LIX 691

2016.

YEAR LIX

No 691

April 2016

In Rome,
at the grave
of Dobroslav
Jevdjevic

02

2016.

- SERBIAN NEWSPAPER

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1116 S. Dekalb St.
Hobart, IN, 46342
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 2016.

- SERBIAN NEWSPAPER

05

In Rome, at the grave of Dobroslav Jevdjevic

Great among The Greats

At the old cemetery of an enormous reputation there are mostly English, German and Russian nobility, the most
famous world poets, artists, politicians and revolutionaries. In the vicinity of the Dukes grave there is also the
world renown Serbian artist Milena Pavlovic Barili. Next to them is also the grave of the Minister of the Kingdom
of Serbia, Mr. Djuric. Also there are the graves of Goethes son and the poets Shelly and Keats.. No place else in the
world there are more famous people buried in such a small place- concluded Major Cvjeticanin when he decided
that only in such a place the Duke can also rest
By Mila MIHAJLOVIC

arko, when our fatherland is

liberated, you younger people
may see that day, take my
bones to Pracha, to my free Bosnia,
and if there is life after death for my
soul I shall look down at my grave
from Romania, the piece of land for
which I have given everything. If you
survive carry me through Sarajevo, by
Miljacka and BashCharshia, sing
the Chetnik songs and rejoice so that
my soul can be more peaceful, because my last request is fulfilled.
This is the wish of Duke Dobroslav Jevdjevic which he left to Zarko Vucinic, a wish which is yet to be
fulfilled. Serbian chetnik commander
Dobroslav Jevdjevic is resting in
Rome, at the place where he was buried by the brotherly hands of the members of the Organisation of Serbian
Chetniks Ravna Gora, October 6th,
1962. The Dukes mother Andjelia is
buried at the same place.
For a long time there was nobody
to visit the Duke, to clean his grave
and plant a flower or two, to light a
candle and say a prayer .Last summer,
after many decades, the Mihailovichs
came, mother and son, and informed
the new, younger Serbian chetniks
guard that the Commander Jevdjevic
is surrounded with highest European
statesmen, nobilities, artists, but that
he is unhappy because there is no
brother Serb to visit him.

In Italy, full of English and

communist spies, in spite of
them and with no regard for
his own life, with the same
spirit of a young Serb from
the time of Sarajevo Assassination, under unbelievably
difficult circumstances, he
founded the Serbian Newspaper- the Voice of Serbian
Fighters, 1945, which he edited until the end of his life
At the Dukes request, Ilija Klisanin, the executive President of the
Ravna Gora Chetnik Movement in
Germany, responded immediately. He
came to Rome on December 4th, the
Entrance of the Most Holy Theotokos
(Vavedenje), and visited the grave of
Duke Jevdjevic. The flame of life was
once again shining at the grave of the
Serbian Commander.
Perhaps the most concise and the
most adequate definition of the personality of commander Jevdjevic is
the one which Nedjeljko B. Plecas gave in his book War Years 19411945:
He understood better than anyone
else that, after the war tragedy (April,
1941), the most important task at hand

was to save Serbian lives. He dedicated all his efforts to that purpose..
He looked at everything through Serbian eyes. He was not preoccupied
neither with the Allies, nor with the
occupiers, nor friends or enemies, but
weighed everything on the national
scale and judged what was in the best
interests of the people .In that endeavor he sometimes acted against the interests of the Allies, other times
against the interests of the occupiers,
but never against the interests of the
people.
About the Duke Dobroslav Jevdjevic, his brave conduct in the war, his
rescues of the Serbian people, his nobility and generosity, his amazing
ability to save people from an obvious
disaster, his valiant battles against the
occupiers, communists and ustashi,
his appreciation from Chicha Draza,
his well deserved medals and receiving the title of Duke as is fit for the
peoples hero, the great love and admiration which Serbian people and
Serbian chetniks felt for him as expressed in their songs about him and
bestowing upon him the aureole of
glory and chivalry- attest many testimonies of his fellow fighters, followers, friends, enthusiasts, acquaintances,
opponents, even his enemies.
As an individual, as a person, a
man, Duke Dobroslav Jevdjevic was
always an incarnation of knowledge
and intelligence in all aspects of science. There was no question to which
he had no smart answer. He was an orator of a high style. In one breath he
was able to write an article of five
pages, be it in Serbian, or an Italian
and German. He was able to multiply
in his head a four digit with four digit
number. He played chess and quickly
checkmated his opponents without
looking at the chess board.. He possessed an unbelievable physical strength, able to bend coins with his bare
fingers.. As he visited his fighters and
friends throughout the world he would
return the hospitality of the hostess
with an appropriate gift, as a token of
his appreciation. With his friends and
fellow fighters he was always open,
fatherly, brotherly and friendly. He
had no possessions or property, yet he
felt as though he had everything, because he had his Serbian people.
There never were so many virtues
concentrated within one man, to be at
the same time a good politician in the
field of politics, fighter and revolutionary at the battlefield , a writer in
the literary field, a Samaritan and
apostle in the field of humanity, and a
perfect gentleman in every living
room, wrote about the commander
Jevdjevic Milan Cvijeticanin.
To Duke Dobroslav Jevdjevic entrusts General Draza Mihailovic the
care of the Serbian people. In a letter
of March 16th, 1945, he tells him:

Rome, 1964.
The monument has
just unveiled

Rome, 2015.
Mila Mihajlovic and Ilija Klisanin
beside the monument

''My dear Duke Jevdjo, your currier never made it to me. That is too
bad, but the carrier of this letter will
deliver to you verbally my messages,
because of which the letter itself will
be brief, as we do not have much time.
The main thing in our struggle is the
accomplishment of unity of all national forces.. We should all work together toward that goal. Help each
other in a brotherly fashion. That is all
I can tell you.
My regards to all your fighters and
my best wishes for the success in your
work and the perseverance in the combat. I do not doubt the success, because you have proven these traits of
your fighters before.
Yours, Dragoljub Mihailovic, s.r.
Commander Jevdjevic followed
these last orders of his commandant to
the letter. At the top of the Command
of the Yugoslav Forces in Fatherland
for the Upper Lika and the Croatian
Coastal Area he organized the LikaKordun Detachment, created a group
of corps of the Upper Lika and the
Coastal Area with headwuarters in
Slovenia and Ilirska Bistrica. In October of 1944 the Serbian Volunteer Unit
retreated from Serbia, and in winter
the Dinara Chetnik Division followed
the suit. There Commander Jevdjevic
was able to finally unite all Serbian
forces under one command. Such joint
forces offered the last resistance to the
oncoming communist divisions via Istria and Trieste.
In April of 1945 these united Serbian forces crossed the River Socha.
Camps and emigration were to follow.
Under the new circumstances Duke
Jevdjevic continues to fight the communists and other Serbian enemies
with a relentless fervor, placing Serbian interests above everything else
.and proclaims the Serbian St. Sava
national ideology as the only salutary

weapon in struggle for survival. And

exactly there, in Italy which is full of
British and communist spies and in
spite of them, disregarding his own
safety, with that same spirit of the Serbian youth from the time of Sarajevo
assassination, under unfathomably
difficult conditions, he is founding
1945 the Serbian Newspaper-the
Voice of the Serbian fighters, the
same paper he was to edit until the end
of his life. Through this paper he encouraged the Serbian spirit, Serbian
thought, Serbian humanity and heroism. Through it he familiarized the
world with the Serbian national ideology which is based on justice, truth,
human and national rights, Christian
values and democratic principles..
Through this paper he familiarized the
world with Serbian history and the
dishonest , unjust, unchristian and inhumane treatment of the great Western powers in regards to their Serbian
ally. Through the Serbian Newspaper
the Duke was encouraging and cheering up the Serbian emigration to persevere in its struggle against the
communism.

In one breath he was able to

write an article of five pages,
be it in Serbian, or an Italian
and German. He was able to
multiply in his head a four
digit number with a four
digit number. He played
chess and quickly checkmated his opponents without
looking at the chess board
And not only that. He gathered his
fellow fighters , the Serbian chetniks,
into the strong anticommunist Serbian
Chetniks Ravna Gora Organization,
which he founded and remained its
honorary President for life, its ideol-

06
ogy and its spiritual leader. For the
Serbian chetniks he used to say: I
love them like children and respect
them as heroes. To them he dedicated
the second edition of the book Sarajevo Conspirators which was published in Italy in 1954.

We lay flowers,
light the candle, pray for the
soul of the Duke , for the life
of his and our ideals, for our
Serbia and all the Serbs of
the world, for better future
times
During the entire time of his life in
emigration Duke Jevdjevic struggled
with material difficulties. And yet, he
was selflessly helping every Serb in a
refugee camp, or every needing chetnik. He would take off his back the
last shirt he had in order to help them.
When he had a few dollars there was
no end to his generosity. Beside the
written word he was tireless in visiting Serbian emigration of the free
world and spreading the same word he
did through the Serbian Newspaper.
After his last visit to Serbian chetniks
in Great Britain, America and Canada,
as he was saying his good-byes he felt
that this was his last meeting with
those with whom he stood shoulder to
shoulder in battles, whom he commanded and with whom he shared the
destiny to the end of his life.
Duke Dobroslav Jevdjevic spent
his exile years in Rome. He died in the
Eternal City October 2nd, 1962.
The very next day arrived to Rome
from America Milan Cvjeticanin, President of the Central Committee of the
Ravna Gora Serbian Chetniks Organization to organize the Dukes funeral. He chose a lot at a
nondenominational cemetery in
Rome, an old cemetery with a great
reputation, the resting place of the

- SERBIAN NEWSPAPER
highest English, German and Russian
nobility, the most famous world poets,
artists, politicians and revolutionaries,
where 1887 the famous Serbian Drago Popovic, a navigator, businessman
and ship owner was buried. Drago Popovic was a great Serbian patriot. He
was a friend of Garibaldi and count
Cavour, one of the activists in the
struggle for the unification of Italy.
Near his grave is also the resting place
of the world renowned Serbian painter
Milena Pavlovic Barili, exiled because she was a cousin to King Alexander Karadjordjevic I (Milena was
the great-granddaughter of Karadjordjes oldest sister Sava). Next to
them is also the grave of a cabinet
member in Kingdom of Serbia, Djordje Djuric.
Also in the vicinity are the resting
places of Goethes son and poets Shelly and Keats. Nowhere in the world
were so many famous people buried
in such a small place, concluded
major Cvjeticanin and decided to only
such place could be the Dukes resting place. He quickly chose the place
next to the Russian prince Sergey
Alexandrovich.

He realized, better than

anybody else, that, after the
war tragedy (April, 1941),
the most important task was
to save Serbian lives. He had
dedicated himself totally toward that goal
(Lieutenant Plecas about
Duke Jevdjevic)
Six chetnik leaders from England
came to the funeral: brothers Djoko
and Marinko Marijan, Janko Vojinovic, Ilija Blesic, Petar Djukic and
Petar Kesic. The funeral took place
October 6th, 1962, at 4 oclock in the
afternoon. A Russian archpriest and
two Serbian deacons served the re-

quiem with the participation of the

chetnik delegates and the entire Serbian community of Rome. Numerous
Italian dignitaries were also present.
The pallbearers were the Serbian chetniks, and the casket was draped with
the Serbian flag.
Ravna Gora Serbian Chetnik Organization made a contract with the
cemetery three years later and paid in
advance for all times the cost of maintaining the grave so that their Duke
could peacefully rest here. That was
not the case with other Serbs who
were buried here. Three Serbian
colonels from the First World War:
Pavicevic, Djakovic and Veljkovic,
buried here 1917, nobody visited the
grave site or paid the maintenance, so
that their relics now rest in a common
mausoleum.
It was probably a matter of a great
sum of money to retain the site in perpetua: This cemetery is small, and
Italy declared it her national treasure.
When I first saw the Dukes grave I
was both proud and sad. I found it
thanks to the photographs from the funeral. It is located near the front of the
chapel in the vicinity of a path and the
wall where the cemetery ends. Even
though the gravesite had been relatively maintained it was obvious that
no one came here in a very long time.
Now, Ilija Klisanin and I are again at
the Dukes grave. Ilija is cleaning it
from the heap of leaves and washes
the stone. He establishes that a couple
of letters are missing, the time had
swallowed it. We tried to find them
looking near the grave stone, but without success.
We are placing the flowers , lighting a candle, praying for Dukes soul,
for the life of his and our ideals, for
Serbs in the entire world and for our
Serbia, and for the future, better times.
We are thinking about the day of his
funeral, about major Milan Cvjeticanin, Jovan Bratic, Zarko Vucinic,

1942: Duke Jevdjevic, sixth from right to left, and Herzegovinian Chetniks

2016.

1945:ZarkoVucinic
Djoka and Marinko Marijan, about all
those who had loved and respected
him, and who were here many decades ago to see off the Duke to his eternal journey. And about his mother
Andjelija who was buried with him in
the same grave 1970. We are thinking
about the movement of the bust and
how to prevent that from happening.
Also about how to find the missing
letters and place them on the stone.
Also, about the possibility of placing a
sign with the name so that the visitors
would be able to read the Dukes name from afar. Ilija Klisanin is already
writing to all parts of the world: Germany, England, America, Canada, Australia. Mail is arriving, brotherly
messages: Our Commander, there
are still Serbs! We shall visit you
again!
We are looking around at the cemetery, looking for other Serbian
names ; Branko Dobrota (1905-1994),
Janjevic (+ 1908), Glamuzina (+
1996), Bogdan Bogunovic (+ 1989),
Rada Nikole Mikalakovic, Jelena
Kostic Popovic We stopped there.
Rome, December 10th, 2015.
Translated by Nikola Maric

 2016.

- SERBIAN NEWSPAPER

07

Lt. Col. James M. Inks (USAF)

I lived with Gen. Mihailovich for three months

I jumped in the same fox-holes with his Chetniks, when American and English planes bombed and strafed them on
Titos information that Germans were there
By Aleksandra REBIC

n commemoration of the 70th

anniversary of the martyrdom of
General Draza Mihailovich this
year, 2016, I post this testimony by an
American airman who spent time with
both General Draza Mihailovich and
his Chetniks and with Tito's Yugoslav
Partisans in Nazi occupied Yugoslavia
during WWII. It is my hope that this
will generate interest in the diary of
Lt. Col. James M. Inks that describes
an American WWII veteran's firsthand experience with the factions on
the ground in Yugoslavia. EIGHT
BAILED OUT is one of the true
stories that finally saw the light after
being "classified".
Sincerely, Aleksandra Rebic
Lt. Col. James M. Inks (USAF)
I am honored that I should be included editorially in the observance of
a memorial year for Draza Mihailovich, and pleased that I may once
again pay tribute to a great man,
whom I shall never forget. Pleased
also for the opportunity to again expose the vile, contemptible, and inhumane treatment of the General by his
captors, who, then and now, consider
themselves worthy to participate with
dignity in the community of nations.
The mockery of Drazas trial and his
subsequent murder shall forever mark
the Federative Peoples Republic of
Yugoslavia as a Federation of Swine,
abysmally ignorant of the basic concept of human rights and dignity. Our
only solace can be that those responsible will receive their just reward at
the hands of the Almighty. May this
eventual consequence rest heavily on
their minds during their mortal lives.
Lt. Col. James M. Inks
United States Air Force (Ret.)
*****
YUGOSLAV MILITARY ATTACHE QUESTIONS CAPTAIN OF
THE U.S. AIR CORPS ABOUT HIS
EXPERIENCES IN WORLD WAR II
YUGOSLAVIA AND LT. COL.
JAMES M. INKS RESPONDS.
July 13, 1946
Dear Lt. Inks:
I have learned that you parachuted
from your plane on the 28th of July,
1944, near Podgorica, Yugoslavia and
that you were liberated by the Parti-

Lt. Col. James Inks 1921-2004

sans April 26, 1945, and returned to

your base. As the military attach to
the Yugoslav Embassy in Washington,
your experiences and impressions regarding this matter, interest me very
much and I would appreciate it very
much if you would inform me in detail
about your experience. I am especially
interested in your impressions of our
units and the various parts of the
country through which you passed,
their treatment towards you, what observations you can make concerning
the enemy and how you happened to
be liberated by the Partisans and returned to your authorities. I would like
to know how you were received by
the various units in Yugoslavia and
how they treated you.
Anticipating a quick reply to my
inquiries, accept my sincerest regards
and my congratulations on your safe
return to your home and to your loved
ones after all you have gone through
in this horrible war.
Sincerely yours, Colonel Mihovil
Tartalja. Military and Air Attache
Yugoslav Embassy
*****
LT. COL. JAMES M. INKS of the
USAF REPLIES:
At dawn this morning, July 17,
1946, the Partisans took the life of the
greatest man yet to show his face in
the political situation of Yugoslavia.
Yes, General Mihailovich was truly a
great man. His honesty, integrity and
straight-forwardness was in direct
contract to the slinky and crafty Partisans that I was unfortunate enough to
come in contact with.
I am writing this at your request,
and my views are my own and are not
to be interpreted as to represent those
of the army or my government, however, you can rest assured that I am
going to do my utmost to expose this
monstrosity of a crime that your government has just this morning committed.
I spent months in Yugoslavia and
came in contact with all of the factions
there. I lived with General Mihailovich for three months and learned
a great deal about the man and his
ways of accomplishing things. I
jumped in the same fox-holes with his
Chetniks, when American and English
planes bombed and strafed them on
Titos information that Germans were
there. True, the Chetniks were not
openly fighting the Germans in the
last year of the war, but they were
powerless to do so. However I witnessed and took part in numerous skirmishes with the Germans, which we
were forced to give the Partisans
credit for.
As for the treatment by the different groups, the Chetniks treated us
like free men and allies. They gave us
food that should have normally gone
to their underfed troops. They gave us
guns and ammunition and money and
allowed us to do just about anything
we were physically able to. After we
were captured by the Partisans, we
were treated as prisoners and certainly
not like allies. They took our guns and
ammunition from us, kept us with
their prisoners, and even forced us to
carry wounded Partisans off the field

of battle under fire.

I kept an accurate account of what
happened to me and my comrades
while we were in Yugoslavia. This has
recently had its secret classification
removed by the army and is now
cleared for publication. I hope in the
near future to have it before every citizen in the United States, in one of our
popular magazines and you can rest
assured that I will leave nothing out
that reflects my contempt for your
present form of Government. Furthermore, several hundred other American
airmen are not going to forget General
Mihailovich and I sincerely hope that
we see to it that you are reminded
forcefully of the supreme injustice
that you have committed against him.
JAMES M. INKS
Captain, Air Corps U.S.
July 17, 1946
*****
Lieutenant Colonel James M. Inks
of the United States Air Force flew
135 combat missions during twenty
years of his distinguished military
service. His Liberator bomber was
forced to go down in Yugoslavia in

July of 1944 as he was flying his 43rd

mission, last mission during World
War II. Inks and his fellow airmen
would stay in Yugoslavia for 10
months after being rescued by the
Chetniks. He witnessed firsthand what
was going on in Yugoslavia as he traveled with the Chetniks. Three of those
10 months were spent directly with
General Mihailovich near Loznica. Lt.
Col. Inks would learn much about
both the General and his forces and
kept a diary during his time in Yugoslavia. This diary would later be
published in book form in 1954. Eight
Bailed Out, published by W.W. Norton & Company, New York, is the
story of an American airmans experience in World War II Yugoslavia
among the people who were fighting
not just for their lives against the Axis
occupier but for the integrity and future of their nation after the war.
The preceding was published in
Tributes to General Mihailovich a
memorial commemoration of the Mihailovich legacy on the 25th anniversary year of his uprising against the
Nazis and the 20th anniversary year of
his death. Windsor, Ontario, 1966.

70 years ago...

70 years ago, on the night of March 12-13, 1946 near Visegrad in Bosnia,
the town made famous by Ivo Andric's classic novel "The Bridge on the
Drina" published in 1945, the most decorated Serbian military officer and
leader of the first successful uprising against the Nazis in all of occupied Europe was finally captured by the Yugoslav communist special security agents
(OZNA) loyal to Marshal Josip Broz Tito after a long manhunt. A short time
later the Yugoslav communists publicly announced the capture of General
Draza Mihailovich and their intention to place him on trial for "War Crimes"
and "High Treason". He was imprisoned in Belgrade, Serbia to await the trial
that would begin on June 10th that same year. Those who are familiar with
the life story of this great man know how it all turned out. It is my belief that
General Mihailovich, on this night in March of 1946, already knew how it
would all turn out - that he was a dead man walking. But perhaps he continued to retain faith until the very end that there would be a good and just outcome. There was good reason for hope.
It is my hope that General Mihailovich never lost his hope and faith. It is
my hope that despite all that the Yugoslav Communists and their disciples
did to make sure that all outside efforts to exonerate Mihailovich would never
see the light of day in Belgrade, somehow the General was aware of those efforts and that this awareness filled his heart with optimism. At the very least,
I hope he did indeed know, regardless of the outcome, how much he was
loved and appreciated, both in his homeland and throughout the freedomloving world.
Aleksandra Rebic

08

- SERBIAN NEWSPAPER

2016.

World Politics

Kurdistan - Turkeys Kosovo

Ankara from its point of political view, declared the PKK as both illegal and terrorist organization fighting for
destruction of the legal and institutional system of the country what is true from a very technical viewpoint as it was
also true that the Kosovo Liberation Army (the KLA) was doing the same with Serbias legal and security system in
the 1990s but in this case politically and morally supported by Ankara
By Dr VladislavB. SOTIROVIC

ganization fighting for destruction of

the legal and institutional system of
blast caused by a suicide car the country what is true from a very
bombing hit the centre of technical viewpoint as it was also true
Ankara on Sunday evening that the Kosovo Liberation Army (the
(March 13th, 2016) resulting in over KLA) was doing the same with Sera hundred casualties. The Turkish au- bias legal and security system in the
thorities were very quick to announce 1990s but in this case politically and
the identity of the suicide person: A morally supported by Ankara. UnKurdish woman in close relation with doubtedly, the PKK committed nuthe Kurdistan Workers Party. Never- merous of terrorist actions across
theless, this terror act in Ankara, fol- Turkey in which, according to the oflowed by a new one on March 19th in ficial governmental sources, around
Istanbul, once again opened the Kur- 6.000 people were killed only during
dish Question which is in direct con- the first decade of the PKK activity.
nection with the question of The limited fruits of such PKK tactics
Kurdistans independence and terror- finally came as Ankara was forced to
ism as the political instrument in the recognize at least formally the Kurrealization of the national projects and dish cultural distinctiveness if not ethnic and linguistic ones.
ultimate goals.
However, here the crucial question
The Kurds are mostly discriminated and oppressed in Turkey in is: How it is possible to have a sepacomparison with all present-day states rate culture without separate lanof their residence. The Kurds are not guage and even ethnicity? It is a
recognized in Turkey as separate eth- widespread approach that basically
nolinguistic minority with their own separate ethnolinguistic features crelanguage and culture regardless the ate and separate cultural identity as
fact that they compose one-fifth of ethnolinguistic and cultural identities
total Turkeys inhabitants and being are usually understood as the syntogether with the Greeks and the Ar- onyms but this formula does not work
menians the oldest population in in Turkey in the case of the Kurds and
Turkey living in Anatolia almost several other (unrecognized) ethnolin3.000 years before the first (Seljuk) guistic minorities.
Turks came there at the end of the
Ankara made even more se11th century.
There are three fundamental spe- rious precedent by recognizcific reasons for the current Kurdish
ing the independence of
separatist movement in Turkey out of
Kosovo in 2008 the state
the common Kurdish wish and right to
have their own national state as one of that is governed by ex-KLAs
the oldest ethnolinguistic people in
commanders (as the USs
both the region of the Middle East and clients). Subsequently, there
the world:
is no one reason not to recog1. Visible economic underdevelopment of the Kurdish eastern part of nize the independent Kurdistan governed by the PKKs
Turkey compared with the rest of the
country as a result of asymmetric eco- commanders with Abdullah
nomic and development policy by
calan as the President (as
Ankara.
Hashim Tachi a com2. Stubborn reluctance of any kind
mander of the KLA in the
of the Turkish government to recognise the Kurdish separate existence as 1990s, became a President of
the ethnic group of its own specific
the Republic of Kosovo in
language and culture as a result of the
2016)
Ottoman/Turkish assimilation policy
of all Muslim inhabitants of the counAnyway, the PKKs requirement
try.
for either territorial-political auton3. The Turkish rejection to recog- omy or independence of Kurdistan is
nize a minority status of the Kurds unacceptable for Ankara. Subsewith granting a national-cultural or quently, from the mid-1980s Turkey is
political autonomous status for directly faced with its own Kosovo
Turkeys Kurdistan that is a conse- syndrome. The Turkish authorities
quence of continuation of Ankaras reciprocally answered to the PKK bruunlawful administration of part of tal warfare by also brutal treatment of
ethnographic Kurdistan as such au- the Kurdish civilians in the war zones
tonomy was internationally recog- in the East Turkey. Hundreds of the
nized by the Peace Treaty of Svres in PKK activists are imprisoned and tor1920.
tured each year by the Turkish state
Ankaras discrimination and op- security forces which succeeded in
pressive anti-Kurdish policy led fi- 1999 (a year of NATOs military innally to the establishment of the tervention against the Federal RepubKurdistan Workers Party (the PKK) lic of Yugoslavia declaratively for the
in 1978 for the sake to fight for un- sake to prevent state terrorism over
recognized the Kurdish minority Kosovo Albanian civilians) to arrest
rights using and guerrilla warfare as a the PKKs leader Abdullah calan
mean to achieve its proclaimed na- (known as Apo) who became under
tional-political goals. Ankara from its the mockery trial sentenced to death
point of political view, declared the with the state brutality against the
PKK as both illegal and terrorist or- Kurds continued.

Photo taken on March 13, 2016 shows the explosion site

at Kizilay square in Ankara
Nevertheless, only due to the direct
pressure by the EUs Commission in
2002 the pressure against the Kurds
became to certain extent eased as
Turkey as a candidate state for the
EUs membership was obliged to
adopt new liberal laws by which the
Kurds were granted with the rights to
maintain their own culture followed
by the protection against arbitrary imprisonments and politically coloured
court investigations. In one word, in
order to become the EUs member
state, one of the requirements is to
grant every citizen the right to cultural
expression, including Turkeys main
minority people, the Kurds, whose aspirations had long been suppressed in
pursuit of nation-building goals by
successive Turkish governments.
The Kurdish desire to establish
Kurdistan as an independent state is
opposed by all governments of the
current states in which the Kurds live.
In the region, especially Turkey is a
country which undoubtedly suffered
from different aspects of terrorism-related activities and different types of
political violence. A long standing
separatist conflict in Turkey caused
thousands of lives and imposed the
state terrorism or terrorism from
above by Ankara against its own citizens in the East Anatolia including
and a martial law in the 1980s. The
similar situation was in Iraq during the
time of Saddam Hussein.

Turkeys policy upon

Kosovo Question is already returned back as the
boomerang to the Turkish
home and is going most
probably to be solved according to Kosovo pattern
That was and in Turkey still it is a
clash between two levels of terrorism:
the state terrorism vs. sub-state terrorism. Both sides were and are making
war crimes, executions, torture and
destruction of material property but
the reactions by the West, especially
by the US administration, are of the
double standard nature as accusing
only the Kurdish side for terrorism
(the PKK) but not and the Turkish
government.
However, for the matter of comparison, during the Kosovo Crisis in

19981999 both the West and the US

saw the terror acts carried out only by
Serbias government but not by the
KLA a typical terrorist organization
as a replica of the PKK, the IRA, the
ETA or the Hezbollah. Nevertheless,
the most strange thing is that
Ankara never saw the KLA as a terrorist group or organization and opening at such a way the doors for the
moral legalization of the PKK as the
freedom fighters political-revolutionary party. Ankara made even more serious precedent by recognizing the
independence of Kosovo in 2008 the
state that is governed by ex-KLAs
commanders (as the USs clients).
Subsequently, there is no one reason
not to recognize the independent Kurdistan governed by the PKKs commanders with Abdullah calan as the
President (as Hashim Tachi a commander of the KLA in the 1990s, became a President of the Republic of
Kosovo in 2016).
A similar state terrorism policy
emerged in Saddams Iraq as he time
to time enacted oppression of the aboriginal Kurds like it was the case with
the al-Anfal Operation that was carried out in 1982 (during the Iraqi-Iranian War of 19801988) when
approximately 8.000 Kurds were arrested and executed.
The most brutal military action
against the Iraqi Kurds was done in
1988 when the army of Saddam Hussein used a chemical weapons and destroyed more than 2.000 Kurdish
villages but at that time without any
USs sanctions as Saddam was at that
time an ally of Washington in the USs
struggle against the (Shia) Islamic Republic of Iran regardless the fact that
the estimations of the killed ethnic
Kurds in this organized genocide
range up to 200.000.
Turkeys policy upon Kosovo
Question is already returned back as
the boomerang to the Turkish home
and is going most probably to be
solved according to Kosovo pattern.
Prof. Dr. Vladislav B. Sotirovi
Mykolas Romeris University
Institute of Political Sciences
Vilnius, Lithuania
www.sotirovic.eu
vladislav@sotirovic.eu

 2016.

- SERBIAN NEWSPAPER

09

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2016.

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16

2016.

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History

Italy and the Genocide in Croatia (2)

Italy was the only German ally that refused to turn over its Jews to the Nazis
By MiloslavSAMARDZICH

urgwyn often talks about this reversal of alliances, a unique case in WW2. He cites that
Berlin considered the behavior of the Italian
II Army treason, especially its constant and deliberate use of Chetniks.
Burgwyn did not know that in the units of the
Anticommunist Volunteer Militia, officially under
Italian command, were members of the Yugoslav
Army, placed there by the Instruction #5, answering
to General Mihailovic. Officers did not like moving according to Italian military needs, writes Burgwyn but does not explain why. He knew about the
contacts between General Mihailovic and voivode
Jevdjevic, but he did not note the chain of command.

Reliance on them had 'reduced the II

Army to a volunteer corps', considered
Pietromarchi. In fascist parlance, the
Italian generals in Yugoslavia forgot
Italy's obligation to protect the NDH
from Greater Serbian aspirations. But
if there was support for NDH in Rome,
there certainly wasn't any at the II
Army HQ in Sushak'' (H. J. Burgwyn)
He rather consider them as two separate Serb
leaders cooperating on equal footing. Here is how
the events unfolded. Voivode Jevdjevic and other
western Serb leaders made arrangements with the
Italians before the spring of 1942, at a time when
they were not yet in touch with General Mihailovic.
Upon arriving in Herzegovina in the summer of
1942, Mihailovich is told of the arrangements and
does not reject them, considering them to be a good
use of wartime deception. He saw this as planting
his men into the enemy ranks as long as they would
execute his orders issued over secret radio stations.
If those officers did not obey his orders he considered them as traitors.
Very few cases were ever recorded. Concerning
this matter, Mihailovic wrote on December 22,
1942 to the government in London:
Have faith in us. We shall never do anything to
hurt the Allied cause. Due to the number of enemies, we are trying to defeat them in detail."
Accompanying Mihailovic to Herzegovina is
British Major Bill Hudson, the Allied liaison officer.
Shown here with voivode Jevdjevic and legalized
Italian Chetniks, Hudson is dressed in traditional
Serbian clothes. He reported on the situation to his
superiors. The HQ in Cairo told Hudson to look the

other way at Italian deals, so long as the "ultimate

objective is to use the enemy."
The next head of the Allied missions in Mihailovic's HQ, Colonel William Bailey, said there
is another reason for this attitude: the amount of war
material, which in this period Britain could send
Mihailovic was is still low.
Hudson was sent instructions regarding this. Indeed, the British sent large sums of money to Mihailovic, mostly liras captured in North Africa.
Director of the British intelligence service SOE,
Lord Glenconner notified PM Jovanovic that the
British have been sending tens of millions of liras to
Mihailovic in Montenegro, so he could buy arms
and ammunition from the Italians. British ambassador to the Yugoslav court, Ralph Stevenson, notified the Foreign Office he had reliable intelligence
that the SOE had advised General Mihailovic to
make the best possible arrangements with the Italians and use them as a source of arms and ammunition.
Later, when British policy changed, Stevenson
demanded all written evidence of such advice be
destroyed. However, British PM Churchill on April
5, 1943 wrote to US President Roosevelt:
"I believe Mihailovic, despite everything, will
turn all of his forces against the Italians as soon as
we could provide him some effective backing."
Italians arrested Dobroslav Jevdjevic as soon as
they heard he'd met with General Mihailovic.
However, they quickly released him. One can
say that the II Army's command knew, since late
summer 1942, that Jevdjevic was under Mihailovic's command - but pretended it did not.

General Roata also said this would be

out of the question, adding that turning
over the Jews would offer a bad example to Chetniks - the volunteer militia as they could conclude the Italians
would turn them over to Germans and
Ustashi some day
The fascist regime, however, had long been disturbed by Chetnik connections to the British,
writes American historian Burgwyn, continuing:
Reliance on them had 'reduced the II Army to
a volunteer corps', considered Pietromarchi. In fascist parlance, the Italian generals in Yugoslavia forgot Italy's obligation to protect the NDH from
Greater Serbian aspirations. But if there was support for NDH in Rome, there certainly wasn't any at
the II Army HQ in Sushak.''
Under pressure from Mussolini, the II Army

The role of the Communist Party

In late summer 1941, another actor enters: the Communist Party, and especially its largest player - the Croatian Communist Party, trying to force
themselves as leaders of Serbian rebels in the western regions.
Unlike the insurgent leaders, who recognized the fact that Italians were
saving civilians from Ustashi, the Croatian Communist Party declared the Italians to be their main enemies. Later, during the fall and inter, their focus
shifted from the Italians onto the Chetniks.
In fact, while they were still weak, the communists did not openly act
against the insurgents, but rather infiltrated their ranks. Then the communists
started killing the rebel leaders, by ambush or from behind during the fighting, like Pajica Omchikus, Nikola Drcha, Ilija Desnica, Paja Popovic, Lt.
Micha Lukic and many others. This process ended with part of the Serbian
rebels from 1941, until the spring of 1942 were forcibly converted into partisans by the Croatian Communist Party. It was the biggest communist success
since the war began.
A key role in this process was played by Serb, members of the Communist
party of Croatia, who brought in their Croat comrades, and presented them
under false, Serbian names.
After the war, when they wrote their own version of history, the communists wrote that they actually led an uprising in NDH. However, they were
missing the names of the insurgent leaders. So they used the names of their
victims, such as Lieutenant Mihaylo Micha Lukic. Alongside Lt. Micha, from
the first day of the uprising, fought his brother, Dushan Lukic, who would
later become a Chetnik brigade commander. Dushan had emigrated and never

Burgwyn`s book
agreed with the establishment of an Ustashi volunteer militia in September 1942. Italian officers were
bitter. One of them even said this was a danger to
them, as Croats were their enemies. Burgwyn's conclusion was the Italians had been striving to thwart
the Germans from Adriatic, only to watch their Axis
partner raising German flags in Ploche and
Dubrovnik.
He also wondered whether Roata considered
jumping the Axis ship, but concluded that was just
speculation. Voivode Jevdjevic, however, wrote that
he had reached the following agreement with Roata:
If the Western Allies win, as we believe, this
agreement will obligate the Serb representatives at
the peace conference to protect Italy from onerous
conditions. If the Axis wins, Serbia would be Italy's
partner against the German hegemony in the region.
Italy was the only German ally that refused to
turn over its Jews to the Nazis. That's out of the
question! It is an insult to Italian military honor,
said General Negri, commander of the "Murge" division.
General Roata also said this would be out of the
question, adding that turning over the Jews would
offer a bad example to Chetniks - the volunteer
militia as they could conclude the Italians would
turn them over to Germans and Ustashi some day.
.
(From the documentary TV series '' The Kingdom of Yugoslavia in World War II '', Episode 2')

learned that his brother was declared a communist. He lived in Canada, where
he published his book "Second Brigade of the First Lika Corps of the Dinara
Chetnik Division". Describing the uprising of 1941, Lukic said:
"Communist Party of Croatia had nothing to do with our fight. What's
more, none of the communists from our region took part in any battle, were
nowhere near the front line, nor did they fire any bullets at the enemy. It is
well-known that the first shots they fired were aimed at Serbs who lead the uprising."
Communists had in their favor the withdrawal of Major Boshko Rasheta,
the commander of the nsurgent forces in Lika, Dalmatia and Western Bosnia
in the Bihac front - the most important front against the Croats in early 1942.
Major Rasheta suffered a nervous breakdown and retired in February 1942,
after the following case. Lieutenant Stanko Shakic, by then in Serbia, came to
Lika, to Donji Lapac, and told Rasheta that he would go to see his brother
Micun, into the village Visuc. Rasheta told him not to go, because Micun is a
devoted communist and will certainly kill him. "Major, you should see a doctor for that brain", said Lieutenant Shakic and left. He walked over to his
brother with open arms, but Micun took his gun and killed him.
The event is described by Nikola Plecash Nitonja, in his book "The fire in
Krajina", a partisan commander who in 1943 defected to the Chetniks and
then emigrated.
The Communists take over of the area of Northern Lika and from Drvar
to Mt. Kozara had terrible consequences for the Serbian people of those regions. Unlike the territories under Chetnik control, in these areas under Communist control mass crimes against Serbs continued until the end of the war.