36 JENNIFER CRAIK Supermodels and Super Bodies From J. Craik (1994), The Face of Fashion (London and New York: Routledge), 85-91. Reproduced by permission of Taylor & Francis Books UK. ‘Whereas models had been an adjunct to the fashion industry, by the 1960s they were syn- conymous with it.! The status of modeling reached a zenith, Individual models became household names and international personalities. Twiggy, for example, was named “Woman of the Year” in 1966, an unthinkable occurrence previously. By the 1970s, models had become superstars, a trend that continued into the 1980s and 1990s, Supermodels were well-paid, high-profile, inter national jet-setvers. ‘Their changing status was reflected in their earning power. American models earned about $25 a day in the 1940s. This had increased to $5,000 a day for a top model in the 1970s, and to between $15,000 and $25,000 a day by 1990 Highly successful models carned $250,000 a year, while about thirty earned $500,000, and a handful $2.5 million annually (Rudolph 1991: 72). Despite the porential earning power, most models have difficulty sustaining a regular in- come. Not only must potential models conform to ctiteria about their bodies, they must develop a distinctive trademark in their worl. Crucial to the model is an updated portfolio of studio shots, “tear sheets” (ftom jobs they have done) plus a “head sheet” that includes vital statistics and rates, Modeling jobs are usually contracted through agencies that send out details of suitable models. Alchough models emphasize their indi- vidual attractions, they are usually chosen for jobs depending on whether they are “the right type” for the client and the clothes. Even top models endure “go-sees” and rejections (Hartman 1980: 64). The body becomes an all-consuming obses- sion for models and their coworkers. Models are judged on the “perfection” of their body, yet are considered unintelligent because of it. Lauren Hutton commented: ve met people who apparently fele that by vireue of being attractive, Iwas dumb. les still a prevalent cliché. Unfortunately by being ateractive, women can get what they want; they don't develop their personalities or sense of humor. But it’s a stifling way co live. Who wants to just sit around and be vacuous? (quoted by Hartman 1980: 64) Naomi Campbell has also described the frustra- tion of being taken at “face value”—as being no more than her image as a model: Part of the problem is that people only take mod- els at face value, In a way, what we do is like act- ing, except that we don't speak. Because we don't speak, we don't have anything to say. What we ry to do is project all our emotion and personalicy through our faces, but that can be misconstrued. “These pictures are poses, that is not what we are like in real life ar all. We are women too; we have feelings. When you have a very visual job, your ap- pearance is taken to be che most important thing about you. There is no defence. (quoted by L-A Jones 1992: 10)Moreover, the ideal body changes and models can be displaced overnight should their “look” go out of fashion. [Jean] Shrimpton discovered on a shoot in Portugal thet she was becoming a has-been when the other model, the Dutch-born Willie, was given the best clothes and more shots because she was younger and fresher. Shrimpton’s reaction was one of powerlessness: “Even today Tam not orally free of the sense of being a has- been” (Shrimpton 1990: 161). Modeling is a risky and transient business Each decade becomes associated with @ par- ticular image of femininity and of particular models who capture that look. Sometimes the look is associated with national images. Katie Ford of the Ford Agency identified German mod- els with the 1960s, Italians with the 1970s, and English and Australians with the 1980s (Sheehan 1986: 64). These caricatures do not reflect the employment patterns in the industry as much as the encapsulation of successive idealized “looks.” Even so, most of the successfull models have con- formed to Western stereotypes of beauty because “in every country, blond hair and blue eyes sell” (Radolph 1991: 72). Although the majority of models are still white, the supermodels include some diverse looks and ethnicities. Even so, non- white models still experience ambivalence toward them within the industry. English-born black model Naomi Campbell suspected that many re- sented the fact that she has succeeded as a “black tulip” rather than a “typical English rose": I should think that the people who really care about those things despise having me, a black tulip! Things are changing, of course, but will a: ways be slow, Not a lot of ethnic girl-—Hispan- ies, blacks, Japanese—do the endorsements, get awarded the big cosmetic contracts, We'e good enough to model clothes, do the pictures, bur that’s it. (quoted by L.-A. Jones 1992: 10) As the status of models has changed, so too has the profession. The dissolution of the distinction between runway and photographic models re- quires models who are flexible, have diverse skills and are more competitive. Successful models SUPERMODELS AND SUPER BODIES | 283 maintain a disciplined regime of body rituals to maximize their attributes, including constant dieting, exercise, massages, saunas, manicures and pedicures. At the Miss Venezuela Academy, which has produced four Miss Worlds, three Mi Universes and countless runners-up in the past decade, selected applicants are offered free acro- bics training, diet advice, dental work, makeup applications, hairstyling, and “the latest range of cosmetic surgery’—a popular option (Perrottet, 1993). “Getting the look” is one thing; keeping it is another, Elle MacPherson attributes her suc- cess to discipline—diet, exercise and punctual- ity—starting each day with 500 sit-ups and three liters of water (Lyons 1992: 12) Despite, or perhaps because of, the enormous investment in their bodies, few models admit to being beautiful. Rathes, they seem to be chroni- cally dissatisfied with their looks. Even super- model Cindy Crawford said: “Ie’s hard doing a runway show. You're surrounded by forty of the most beautiful women in the world, You see all your own imperfections and none of theirs” (quoted by Rudolph 1991:74). Models separate their “professional” bodies from their “lived-in” ones, regarding them as alien, One fourceen- year-old model commented on her first photo- graphs for Elle: “There was a lot of mucking around. You never re- ally know how ies going to turn out. I was pleased with the pictures. But irs hard to relate them to being me. Theres me at school and there's me in the magazine—they'te completely different. (Safe 1990: 24) Even top models are not immune from this sense of alienation and dissatisfaction. Although dubbed by Time magazine as “The Body of Our Time,” Elle MacPherson has said: I dont particularly like the way I look, co tell you the truth ... often think I'm smarter than 1 look When you're trying to sell how beautiful you are and you don't think you're that beautiful, i? a bit scary. I have an image that’s approachable to the public and ic sells. Thac’s great but it’s differ- cent from being the most beautiful woman in the284 | JENNIFER CRAIK world. I know damn well what I see. (quoted by Wyndham 1990: 23-4) “The obsession with their looks breeds extreme insecurity. Shrimpton recalled: J was bored, and we must have been exceedingly boring co others. I found life trivial then, and look ing back I do not understand why I stuck with ic We were so vain that we continued co dress our selves up and go out o be looked at... Iwas so i secure that I was always fiddling in the bathroom or running to the ladies to check my appearance. Ik was pathetic! Here I was, at the height of my fame, behaving like this, I was just an accessory. (Shrimpton 1990: 102) Yer modeling continues to attract many young, girls as a potentially glamorous and lucrative career. Many models are starting in their early ceens. Photographers like them because they are still chin with perfect skin and clear eyes (Safe 1990: 26). Moreover, they are “fresh” and un- trained in the conventional poses and gestures of experienced models. Their attraction is their youth and naivery. As Vivien Smith, of Vivien’s Model Management, observed: They want a brand-new face so people will ask, “Who is this wonderful girl?” Another reason is that young girls don't have lines on their faces ‘They'te like @ fresh canvas and che makeup artists and photographers can create on them. (quoted by Safe 1990: 26) ‘The youth of up-and-coming models contrasts with the desire of the older top models to stay in the business. Ten years used to be considered the career span of a model. After that, they would get married or try to enter a related field, such as establishing their own agency, doing fashion design, photography or consultation, joining public relations firm, or acting (Hartman 1980: 63). Increasingly, models are extending their modeling careers in other ways, through product endorsements, personalized calendars, and mod- cling for niche markets. The demand for older models (in their thirties and forties) has also grown, At the age of forty, Lisa Taylor was teem. ployed by Calvin Klein, after she chided him for employing young models to promote clothes aimed at older women. The ploy was highly successful, reestablishing Taylor's career, selling Klein’s clothes, and prompting public pressure to see more “role models of women when they're women, not children” (Sherrill 1992: 88). In other words, models are becoming career profes- sionals. Whereas models were at the beck and call of agents who discovered them, clients and design- ers who gave them work, stylists who decided on their look, and photographers who constructed their image, successful models have become cough negotiators. This shift in the power rela- tions in the industry has created tensions between the old guard and the new “Cool Club” of super- models. ‘They have become hard-nosed business- women, demanding higher fees, and negotiating the conditions of their contracts. As advertising has become more competitive and international, the supermodels have become “one of the few reliable sales tools. Their beauty is a global ideal, as desirable in Tokyo as in Prague, Manila or Buenos Aires” (Rudolph 1991: 71). Equally, models are often better known than the designers of the clothes they wear, and attracting top models to show the seasonal collections has become an in- duscry priority. According to Eileen Ford of the top New York agency, models are actively resist- ing being treated as “this cute plaything or this aithead” (Mode, September 1991: 72) One of the most lucrative deals for models is an exclusive contract with a cosmetics or fash- ion designer or manufacturer, since it guarantees an income and exclusive work. It brought fame for Cindy Crawford (through Revlon), Paulina Porizkova (through Estée Lauder), Isabella Ros- sellini (Lancéme), and Claudia Schiffer (through Guess?). The contracts for these deals are com- prehensive, detailing the responsibilities of the model to the employer. A contract between American designer Calvin Klein and model Jose Borain, to promote the perfume Obsession for a million dollars over three years, specified the following serviall broadcast advertising, promotion and exploita- tion (e.g., network, local, cable and closed circuit television, AM and FM radio and cinema), print advertising, promotion and exploitation (eg., princed hang-rags, labels, containers, packaging, display materials sales brochures, covers, pictorial, editorial, corporate reports and all other types of promotional print material contained in the media including magazines, newspapers, periodicals and other publications ofall kinds), including but not by way of limitation, fashion shows, runway mod- cling, retail store crunk shows, individual mod- cling and other areas of product promotion and exploitation which are or may be considered to be embraced within the concept of fashion modeling (quoted by Faurschow 1987: 90) For her part, Borain was required to maintain her “weight, hairstyle and color and all other features of ... physiognomy and physical appearance as they are now or in such other form as CK may, from time to time, reasonably request” (quoted by Faurschou 1987: 90). The contract also speci- fied that her personal lifestyle should: be appropriate and most suitable to project an im- age and persona that reflect the high standards and dignity of the trademark “Calvin Klein” and chat do not diminish, impair or in any manner detract from the prestige and reputation of such trade- mark, (quoted by Faurschou 1987: 91) ‘The contract could not be rerminated by Borain, but Calvin Klein could do so should Borain be disfigured, disabled, suffer illness or mental im- pairment; should she “come into disrepute or her public reputation [be] degraded or discred- ited.” Ie could also be terminated on the death of Borain or bankruptcy of Klein (Faurschou 1987: 91). Thus, the contract specified precise bodily Features as well as the personal attributes of the model deemed to reflect the qualities associated with the product, Product endorsement has also become an important sideline for Elle MacPher- son. Launching her “Down-Underwear” line of lingerie for Bendon, she described herself as “a saleswoman’: “As a model I sell products. I'm a very good saleswoman. Ir’s very nice to have been SUPERMODELS AND SUPER BODIES | 285 a consumer, to be a salesperson and now to be a creator and a ... realizateur” (Elle MacPherson, quoted by Wyndham 1990: 23). Changes within the modeling profession have mitroted changes in the fashion industry as well as reflecting new ideas of femininity and ideals of, the female body. Above all, modeling has placed a premium on particular constructions of beauty. and female body shapes. Models currently epitomize the ideal female persona in Western culture, making top models highly desirable companions: If you're an egomaniacal celebrity who doesnt consider che person on your arm to be a person rather than an accessory, what do you go for? You go for the accessory that is most sought after in that world. If what you are looking for is a good= looking woman, you naturally go looking in the ‘modeling catalog. (Mode Sepcember 1991: 74) Modeling epitomizes techniques of wearing the body by constructing the ideal technical body, Through those techniques, the body is produced according to criteria of beauty, gender, fashion and movements. These change as codes of prestigious imitation alter. The emphasis in modeling is on self-formation through the body to the exclusion of other attributes. As the model Moncur said: “Ie an addiction, because you exist through others’ eyes. When they stop looking at you, there's nothing left” (quoted by Rudolph 1991; 75). Models are trapped in their images. ‘The increase in the use of male models suggests that the equation of femininity with appearance and bodily attributes has been a historical moment; constructions of masculinity are now undergoing a similar process of redefinition. Techniques of masculinity are highlighting the body as the site of discipline, labor and reconsti- tution in the production of a social body that ar- ticulates the self and fits its culeural milieu, and where “the look” says ital.286 | JENNIFER CRAIK EDITORS’ NOTE 1. Earlier in the chapter from which this reading is extracted, Craik gives a shore history of modeling, “The use of models to display fashion designs com- enced in the 1860s with haute couture. Initially modeling was not considered co be a reputable job. Gradually it was recognized as a profession in England and America with the advent of mod- ling agencies, although the pay was poor and conditions were unstable. Most girls modeled for a short time before “setsling down.” Finally in the 1950s, modelingbecameamajorindustry, develop- ing into ewo branches: runway and photographic.THE FASHION READER Edited by Linda Welters and Abby Lillethun @BERG Oxford * New York