have focused their research efforts on the ‘materialist side of early human society (eg.. studies of human ecology, subsistence, economic systems, technologi , socio-political structures and others). In recent years, there has been a growing trend in the investigation of the mentalist side or what may be referred to as ideation (e.g., Carr 1995; Carr and Neitzel 1995; Demarest 1989; Hodder 1986; Leone 1982; Renfrew and Zubrow 1994). Archaeologists have addressed the subject of ideation, in terms of human cognitive systems (¢.g., Goodenough 1990), systems of symbolic ‘communication (Conkey 1985; Shanks and Tilley 1982; Stark 1994), ideological aspects of subsistence (e.g., Patterson 1986), and agencies of social change or resistance (e.g., Conrad and Demarest 1984; Miller and Tilley 1984), to name a few approaches. For these archaeologists, artifacts and structures represent not only the technologies and the organization of societies which created them, but also thei religions, worldviews, and value systems. Archaeological material also may refer to knowledge, purposes, practices, and skills of the people who created them (e.g., Marshack 1972; Segal 1994). ‘This widening of research interest in archaeology seems to reflect shifting theories in anthropology and the social sciences in general. Particularly, simplistic polarity between rmaterialists versus mentalists is no longer tenable (e.g., Ortner 1984). Many social-cultural anthropologists, instead of looking for general rules governing human behavior, are focusing, more closely on individual practice, praxis, experience, or decision making processes. One of the central foci of these action-based approaches is the dynamic inver-ietationship between agent and ecology, structure, system, or Bourdieu's concept of “habitus” (e.g. Bourdieuu 1978). Particularly, rituals, which T discuss in my dissertation. are considered by symbolic anthropologists as one of the primary matrices for the reproduction of consciousness (e, Geertz 19732) In archaeology, new theoretical discourses in anthropology are reflected in the debates between processual and post-processual archacology in the 1980s. A basic tenet of. the materialist archaeologist is thatthe behaviors of people do not always reflect what they think or say, and that the material record has the potential to explain the rules controlling people's behavior (eg., Hill 1994). Some materialists believe that even highly ritual actions, like cannibalism, have an underlying materialistic foundation (e.g., Rappaport 1979; Hamer 1977). These material-determinant explanations are not convincing without consideration of agents and their power in social transformation (e.g... Anawalt 1982; Hodder 1986; Ortiz de Montellano 1978). ‘As I deal with materials for ritual purposes in my dissertation, my interpretations are ‘grounded on the symbolic anthropologists’ perspective that rituals are central social institutions that stricture, and are reproduced by. participants’ actions (e.g...Geertz 1973b: Eliade 1959). Archaeologists currently discuss extensively myth, religion, worldview, and ritual in pre-industrial complex societies from evolutionary points of view. The religious forces found in sacred landscapes have been pointed out as crucial factors in the establishment of political legitimacy in early complex societies (e.g,, Demarest and Conrad 1992; Wheatley 1971). In the case of Mesoamerican societies, abundant Mesoamerican ethnohistorical and ethnographic records demonstrate that religion was strongly integrated. into, and therefore constrained, soci 1978; 1987b). ‘The rise of the Teotihuacan state has been discussed from different points of view, |, political, and economic organizations (e.g., Broda ‘arrasco 1978; Coe 1981; Lépez 1973; Matos 1987; Townsend 1979; Umberger including ecological (c.g., Sanders 1981), subsistence (e.g, McClung de Tapia 1987,Nichols 1987), economics (¢.g., Charlton 1978; Spence 1981), and politico-religious perspectives (e.g. Cowgill 1992a, 1992b; Millon 1981, 1993; Manzanilla 1992). While some archaeologists develop an evolutionary view of the process of urbanization, iconographers, as listed below, focus on the state religion and worldview through art works from a more synchronic point of view. Before the 1960s, the sacredness of the city's architecture and impersonal, anonymous, abstract, or mythological imageries, often dominated and veiled our perception of socio-political organizations, instead of being integrated into evolutionary explanations of the city's growth, The role of sacred places, like the cave under the Sun Pyramid, and religious authorities expressed by particular symbols have been increasingly integrated into explanations of the state polity after the 1970s (e.g., R. Millon 1973, 1981; C. Millon 1973). It was René Millon (e.g., 1988b:12) who first explicitly argued that charismatic despotic rulership in religious quality was fundamental to the founding ofthe city. Manzanilla (1992) stressed that Teotihuacan society was organized and controlled by hierarchies conceived in ‘overwhelmingly religious terms. Millon (1988b:1 12) and Cowgill (1983, 1992a) suggested that the construction of the FSP, occurring at an early stage of the city's history, was a glorification of personal power. Integrating what the discoveries at the FSP in the 1980s suggest, Cowgill (1992a; 1993) says that religious attraction, successful warfare, and charismatic rulership seem to have played the largest roles in the development of the city. Following this interpretative framework, I provide a view from the FSP about the relationship of the religion with the state polity As Laim at exploring symbolic materials recovered from the FSP in my dissertation, 1 first define symbolism and related terms. In a specific definition, "symbols" may be better defined as a category of signs, in contrast to “icons” an¢ "indexes" (Parmentier 1985). “cons” are expressive signs whose relationship with represented objects is grounded in some formal resemblance, like an animal and its picture. Signs labeled “indexes” requiren some relationship of factual contiguity between object and expression, lke fire and smoke. In contrast, “symbols” have an arbitrary relationship of culturally-constituted contiguity between object and expression, like peace and a dove, or signifier and signified in any language. "Symbols" are products of conventional linkage relevant exclusively among ‘members of a social or cultural unit. I apply this specific definition of "symbois" more extensively to ritual actions and their products which express an arbitrary linkages between signifier and signified in Teotihuacan society. In addition to the arbitrariness of symbols, I stress the social nature of "symbols" as cultural products, According to Geertz (1973c), "symbols" are vehicles of meanings, integrated echoes and worldview of a society. David Schneider (1976) argues that a system of symbols and meanings (namely culture, for him) has a role in determining action. Geertz ((1973c) argues that culture is, rather than something locked inside people's minds, fundamentally embodied in public symbols. Victor Tumer further defines symbols as "what ‘might be called operators in the social process, things that, when put together in a certain ‘arrangement in a certain context (especially ritual), produce essentially social transformations” (Ortner 1984:131; italics in original text). In my dissertation, I discuss the symbolism of a monument in terms of a public operating system determining social actions, and I try to discover this public operating system, which arbitrarily and conventionally links rituals with their meanings. A fundamental question is how we can approach the public ‘operation system (symbolism). In order to understand public symbols, Geertz (1984) emphasizes studying culture from the actor's point of view. For Geertz, culture is a product of acting social entities trying to make sense of the world i which they locate themselves. He argues that, if we are to make sense of a culture, we must situate ourselves in the position from which it was constructed. In dealing with highly symbolic materials I try to approach an emic point of ‘view using various kinds of strategies, in order io understand nativ ‘anings conveyed bysymbols at the FSP, and by extension, to understand the native way in which the public symbols of the state functioned in the public sphere. In archaeology dealing with cultural remains, approaches may be indirect, and itis necessary to further specify methodologies and strategic tools. ‘The monument studied is comprised of several components. Rituals and other ideological factors embodied in its erection may be studied as various “events” or facets of the same symbolization process. Location might have been important for the meaning of the pyramid, and architectural sculptural and mortuary programs were apparently involved in the dedication process of the FSP. In particular, a mass mortuary program seems to have taken place with special significance. The burials are analyzed and interpreted, independently from ach other, in their own configurations, as discussed later. In addition to perspectives of symbolic anthropology, I follow a basic assumption of structuralism, that although the details and particulars of a past culture may be lost, the principles of that organization or structure may be suggested through what remains (Leone 1982:743). It is, however, necessary to remedy ahistorical and unprovable features of structuralism (Hodder 1986:47-54). Tuse analogies among materials which can be found, within particular cultural boundaries (namely Teotihuacan and directly Teotihuacan related sites) and consider similarities in possible historical contexts reconstructed by archaeology. In order to approach an emic point of view, objects are first categorized in etic terms based on ‘morphological differences and these categories are tested mainly using their spatial patterns. ‘The mental structures or cognit e systems of the ancient Teotihuacanos may be elucidated through these processes. Study of the city layout may be a simple instance, as described in detail in Chapter IV. Through analysis of the city's layout using our metric system, I try to approach the native measurement unit system. Then, I try to observe, from an emic point of view, space management and possible religious, cosmological meanings involved.The studies of iconagraphy, burials, and offerings associated with the FSP were also carried out with the intention of approaching native categories from morphological classifications. Finally, results obtained through these analyses are contextualized, as these materials of different kinds were once associated. It is hoped that this procedure strengthens the interpretation of meanings that the FSP symbolized as a social operating system. 1-2. Particular Themes Except for archacoastronomers’ studies on the orientation of the city, the spatial analysis and interpretation of the Teotihuacan city layout have previously been carried out mainly in the search for functions, rather than forthe ritual meanings involved (e.g., Millon 1973, 1981; Cowgill 1983). Strong attention to the chronology of each structure may have constrained archaeologists from discussing interrelated meanings among structures in the city. For example, although available data ar fragmentary, itis somewhat surprising that possibly correlated meanings and functions among the three major monuments in ‘Teotihuacan -- the Sun Pyramid, the Moon Pyramid, and the Ciudadela— have not been systematically studied and discussed extensively. In Chapter V, I explore the cit using the TMU as strategic tool as mentioned above. As Kolata and Sangines (1992) persuasively demonstrate that the Akapana, the central structure of Tiwanaku in Bolivia, represents a sacred mountain in watery symbolism, we may better understand principles for the sacred geography, urban design, and monuments in Teotihuacan In contrast to archaeological researches, over the last century Teotihuacan iconography has been intensively studied by scholars of various disciplines from different points of view. Early in this century, Hermann Beyer (e.g, 1922a, 1922b) interpreted. ‘Teotihuacan iconographic representations in broad Mesoamerican cultural contexts. Alfonso Caso (1967a) and Pedro Armillas (1945, 1947) also discussed some religious aspects ofTeotihuacan imagery as part of the overall cultural tradition of Mesoamerica. Hasso von Winning dedicated himself to identifying deities, mythical animals, and their attributes in ritual terms, Esther Pasztory (1974, 1976, 1977) analyzed images contextually and comparatively, while George Kubler (1967) suggested a probable discontinuity of meanings with those of teenth century societies, and applied linguistic models for an iconographic interpretation of Teotihwacan, Janet Berlo (1984) followed earlier scholars who stressed cultural continuity, while elucidating the nature ofthe relationship between Teotihuacan and cone of its provinces in Guatemala. Laurette Séjoumé (e.g., 1970) was the first iconographer who stressed the importance of martial and sacrificial aspects of Teotihuacan imageries. Again presuming cultural continuity from Teotihuacan to Aztec times, pethaps more strongly than any others, she believed that bloody scenes are explicitly represented in Teotihuacan iconography. Recent iconographic studies support her argument. ‘The aforementioned studies indicate that Teotihuacan iconographic studies have relied strongly on Postclassic written records to interpret religious meanings involved in Teotihuacan imagery. Historical and contextual interpretations, being conscious of politics and socio-cultural transformation, increased particularly after the 1970s (C. Millon 1973). ‘The first systematic computer-aided approach to Teotihuacan iconographic studies was carried out by James Langley (1986), who likewise stressed the importance of ritual sacrifice in Teotihuacan imageries. A major outcome of his work was the identification of ‘Teotihuacan notational calendrical signs, often related to rituals. René Millon (1988), Clara Millon (1988) and Pasztory (1988), interpreting newly disclosed murals through careful comparative analyses, confirm that one of the main themes of Teotihuacan murals was human sacrificial rituals. Following these recent methodologically developed studies, I interpret meanings of iconographic representations of the FSP in reference to various kinds of archaeological data My iconographic study has been grounded in social contexts within a chronological” framework (200 A.D. to 600). Analogous instances from later Teotihuacan periods were compared morphologically, in search of general meanings attached to each iconographic component. Extracted general meanings were then combined for reconstruction of comprehensive symbolic messages which were socially created in particular historical ‘contexts. Conventional relationships between symbols and conveyed meanings were searched for, in order to understand the underlying social significance of the symbols. During this process, it became clearer that symbols used at the FSP are related with a ‘cosmological program which stresses warfare, sacrifice, and authority asthe bearer of time brought by a mythical entity Mortuary practice was also analyzed as a symbolic action, Particularly, cases of ‘graves associated with monuments were considered fundamentally asa socially-produced symbolic program. However, features involved in burials are not simply proposed as direct teflections of social factors, Underlying theories are provided by the literature of mortuary analysis. In contrast to earlier premises that mortuary practices were reflections of beliefs on death and the afterlife, and therefore unstable and arbitrary with social factors (e.g., Kroeber 1927), Processual Archaeologists ofthe 1970s, particularly Binford (1971), proposed that mortuary forms and social dimensions of the dead can be correlated (e.g., Braun 1981; ‘Chapman etal. 198i; Tainter 1978). A large number of studies with different kinds of ‘middle-range theoretical propositions and statistical devices were applied to burial data in order to reconstruct the social dimensions. Recently a large number of burials from ‘Teotihuacan have been studied with statistical analyses, as previously mentioned (Rodriguez 1992; Sempowski and Spence 1994). However, Binford's proposition has been criticized by post-processual archaeologists (e.g., Hodder 1986; Parker Pearson 1982), who indicate the complexity of symbolic behaviors, in which mortuary practices sometimes mask social relations. Carr (1995) demonstrates through cross-cultural survey of mortuary practices thatPhilosophical-religious beliefs should be considered beyond social determinants for holistic and moltidisciplinary approaches. ‘The mortuary program at the FSP seems to have been extensive, systematic, and highly ritualistic. It was apparently related to the state religion, as the monumentality of the building with which burials were associated, indicates. In addition, as the persons interred were probably sacrificial victims, the mortuary form may not be correlated in any simplistic ‘way with the social positions of the individuals buried. Social dimensions reflected in ‘mortuary practices may have been metaphoric and meaningful in their own, religious terms. In addition, as Turner (1977) pointed out, complicated sacrificial rituals could be considered as processes rather than events, Archaeological data clearly indicate thatthe sacrificial burials ‘were a ritual performed during the process of the monument erection. T review, among various explanatory theories, three models which may be relevant to define the specific relationship between this 1s»-tary ritual and the socio-politics of the individuals buried In some cases of offical sacrificial rituals worldwide in ranked societies, sacrifices took place dedicated to or servis ig dead rulers. In other cases, the sacrifices could have been manifestations of kingship by themselves (e.g., Valeri 1985). ‘The "retainers-for-king theory" can be found appropriate in many burial cases in ancient states, like the Ur royal tombs (e.g., Woolley 1954), the Shang dynasty (e.g., Chang 1980), or Moche royal tombs of Sipén (Alva and Donnan 1993). Examples of the same sacrificial burial type are widely observed in Mesoamerican societies. The differential mortuary treatments between a king's burial and those of sacrificial victims are usually conspicuous in tombs at major pyramids in large ceremonial centers (e.g., Ruz 1968). In the case of Aztec kings, their tombs have not been identified because cremation was involved (Umberger 1992, personal communication). Nevertheless, sacrifice of retainers seems to have been common, as described by Sahagiin (1952:43) for a case of an elite burial; "slaves were sacrificed after the cremation was‘completed and these slaves were buried separately.” In Teotihuacan, no examples of retainers have been identified to date. ‘The “contract with the gods theory" seems to explain mythological beliefs underlying ‘Mesoamerican sacrificial rituals in general. An Aztec version of the theory interpreted by Pasztory (1983:58) follows: "The gods themselves were not immortal, and remained within this cycle of death and rebirth. ‘The processes of living and dying were frequently reduced to the metaphor of eating, When humans were eating maize they were actually eating the flesh of the maize god Centeotl; this had to be restored to the god in the form of human sacrifices - the blood {nto which the maize had been transformed. The dead, whether people or gods, were eaten by the earth, imagined as a great monster. One of the most powerful images of Aztec artis. the open jaw of the earth monster ready to devour its victims.’ ‘A general conception of the divine contract seems to have existed in the minds of ‘Teotihuacanos, as representations of deities carrying out human sacrificial rituals suggest. ‘Many temples and public spaces in Teotihuacan, including the FSP after the completion of its ‘construction, may have served for rituals grounded in beliefs of divine contract. Although the case of the FSP sacrificial burials may be unusual in terms of its strong association with ‘monumental construction, faith in a divine contract seems to have been an underlying concept at the FSP. ‘Another possible explanation of the mass human sacrifice at the FSP is the “foundation theory", which interprets the victims as a dedication to the monument. Human sacrifices were often carried out to spiritualize monuments and/or attach specific ritual, ‘cosmological, or calendrical meanings, Examples can be found over wide spans of time and space (¢.g., Davies 1984), Human sacrifice dedicated to specific monuments was also common in Mesoamerica. In Teotihuacan, possible foundation sacrifices have been excavated at other monuments as described in Chapter IX. I suspect thatthe case of human0 sacrifice at the FSP may basically have belonged to this category, although this and other explanations are not mutually exclusive Specific ritual meanings and functions at the FSP seem to have been attached to the burial complex, as in the case of the Templo Mayor, Tenochtitlin, which Matos (e.g., 1984) and Lépez (1994) persuasively demonstrate within a different religious and socio-political context. The burial complex at the FSP seems to have been a dedication program including both sacrificial victims and elite graves, as discussed later. One of them could have contained ruler. Within the Mesoamerican cultural sphere, mortuary forms of human sacrifices, significantly varied depending on the ritual meanings involved and the socio-political contexts in which rituals were executed (e.g., Nagao 1985:38-39). In this dissertation, I deal with a form of mass human sacrifice carried out under certain socio-political circumstances around 200 A.D. at the FSP. My goal is to deduce from the data, with this theoretical background, ritual meanings and politics involved, useful for the evolutionary perspectives of social changes in ancient states (¢.g., Demarest 1984). ‘Theories of human sacrifice indicate that this peculiar mortuary form requires a distinct treatment for analysis and interpretation. In summary, it appears that while formal ‘mortuary analysis has tended to focus on the relations between the dead and the grave contents, the interpretation of mass human sacrifices needs to take into account the primary role of the sacrificers who were responsible for the mortuary practices (Hubert and Mauss 1964). By no means can the relations of the dead (sacrificed) and the grave contents be supposed to have been direct. In other words, we may essentially be dealing with the symbolic behavior of the sacrificers. This is the reason why the final chapter discusses the ‘mortuary program in relation with other ritual actions that took place atthe same place. I search for cohesive acts of those responsible for the events to explain their involvement in politics,This proposition became clearer as analyses of offerings progressed. It tumed out that the production of the offerings seems to have been programmed and they were placed in the graves by the sacrificers in very symbolic ways in order to express certain kinds of ideational features. The notion is examined through my analyses ofthe hypothetical proposition that the graves were highly patterned to express ideological concems of the sacrificers. The burials discovered at the FSP were not just individuals who were sacrificed and simply buried at the pyramid. In consequence, my studies reveal that the burials were explicit manifestations of ritual warfare and the significance of human sacrifice. This, symbolic action can be better understood in terms of a political proclamation of state administration. believe that the burial complex was, just like the location, architecture, and iconography of the monument, pat of a larger program of materializing a consistent belief system thatthe ruling group manipulatedCHAPTER EXCAVATIONS OF THE FEATHERED SERPENT PYRAMID (FSP) In this chapter, I briefly describe the history of the excavations of the FSP to provide the sources of data discussed here, The pyramid was independently excavated by several archaeologists at different times, and the graves were found at various places around and in the pyramid and were reported as independent graves. However, I (Sugiyama 1986, 1988a, 19892, 1991a) consider that almost all of the graves were parts ofa sacrificial burial complex that was associated with the erection of the pyramid. ‘The cohesive relations among the burials are discussed in more detail in Chapters VII and VII In Section I1-1, discoveries before 1980 are described. In some cases, I reinterpret ‘excavation contexts, as seen retrospectively from the standpoint of new data from the excavations in the 1980s. In Sections III-2 and 3, I sketch the history of discoveries after 1980, in which 1 was involved. In doing so, the cohesiveness of the architecture, graves and ‘caches found around the FSP is stressed through related stratigraphy. This will give a basis particularly for further discussions of architecture, grave pattems, and burial contents. Preliminary reports on the excavations also have been published in different forms.2 ‘Concerning the extensive excavations by the PTQ 88-89, detailed reports ofthe excavation ‘by Cabrera, Cowgill and myself are to be published by UNAM/INAH and by an American 2 A brief report of the excavation at the FSP in 1982 was published by Cabrera and ‘Sugiyama (1982) and a similar but more detailed technical report by the same was submitted to the Archivo of the INAH (Cabrera and Sugiyama 1983). For discoveries of burials in 1983-84, see Sugiyama 1986, 1988b, 1989a, and 199La (all written by 1986). Concerning. the discoveries of burials by PTQ88-89, Cabrera prepared Spanish versions (e.g. Cabrera, ‘Cowgill and Sugiyama 1990, Cabrera, Cowgill, Sugiyama and Serrano 1989), while ‘Cowgill and I wrote an English version (Cabrera, Sugiyama and Cowgill 1991), More specific topics about the excavations and materials also have been published in preliminary form (Cowgill and O. Cabrera 1991; Sugiyama 1991, 1992; Serrano, Pimienta and Gallardo 1991, 1993)publisher. In addition o them, we are preparing electronic files of substantial data that will be stored as World Wide Web pages on the Arizona State University server. Since these future publications will include detailed information, I mainly stress here some points useful for the dissertation. IlI-1. Discoveries at the FSP before 1980 ‘The Ciudadela is a huge enclosure located geographically at the center of the city's expanse (Figures | and 2). It measures about 400 m on a side (ie. about 160,000 m2), and the interior space is surrounded by four large platforms surmounted by pyramids. The main plaza had a capacity of 100,000 persons without much crowding (Cowgill 1983:322). The Feathered Serpent Pyramid (FSP) was the central pyramid of this large complex. Two apartment compounds located adjacent to this monument were apparently for residence and/or administrative offices of elites. ‘The FSP, measuring 65 m on a side (about 4225 m?), was once covered with stone blocks in tablero-talud form on all four sides (Figure 3). Huge sculptural heads which [later discuss jutted out from the tablero portions. ‘They evidently represented Feathered Serpents and headdresses in the form of a mythical entity. ‘The Adosada platform was later attached to the FSP, covering a major portion ofthe principal facade ofthe pyramid. In 1917 Ignacio Marquina, as part of Manuel Gamio's project (1922 [1979)), began to excavate the Ciudadela complex extensively for the first time (Figure 4). The excavation area included large platforms, parts of palaces (Compounds 1D:NIEI and 1E:NIE1: Millon et al. 1973) and the FSP. The monumental architecture and the sculptural decoration of the facade of the FSP, which T discuss in Chapter V, have been exposed since that time. The process of the excavations was briefly described by Marquina (1922) and Reygadas (1930) with useful maps and photos. However, the details of the excavation data, such as those of24 the west (principal) and south facades of the FSP and the habitational area around the FSP do not appear in any of these reports (Figure 5) Burials were also found during this excavation, together with the impressive carved stone facade of the pyramid, called later the Templo de Quetzalcoatl, and precious artifacts made of greenstone, obsidian, shell, and ceramics. ‘Three burials were discovered on the top of the mound at the beginning of the exploration. They consisted of fragmented bones ‘without apparent anatomical relations. Therefore, the discoverer interpreted them as bones exhumed from other graves. However, I (e.g., Sugiyama 19892:103) was suspi ice 1984 of this interpretation, as they also could have been remains of primary burials. The details are described in Chapter VI-1 In 1925 Pedro Dosal (1925a, 1925b) unexpectedly discovered four graves at the four comers of the FSP (Figure 7). Each of them contained a human skeleton and associated offerings. He reports that these individuals were found under various floors within pits ‘made in the natural subsoil called tepezate, Although the report lacks precise stratigraphic data, the general excavation context accords with burials found on the south side of the pyramid that I later describe. Moreover, the locations directly associated with the pyramid suggest that these graves were associated with the construction of the FSP. The associated offerings include 14 obsidian projectile points and approximately 400 or more pieces of shell worked into the form of perforated rectangular plaques simulating human teeth (Siliceo 1925), identical to those found in graves in the 1980s. This striking similarity supports the idea that they were part of the same burial complex. The excavation contexts led some researchers to interpret the people buried at the comers of the structure as sacrificial victims before the 1980s excavations (Armillas 1950:44; Dosal 1925a:218; Millon 1981:213;, Sempowski 1983). In 1939, under the orders of Alfonso Caso, José R. Pérez (1939) dug pits and tunnels at different places near the FSP. Significant offerings were found in front of thestaircase of the FSP, and others were discovered under the staircase of the Adosada. They were simply interpreted as offerings associated with the two buildings: the FSP and the ‘Adosada respectively. I was skeptical of this intepretation also because of inconsistencies in the excavation reports. As analyzed and described in 1985 (Sugiyama 1989a, 1991), the two sets of offerings, those in front of the staircase of the FSP and those under the staircase of the ‘Adosada, both seem to have corresponded to the construction phase of the FSP. Two brief reports on these excavations are available. The first one was written 15 days after the conclusion of fieldwork by Pérez (1939), who was actually in charge of the excavation. His ‘unpublished report provided much more detailed field contexts and concrete description of discoveries than the brief report published eight years later by Daniel Rubin de la Borbolla (1947), The former gave me an opportunity to reconsider the finds as a part of a massive sacrificial burial complex, as described later (Sugiyama 1989a:99-102). The idea was not ‘confirmed until PTQ88-89 excavated a test pit Front B, Pit 3) in 1988. Consequently, it was possible to verify that both of the rich caches described by Borbolla were actually earlier than the Adosada construction, perhaps pertaining to the FSP. ‘Apart from the stratigraphic question of the caches, [also wondered whether Pérez actually found a grave pit in front ofthe staircase of the FSP. Sempowski (1983) also suspected that bones found at the FSP staircase originally belonged to two probable burials. Although they did not clearly mention it, some of Pérez's words, like "a vertical cut (in the tepetate)", "a depth of 1.72 m" suggested to me that Pérez was actually finding offerings in ‘or around a grave pit in front of the FSP (Sugiyama 19892:99-100). This unclear description in Pérez’s report was clarified later by another test pit below the Adosada stairway (Front B, Pit 5) made by the PTQ88-89, as described later. Although Pérez's excavation caused some ‘confusion, this was the primary data that, together with the discoveries made on the south26 side in 1982, originally triggered my thoughts about a large scale dedicatory complex at the FSP. They finally resulted in the extensive explorations described in the next paragraphs. I11-2. Discoveries at the FSP between 1980 and 1987 After the excavation of Pérez, the Ciudadela complex was not excavated extensively again until the 1980s. The TMP directed by René Millon made two test pits near the FSP in the 1960s which yielded stratigraphic information related to the FSP, as well as a stratigraphic trench in the East Platform of the Ciudadela (Millon 1992). The TMP also ‘elaborated for the first time an accurate map of the city ata scale of 1:2000, including the Ciudadela ‘A major project of INAH, called the Proyecto Arqueolégico Teotihuacan 1980-82 (PAT80-82) (Cabrera et al. 1982a, 1982b, 1991) was formed as one of two major presidential projects. The project was originally directed by the Consejo de Arqueologéa del INAH and eventually ended with Arglgo. Rubén Cabrera as the director ofthe project. About 600 people worked on excavation, conservation, and reconstruction; mainly in the southem part of the Avenue of the Dead. This area of excavation was chosen as, ‘complementary to an earlier presidential project, which mainly uncovered the northern half of the city’s central part along the avenue in 1962-64 (Bernal 1963; Acosta 1964). The Ciudadela complex was thus selected as one of the main extensive excavation and conservation projects of the PAT80-82. Within this project, I was in charge of mapping architecture and topography for ‘excavation, conservation, and further research designs (Sugiyama 1982). 1 intended to map all structures unearthed to date, to the scale of 1:100.3 ‘These maps, with specific 3 ‘The most reliable maps that existed at that time were those made by the TMP directed by René Millon (Millon etal. 1973). They are, and will be for many more years, the best sitearchitectural features, ater contributed considerably to my study of the Te layout, architecture, and burials atthe FSP. ‘The PATS0-82 project intended to remove virtually all post-Teotihuacan layers from this huge square precinct in order to expose Teotihuacan monumentality. Virtually all ‘constructions in the Ciudadela, except for a small area east of the FSP, were excavated and consolidated for public display. As a part of PATB0-82, I was assigned the exploration of the south facade of the FSP in 1982 (Cabcera and Sugiyama 1982). The excavation confirmed that a major area of this section had in fact been excavated once before, probably ‘by Marquina (1922), and that the east-west corridor along the south edge of the pyramid was ‘covered again by later natural destruction, although no excavation records were left (Figure 6). Therefore, the first stage of the excavation was actually removal of newly-rnade fill in most of the area. No useful stratigraphic data about the relation between the FSP and the /post-Teotihuacan layers were available from this area. 4 However, it was confirmed that the south facade had been covered with sculptured blocks as the west facade had been (Figures 8 and 9). After the last (uppermost) Teotihuacan construction level was exposed, the second stage was to dig into the pyramid using trenches and test pts on the facade and floors of the corridor to understand the stratigraphic relations of the pyramid with the South Palace maps. However, the scale used forthe studies of the city, 1:2000, is obviously t00 big for individual architectural maps. INAH also has general architectural maps, published (Miller 1973) and unpublished, of several structures excavated in 1960s. 4 In contrast to the south side of the pyramid, the northern facade was in intact condition before the excavation by the PATS0-82, It was crucial and the single place to recover the stratigraphic relations between the pyramid and the Palaces. The excavation of the North Palace was carried out by Jarquin and Martinez, who also excavated the north facade of the pyramid. A brief report has been published to date (Jarquin and Martinez 1982). The data on the north side are invaluable, particularly because the chronological relation ofthe destruction of the FSP with the last architectural level of the Palaces was called into question by the PTQ88-89 excavations (e.g., Sugiyama 1993b).(Compound 1-E:NIE1 in Millon et al. 1973) (Figure 10). In one of these test pits a single burial (Grave 153) discovered accidentally motivated the search for burials atthe FSP. One ‘male was found in this pit with thousands of small shell beads around the thorax. ‘The stratigraphy indicated thatthe grave was sealed by floors corresponding to the construction of the FSP. ‘The location of this grave was not on the north-south centerline of the pyramid, as ‘one might expect, This led me to open another pit exactly on the north-south centerline of the pyramid. Thad been impressed by that time withthe highly regular and symmetrical architectural plan of the FSP during its mapping, and I was looking for the measurement unit used at Teotihuacan, as mentioned in Chapter V (Sugiyama 1983, 1993a).6 I further realized that graves and caches previously discovered also follow a symmetrical patter at the pyramid (Dosal 1925a; Marquina 1922; Pérez 1939), Moreover, Jarquin and Martinez of PAT80-82 later found an individual grave (Figure 7), again with small shell beads, atthe spot north of the pyramid corresponding to Grave 153 with respect to the east-west centerline ofthe building (registered later as Grave 157). It was therefore considered highly probable that, Grave 153 had another counterpart with respect to the north-south centerline and that probably another grave would be found on the north-south centerline also. A test pit was excavated first exactly on the north-south centerline of the pyramid on the south side in September, 1982. Here, I found the edges of a long east-west pit excavated from the subsoil level (tepetate), exactly under the masonry north wall ofthe "South Palace". However, the excavation had to be covered up as the project was concluding, 5 Sex-identfication of this individual by C. Serrano (personal communication 1985; Sugiyama 1989a:88) in 1986 was female. “A more recent publication by Serrano, Pimienta, and Gallardo (1991) reports thatthe individual was male, however. 6 In fact, the Teotihuacan measurement unit (TMU) I proposed (83 cm) originally derived from the measurements of this pyramid, which was precisely planned on principles of symmetry (Figure 34)29 ‘The exploration for this possible grave continued during the 1983-84 field season of the PAT80-82, In total 18 people were finally uncovered with offerings (Grave 190; Figures 11 and 12; Sugiyama 1988b, 1989a, 1991). Stratigraphic data indicate that along pit was made for a multiple burial atthe time of the construction of the FSP. The pit was located exactly across the north-south centerline of the FSP and measured 8.3 m in length (Figure DI ‘Afier the completion of the excavation, another individual burial (Grave 203) was excavated west of Grave 190, corresponding to Grave 153 with respect to the north-south centerline (Figure 13). It contained a significantly different type of offering. These stratigraphic data recovered from the south side and the spatial distribution pattern of the ‘graves gave me a strong basis to propose that the graves previously found at the FSP in 1922, 1925, 1983-84, and the caches uncovered in 1939, in fact, formed one sacrificial burial-cache complex directly associated with the erection of the pyramid, At the same time, the data from the south side strongly indicated that the FSP still contained undiscovered ‘Braves on the north and east sides, as well as in the interior ofthe pyramid. In 1986, a multiple burial, recorded later as Grave 204, was unearthed in a practice excavation by students of physical anthropology of the Escuela Nacional de Antropologia ¢ Historia (ENAH) under the direction of Martinez and Jarquin atthe place I proposed in 1985, (Sugiyama 1988b) as another grave location. The burial contexts, and the associated materials seem to have been very similar to those of Grave 190 on the south side. However, because of the lack of available data, this dissertation does not discuss the two graves (Graves 157 and 204) excavated om the north side by Martinez and Jarquin. Only general information published in a Mexican popular journal (Mercado 1987) was taken into consideration, 7 The length of the pit is ten times the TMU I had proposed (Figure 11).30 IL-3. Discoveries by the PTQ1988-89 With this background, a new project was formed in 1987. René Millon, to whom I first talked about forming a new projec, remained active as a major consultant. George ‘Cowgill, who had long expressed a particular interest in the Ciudadela (Cowgill 1983), consequently joined this project. Rubén Cabrera who was the director of the PAT80-82 was also interested in forming the project and coordinated actively in Mexico. ‘The project was funded by grants to Cowgill from the National Geographic Society, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Arizona State University Foundation, and other sources. At this final stage of analyses the project is also being aided by a National Science Foundation grant to ‘Cowgill and me and an National Endowment for the Humanities grant to Cowgill. Cabrera, ‘Cowgill, and I coordinated the excavations, as well as laboratory work in the 1988-89 ‘seasons and thereafter.8 The participation of physical anthropologist Carlos Serrano and his students in the field work was also crucial since the project focused on exploration of burials. ‘The excavation area of is project, called Proyecto Templo de Quetzalcoat! 1988-89 (PTQ88-89), was separated into three fronts. Front A was an extensive excavation on the ‘eastside of the FSP, which was planned and coordinated by Cabrera and Rodotfo Cid in both the 1988 and 1989 seasons. This was the only place left at that time untouched by ‘Previous excavations in the Ciudadela. Under about 4 m of debris from the collapse of the ‘Pyramid were three Teotihuacan concrete floors, which had been damaged considerably. Seven pits in tepetate were uncovered under these floors, apart from several smaller pits. As described in detail in Chapter VI-I, six of the pits were considered primary graves forming parts of the sacrificial burial complex (Figures 14 to 17). 8 The original organizational structure of the project was modified in 1989 by the Consejo de Arqueologia in Mexico. Rubén Cabrera was named director ofthe project, and George Cowgill became associate director.31 ‘The Front A excavation ‘was completely refilled with earth at the conetusion of the exploration by the PTQ88-89. However, a new INAH project in 1993-94, formed by Cabrera and his new associates, finaly removed all post-Teotifuacan layers on the east side of the FSP. This means that the entire Ciudadela is now free from all post-Teotihuacan natural and cultural accumulations. Front B refers to a series of pit excavations carried out on the north and west side of the FSP and in and near the Adosada platform in the 1988 season (Figure 7). Front B was supervised by George Cowgill, with the assistance of Oralia Cabrera, Martin Dudek, Stephanie Reiss, Martha Pimienta, Alfonso Gallardo, and Ceferino Ortega. Grave 1 was found on the north side of the pyramid in Pit 1, mirroring Grave 203 (Figure 18). The stratigraphy, grave pattern, and the offerings indicated similarity with Grave 203, although there were also significant differences. Pit 2 was excavated atop the Adosada to date this structure, The excavation was carried down more than 5 m, mostly in loose, rocky fill, until it reached clearly undisturbed deposits. The excavation obtained a significant quantity of materials, including ceramics of the Miccaotli, Tlamimilolpa, Xolalpan, Aztec, and Colonial phases and periods (examined by Cowgill). However, the most striking discovery in this pit was many fragments of intricately modeled, fited-clay walls that I describe in detail in Chapter VI-3. The stratigraphy indicates that they were from a razed structure, probably the temple atop the FSP. They possibly formed part of a frieze adoring its facade, Pit 3 reopened the 1939 excavation and tunnel at the foot of the staircase of the Adosada, This was planned to verify the stratigraphy according to my proposal that the offerings found by Pérez under the Adosada corresponded to the FSP, rather than to the Adosada. The excavation was not able to definitively confirm this, inthe opinion of, Cowgill, but it provided more information supporting my hypothesis. Additional offerings, very similar to those reported by Rubin de la Borbolla (1947), were found near Pérez'sexcavation. Although the way the offerings were associated with the FSP remain unresolved, it indicated that the sacrificial burial and cache complex at the FSP may have extended to the west beyond a grave pit in front ofthe staircase of the FSP. The discovery ‘may imply that more graves and caches associated tothe FSP still exist within a certain distance from the pyramid on the east-west and north-south centerlines, Pit 4 was dug in apparently in situ deposits sealed by a small section of Teotihuacan concrete floor atop the lowest body of the stepped Adosada platform. This was done in order to obtain additional materials to date the structure. The ceramics recovered indicate a significant shift between the FSP and the Adosada.? In this pit, a section of the talud of a possible substructure was also found, suggesting that the Adosada itself replaced an earlier structure. ‘We also reopened the 1939 excavation atthe foot of the staircase of the FSP (Pit 5), in order to examine several questions raised earlier (Sugiyama 19892:99-100). Details are discussed in Chapter VII-1. Pit 6 was opened in the Great Plaza of the Ciudadela, at the northwest comer of the ‘Adosada, in order to verify whether another grave was associated with it, as the FSP had ‘raves at its four comers. The result was negative. This confirmed that the Adosada marked assignif icant change, when the FSP was covered partially by the Adosada, and when several sacrificial burial complexes were looted.!0 9 ‘The difference between ceramics included in the Adosada and those from the interior of the FSP seems to be significant. Preliminary analysis suggests that the difference represents the transition from Miccaotli-Early Tlamimilolpa to Late Tlamimilolpa. According to Cowgills review, itis indicated by cylindrical tripod vases, a single-chambered candelero, molded ‘censer omaments, and San Martin Orange, that were included in the Adosada but not in the FSP (Cabrera et al. 1991:89). 10 Excessive looting and temple destruction activities belong to another historical event revealed extensively since the 1982 excavation, that I have discussed elsewhere (Sugiyama 1988b, 1993b, 1994). This dissertation does not touch upon this subject.33 Finally, a series of test pits called Trench I were dug in 1988 between Grave 157 and the northeast comer of the FSP in order to search for more graves near the facades of the FSP (Figure 7). ‘The search for burials around the FSP through test pits originally focused ‘on the south side of the structure as previously described. The location data of the graves found by that time on the north and east sides were also taken into consideration for another confirmation of the overall grave patter at the FSP. However, there was still no guarantee that more burials would not be found around the pyramid under the floors of the later periods. Therefore, the east half of the northem side was selected for these test pits. However, the excavations of Trench I did not detect any graves. Based on the symmetry principle indicated by burials discovered to date atthe FSP, this implies that more graves, at least near the facades, are highly unlikely to be found around the pyramid. Additional parts ‘of the burial/eache complex might still exist on the centerlines, especially on the east-west ‘one, as previously mentioned, Front C refers toa tunnel excavation planned and coordinated by myself in 1988 and 1989 with the assistance of Pedro Bafios, Martha Pimienta, Alfonso Gallardo, Alejandro Sarabia, Oralia Cabrera, Lillian Thomas, Jorge Moto, and Martin Dudek, under the overall supervision of Cabrera and Cowgill, The tunnel excavation was planned to investigate the possibility of finding additional interments under the FSP, to verify the existence of earlier structures, to acquire information regarding construction materials and techniques, and to obtain data which could help to date the structure more precisely. ‘The initial excavation consisted of horizontal tunneling into the base of the platform, starting atthe center point ofthe south facade atthe level ofthe tepetate upon which the pyramid foundations were prepared. From that point, tunneling operations proceeded northward along the north-south central line of the structure (Figure 19). These operations revealed that the pyramid fill was homogeneous throughout. Numerous unfaced, roughly34 made walls of rocks set in mud mortar ran somewhat irregularly north-south and east-west, intersecting to form cells (Figure 20). ‘Two walled burial chambers were encountered during the excavation (Figures 21). ‘The first (Grave 2) was located 10 m inside, and in it eight individuals were discovered with offerings. The second (Grave 4) was found at 13.5 m north from the tunnel entrance. Eighteen individuals were discovered with substantially richer offerings. These two graves are describe in detail in Chapter VII-1. Beyond these two burial chambers, our tunnel was continued northward toward the ‘center. At 24 m inside, the archaeological tunnel intersected an ancient tunnel (Figure 22), the existence of which was not suggested by cither the topography of the pyramid mound or any ethnohistorical documents, The tunnel entrance was completely sealed, and apparently had been so for centuries (Sugiyama 1993b). The tunnel itself was a large, irregular hollow passage left by the removal of a large volume of stones and mud by the looters. The

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