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Notes and Documents The Autobiography of Peter Stephen Du Ponceau
Notes and Documents The Autobiography of Peter Stephen Du Ponceau
com
Among the articles on Du Ponceau are the following: "A Public Discourse in Commemoration of Peter S. Du Ponceau" by Robley Dunglison delivered before the American
Philosophical Society, October 25, 1844, an( * printed by that body in that same year (also
appears in American Law Magazine, April, 1845) > a n obituary notice in the Journal of
the American Oriental Society, I (1849) \ a brief description in Life and Letters of Joseph
Story (Boston, 1851) ; A Eulogium on Chief Justice Tilghman by Du Ponceau himself
which contains much on his own life; and a brief but excellent article by Richard H.
Heindel, "Some Letters of Peter Stephen Du Ponceau," Pennsylvania History, July, 1936.
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mouth to mouth, and on that account, and that alone, I was thought
to be a promising lad. . . . The American Revolution alone
brought the English language into vogue, not the merit of the English writers,..."
In addition to his efforts on behalf of literature Du Ponceau gave
much time and money to the advancement of American science and
industry. His most elaborate undertaking was his attempt in the early
1830's to introduce, by act of Congress, the proper methods of raising and manufacturing silk.6 It was one of the greatest disappointments of his life that his plan was defeated.
Du Ponceau was too modest ever to admit that he had done services
to his country which justified the many honors he received. He repeated time and again his amazement that anybody should be interested in his calm and scholarly life. He saw no reason why John Pickering and Robert Walsh7 should urge him so insistently to write his
autobiography. He refused to write such a work for publication but
consented in 1836 to write an informal one for Mr. Walsh in a series
of letters. These are the letters which are printed here. The first seven
are addressed to Mr. Walsh, but after that gentleman lost interest (no
doubt because of his moving to Paris in 1837), Du Ponceau suspended
his task until a year later, and then resumed it only in answer to the
pleading of his granddaughter, Anne L. Garesche. The letters were
written over a period of several years, often with great difficulty because of Du Ponceau's advanced age. The later ones were dictated to
his granddaughter.
It is unfortunate that the letters do not progress logically and
chronologically. They are divided into two parts. The first contains
brief sketches of Du Ponceau's early life in France and a rather
detailed story of the American period from 1777 to 1783; the second
part returns to his childhood, evidently to satisfy the wish of his
granddaughter for a more detailed story of his life in France.
Copies of these letters are all to be found in the Manuscripts Depart6
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at that time were familiar with this language. I had become acquainted
with M. Capperonnier, the chief librarian of the Bibliotheque Royale,
rue Richelieu. His wife was an English woman who was well pleased
to converse with me; to [with? ] M le Tourneur the French Translator of Young's Night Thoughts and of Shakspeare, I was surprised to
find that he could not speak a single word of English, nor understood
one word of it when spoken. He immediately gave me employment
for which I was reasonably compensated. Thus I made a decent living
by my pen, which was all I wanted. This lasted, however, only a few
months, I became acquainted with the celebrated Philologist Count
[Court] de Gebelin whose reputation stood very high in Europe.
He offered to take me as his secretary, which I joyfully accepted, I
remained with him until my departure for this country, the occasion
of which I am going to relate.
Among the houses which I frequented at Paris was that of the well
known Mons Beaumarchais, there I became acquainted with Baron
Steuben,13 who was preparing to come to America. He wanted a secretary who could speak and write the English language. He found
that I suited him. Our arrangements were soon made. We sailed together from Marseilles, and landed at Portsmouth in New Hampshire on the Ist. of December 1777. so that on the first of December of
next year I shall have resided full sixty years in the United States.
Being now safely landed I take leave of you for the present and
remain very sincerely
your friend and humble servant.
My dear Sir.
I have received your favour of the 15th. I am much flattered by the
interest you take in my insignificant adventures. Since you encourage
me to proceed I shall satisfy you as well as I can, and endeavour to
make up by occasional anecdotes for the dullness of the narrative.
Baron Steuben had been told while in France that the colours of the
British uniform had been adopted by the American Army, so that both
he and I arrived here in Scarlet Regimentals turned up with blue, and
were at first taken for enemies, but we soon shewed we were friends.
I was in such spirits when I landed in my fine red coat, that I laid a
13
Steuben made the house of the dramatist Beaumarchais his headquarters while in
Paris. See J. McA. Palmer, General Von Steuben (New Haven, 1937), 89.
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wager with one of the passengers that I would kiss the first female
that I should meet on the shore. It was a handsome young girl clad
in a scarlet cloak: I marched up to her politely, told her the wager I
had laid, expressing a hope that she would not suffer me to lose it.
To my great astonishment she yielded with a good grace, and I triumphantly pocketed the money I had so agreeably won. Thus I was
first wedded to this country. I learned afterwards at Boston that
saluting the ladies, as it was called, was not then considered in the
same light that it is at present, and that not many years before it was
the custom to salute a lady, old or young, on being introduced to her.
That fashion, however, was then much on the decline, yet I well remember that in the following year, on taking leave of a lady in New
Jersey at whose house I had been kindly entertained, and where I was
in a manner domesticated, she told me at parting, "Sir, you forget the
custom of this country." "And pray, madam, what is it?" "Sir" said
she, pointing to two handsome girls, her nieces, "our custom is to
salute the young ladies on taking leave of them." I did not wait for a
second invitation. Not many years ago, I met at a friend's house in N.
York one of those identical nieces (now an old lady) and tried to remind her of the circumstance, but she had entirely forgotten it.
These blessed times are no more. Well might M r . Hamilton say
that the nation has degenerated since the period of the revolution.
I hope you will excuse this trifling. I am not writing for the public, I am only trying to make my little history agreeable to you. Besides
I love to remember those times, suffer me then to live them, for a
moment, over again.
I can say with great truth that I felt myself at home from the first
moment I landed in America. The language was familiar to me, I
was only astonished to find the milkmaids as learned in it as I was.
My astonishment would hardly have been greater if they had spoken
Greek or Latin. As the Baron could not speak one word of English,
I accompanied him every where, and thus I was thrown at once into
the first company in the land. I was pleased with every thing around
me. We ate our first dinner at Governor Langdon's,14 and there we
heard for the first time of the capture of General Burgoyne and his
whole army. We hailed it as an omen of future success.
14
John Langdon, president of New Hampshire, 1785 and 1788; governor, 18051809,
1810.
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York, Pennsylvania.
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set him howling and barking, while he listened with apparent pleasure
to a good song. He was particularly averse to the gammut, which Captain Landais,16 the Commander of the vessel in which we came over
from France, executed every day, by way of musical exercise, in horrid
taste. The dog compelled him at last to put a stop to his practising.
Notwithstanding the recent capture of Gtn\ Burgoyne, the situation of the United States at that time was extremely critical. The
enemy was in possession of Rhode Island, New York and Philadelphia, with well organized and disciplined troops, far superior in number to our own. Our army (if army it might be called) were encamped
at Valley Forge, in the depth of a severe winter, without provisions,
without clothes, without regular discipline, destitute, in short, of every
thing but courage and patriotism, and what was worse than all disaffection was spreading through the land. In this dismal state of things
the Baron was advised to keep as far from the coast as possible, lest
he should be surprised by parties of the enemy or by the tories, who
made frequent incursions into the country between ^New York and
Philadelphia. We, therefore, shaped our course westwardly, and
crossing the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, N. York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania we employed three weeks in a journey which,
at present, would hardly require as many days. In the course of that
journey we met with few adventures. I shall relate one or two to show
the spirit and the manners of the times.
We had been cautioned against putting up at a certain tavern in
Worcester county Massachusetts, not far from the frontier of Connecticut. We were told that the landlord was a bitter Tory, and that
he would refuse to receive us, or at least treat us very ill. We determined to avoid that place if possible. Unfortunately when we were
at some distance from it, we were surprized by a violent snow storm;
it was in the evening, and we were compelled to take shelter in the
very house we wished to avoid. We had not been misinformed. The
land-lord at once said that he could not accomodate us. He had no
beds, no bread, no meat, no drink, no milk, no eggs; all that he could
offer us was the bare walls. In vain we remonstrated arid prayed, he
16
Landais was the captain of the frigate UHeureux, masquerading on this voyage as
Le Flamand, a merchantman bound for the West Indies. He was experienced in the navigation of American waters and had been a member of the expedition which circumnavigated
the globe under the leadership of Louis-Antoine de Bougainville in 1766-1769.
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bed with his companion "Stop, Sir," said the Frenchman, "that won't
doI shall kiss you as much as you please, but by Jupiter, I'll not
sleep with you."
I have done with my anecdotes. We arrived at York Town on the
5th of February, where I shall rest for the present.
Sincerely yours
Philadelphia 3rd. June 1836
My dear Sir,
This day I complete my seventy-sixth year. At the rate I am going
on, I have but little time to finish what I have begun, but I shall, by
and bye, quicken my pace. The times I am speaking of are too interesting to go over them cursorily. Leaving the future to provide for
itself, I shall, in my own way, proceed with my narrative.
On my arrival at York Town, I learned that General Ducoudray,
whom, I had known at Paris, had been drowned in attempting to cross
the river Schuylkill. I learned also that General Conway, whom I
had known at the Isle of Re, where he was major of the regiment of
Clare, had gone to Albany, to meet General Lafayette, on an intended
expedition against Canada. This was the friend of my infancy; with
him I first lisped my imperfect English accents. I heard since to my
sorrow, that he was deeply engaged in a conspiracy to deprive Washington of his command. The plot was fortunately discovered and successfully counteracted in consequence of which he never since that
time (at least, to my knowledge) made his appearance at head quarters. He afterwards returned to France without my having had an opportunity to see him.
If I was disappointed in not meeting my former acquaintances, it
was my good fortune to make new ones which, in the course of my
life, proved most valuable to me. Among those I am proud to name
Henry Laurens, then President of Congress, who was to me as a
father, by the excellent advice he gave to me, as well verbally as by
letters, after we separated, and the venerable Bishop White, now the
only surviving witness of my proficiency in the English language at
the time of my arrival.17 I cannot forbear naming also M r . Thomas
M'Kean, since Governor of Pennsylvania, M r . Richard Peters, our
late lamented district Judge, then a member of the Board of War, and
17
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among the Tories) but the great mass of the people were still in favour
of the Revolution, and the press did not dare to utter a sentiment
inimical to it.
I did not make these reflections at the time; I was then too young to
reflect j but I heard and saw a great deal, and my memory coming in
aid of my more mature judgment, has enabled me to draw a picture
which, I believe, is not far distant from the truth.
The fame of Baron Steuben had preceded him to York Town. He
was welcomed and courted by all; and I well remember that General
Gates in particular paid him the most assiduous court, and even invited him to make his house his home which he prudently declined.
Congress appointed a Committee to confer with him on the subject
of his pretensions, and were not a little surprised when he told them
that all his ambition was to serve as a volunteer in their army.20 All
the favour he asked was that his two attendants, Depontiere21 and
myself should have the rank of Captain which was immediately
granted. On the 18th of February I was appointed a Captain by brevet
in the army of the United States, and the next day we departed from
York Town for the camp at Valley Forge.
I am, very sincerely
Yours &c
Philadelphia 13th June 1836
My dear Sir.
On our journey to Valley Forge we passed through Lancaster then
considered the largest inland town in the United States. Having arrived there early in the afternoon the Baron was waited upon by
Colonel Gibson22 and other gentlemen who invited him and his
family to a subscription ball to take place that evening. The Baron ac20
Because of the animosity current against the foreign adventurers w h o w e r e serving
in the Continental Army it h a d been decided, possibly in Paris, that Steuben should avoid
the appearance of being a fortune hunter interested only in the monetary r e w a r d the sale
of his services might produce, but on the contrary he should demand neither honors nor
emoluments until his sponsors considered a time favorable for the advancement of such
requests had arrived.
21
Louis de Pontiere.
22
Possibly George Gibson (1747-1791) a native of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. H e served
with Lee and Washington in N e w York and N e w Jersey in 1777-78 with the rank of
colonel. In 1779 he w a s placed in charge of the American prison camp at York. See
Dictionary of American Biography, VII. 253.
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places here was a fine opportunity afforded me to obtain that end, but
I preferred my Independence, and suffered that opportunity to pass
unimproved.
The situation of our army during the dismal winter that we spent
at Valley Forge has been so oftened [sic] described, and by none in
more vivid colours than by Washington himself in his letters written
at that time, and which may be seen in M r . Spark's collection,24 that
I shall forbear to expatiate upon the subject. Suffice it to say that we
were in want of provisions, of clothes, of fodder for our horses, in
short of every thing. I remember seeing the soldiers popping their
heads out of their miserable huts, and calling out in an under tone
"No bread, no soldier." Their condition was truly pitiful and their
courage and perseverance beyond all praise.
We who lived in good quarters did not feel the misery of the times
so much as the common soldiers and the subaltern officers, yet we had
more than once to share our rations with the sentry at our door. We put
the best face we could upon the matter. Once with the Baron's permission, his aids invited a number of young officers to dine at our quarters,
on condition that none should be admitted that had on a whole pair
of breeches. This was understood of course, as pars pro toto} but torn
clothes were an indispensable requisite for admission and in this the
guests were very sure not to fail. The dinner took place; the guests
clubbed their rations, and we feasted sumptuously on tough beef steaks
and potatoes with hickory nuts for our dessert. In lieu of wine, we had
some kind of spirits with which we made Salamanders; that is to say,
after filling our glasses, we set the liquor on fire, and drank it up flame
and all. Such a set of ragged and, at the same time, merry fellows were
never before brought together. The Baron loved to speak of that
dinner, and of his sans culottes as he called us. Thus the denomination
was first invented in America, and applied to the brave officers and
soldiers of our revolutionary army, at a time when, it could not be
foreseen, that the name which honoured the followers of Washington
would afterwards be assumed by the satellites of a Marat and a Robespierre.
In the midst of all our distress there were some bright sides to the
24
The Writings of George Washington; Being His Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other Papers . . . edited by Jared Sparks (Boston, 1834-1838).
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a great deal of that dry humour which he knew how to make use of on
proper occasions. But I must return to my narrative.
On my way from Valley Forge to Philadelphia I met with two little
adventures which are of no other importance than as they shew the
feelings which prevailed at that time among the different classes of
society. It may not be out of place to relate them.
Baron Steuben and the rest of his family had preceded me into the
city, leaving a direction with me where to find them. As I was riding
along, I was met by an old Quaker who was travelling the opposite
way, and who, as he passed me, asked whether I was going into Philadelphia? I answered him affirmatively. "Ah!" said he, "if uncle Howe
was still there, thee would not be going so fast." I made no reply and
proceeded on my way.
The Quakers were at that time strongly opposed to the Revolution, as they are to every thing that is to be effected by violence j They
were as much opposed to fighting the French in 1756 as the English in
1778. That arose from the predominancy in their minds of religious
principles, and they were not on that account the less attached to their
country.
Very different was the greeting I received from a farmer's wife,
at whose house I stopped a few miles farther [on], to refresh myself,
the weather being excessively warm. She no sooner discovered that
I was a native of France than she and her family broke out into the
warmest expressions of kindness and gratitude. "And is it possible"
said she "that you have come all this way to fight our battles?" Every
thing they had to give was offered to me, and no compensation was
even thought of. Too much could not be done, she said, for our good
friends and allies. I left the house with the blessings and the kind
wishes of that excellent family.
The first observation I made on entering Philadelphia, was that the
city had been left by the British and Hessians in the most filthy condition. I joined Baron Steuben at the State House in Second St, the
celebrated boarding house so much spoken of in Graydon's memoirs.26
Such was the filth of the city that it was impossible for us to drink a
comfortable dish of tea that evening. As fast as our cups were filled
26
Memoirs of a Life Chiefly Passed in Pennsylvania within the Last Sixty Years. . . .
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The good Baron appeared to enjoy that picture exceedingly, and [so]
no doubt did the German landlord to whom it belonged. We were not,
however, captivated with the delights of Capua. We bade adieu to
Philadelphia and all its German attractions and joined General Washington's army in New Jersey, a few days before the battle of Monmouth, which, owing to well known circumstances, turned out to us
a fruitless victory. We followed the army to Paramus and the White
Plains. In the month of August I accompanied the Baron to Philadelphia where he came to solicit the command of a division of the army
which could not be granted to him;27 but Congress to soothe his feelings ordered him to repair to Rhode Island to aid with his advice General Sullivan who, in concert with the French fleet under the command
27
Von Steuben had become dissatisfied with the rather anomalous position of Inspector
General and the conflicting jurisdictions arising therefrom. As a result he was anxious to
obtain a regular command.
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praise he deserved, and that letter came under his notice. The Baron
told me that the General was very angry with me for presuming to
write on the affairs of this country; but I saw nothing in his conduct
to me that denoted anger; he always shewed me the same affability
and the same kindness.
The Baron watched over me with a father's care. He well knew
the dangers to which an inexperienced young man was exposed in this
land of liberty, and took pains to guard me against them. "If," said
he once to me, not long after our arrival in this country "if you write
in the news-papers or get married I will renounce you." This fatherly
advice made a strong impression on my mind, and was a salutary
check to me on more than one occasion.
I am very sincerely
Yours, &c.
TO MISS ANNE L. GARESCHE
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riors, who were thought much of while they lived, they have died,
and are forgotten. I doubt whether their Autobiographies would have
saved them from oblivion, unless, indeed, they were connected with
the history of their own times, and then, the historian and not the man
would be remembered. That is well enough, to be sure, but I have
not the talents of an historian, so that I should fail in every way. When
I wrote my seven letters to M r . W. I thought he felt a friendly interest in the events of my life, but he has been a twelve months in Europe,
and I have not had a single line from him, nor any sign whatever of
kind remembrance. Therefore I feel myself entirely released from
my engagement to him if engagement it can be called. In that respect
I am again free and independent.
I do not know how it is, but I find myself to day entirely disengaged
from every kind of business, and not knowing what to do, my thoughts
have run this whole morning on past events, and I feel a strong inclination to continue my little narrative, at least, until my admission to the
bar in 1785, at which period my life becomes that of an ordinary man
of business, engaged from morning till night either in his study or in
Courts of Justice, acquiring a literary style by writing legal instruments and improving his mind by the study of the elegant works of
Cokes and Crokes,30 a fine preparation for an historian of his own
times! But to please you, and also to please myself who delight in
those recollections, I shall try to live over again the days of my youth,
and draw a brief sketch of it for your perusal, and that of the few
friends who may feel an interest in it.
When I left off my correspondence with M r . W. I was with Baron
Steuben for the third time in Philadelphia, whither we had returned
to take our winter quarters at the close of the campaign of 1778. The
Baron had been desired by General Washington to prepare a system
of discipline and military exercises for the armies of the United States
which being approved by him, was to be submitted to Congress. Philadelphia was the place which he chose to execute that task in. He was
assisted by Colonel Fleury who afterwards distinguished himself at
the taking of Stoney-Point, Major L'enfant, who had the charge of
the drawings, and his two aids, Major Walker and myself. For my
30
A play on the words "cooks" and "crooks" and the surnames of the distinguished judge
Sir Edward Coke (i552-1634), and, in all probability, that of Sir Alexander Croke
(1758-1842).
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part who had no experience in the military art, I could do little more
than translate and copy: however, I did my part to the Baron's satisfaction and in the next Spring, I was rewarded by Congress for it with
the sum of $400 in addition to my pay.
This business did not take up the whole of my time, I must tell you
how I spent the remainder most successfully for others, and most
laboriously and fruitlessly for myself.
Among the passengers on board the ship that brought me to this
country, was an agent of the famous Beaumarchais, of the name of
De Francy he was a handsome man, and what was called a beau in
those days. He spoke English tolerably well, and was a man of good
address; in other respects he was singularly deficient. He had at most
the capacity of writing a common letter of business, but his literary
talents did not extend farther. He had pretensions to wit, but they
were very slight. One day, on board of the ship, he asked me the following strange question. "Why," said he "are you called T>ufonceau
and not Duponcy it seems to me to sound much better?" I lost no time
in answering him: "And you, Sir, why are you called Francy and not
Franceau {franc sot, in English a downright fool) ? "He stood abashed,
affected to laugh, and never again tried his wit upon me.
M r . Beaumarchais under the assumed Spanish name of Rodrigue
Hortalez & C0., had fitted out and sent to the United States, previous
to our Treaty of alliance with France, several ships laden with arms,
ammunitions, and clothing for the use of our army, among those was
the ship that brought Baron Steuben and myself to the United States
Whether in this he acted as the secret agent of the French Government, or whether he had purchased those articles with his own funds
or those of his associates, it is not my business to consider, all that I
know is that M r . De Francy was sent to this country by M r . Beaumarchais to claim payment for the whole, in the name of the pretended Spanish firm. For that purpose he was to prepare a statement
of his employer's claims, in the form of a memorial to Congress. He
was himself incapable of drawing such a document. He applied to
me to assist him, and promised me the most magnificent reward on the
part of M r . Beaumarchais, the least of which was to be a copy of the
edition of Voltaire's works, which that gentleman was then printing
at Kehl on the Rhine, opposite to Strasburg [sic]. I accepted his pro-
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posal and immediately went to work. Not only all my leisure moments
were employed in that business during the whole winter, but I had to
spend many a night at work in his bed-room where he kept me closely
confined and constantly employed. During that time I drew up (for
he did not himself write a single line of it) a Memorial to Congress
which with the translation of the Documents annexed contained to the
best of my recollection eighty folio pages. The way I went to work
was this; he related the facts and put the documents in my hands, and
I had to indict from the whole a Memorial to Congress in the best
English style I could master, and when it is considered that I was
then only 18 years old, it may be easily conceived that it was not the
style of an Addison or a Bolingbroke, but it was the best I could do,
and M r . Francy appeared perfectly satisfied with my labour. He had
reason to be so, for in consequence of it, Congress paid him large sums
of money, the amount of which I do not remember, but it may be seen
in the secret journals of Congress. The Memorial, I presume, is still
existing, among the Archives of the Nation.31
I remember I was not only struck, but much disgusted with the
Bombastic style of Beaumarchais' letters to Congress, I wanted to
soften it, but M r . Francy would not let me, and he often complained
that my style in the Memorial was too plain and too natural, and that
there was not enough of figures of Rhetorick in it: how it was, I cannot
now remember, all I can say is that I found it very difficult to satisfy
at the same time his literary taste and mine.
After the work was done, I received many thanks, but the promised
reward never came, I have good reason to believe that M r . Francy in
his letters to M r Beaumarchais, attributed the whole labour as well
as its success to himself, for I never received a word of thanks from
that quarter. I should be unjust, however, if I did not say that after
I had returned to Camp, M r . Francy sent to me as a present, a military
blue cloak of the coarest cloth: this was, I suppose, the magnificent
reward I had been made to expect, certain it is, that I found it very
comfortable 5 with Continental soldiers at that time, delicacy in these
31
The following entry dated Monday, May 10, 1779, is found in The Journals of the
Continental Congress, 1774-178Q (Library of Congress edition, Washington, 1904-1937),
XIV. 569: "A letter of M. de Francy was read, accompanied with a memorial respecting
M. de Beaumarchais' affairs, which was in part read." A footnote to this states that
Francy's letter is in Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 78, IX. folio 257.
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matters was out of the question. This is all I ever received for my
Herculean labours.
. . Long after this when the claim of Beaumarchais for the unaccounted
for million, came for the first time before Congress, his agent M r .
Chevallier offered to engage me as Counsel in that cause, and, of
course, I was to be well rewarded. I had full confidence in my excellent friend Chevallier, but I had none in Monsieur Figaro, I had had
enough of him, and refused to have any thing to do with his affairs
any more. Considering the various aspects that the business since assumed I see no reason to regret the resolution that I took on that occasion.
The Baron's system of discipline being now completely prepared,
he returned to the army with his familyI staid some time behind
him to see the work through the press32 and to forward copies of it
according to his direction; after which I rejoined him at Head Quarters. What followed afterwards, will be the subject of another letter.
Adieu
Philadlephia 31 st . August 1837
My dear Anna.
We are now in the spring of 1779. The business for which I was
left in Philadelphia, kept me here longer than I expected. I joined
the army at West Point. I was delighted with the place, I would often
sit there in a retired spot, not far from the Baron's quarters, by a lovely
spring of limpid water, musing and picking the odorous balm, which
grows there in abundance, or reading in a volume of Bell's British
Poets, which I used to carry about me. I always remember those scenes
with pleasure.
The army, during this bloodless campaign, frequently shifted their
quarters, and we, of course, followed. My labour, during that time,
was any thing but pleasant. The reports of the different corps and
departments of the army which were called returnsy containing the
number of men, the quantity of provisions, clothing, arms, ammunition &c. were all sent to Baron Steuben, who was Inspector general
of the army. From those documents we had to make extracts, and to
frame out of them general returns to be laid before the Commander32
Regulations for the Order and Discipline of the Troops of the United States. Part i.
Philadelphia, Printed by Styner and Cist, 1779.
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in-Chief. That was a tedious business and I was glad when I could
retire to my beloved spring, to muse and read at my ease.
A more agreeable duty was that of attending the Baron on horseback when he went to inspect the troops. He was much beloved by the
soldiers, thou'gh he was a strict disciplinarian, and passionate withal.
But there was in him a fund of goodness which displayed itself on
many occasions, and which could even be read in his severe countenance, so that he was extremely popular. He never did an act of
injustice but he repaired it as soon as discovered by the most public
acknowledgment; of this I have seen several instances. The Marquis
and the "Baron (Lafayette and Steuben) were great favourites with
the army, and were called by no other names. A woman went once
to the latter to ask him permission to call her child after him. "How
will you call him?" said Steuben. "Why, to be sure," replied she, "I'll
call him Baron."
His fits of passion were comical and rather amused than offended
the soldiers. When some movement or manoeuvre was not performed
to his mind, he began to swear in German, then in French and then in
both languages together. When he had exhausted his artillery of
foreign oaths, he would call to his aids "My dear Walker, and my
dear Duponceau, come and swear for me in English, these fellows
won't do what I bid them." A good natured smile then went through
the ranks, and at last the manoeuvre or the movement was properly
performed.
This campaign was very dull \ I have very little recollection of it,
except that we shifted our quarters from place to place where we
went through the same routine of business. I only remember an unlucky excursion to New Rochelle which was very near to cost me my
liberty if not my life.
We were somewhere on or near the North River, I cannot even
recollect the place, when I heard that Major Lee, who commanded
a troop of light-horse, had been ordered on a reconnoitering expedition towards the enemy's lines. He was to advance as far as New
Rochelle, which was at that time a kind of middle ground, sometimes
occupied by our troops, sometimes by those of the enemy. New Rochelle is a village in the state of New York, which was founded by
fugitive Hugenots from la Rochelle in France and the neighbouring
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islands. I had heard that the French language was still spoken there,
and I knew several names of families, whose relations I had known
in the Old Country. This fired my imagination and brought to my
mind a thousand fond recollections. The Isle of Re, where I was born
is distant only a few miles from La Rochelle which is to me what
Philadelphia is to a native of Germantown.
My curiosity being thus strongly excited I begged of Baron Steuben
the permission to accompany Major Lee in his expedition which the
Baron freely granted. We set out from Head Quarters with a few
horsemen, and slept the first night at an inn not far distant from New
Rochelle, the next morning after an hour's ride we entered that village. As we were advancing in the main street close by the church, I
met an old man whom I addressed in the French language, we were
not allowed, for fear of surprise, to alight from our horses, and so I
remained on horseback. The old man answered me in the same language in which I had addressed him, and began to give me an account
of his village, of its foundation and of its inhabitants, to which I listened with greedy ears. But, behold! while we were in the midst of
this to me most interesting conversation, our Vidette came to tell us
that a British troop of horse was seen coming down from a neighbouring hill. Orders were immediately given to turn back at full speed;
and you may be sure they were quickly obeyed, for we were not in
force to resist the numbers that were said to be coming down upon
us: I think we were five or six at most. It was thought, therefore, necessary to retreat, but my horse was none of the best, and absent as I always am, I had forgotten to provide myself with a whip, a twig which
I held in my hand soon broke, and my horse would not obey the spur,
I was obliged to dismount and to cut another twig with a dull knife
which I had fortunately in my pocket, that took some minutes and
the enemy were advancing. However, I again bestrided my horse,
galloped double tides, and was fortunate enough to join my companions, who did not spare their jokes and their felicitations at my providential escape. But that did not cure me of my absence; for I forgot
my whip, and other things many a time afterwards. I shall never forget my leaving at an inn in France the beautiful sword which Baron
Steuben had presented me with at Paris. He took it from his side telling me a my dear Duponceau, please to accept this sword, I shall teach
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you how to make use of it." The sword was silver hiked, damasked
with gold. On my way to Marseilles to embark for this country, I left
it at the inn at Magon in Burgundy, and never perceived it until it
was too late to retrace my steps. Eighteen months afterwards it was
brought to me in this city, while I was at work with M r . De Francy by
a gentleman just arrived from France who knew the Baron, and who
also knew the sword, had seen it at the inn and claimed it. The landlord, a conscientious man, had left it in the very place where I had
deposited it. You may suppose I was very glad to recover it; I kept
it several years: at last, after the peace, it was stolen, during my absence from the boarding-house where I lodged. All my efforts to
recover it were vain. To return to New Rochelle. I have had several
opportunities to visit it since the adventure I have spoken of} but
something always intervened that prevented me from doing it. I have
heard that the French language is no longer spoken there, and that
the English language has entirely superseded it. It was not so before
the Revolution, that town supplied the city of New York with female
teachers of the French language: I have heard of Miss Blanche Bayou
a native of that place, who kept a fashionable school for young ladies
about the time of the Stamp Act; but times change, and we change
with them.
Another anecdote now strikes my mind, which relates to the first
Indian that I saw in the United States, and is also connected with my
early recollections of my native country which were very fresh and
vivid at that time. It was at Valley Forge, in the spring of 1778, sometime before the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British. I was walking one morning before breakfast, in a wood, not far from our quarters, when I heard at a distance a French fashionable opera song, sung
by a most powerful voice, which the echoes reverberated. I feel
tempted to give you the whole song, and here it is:
Ce que je dis est la verite meme
Tous les tresors de Tunivers
N'ont de valeur que par l'objet qu' on aime
Que par la main dont ils nous sont offerts.
Un bouquet qu 'unit un brin d 'herbes
Donne par toi flatterait plus mon coeur
II serait un don plus superbe
II ferait tout mon bonheur.
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gais; je suis bien content de te voir; C>est iue noUs ^es aimons les
Frangaisy pourquoi nous ont Us abandonne? I was struck with this
salutation and particularly with his calling me his father. Qyest VOUS}
said I} qui etes mon perey je ne suis qu'un jeune homme. <Jlh\ replied
he, tous le Frangais sont nos feres} Q'est ainsi que nous les appellonsy
les autres ne sont que nos freres. Then he began to explain to me that
the English wanted them also to call them fathersy but that the Indians would not consent 5 the French alone were their fathers. He next
asked me a number of questions about the King, the Queen, the royal
family and whether they did not mean to reconquer Canada. I thought
he never would have done.
The conversation, however, took another turn, and he began to
tell me who he was. Je suis} said he, un sauvage de la nation des zAbenakis; je m?appelle ${ia-manrigounanty ce qui veut dire en Frangais Voiseau pi vele. This word pi vele is not in the dictionary, but I
presume it is Canadian for variagated. He then told me that he had
served the United States in the ill-fated invasion of Canada under
Montgomery and that when our army retreated he had followed
them, and had obtained here the rank of Colonel, "on myappelle iciyy
said he, "Qolonel J^ouis; cyest le nom que jyai recu au baptemey caryy
added he "je suis bon Chretien et bon Qatholique" While this conversation was going on we reached the Baron's quarters, who received
him very cordially and invited him to breakfast. After the repast was
over, I had again a long conversation with him, in which he told me
that he had been educated by the Jesuits of whom he spoke with great
respect. They had taught him reading and writing and many other
things which he enumerated. He had some knowledge of vocal music
and I am convinced that with a little more teaching, he would have
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B y Francis Hopkinson.
Joseph Anderson had this office in 1833.
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family, and there being no other house in the neighborhood that could
suit me, I determined on changing my place of abode. I did not find
during those three weeks that my health did improve, thought [sic] I
kept strictly to the prescribed diet of mush and milk.
Youth is not so much attached to life as men at a more advanced
age. I knew, or at least I believed, that I was suffering under a complaint that never forgives and from which I never was to recover, and
yet my spirits were as high, and perhaps higher than they ever were.
My time was employed in corresponding with my Philadelphia
friends, and my letters shewed nothing but gaiety and humour. I
styled myself the %ing of the Yellow Springs (a place at some small
distance) I received petitions from my subjects. I remember one
signed Quax, Quax from the frogs in the neighboring ponds praying
that I should not leave Valley Forge and abandon them. My friends
thus humoured me and I kept up my correspondence in the same lively
and humerous style. O benedetta gioventio!
During my stay there, I was once taken for a British spy. Baron
Steuben had been told in France that the American troops were, like
the British, dressed in scarlet, so he and all his family dressed themselves in scarlet uniforms turned up with blue. I put on that uniform
when I went to Valley Forge. One morning Colonel Anderson came
into my room and told me that the people had been assembling, that
I was believed to be a British officer and there was some talk of arresting me. I laughed and told him he well knew who I was and I
hoped he would explain the matter to his fellow citizens. He did so, I
suppose, for I heard no more of it.
This reminds me of an adventure which happened to me in the
year 178 3, before we received the news of the definitive treaty of peace.
I was returning from Albany where I had accompanied Chancellor
Livingston (then Secretary of the United States for foreign affairs)
who had gone there to hold his court of Chancery. I had left him at
Livingston's manor where I had staid some time with his family and
preceded to Philadelphia. Having stopped to dine at a tavern, not
far from this city (I cannot recollect the name of the place) the landlord took it into his head to ask me for my passport, which, he said,
he was bound to require of every traveller by a law of this Commonwealth. I had not provided myself with any such document, but I had
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NOTES AND D O C U M E N T S
21J
ning of the day when I received that letter, some of my friends, having
come to see me, I let off some fire works, which I had purchased some
days before, and entertained them in great style. I read the letter to
them, and we all joined in turning the physician and his prediction into
what I thought deserved ridicule.
I had not, however, lost all confidence in medicine. Having tried
an American physician without success, I had recourse to a French
one whose name was D r . Noel. He was attached to the family of the
French minister, and was, therefore, thought to be skillful in his profession. But alas! he also condemned me. From that moment I gave
up Esculapius [sic] and his disciples and determined to be my own
physician. I kept to the milk diet, because I had faith in it 3 I did not
seek the company of cows, because there was other company that I
liked better, I strove above all things to keep up my spirits. I wrote
satirical verses on the consumption, and determined that it should not
consume me. My friends from the city often came to see me, and thus
I passed my time as agreeably as I could. In my solitary moments, I
read history and compiled chronological tables, which I am sorry to
have lost. I made them to assist my memory, which never was very
retentive of dates.
Thus I continued till the month of November when it seemed to
me I was much better. My cough had considerably abated, and the
spitting of blood had become less frequent. I felt ashamed to receive
the pay of Congress and to be idling my time without rendering any
service. I was in this disposition of mind when I heard that Baron
Steuben had been ordered to attend General Greene, who had been
appointed to the command of the Southern army. The Baron having
come to this city to make his preparations, I begged him to permit me
to accompany him. He at first refused; but I told him that I had tried
every remedy without much success; that I had heard that the exercise
of riding had often cured consumptive patients and that after all if
I was to die, it was better and more honourable that it should be on
the field of battle, than by the slow and painful process of an incurable
disease. The Baron was touched by this last argument. "Very well,"
said he, "you shall follow me, and I hope you will either recover your
health or die an honourable death." I immediately made preparations
for my departure of which you shall hear in my next letter.
Adieu