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    Description of 'ungovernability' in a metal factory during apartheid

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
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    Download as pdf
    95 views13 pages

    Transition From Below - Chapter 5

    Uploaded by

    Siddiq Kiaam Kabir Khan
    Description of 'ungovernability' in a metal factory during apartheid

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
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    of 13
    118_TRANSITION FROM BELOW sinersion wth there sh Mle kate accounts dwn fem te Ta tm fone Cas Mac, 84,8 sani, 4; Jacob Msi Sinden 38. Sce Bonner (1336 < 8: Se Be td Nims (99) Mata ODS 29. The Knute Nal ke do, Sel aa ns eae eae 7 OB Ieee; Chiles Maka 19504, Ne # Wh amit Ua hte, ee slam sh cat mig CO en ‘guest tssive church organisations. Ss (Seo rele te dn se eS seat dle alee! wth he UDE an aes eae ml lent activists ~ would atte ea yctgieea me Cosh eager ‘ rent style and tactic’ to the bigger uni mor eae Tecate al wah il rth to eis ac a UNCO and eter commany ene ene ih ia ates une (interview, Charles. Makola, 14/5/94), aire & te a 4 4 In hoa {Ineo MN, 8 30. Interview, Msi Nhlapo, 1295, 31 neve aN Mo Nap 99, 05) 52. Interview, Charles Makola, 14/5/94, pecs 1205; interview, ‘It was just chaotic’ The apartheid workplace regime, political challenge and ‘ungovernability’ in the workplace ‘The aim was political, it was simply to overthrow the government of the day. Everything rallied around that point that this government has to be brought down to its knees and replaced by a democratic government. ‘Charles Makola,vice-chairperson ofthe shop steward’ committee, chairperson of the COSATU local The rise of the popular movement in KwaGuga forged a collective political identity around the idea of a black community challenge to the oppressive and illegitimate apartheid regime. This black political identity was forged not only in ideas, but also in political practices and strategies — violent confrontation with the institutions and forces of apartheid, symbolic defiance and ungevernability, the organisation of a counter-order in the form of ‘people's power’, and the legitimacy of coercion in maintaining the unity of the people. This chapter explores the impact of popular political identity and its associated practices on social movement unionism in the workplace. The trade union was deeply shaped by political identities forged beyond the workplace. Social movement unionism was regarded as a component of the insurgent black popular movement. Trade union activities became part ofthe larger political drama of black resistance to white power. ‘The political dimension of social movement unionism During the mid-1980s there was a growing sense of ‘chaos’ at Highveld Steel, Bunny Mahlangu, who was chairperson of shop stewards at the height of the confrontations during 1987, described the atmosphere: 19 | TRANSITION FROM BELOW Between 1985 and 1987 Highveld Steel was one company that was militant, and it was so militant that office-bearers or leadership couldnt even stop the militancy. It was ust chaotic, that militancy In 1985 we had these mini-strikes where people would just searc management and then get scared themselves and go back to work 1986 was not so quiet: But 1987 was the worst. That was the year wwe had a strike almost every week. Unfortunately Iwas elected the chairperson ofthe shop stewards’ committee and I found myself in this mis, having to resolve strikes almost every week. But the real Problem was that in 1986 we formed what we called a strike committee. It was all these really militant guys, guys that would always like to see action, and for any perty thing they would just, stop people and say, "No, today we are not going to work ~ there's a sia So strikes were just spontaneous. Sometimes, as the cone iam ‘come to work and find there isa strike and I Political and industrial relations issues were interwoven through these strikes 7 wage demands, challenges to dismissals, a response to the killing in a faraway town ofthe wife ofa unionist who had been involved in commana resistance to forced removals, and another tothe arrest ofa fellow worker the protracted Witbank stayaway and participation in nationwide stayaways. community activist killed by the police, a wildcat strike to demand the dismissal ofa white manager or the reinstatement ofa black worker The Tange of actions and. ‘Srievances, and the political symbols, songs and eee that accompanied them, reinforced the linkages hetween workpiece community and political struggles, Industrial action was charged with political meaning and racial confrontation. The challenge to white ‘management in the workplace was a challenge to apartheid in genera Charles Makola, who was active in community structures a¢ well ax being the chairperson of the COSATU local and vice-chait of he shop stewards’ committee, put this quite explicitly ‘The aim was political, it was simply to overthrow the government ‘TWAS JUST CHAOTIC. 121 of the day. Everything rallied around that point, that this ‘government has to be brought down to its knees and replaced by a democratic government. All these actions, boycotts, stayaways Were directed at that objective. Before the Harare Declaration® the concept of negotiating was out of the question. There was no differentiation between the state and the companies. Apartheid \was more practical in the working environment than anywhere else, Atcompany level the negotiations were not strictly speaking negotiations. Although it was unavoidable to articulate our demands, and put them before management for discussion, our approach was one of confrontation. We would simply demand that June 16 be recognised as a public holiday, and that's it. It is not going to be negotiated. On June 16 we will not come to work. We were planning outside the company with other structures that June 16 isa stayaway. From time to time we would have to deal with management, but we never trusted them as they never trusted us. We would put forward demands and strike the following day. We were reluctant to use the Industrial Council or the procedures of the LRA. We strike whether it's legal or illegal. We used to argue that there is no such thing as a legal strike on the part of the workers. We were not only challenging the individual employers, we were even challenging the state [author's emphasis). Activists were reluctant to participate in institutions or negotiate in a way that would imply legitimacy. This created tensions for trade unionism: it sought the overthrow of the entire apartheid system and, at the same time, it was necessarily involved in negotiations with management, So negotiations were atthe same time ‘not negotiations’. Industrial action not only served to put pressure on management to accede to workers demands; it also undermined the economic base of apartheid: ‘We were faced with the system of apartheid, which was working ‘hand in hand with capitalist exploitation and naturally as the union, wwe had to resist. One way of resisting was through industrial action — strikes, stayaways, go slows, overtime bans. We were not concerned about productiv:ty. We were not concerned about the economy. In fact, we wanted to see this economy in South Africa suffering 122 __TRANSITION FROM BELOW because it had no significance for us other than keeping the very system of apartheid alive.> The political nature of trade union struggle was influenced both by the racial nature of power relations in the workplace, and by the political ‘management: The struggle for liberation was a pillar of the unity of the people inside, and even outside the factory. It was nota trade union se rugele for wages and conditions. Dismissals were not sen in iselstion from the political arena, they were seen as perpetuating racial discrimination. ine sttuasle i the factory took on sume ofthe qualities ofa liberation war Asamigrane worker puri, describing the meaning rather ehan the concrete Practices of action: We never negotiated, We would just go into the bash, and when asked why, we would tell them to release Mandela firs” The image of ‘going inco the bush’ had several layers: it referred to sttke action and linked this to the idea ~ extolled in many ofthe political songs sung by orkers ~of going into ‘the bush’ to join the freedom fighter of she. liberation movement; this in tur resonated with the old ware of resistance fought in ‘the bush’ against colonialism, tn this atmosphere, ‘the strike was the order ofthe day’, because there was not ‘any mutual agreement on any issues’ between workers and Chee nt There was, in other words, an absence of 'xtablished pattems of social interaction’ or ‘rules of conduct’, whether formally or informally Bre peg one migrant worker put it; ‘That we were breaking any law didn't bother the workers at al, since mos of the things that management wanted ffom workers it got by force” Rather than a jointly construed jd mutually understood framework within which conflict and contestates between workers and management could he structured, the apartheid workplace regime was under assault by an insurgent union movement whch westioned its fundamental premises. Ungovernability prevailed “1 WAS JUST CHAOTIC" i ent at Highveld Steel meant that ‘those ‘The intransigence of management at i iba c solved by a threat of mass dismissal: In the shop a cries te or two of the strikes ‘achieved any objectives! ees es abana approach." But the point of striking, was not cra Linked w collecve bering. Experiencing eam Pa eats elca PU eee ec sea membership tarted to grow! Downing tools, walking off the job and one Cee ee reer ee ane profou ee ee eee ee Just as eerriet eet later ies serriertcmnae (ty hac Pe ees ee eee a ae of ea : lack workers. The symbolic potency of this experience, a ee ee eae ea ‘over concrete goals. This is how JJ. Mbonani described it: ried to do our jobs, especially hen we wenton strike the managers t ee tapping or fcr our strike we wil ind some of them in toni elt atures ane Pte Po een ena slaves for such & long time, we want to see what happens when we strike.!” y they would no longer collaborate with the ee aes ee oie eee eas ee See ee ean ieee re etna cee a power: ‘Even if we are not paid for three days we don't care, now oa see what is going on, so they won't be able to come and talk the way they like." : weaning of industrial action for workers demonstrates the ease ae and industrial relations at the time. ao between workers and managers was simultaneously Sas Hoos. blacks and whites in ‘the white man’s factory’, and social ead unionism became a part of the popular movement through whicl ee workers could launch an assault, in the name of democracy and oe ‘on the apartheid regime. In this it was linked to the movements ed factory: community organisations, armed resistance, and over the ‘ the ANC. 124 TRANSITION FROM BELOW “TT WAS JUST CHAOTIC. 125 Ungovernability, 1986-8: The ‘strugale friars ae ave did report for work. Two days later the shop stewards demanded meeting 2c poital mam: dye a en MAY Day were momento ‘on very short notice’ at which they wanted to know the names of black People could demonstrate their rejection or hich the black oppressed employees who had worked on 16 June, and also demanded that Highveld maintained South Aen 4 eyes OF the entire regime thae dismiss chem as they had ‘acted in breach of an agreement to observe the tteated as events outside the colleerne national stayaway’. The company refused, and shop stewards informed it negotiable although increasingly, ah een ennine framework that meeting would be held in the canteen at lunchtime where ‘the workets drew them into the collective fecan sen With success, ‘would decide what action needed to be taken’. After the meeting the shop argaining arena by including the demand stewards presented management witha list of sx black employees who had worked during the stayaway and demanded that they be dismissed without disciplinary inquiries. When management refused, the shop stewards ‘stated. stewards used these days a 2 ae rl ea re See RPotuniy avoid negotiating reaching managerial authority Ae ml wate aa and to defy white that NUMSA would punish them’. When questioned whether NUMSA Maintained, and tangpeson feed PS solidarity had to be had advised its members ‘against taking illegal action’, the shop stewards Charles Makola has already describe, een ‘seated that they orly acted as spokesmen and that they did as they were werenot really egotaone shore ROY etriations over Jane 16 told by the NUMSA members’. According to the company, the workers Is would demand the day off and ‘who had worked during the stayaway were then assaulted (Highveld Steel simply stay away. A lengthy company ¥ company affidavit, prepared for a case 1988: 10-12, 14-18). NUMSA in 1988, describes i against lack of neyoeatioal fal bee Sait the company experienced this Defiance and confrontation were not limited to distinctly political lack workforce at Highveld Steel moments like the ‘struggle holidays’. Collective bargaining was also fraught Participated in national stayawaye mal stayaways on both May Day and June 16, The with confrontations exacerbated by NUMSA's strategy of trying to mobilise its members arouné national demands in main agreement negotiations at the Industrial Council, including those like Highveld Steel who negotiated house agreements at company level." Thus at Highveld Steel the union on 16 June and called a meetis eae dlscuss the matter The shoparen ih i aoe stewards for 12 June to ‘would be simultaneously negotiating in the house agreement forum and or other indo actin ohn nied al knowledge ofthe seyavay mobilising members to participare in national stoppages over the main Planned for that day, so Highveld asked them ta agreement negotiations. In 1986 the dismissal of four workers at Highveld Steel after one such stoppage provoked a full-blown 12-hour strike and reinstatement of the dismissed workers." Three weeks later, on 12 June, the same day that the second State of Emergency was declared, 4 368 workers downed tools for for the following day. NUMSA’s mem rayaway Siete i 2 ae were already on their way to the 24 hours. The company was left in the dark about the reason as ‘neither After the meeting the shop stewards teld arena had been requested, NUMSA nor its shop stewards’ committee consulted... nor was any would attend work the following day anita that no black workers demand made’, It assumed the ‘illegal stoppage was apparently in support Public holiday Inresponse ton mere lemanded that this be made a of NUMSA demands made at the negotiations on the main agreement? it that no employee would be ate the shop stewards assured and complained that Highveld ‘is not a party’ co those negotiations While close on 4 000 black works ao lt © heed the stayaway, (Highveld Steel 1988: 11).'"Notwithstanding these actions without any stayed away the next day, a handful anchorage in negotiation or demands at Highveld Steel, collective 126 TRANSITION FROM BELOW bargaining in terms of the house agreement successilly concluded with a signed agreement. During 1987 collective bargaining broke down completely. By the time ofthe first meeting in the house agreement negotiations at Highveld Sree, NUMSA had already declared a dispute a the national Industral Council Over the main agreement negotiations. According to the company, the union, refused to bargain in good faith, “ling to participate actively in the fae ntations' and exhibiting ‘an inflexible approach. The union strategy of focusing mobilisation on the industry level negotiations of the mam agreement was clearly informing its approach to company level negotiations at Highveld. NUMSA shop stewards and organisers informed Highveld that itintended to participate in the unions national strike ballot fom 6 Sly and was told thata strike on the main agreement would be illegal aa it had no relevance to the company. According tothe company, the senior NUMSA official a the meeting advised Highveld that NUMSA hadalready decided what to do irrespective ofthe outcome of the strike ballor. Despite its warnings and reservations, management felt compelled to ‘meet the union ou the morning of 6 June to discuss balloting facilities, Ie again asked the unionists whether they had informed their members that 5 strike would be illegal, bue ‘NUMSA did not answer’. Highveld then arranged fora strike ballot to be conducted in the car park but, in breach, the agreement and without obtaining permission t0 use a new venue, NUMSA conducted the strike ballot in the change-houses ... NUMSA hhas never advised Highveld of the results’ In the context of resistance to apartheid, balloting was invested with a new symbolic meaning. In addition tothe pragmatic goal of meeting formal reaulrements for a legal strike, it provided an opporunity for mobilising workers and defying management, rather than a set of rules for regulating industrial action. Collective bargaining was located in a workplace ail structured by apartheid. Thus collective bargaining processes shifted buck and forth between pragmatic negotiation ever concrete ends and symbolic confrontations invested with political meaning. On 13 July, the shop stewards informed Highveld management that its Imembers would participate in NUMSA’s national strike over the main agreement negotiations, due to start the following day. However, the ‘evernment moved to pre-empt what would have been the frst national _<—_ ‘r was just cHaotic. 127 ks in South Afi met nny. The Mn a thellfeof te previous year’ sereement, thu ender ig imam ie ik: NUMSA cll of the, and pnt next 2#hous dsp > communicate its decision to more than 600 factories. shiltondaviyiakinigetitr=l outer rbcicn ee eal Higa sectors. They abandoned the se ater mnagemen reed them enh esto i einen Heres the eg Rand Cab, ome 70 workers ent bead with he ike Tiee ewards from Rand Carbide drove to the stelworks and accused Mablangu, Feel eee eae tee ent NUMSA costinr peels pleashas Arial icra ercastercic fete bet tin tibocuntrnde tienes reed im eeaeadesec eam smemberis iho fad nobilsed oe ton, cha the srk should be abe \ erin 1987). eee eee iHighyeld Steelaserron pala big arsleeriin, Wobank orm by Somencoendlseeil si ere dismissed." The Samancor, did strike on 14 July, Sixteen strikers w Ce aes mete algeria aAne Steel as well as community forums: ‘The whole township at that time was centered around oe Steel. The guys from Ferrometals went to some Pes township to complain that the problem was Highvel a Ferrometals management was dismissing them by pointing out r Highveld did not strike. Highveld Steel was seen as the et that may help Ferrometals. So there was pressure, a from Ferrometals, but from the whole community, that ‘you en must sort this thing out’, because once Highveld Steel guys go ot strike there is chaos, definitely, ‘The next evening the Highveld shop stewards called a feeenaee hostels. Company buses taking workers home were cige pee workers attended the meeting, The following morning the str as ‘Ac the first meeting with management, the shop stewards rae an delegation of shop stewards and managers meet wit! falas ‘management to persuade it to reverse its disciplinary action against RANSITION FROM BELOW members. Highveld offered to ask the company chaiperson, Leslie Boyd, in his capacity a a leading member of SEIFSA, to discuss the mateet wich the chairperson of Samancor. The strike continued the following doy as the shop stewards demanded! to know the ‘exact contents ofthe dvcusstone between Mr Boyd and the chaitperson of Samancor’ Eventually the Spmpany agreed thar its chairperson would come to Highveld to report to the shop stewards. Bunny Mahlangu recalled the workers sence of power in that moment: ‘Boyd was about to goto London and he ha to drop shat irea and come straight to Highveld to sor out the mess.’ Boyd reported on his discussion with Samancor, and the union, assured thet the Fertometals workers would be reinstated, agreed to end the srike, _This was an extraordinary display of worker power. The Highveld Steel workers had fought successfully for the reinstatement of workers ar a company to which it had no links other than i being in the same town and same union.) The intensity of this solidarity Within social movement unionism can be explained by the overlapping of industrial, community racial and political identities within worker sgn Te wasin the community, where black solidarity against the ownersof hing men's factories’ could be invoked, that the solidarity of Highveld workers with Ferrometals' workers was forged, These overlapping meanings of worker identity and workplace struggle TOS naa confontation and ungovernablty at Highveld Steel, From early 1987, shop stewards were flouting procedures and interfering in meaaement decisions. They compelled ‘security personnel not to carry ‘weapons and to refrain from searching employees, although this wns an

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