THE BULLETIN OF

THE AUSTRALIAN CENTRE

FOR EGYPTOLOGY

VOLUME 24 2013

Editor

Dr Susanne Binder

Editorial Board

Professor Heike Behlmer, Gttingen

Assoc. Professor Colin A. Hope
Professor Naguib Kanawati
Professor E. Christiana Khler, Vienna
Dr Ann McFarlane
Assoc. Professor Boyo Ockinga
Dr Yann Tristant

The articles in this journal are peer reviewed.

All rights reserved

ISSN 1035-7254
ISBN 978-1-74138-408-6
Copyright 2013
The Australian Centre for Egyptology
(A Division of the Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre)
Macquarie University, Sydney NSW 2109, Australia
Printed by
Ligare Book Printers, 138 Bonds Road, Riverwood NSW 2210, Australia
www.ligare.com.au

CONTENTS
BACE 24 (2013)
Editorial Foreword

Bon Apptit! Bread and Reed in the

Funerary Repast Imagery of the
Old and Middle Kingdom

Andrea Kahlbacher

Ptah-Sokar-Osiris Statuettes
from the Mallawi Museum

Heba Mahran

21

Asiatics and Abydos:

from the Twelfth Dynasty to the
early Second Intermediate Period

Anna-Latifa Mourad

31

Egyptology and the Study of Art History

Maya Mller

59

Egypt in Late Antiquity:

the evidence from Ammianus Marcellinus

Alanna Nobbs

81

Dictation revisited:
The Admonitions of Ipuwer
9.1410.2, 13.4 and 14.14

Marina Sokolova

89

The Egyptianisation of the Pan-Grave Culture:

a new look at an old idea

Aaron de Souza

109

Alexandra Woods,
Joyce Swinton

127

Chronological Considerations:
fragments from the Tomb of Hetepet at Giza

ASIATICS AND ABYDOS:

FROM THE TWELFTH DYNASTY
TO THE EARLY SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD*
Anna-Latifa Mourad
Macquarie University
The enigmatic Fifteenth Dynasty has spurred much discussion on the role of
foreigners during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period.
Manetho's account of the "invaders of obscure race"1 originally led historians
to search for traces of north-eastern warriors violently succeeding the Egyptian
regime. The discovery of growing Levantine communities at such sites as Tell
el-Dab'a has directed scholars to propose that the Hyksos' takeover may not
have been wholly violent, but that it was partly, perhaps completely, facilitated
by the increasing social and political influences of the Levantine population on
the Egyptian administration.2 A study on the rise of the Fifteenth Dynasty must
entail an assessment of Levantines during the Middle Kingdom,3 an exercise
well reflected by the available literature on this topic.4 Still, many researchers
have concentrated on developments within a particular site or a specific category
of evidence and, while contact with the Levantine culture was greater in the
north, the majority of studies have paid little attention to the regions of Middle
and Upper Egypt. In an attempt to provide a view from the south, the present
article examines the evidence for Levantines in one of the most important cultic
centres in Upper Egypt: the site of Abydos.
Connected to Osiris, Abydos was a burial ground since the Pre-Dynastic
period and continued to be so into the Middle Kingdom, when a planned
settlement also developed.5 A place of pilgrimage for Egyptians, the journey to
Abydos was a topic of several inscriptions and tomb scenes. Some officials of
the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period chose to be buried there
while at least one pharaoh of the Twelfth Dynasty, Senwosret III, built his
funerary complex at the site.6 Officials buried elsewhere additionally erected
stelae, small chapels, statues and other cultic equipment in dedication to
Osiris.7
The article explores 34 of these stelae and one shrine.8 The criteria for their
selection include:
a) Stelae assigned from the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty to at least the
mid-Thirteenth Dynasty (early Second Intermediate Period).9 These are
31

BACE 24 (2013)
presented below under (i) stelae assigned to particular kings' reigns; (ii) stelae
dated on stylistic grounds to either the Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty; and (iii)
stelae generally classified to the period spanning the Middle Kingdom to early
Second Intermediate Period;
b) Museum publications and excavation reports recording Abydos as the
stelae's provenance. Unfortunately, early excavators did not take note of the
immediate context of many stelae, restricting analysis on whether the named
individuals were inhabitants at/near Abydos;
c) The use of terms linked to north-easterners. The most common is aAm or
aAm.t, designating individuals of non-Egyptian, Levantine descent.10 Such
persons are not necessarily first-generation immigrants and neither are they all
from a particular region within the Levant. The term is typically
complemented by an individual's name and title. It is also attested as a personal
name. Other designates include Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw, @r.yw-Sa and %t.(t)yw,
which are not frequently found for foreigners within the borders of Egypt,
unless the text is of bellicose nature.
The stelae are translated first and organised according to criterion (a). This is
followed by some reflections on the textual data, combined with a perusal of a
few archaeological finds from Abydos. For bibliographic references and
further comments regarding the stelae and depiction of Asiatic individuals,
refer to Table 1. The transcriptions below either follow the figures or the texts
as presented in Table 1. All transliterations and translations are by the author,
and only feature extracts mentioning Asiatics or Egyptian-Levantine relations.
Names of possible Semitic origin are left untranslated.
The Stelae
I. Stelae assigned to particular reigns
Nine stelae have been dated to specific reigns: seven are of the Twelfth
Dynasty and two are of the Thirteenth Dynasty. They span the period from
Amenemhat I to Sebekhetep IV.
[1] Louvre C1 (Amenemhat I, Year 24)11
(5)

(4) ...

(7)

(6)

(8)

(9)

32

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

ssH.n(=i) Iwn.tyw MnTw.tyw (5) @r.yw-Sa
sxn.n(=i) xnr.wt xtA=i (6) mi wnS.wy m (7) aD
pri.n(=i) hA.n(=i) xt (8) mr.wt=sn nn snw im
(9) m wD.n MnTw nx.t m sxr n ///
(4)...

(4) I destroyed the Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw and (5) @r.yw-Sa; I demolished the
enclosures, I creeping up (6) like two jackals (?)12 at the (7) edge of the
cultivation; I came and went through their (8) streets, there being no equal
therein, (9) as Montu had commanded the victory by the plan of ///
[2] Cairo CG 20539 (Senwosret I)
...

(10)

(11)

... DD(.w) Awr=f m #As.tyw sgrH(.w) n=f @r.yw-Sa sHtp(.w)

iri.wt=sn

(10)

(11) %t.(t)yw

Hr

(10) the one who puts his oppression/terror upon the foreigners; the one who
pacifies the @r.yw-Sa for him; the one who pacifies the (11) %t.(t)yw for their
actions ...
[3] Cairo CG 20296 (Senwosret III)
(l.1)

(l.2)

(l.4)
(l.1) afty aAm iri.n @tp.t sn=f %bk-nx.t sn=f im.y-rA Sna(.w) (l.2)%bk-nx.t
(l.4) ir.y-a.t Imny iri n aAm ai

(l.1) The brewer aAm born to13 Hetepet; his brother Sebeknakht; his brother,
overseer of a storehouse, (l.2) Sebeknakht; (l.4) the hall-keeper Imeny born to
aAmai14
[4] Rio de Janeiro 627 [2419; no. 1] (Senwosret III)
(55-57 [XV])

(58 [II])

(55-57 [XV]) Gbgb

aAm iri n Imi (58 [II]) sA=f !rw-nfr aAm iri n mw.t=f
15

(55-57 [XV]) Gebgeb,

aAm born toImi;16

to his mother

33

(58 [II])

his son Herunefer,17 aAm, born

BACE 24 (2013)
[5] Manchester 3306 (Senwosret III)
(c.1)
(c.2)
(c.3)
(c.4)
(c.5)

wDA Hm=f m xdi r sxr.t MnTw %t.t spr Hm=f r spA.t %kmm rn=s (c.2) rDi.t
Hm=f tp-nfr m wDA r Xnw anx(.w) (w)DA(.w) s(nb.w) aHa.n %kmm xr=s Hna RTnw
Xsi.t (c.3)iw=i Hr iri(.t) pH [mSa aH]a.n Abx.n anx.w n.w mSa r aHA Hna aAm.w aHa.n
(c.4)sx.n=i aAm aHa.n rDi.n=i iTi.tw xa.w=f in anx 2 n(.y) mSa nn tS.t Hr aHA Hr=i
Hsi(.w) n rDi=i sA=i n aAm anx n(=i) %n-wsr.t (c.5)Dd.n(=i) m mAa.t aHa.n Di.n=f
n=i sTs18 m Dam r dr.t=i mtpn.t19Hna bAgsw bAk(.w) m Dam Hna xfa[w]20 ///
(c.1)

(c.1) His Majesty's proceeding in travelling northwards to overthrow theMnTw

of %t.t; his Majesty's arrival at the district of %kmm,21 its name; (c.2) his
Majesty's making a good start in proceeding to the Residence,22 may it live, be
prosperous and healthy. Then%kmmfell with the miserableRTnw,23 (c.3) I acting
as the army's rearguard. Then the soldiers of the army engaged to fight with
theaAm.w. (c.4) Then I hit theaAmand I caused that his weapons betaken by two
soldiers of the army, without desisting from fighting, my face was
courageous24 and I did not turn my back on the aAm. As Senwosret lives (for
me), (c.5) I have spoken in truth. Then he gave to me a staff of electrum for my
hand, a sheath with a dagger worked with electrum and a handle ///.

[6] Cairo CG 20231 (Amenemhat III)

(h)

wdp.w aAm #nti-wr

the butler, aAm Khentywer

[7] Fitzwilliam Museum E.207.1900 (Amenemhat III)

aAm wdp.w Rn=f-snb

aAm,the butler Renefseneb

aAm Nb-swmn.w

aAmNebsumenu

[8] Liverpool E.30 (Khendjer)

afty aAm Ir[s?]i
34

the brewer,aAm Ir[s?]i

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

aAm Sebekiry

aAm %bk-iry

aAm.t %nb-imny-nb-itf aAm.t Senebimenynebitef

aAm Sebekiry

aAm %bk-iry
[9] Vienna S 204 (Sebekhetep IV ?)25
sn=f aAm mAa-xrw

(11)

his brotheraAm, justified

II. Stelae assigned to a particular dynasty

Based on stylistic grounds, three stelae here have been allocated to the Twelfth
Dynasty, two to the late Twelfth or early Thirteenth Dynasty, and four to the
Thirteenth Dynasty.
[10] Cairo CG 20125 (12th Dynasty)
(h.1)

(h.2)

(h.1) imAx
(h.1) the

%Htp-ib-Ra.w mAa-xrw (h.2) Hm.t=f aAm mAa(.t)-xrw

revered Sehetepibra, justified; (h.2) his wifeaAm,26 justified

[11] Cairo CG 20421 (12th Dynasty ?)

(4)

(5)

(6)

(7)

(8)

(4) %nb.t(y)=fy msi n aAm.t %A-Mntw (5) msi n ///ti-n(.y)-[kA.w]=sn

(6)aAm.t msi n @pyw anx.w (7) msi n aAm.t %nb-r-Aw msi n aAm.t

(8) Iw-%nb msi n aAm.t anx(.w) D.t

27

(4) Senebtyfy born to aAm.t; Samontu (5) born to ///tiny[kau]sen;

(6) aAm.t born to Hepyu; Ankhu (7) born to aAm.t; Senebraw born to

(8) Iuseneb born to aAm.t; may he/they live eternally.

[12] Vienna S 169 (12th Dynasty ?)

(12)
(13)

(12) Hm.t=f %n.t-%bk iri.t (13) n aAm.t

(12) his wife Senet-Sebek (13) born to

aAm.t
35

aAm.t;

BACE 24 (2013)
[13] Vienna S 99 (late 12th 13th Dynasty)
sA.t=s aAm.t +D.t

(12)

her daughter aAm.t Djedjet

[14] Vienna S 186 (shrine) (late 12th 13th Dynasty)

(85a)

(85b)

(85a) aAm.t Wp-wA.wt-Htp mAa(.t)-xrw

(85c) aAm.t [+fA]-snb, mAa.t-[xrw]
(85a)
(85c)

(85c)

nfw N(.y)-@r.w (85b) aAm.t [^]Aa

aAm.t Wepwawethetep, justified; the sailor Ny-Heru;

aAm.t [Djefa]seneb, justified

(85b)

aAm.t [Sh]aa;

[15] British Museum EA 428 (mid-13th Dynasty)

ir.y-a.t n(.y) Kpny
%bk-Hr-HAb

Hall-keeper of (goods from)

Kpny28 Sebekherhab

[16] Vienna S 143 (13th Dynasty)

(27)

aAm.t Wr-nb

aAm.tWerneb

(28)

aAm.t %bk-nx.t

aAm.tSebeknekhet

[17] Vienna S 160 (13th Dynasty; Figure 1)

(2a)

(1)
(3a)

(1)Htp Di nsw.t Wsir nb +dw nTr aA nb AbDw niw.t Di=f pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w)
Apd(.w) Ss(.wt) mnx.wt (2a) xnty.w n kA n(.y) ir.y-a.t wdp.w Wr-mr.wt-r=f iri n
(3a) Imnty-aAm.t iri n Ny-sw wHm(.w) anx mr n(.y) Inp.w
(1) An offering which the king gives and Osiris, lord of Busiris, the great god,
lord of the city Abydos: may he give an invocation offering of bread, beer,
beef, fowl, (ointment) alabasters and clothes (2a) which are for the kA of the
hall-keeper and butler Wermerutef born to (3a) Imnty-aAm.t and born to Nysu,
may he live again, beloved of Anubis.
(4)

(2b)

(3b)

36

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

(4)Htp Di nsw.t Gb @py wAD.w imA.w (2b) xnty.w n kA n(.y) ir.y-a.t

iri n (3b) Imnty-aAm.t wHm(.t) anx Htp Di nsw.t @py wAD.w imA.w

aH Im.y-rA-mSa

An offering which the king gives and Geb and Hapy, may he/she be
prosperous and splendid; (2b) which are for thekA of the hall-keeper of the palace,
Imyramesha29 born to (3b) Imnty-aAm.t, may she live again, and an offering which
the king gives and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous and splendid.

(4)

(5)

Htp Di nsw.t @py wAD.w imA.w

An offering which the king gives and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous and
splendid.
(6)

Htp Di nsw.t Wsir n kA n(.y) aAm.t iri.t n I-it Di=ssic pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w)
An offering which the king gives and Osiris, for thekAofaAm.tborn to I-it: may she
give/be given an invocationoffering of bread, beer, beef and fowl.
(7)

Htp Di nsw.t Wsir n kA n(.y) Ny-sw iri n Kki pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w)
An offering which the king gives and Osiris, for thekAof Nysu born to Keki: may he
give/be given an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef and fowl.
(8)

%A-@pi iri n Rn-%(n)b Sahepi born to Rense(ne)b

Nn-Di-rx.tw=f iri n aAm.t Nendjirekhtuef born toaAm.t

(9)

N.t-HD.t iri.t n aAm.t

Nethedjet born toaAm.t

(10)

Imn-m-HA.t iri n
N.t-HD.t

Amenemhat born to
Nethedjet

(11)

Bnr.t iri.t (n) N.t-HD.t Beneretborn to Nethedjet

(12)

Im.y-rA-mSa iri n
N.t-HD.t

Imyramesha born to
Nethedjet

(13)

aAm.t iri.t n N.t-HD.t

aAm.t born to Nethedjet

(14)

Wr-mr.wt=f iri n
N.t-HD.t

Wermerutef born to
Nethedjet

37

BACE 24 (2013)
(15)
(16)

Im.y-rA-mSa iri n
N.t-HD.t

Imyramesha born to
Nethedjet

Im.y-rA-mSa iri n aAm.t Imyramesha born toaAm.t

[18] Cairo CG 20281 (13th Dynasty)

(g)

sn.t=f aAm.t MAa.t

His sister aAm.tMaat

[19] Marseille 227 (13th Dynasty ?)

...
... aAm %-nfrw aAm.t [%nb]-rH.w aAm NTr-m-mr aAm Rn-[snb] aAm.t Wr-n-PtH aAm.t
%A.t-$nmw ///
...aAm Seneferu; aAm.t [Seneb]rehu; aAmNeteremer; aAm Ren[seneb]; aAm.t
Werenptah; aAm.tSat-Khenemu ///
III. Stelae broadly assigned between the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties
Seventeen stelae are placed in this category. Despite their uncertain date, the
texts supply significant evidence on the names and/or activities of individuals
of Levantine descent.
[20] Cairo CG 20028
(f)

aAm.t iri.t n @nw.t

aAm.t born to Henut

(h)

his daughter aAm.t born

to Mereret

sA.t=f aAm.t iri.t n

Mrr.t

[21] Cairo CG 20062

(c)

aAm iri n MAa.t mAa-xrw aAm born to Maat, justified

[22] Cairo CG 20103

(d)

aAm=f PtH-wn=f (?)

38

his aAmPtahwenef (?)30

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

[23] Cairo CG 20114
(3)
(4)
(3)

sA=s Gbw Hm.t=f %s.t-iyi(.t)-Hb iri n Pr.ty-(4) ityti sA %nHy iri n aAm.t QA-sn.w

Her son, Gebu; his wife, Sesetiyitheb born to Perty-(4)ityti;31 son of

Senehy32 born to aAm.t Qasenu

(3)

[24] Cairo CG 20119

(n)

[aAm].t Nfr-iw

[aAm].t Neferiu

aAm.t Iyi-m-Htp

aAm.t Iyiemhetep

[25] Cairo CG 20158

(b)

[26] Cairo CG 20164

(g)

aAm.t PtH-aA.t fAi(.t) dfA.w n nb=s

aAm.t Ptahaat, the one who carries provisions for her lord
[27] Cairo CG 20227
(k)

aAm.t It

aAm.t It

aAm.t Nfr-iw

aAm.t Neferiu

aAm.t It

aAm.t It

aAm=f %nbi

his aAm Senbi

it n(.y) Xrd aAm

mAa-xrw

the father of the child,33 aAm,

justified

[28] Cairo CG 20392

(e.1)

[29] Cairo CG 20520

(i.1)

39

BACE 24 (2013)
[30] Cairo CG 20549
(b)

aAm.t WAH-kA

aAm.t (of?) Wahka34

(e.2)

aAm.t N.t-HD

aAm.t Nethedj

(e.3)

aAm.t @tp.wy

aAm.t Hetepwy

(e.4)

aAm.t @ri

aAm.t Heri

(e.5)

aAm.t Rn=s-snb

aAm.t Renesseneb

[31] Cairo CG 20550

aAm.t Sebekhetep

(a)

aAm.t %bk-htp

(c.4)

aAm.t %bk-aA

aAm.t Sebekaa

wdp.w @p.w aAm

the butler Hepu, aAm

[32] Cairo CG 20571

(c.1)

[33] Cairo CG 20650

(b.3)

...

b.4

(b.5)
(b.6)
(b.7)
(b.8)
(b.9)
(b.3)... im.y-rA mSa (b.4) NhAi iri n [BA]k.t

(b.5) nb.t pr aAm.t iri.t n [&it]///

(b.6) im.y-rA pr I-y iri n aAm.t nb.t imAx

(b.7) nb.t pr [BAk.t] iri.t n aAm(.t) nb.t imAx

(b.8) nb.t pr ///t-pw-PtH iri.t n [BAk.t]

(b.9) nb.t pr %nb=f iri.t n I-ttw nb.t imAx

(b.3) ... the overseer of the army (b.4) Nehai born to [Ba]ket
(b.5) Lady of the houseaAm.t born to [Tit]///
(b.6) Steward I-y born toaAm.t possessor of veneration
(b.7) Lady of the house [Baket] born toaAm.t possessor of veneration
(b.8) Lady of the house ///t-pu-Ptah born to [Baket]
(b.9) Lady of the house Senebef, born to I-tetu possessor of veneration

40

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

[34] Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania 69-29-56

Smsw aAm mAa-xrw

the retaineraAm, justified

[35] Rio de Janeiro 680 [No. 21]

(20)

(21)

(22)
(20) im.y-rA Hm.wt apr
(21) iri n I-bi mAa.t-xrw

(22) aAm im.y-rA n(.y) Hmw.t

35

&wty

(20) Overseer of craftsmen apr

36
(21) born toI-bi, justified;
37
(22) aAm, overseer of craftsmen&wty

Reflections on the Stelae

The textual and artistic representations of Asiatics
Amidst the 35 texts and over 75 instances of individuals of Asiatic ancestry,
only five names may be of Semitic origin,38 the rest being simply aAm or
derived from the Egyptian. Pictorially, individuals labelled aAm are illustrated
as Egyptians seated, kneeling or standing. Unfortunately, publications of most
of the stelae are in greyscale, restricting any comments on skin colour. Where
coloured photographs are presented, no colour is preserved for the Asiatic
men. A few Asiatics bear offerings, including ox legs (E.207.1900 [7], CG
20571 [32]), lotus stems (E.207.1900 [7], CG 20550 [31]), fowl (E.207.1900
[7], CG 20550 [31]) as well as baskets or vessels (CG 20158 [25], CG 20164
[26], CG 20550 [31]). Three appear engaged in daily activities such as pouring
beer, grinding grain and sowing seed (E.30 [8]).
The stelae offer a significant insight into the Asiatics' acceptance of Egyptian
traditions. The majority of identified Asiatic descendants are represented with
Egyptian names, titles and dress, taking part in Egyptian daily activities and
rituals. Two stelae owners are conclusively of Asiatic descent (CG 20650 [33],
S 160 [17]), leading to the proposition that such individuals also assumed
Egyptian religious obligations by placing their stelae at Abydos. Furthermore,
they appear familiar with Egyptian deities as apparent by the utilisation of
offering formulae expressing their devotion to Osiris, Anubis, Geb and Hapy.
Correspondingly, the stelae owners (bar the bellicose Louvre C1 [1], CG
20539 [2] and Manchester 3306 [5]) did not portray or treat the aAm.w
negatively but included them in their lists of household members,
41

BACE 24 (2013)
acknowledging them as efficient officials of private households and the local
administration. The dedicators of the stelae recognised and recorded the
genealogies of individuals of foreign descent, not only signifying that the
aAm.w were fully integrated within Egyptian society, but that the Egyptians
were similarly well-acquainted with the Levantines and their ancestry. This act
of recording the genealogy reflects a level of care in preserving the memory of
an Asiatic's descent. Does the explicit mention of Asiatic descent mean that the
Egyptians were accepting of an established foreign group within their society?
Did the Egyptians consider the mention of Asiatic members in their families as
a sign of prestige? Or, was it a required appellation signalling their foreignness
and, perhaps, their inequality compared to other Egyptians? Because people of
Asiatic descent did not hide or conceal their ancestry on their own stelae, as
shown in the two examples we have, it is possible to surmise that having an
Asiatic background was not shunned. In such cases, the term aAm was not
employed in a derogatory sense. It simply labelled the origins of individuals
living among Egyptians.39
Asiatics in the Egyptian community
Stelae from Categories (i) and (ii) dating from the reign of Amenemhat III to
the mid-Thirteenth Dynasty refer to the aAm.w as part of the typical Egyptian
household. Their numbers remain steadily the same but with a slight increase
during the Thirteenth Dynasty. They could be employed as 'overseer of a
storehouse' (CG 20296 [3]), 'hall-keepers' (CG 20296 [3], S 160 [17]) as well
as 'butlers' (CG 20231 [6], E.207.1900 [7], S 160 [17]) and take part in such
Egyptian daily activities as brewing, cooking and agricultural work (CG 20296
[3], E.30 [7]). Stela E.30 (7) infers their participation in cultic rituals possibly
related with the stela owner's position as a 'regulator of a phyle'. The foreigners
are also associated with such individuals as the 'overseer of a storehouse' (Rio
627 [4]), 'overseer of the law-court' (S 99 [13]) and 'chief steward of the
great house' (Marseille 227 [19]).
Combined with the undated stelae of Category (iii), further notes are offered.
Additional professions include a 'carrier of provisions' (CG 20164 [26]), a
'steward' (CG 20650 [33]), a 'retainer' (Penn Museum 69-29-56 [34]), an
'overseer of the military' (CG 20650 [33]) and 'overseers of craftsmen' (Rio
680 [35]). In two instances, Asiatics appear in the custody of Egyptians (CG
20103 [22], CG 20392 [28]) while one stela sees Asiatic women of successive
generations with the title of 'lady of the house' (CG 20650 [33]).
Other Asiatic women are among several lists of household members. They
appear in at least three stelae as concubines or secondary wives seemingly
married to Egyptian men (CG 20125 [10], S 160 [17], S 169 [12]). In one
42

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

instance, a sister of Asiatic descent is listed, although her parentage is not
specified (CG 20281 [18]). Stela S 160 (17) additionally records five
generations of individuals of Asiatic ancestry following the matrilineal line
(Figure 1),40 the last three featuring persons with Egyptian names, a likely
indicator that the family had resided in Egypt for at least three generations.
Individuals with other Asiatic relatives similarly arise in at least 11 stelae.
Keki

I-it

Senebni

Nysu

Wermerutef (I)

Imyramesha (I)

Amenemhat

Beneret

Imnty-Am.t (I)

Nendjirekhtuef
aAm.t (II)

Imyramesha
(II)

Wermerutef
(II)

Nethedjet
Imyramesha
(III)

Imyramesha (IV)

Figure 1.

Vienna S 160 [17]: Genealogy of Weremerutef (I) and Imyramesha (I).

On the selected stelae, the number of Asiatic men and women mentioned is
almost equal: approximately 52% are male and 48% are female. As always, it
is important to note the fragmentary nature of the evidence itself, particularly
as a small percentage of it actually survives the passage of time.41 The
presence of variability and the possibility that the excavated evidence only
concerns a small percentage of the entire population should also be
recognised.42 Nevertheless, such findings considerably differ from the 90%
male and 10% female attestations calculated for Asiatics in el-Lahun papyri of
the Middle Kingdom.43 One explanation may lie in the fragility of the papyri
compared to that of the stelae, the latter being more likely to survive. Another
may be sought in the sites themselves: the el-Lahun papyri mainly concern
individuals living/working in the settlement's immediate vicinity while the
stelae could belong to individuals from across Egypt. Furthermore, the elLahun papyri are of a variety of textual genres (letters, accounts, legal texts,
hymns, etc.) and thus for a range of purposes, contrary to the stelae's
predominantly funerary function, so the individuals listed in the stelae may not
warrant mention in the el-Lahun papyri and vice versa. Despite the differences,
such interpretations highlight the value of the Abydos stelae which offer a
43

BACE 24 (2013)
sampling of individuals of Asiatic ancestry linked to a range of professions in
Egyptian society.
Foreign affairs: Asiatics outside the borders of Egypt
Five stelae address foreign relations between the Egyptian administration and
Levantine groups. Four of these concern the Egyptian army, three of which
note possible military encounters against foreigners (Louvre C1 [1], CG 20539
[2], Manchester 3306 [5]) while one presents an 'overseer of the army' as an
individual of Asiatic descent (CG 20650 [33]). The stela of general44
Nesumontu (Louvre C1 [1]) has been utilized as evidence for military action
against Levantine fortresses during Amenemhat I's reign;45 however the
damaged text does not specify the location of the enclosures, merely
expressing Nesumontu's victory over the xnr.wt of the Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw and
@r.yw-Sa. So, the xnr.wt could be enclosures within Egypt, the Eastern Desert
or the Sinai region.46 Montuhetep's bellicose epithet [2] focuses on the vizier's
control over the @r.yw-Sa and %t.(t)yw during Senwosret I's reign. Khusebek,
by contrast [5], relays his personal encounter against one aAm in an event which
most certainly transpired following Senwosret III's visit to the Levant, the last
military campaign recorded on a monument from Abydos.
As the text recounts, Senwosret III and Khusebek marched47 northwards
towards t.t specifically to overthrow the MnTw. The expedition reached kmm
after which it turned back for an unspecified reason, probably an unsuccessful
military venture.48 Because the text lacks any clear outline of the venture's
progress, it is likely that such a description was not necessary for inclusion in
Khusebek's stela. On the contrary, the focal point seems to be the official's
own contribution to the expedition,49 amplifying Khusebek's personal
achievements and his perspective on the unfolding events. Thus, the first lines
function to set the scene, purposely overlooking the pharaoh's exploits at t.t,
kmm and RTnw and only noting that the latter two 'fell'50 following the
Majesty's return trip to the Residence. Then, Khusebek relays his experience in
a skirmish against the aAm.w, when, fulfilling his duty as a courageous
rearguard, he fought victoriously against one aAm and was consequently
rewarded with weapons.51 Khusebek's account insinuates that the Egyptian
army traversed through the Levant up to kmm, near RTnw, providing evidence
for both Senwosret III's political interests in this region as well as the often
violent nature of Egyptian-Levantine relations during the Twelfth Dynasty. It
is, therefore, of social and political importance that a aAm descendent could
reach the position of an 'overseer of the army' (CG 20650 [33]), signalling the
acceptance of such individuals not only within Egyptian society and
administration but also in the military.
44

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

An allusion to trade relations with the Northern Levant is supplied by BM EA
428 [15] in which a 'hall-keeper of (goods from) Kpny' is listed. The title
emphasises that trade with the coastal city of Byblos would have been on such
frequent terms during the mid-Thirteenth Dynasty as to warrant the appointment
of this individual.52 His inclusion among a treasurer's list of officials further
highlights the association of trade with members of the elite. Interestingly, this
association is also reflected in archaeological markers for contact with the
Levant at Abydos.
Archaeological markers
The adoption of Egyptian customs by Levantine descendants hints that the
archaeological record may not reveal the full extent of Asiatic presence at
Abydos. There are a few markers of possible contact, two of which are
indicative of trade and a third possibly connected to a growing Levantine
influence in Egypt. The first is an anchor axe-head from Twelfth Dynasty
Tomb 51 (?) at Abydos.53 The bronze weapon is a precursor to the Early
Bronze Age IV (EBIV) and Middle Bronze Age IIA (MBIIA) fenestrated eye
and duckbill shapes, with two open sockets and a knob in the centre.54 Parallels
derive from such Northern Levantine sites as Ur (Middle to Late Akkadian
Period),55 Tell Qarqur (EBIV)56 and Byblos (MBIIA),57 as well as a First
Intermediate Period tomb at Helwan.58 So, the axe-head may be an imported,
perhaps prestige, item from the Northern Levant.
The second marker is characterised by four fragments of Tell el-Yahudiyah
ware uncovered in tombs assigned to Second Intermediate Period contexts.59
These include a piriform jug from Tomb B13 with parallels from MBII
Byblos, Jericho and Tell el-Dab'a strata FE/2;60 a biconical jug from Tomb 21
with similar ware from Tell el-Dab'a strata E/2D/1;61 and a fragment of a
vessel's shoulder decorated with lotus petals from Tomb D11, apparently dated
to the Seventeenth Dynasty.62 The Tell el-Yahudiyah ware, particularly the
piriform and biconical jugs, can be stylistically dated between the second half
of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Fifteenth Dynasty, indicating some relations
between Abydos and the north.
The third artefact is an ivory sphinx figurine from Shaft Tomb 477. Identified
as a portrayal of a Fifteenth Dynasty king, namely Khayan,63 the item
comprises of the forepart of a sphinx holding the head of an Egyptian64
between its paws. The sphinx's head is crowned with a nemes headdress and a
uraeus. Facial characteristics include large ears, almond-shaped eyes slanting
in towards an aquiline, curved nose, and straight, thick lips. These elements,
especially the nose, have directed scholars to interpret the face as that of an
Asiatic;65 however, it has been suggested that the sphinx represents Senwosret I,66
45

BACE 24 (2013)
despite the scanty comparative material.67 The context does not allow for a
concrete date: the shaft's excavation is not fully published and accompanying
objects from 477 as well as the two adjoining shafts, 476 and 478, have been
assigned to the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, with notes
of secondary usage and disturbed contexts.68 From the context, one can only
conclude that the shaft belonged to middle or high ranking individual(s). As
for the artefact's function, two peg-holes in the underside suggest that it was a
fixture, perhaps for a box or a piece of furniture.69 Accordingly, the available
material does not allow for the identification of the sphinx as a Twelfth
Dynasty king nor as a Hyksos ruler. It is worthy of note that the shape of the
nose and the eyes is more akin to foreign, north-eastern characteristics.70 But,
rather than classifying such features as those of a foreign king, perhaps they
can be viewed as an artistic fusion of Egyptian royal symbols with Asiatic
elements. Subsequently, the hybrid representation may not necessarily depict a
pharaoh's own mixed ancestry; it could also denote an artist's attempt to
portray the king with a more heterogeneous character,71 probably by or for
multi-ethnic followers. In view of the Asiatic population in Egypt, as well as
their presence among varying levels of society as witnessed in the Abydos
stelae, both cases are possible but more likely in the late Twelfth Dynasty to
Second Intermediate Period.
Combined, the archaeological material at Abydos is largely related to middle
or high ranking individuals, adding a possible prestige function for the axe.
The Tell el-Yahudiyah vessels signify the continuance of Second Intermediate
Period contact with the north while the ivory sphinx indicates possible
influences on Pharaonic art. Such reflections agree with the data gathered from
the stelae, denoting that at least the middle to high echelons of the Egyptian
population at Abydos were familiar with some aspects of Levantine culture
between the Twelfth Dynasty and the early Second Intermediate Period.
Conclusions
The examined texts present substantial evidence on the status of Asiatics
within Egyptian society. They illustrate:
(1) A slight increase in the number of Asiatics during the Thirteenth Dynasty
and early Second Intermediate Period, perhaps resulting in 'hybrid'
artistic fusions reaching Abydos;
(2) The presence of Asiatics, both male and female, working and living
among Egyptians of mid to high social rank;
(3) The acceptance of Asiatics in the social, administrative and military
spheres;
(4) Asiatics partaking in Egyptian religious duties and daily activities;
46

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

(5) The artistic representations of Asiatics as Egyptians;
(6) A lack of bellicose representations of Asiatics after Senwosret III's reign;
and
(7) The elite's control of trade with the north, particularly the Northern
Levant, during the Thirteenth Dynasty.
Abydos was certainly accessible to Asiatics, a few of whom placed their own
stelae at the site following popular Egyptian traditions. They were employed
within the Egyptian administration, holding titles involved with private
households as well as the local administration and workforce. Some may have
also resided in Egypt for over three generations, adopting particular aspects of
the Egyptian culture and intermingling with the local population without
abandoning their own ancestry. The Egyptians accepted the foreign lineage of
their neighbours and did not represent them in a derogatory way. Despite
records of conflict over the borders, the situation within Egypt marks mutual
work and familial relations. Descendants of Asiatics were recognised for their
contributions and were most probably encountered on a daily basis, in typical
situations and, at the very least, by middle to high ranking individuals within
Egypt as far south as Abydos. Therefore, the stelae convey considerable data
on the rising status and recognition of the Asiatic population, noting that, in the
time preceding the rise of the Hyksos, Abydos was more than familiar with
Asiatic descendents it was also visited by them.

47

BACE 24 (2013)
STELA
1 LOUVREC1

2 CG20539
3 CG20296

STELAFOR

ASIATIC(S)* DEPICTION/MENTIONOFASIATIC(S)

Count,OverseeroftheArmy, 3groups:
Iwn.tyw,
Nesumontu
MnTw.tyw,
@r.yw-Sa
Vizier,Treasurer,
2groups:
@r.yw-Sa,
Montuhetep
%t.(t)yw
Overseeroftenantfarmers, 4xm
Seneb(fatherofIunefert,
Rio627)
Overseerofa/thestorehouse, 2xm
SenwosretIunefert

4 RIODE
JANEIRO627
[2419,NO.1]
5 MANCHESTER GreatAttendantoftheCity, 2groups:
MnTw
3306
Khusebek
aAm.w
6 CG20231

ScribeoftheOuterChamber, 1xm
Senebi
7 FITZWILLIAM StewardofDivineOfferings, 2xm
E.207.1900 Amenemhat,Nebwy

textseparatedfrommaintextdescribingAsiatics
asdestroyedtargets
inasequenceofphrasesconcerningthecontrol
overforeigners
inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?)

oneasEgyptian,kneeling;theotherinlistof
individualsassonofSenwosretIunofertanda
womanofAsiaticdescent
textseparatedfrommaintext;conjecturedto
havebeeninscribedeitherfirstorlast;royal
militaryactivityagainst %kmm and RTnw and
personalsuccessagainstaAm
asEgyptian,seatedamongofficials
asEgyptians,standing:carryinganoxlegbefore
offeringtable;carryingabundleoflotusand
basketsoffowl

8 LIVERPOOL
E.30

Regulatorofaphyle,
Amenyseneb

9 VIENNA
S204

GreatAttendantoftheCity, 1xm
Sarerut

asEgyptian,seatedamongindividuals(household
members?);describedas'brother';unclearto
whomheisrelatedorwhetherhismotheror
fatherisofAsiaticdescent.Ifitisthefather,then
SarerutalsohadAsiaticancestry.

10 CG20125
11 CG20421

Senwosret
Senwosret

inlistoffamilyrelatives
inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?)

12 VIENNA
S169
13 VIENNA
S99

KheperkaraandKuki

3xm
1xf

1xf
5xm
2xf
1xf

Overseerofalawcourt,
Khentykhetyhetep

1xf

14 VIENNA
S186
(SHRINE)

Overseerofahalfgangof
stonemasons,Hori

3xf

15 BMEA428
16 VIENNA
S143
17 VIENNA
S160

Treasurer,Senbi
Chamberlainoftheprivate
apartments,Titiandothers
Hallkeeperandbutler,
Wermerutefand
Hallkeeperofthepalace,
Imyramesha

2xf

18 CG20281

Rekhtyhetep

19 MARSEILLE
227

Chiefstewardofthegreat
house,Renseneb

8xm
4xf

1xf

3xm
3xf

48

asEgyptians:strainingliquidintoajar,pouring
beerintoajar,grindinggrain,sowingseed

asEgyptian,seatedbehindherhusband,Weren
Heratanofferingtable
inlistofindividuals;daughterofKhentykhety
hetepswifeKui;paternalparentagenot
recorded;5step(?)brothersand2step(?)sisters
listed,butwithnoidentifiableforeignancestry
inlistofindividuals;NiHeru'stitleandnameare
writteninthesamedesignatedrectangleas
Wepwawethetep,perhapssignifyingsome
relation
intitlerelatedto Kpny
inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?)
stelaofbrothersofAsiaticdescent(genealogy,
seeFig.1);immediatefamilymembersnotedto
beofAsiaticdescent;allasEgyptians;20further
individualsnotdirectlylinkedtothefamilyalso
listed
asEgyptian,seated;probablyconnectedwithCG
20062
inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?)

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

20 CG20028

Keshu

2xf

21 CG20062

Panetyn

1xm

22 CG20103

Bedjetynshemaankhu

1xm

23 CG20114

Bedjetysenyseneb

1xm

Mereret'sdaughterasanEgyptian;otherinlistof
individuals
asEgyptian,seatedinarowofrelatives(?);
probableconnectiontoCG20281
asEgyptian,behindsonofBedjetynshemaankhu;
pronoun (aAm=f ) referstothesonorfather
incomplicatedlistoffamilyrelatives

24 CG20119

1xf(?)

asEgyptiankneeling;readingof aAm.t uncertain

25 CG20158

Keeperofaproperty,
Nehnen
Steward,Neferrudj

1xf

26 CG20164

Sebekhetep

1xf

asEgyptian,standing,carryingbasketinlefthand
andaropewithhangingvesselinherright
asEgyptianstanding,carryingbasketonherhead

27 CG20227

3xf

inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?)

1xm

inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?)

1xm

asEgyptian,seatedbeforeofferingtable

30 CG50549

Overseeroffields,
Antyhetep
Stewardofdivineofferings
Sebekhetep
Magnateofthesouthern
tens,Nehy
Steward,Wahka

5xf

31 CG20550

Steward,Sebekaa

2xf

32 CG20571

Chamberlainofthebureauof
theoverseerofthetreasury,
Remnyankh
Overseerofthearmy,
Nehai
unknown

1xm

aAm.t asstandingEgyptianbringingofferingsto
Wahka;othersasEgyptiangirls,standingbehind
Wahka'swives(?)
asEgyptians:Sebekhotep,standing,basketon
head,jugandlotusinlefthand;Sebekaa,
kneeling,basketonhead,fowlinrighthand
asEgyptian,offeringanoxleg

28 CG20392
29 CG20520

33 CG20650
34 U.PENN.
692956

Memberoftheforemen,
35 RIODE
JANEIRO680 Karu
[NO.21]

2xm
4xf
1xm

stelaofindividualofAsiaticdescent;most,ifnot
all,peopleinlistnotedtobeofAsiaticdescent
inlistofindividuals(householdmembers?);as
Egyptian,seated

2xm

apr asEgyptian;nameandtitleof &wty appear

nearfigureofapr

* TermsdesignatinggroupsofAsiaticforeignersaresuppliedandindividualsarelabelledeither
asm(male)orf(female);numbersdonotincludeAsiaticparents.

Table 1.

Overview: stelae from Abydos mentioning Asiatics.

SELECTION OF REFERENCES FOR TABLE 1

1
2
3
4

Sethe, gyptische Lesestcke, 82 [1215]; Simpson, The Terrace of the Great God at
Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13 (New Haven / Philadelphia, 1974)
pl. 14 [6.2]; Obsomer, in: RdE 44 (1993) 103140.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs im Museum von Kairo, IIV
(Cairo, 19021908) II: 15058, IV: pl. 41.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 30910; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 40
41.
Kitchen, Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro
(Warminster, 1990) I: 1422; II: pls. 12; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 6869.

49

BACE 24 (2013)
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19

20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35

Garstang, El-Arbah, 6, 3234, pls. 45; Peet, The Stela of Sebek-Khu. The Earliest Record
of an Egyptian Campaign in Asia (Manchester, 1914) 5, pls. 12; Sethe, Lesestcke, 83 [8
15]; Baines, in: Form und Mass, 4361, pl. 1.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 250252, IV: pl. 18; Schneider, Auslnder in
gypten II: 39.
Garstang, El-Arbah, 3334, pl. 6; Bourriau, Pharoahs and Mortals, 5051 [39].
Kitchen, in: JEA 47 (1961) 1018; Kitchen, in: JEA 48 (1962) 159160; Bourriau,
Pharaohs and Mortals, 6063 [48]; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 52.
Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches I: 16267; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 77,
8081.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 14748; IV: pl. 11; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II:
38.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 1617; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 4344.
Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 8793; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 79
80.
Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 2832; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 77.
Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 11127; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 80
Peet, Abydos II: 111, fig. 65, pl. 23 [3]; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, 2728 [1.4].
Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches I, 6874; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten
II, 78.
Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 7986; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten
II: 7879.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 29597, IV: pl. 20; Schneider, Auslnder in
gypten II: 40.
Maspero, "Monument gyptiens du Muse de Marseille", in: Rec Trav 13 (1890) 11617
[27]; Satzinger / Stefanovi, "The Domestic Servant of the Palace rn-snb", in: Bechtold /
Gulys / Hasznos (eds.), From Illahun to Djeme: Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich
Luft, BAR Int. Ser. 2311 (Oxford, 2011) 24145; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 58.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 3637, IV: pl. 3; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten
II: 36.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 7577; IV: pl. 6; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten
II: 37.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 12527; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 37.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 13637; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 37.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 14143; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 38.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 18586; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 38.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 19597, IV: pl. 14; Schneider, Auslnder in
gypten II: 3839.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 24647; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 39.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 38889, IV: pl. 28; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II:
4142.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 11622, IV: pl. 36; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II:
4445.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 17779; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 45.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 17981, IV: pl. 43; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II:
4546.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 20911, IV: pl. 46; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II:
46.
Lange / Schfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 28485; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 46.
Simpson, Inscribed Material from the Pennsylvania Yale Excavations at Abydos,
Publications of the PennsylvaniaYale Expedition to Egypt 6 (New Haven / Philadelphia,
1995) 4041, fig. 67, pl. 8 [d]; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 68.
Kitchen, Catalogue I: 6467, II: pl. 45; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II: 6970.

50

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

*
1
2

3
4

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Naguib Kanawati and

Associate Professor Boyo Ockinga for their valuable and constructive comments
regarding this article.
Manetho, Aegyptiaca, frag. 42, 1.751.76, in W.G. Waddell (ed.), Manetho, Loeb
Classical Library 350 (Cambridge, 1971) 79.
See, for instance, T. Sve-Sderbergh, "The Hykos Rule in Egypt" in: Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology 37 (1951) 5371; J. van Seters, The Hyksos: A New
Investigation (New Haven / London, 1966); M. Bietak, Avaris: The Capital of the
Hyksos. Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a (London, 1996); M. Bietak, "From
Where Came the Hyksos and Where did they Go?" in: M. Mare (ed.), The Second
Intermediate Period (Thirteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties): Current Research,
Future Prospects (Leuven / Paris / Walpole, 2010) 13981. For supporters of a
violent takeover, see H.E. Winlock, The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in
Thebes (New York, 1947) 9697; D. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient
Times (Princeton, 1992) 9806.
I am currently conducting PhD research investigating in detail the evidence on this
topic from across Egypt.
For example, Bietak, in: Second Intermediate Period, 13981; J. Bourriau, "The
Second Intermediate Period (c. 16501550 B.C.)" in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford
History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 32003) 172206; T. Schneider, "Middle
Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period", in: E. Hornung / R. Krauss / D.A.
Warburton (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Chronology (Leiden / Boston, 2006) 16896;
T. Schneider, Auslnder in gypten whrend des Mittleren Reiches und der
Hyksoszeit II: Die auslndische Bevlkerung, gypten und Altes Testament 42
(Wiesbaden, 19982002). Although different in its approach, Schneider's
monograph presents a significant contribution to the study of Asiatics within Egypt,
investigating references to a range of foreigners amid the available textual material
from the Twelfth to Fifteenth Dynasties.
B. Porter / R. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic
Texts, Reliefs and Paintings V (reprint, Oxford, 1962) 39105; J. Richards, Society
and Death in Ancient Egypt: Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom
(Cambridge, 2005) 12931; W. Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt:
History, Archaeology and Society (London, 2006) 9597; M.D. Adams,
"Community and Societal Organization in Early Historic Egypt. Introductory
Report on 199192 Fieldwork Conducted at the Abydos Settlement Site" in:
Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt 158/189 (1992) 19; J.
Wegner, "Excavations at the Town of Enduring-are-the-Places-of-Khakaure-MaaKheru-in-Abydos. A Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Seasons" in: Journal
of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998) 144; J. Wegner, "The Town
of Wah-sut at South Abydos: 1999 Excavations", in: Mitteilungen des deutschen
archologischen Instituts Kairo 57 (2001) 281308.
Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Second Intermediate Period may have also
been buried at Abydos: Richards, Society and Death, 13136, 16972; E. Ayrton /
C. Currelly / A. Weigall, Abydos III (London, 1904) 1134; J. Wegner, "The
51

BACE 24 (2013)

7
8
9

10

11

12

13

14

Organization of the Temple NFR-KA of Senwosret III at Abydos" in: gypten und
Levante 10 (2000) 83125; J. Wegner, The Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at
Abydos, Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven /
Philadelphia, 2007); J. Wegner, "The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos:
Considerations on the Origins and Development of the Royal Amduat-Tomb", in:
D.P. Silverman / W.K. Simpson / J. Wegner (eds.), Archaism and Innovation:
Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt (New Haven and Philadelphia,
2009) 10368; Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 9597.
Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 95.
The shrine is considered in the group's identification as 'stelae' from henceforth.
For the issues and proposed developments in the epigraphy of stelae, see C.J.C.
Bennett, "Growth of the Htp-Dj-nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom" in: Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology 27 (1941) 7782; D. Franke, "The Middle Kingdom
Offering Formulas A Challenge", in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 89 (2003)
3957; W. Barta, Aufbau und Bedeutung der altgyptischen Opferformel,
gyptologische Forschungen 24 (Glckstadt, 1968) 4384; A. Ilin-Tomich,
"Changes in the Htp-Dj-nsw Formula in the Late Middle Kingdom and the Second
Intermediate Period" in: Zeitschrift fr gyptische und allgemeine
Kunstwissenschaft 138 (2011) 2034.
The term does not only refer to individuals. It could also be employed to refer to an
object of Asiatic origin/resemblance or to an Egyptian with Asiatic features. Yet,
the majority of Old and Middle Kingdom references seem to refer to people of
Levantine ancestry. As Luft writes, "the only acceptable starting point to search for
Asiatics in the Egyptian material is the use of aAm before the name". See Schneider,
Auslnder in gypten II, 7; U. Luft, "Asiatics in Illahun: A Preliminary Report" in:
Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti II (Turin, 1993) 292.
The stela opens with the titulary of both Amenemhat I and Senwosret I, leading
scholars to postulate a possible co-regency between the two. Some consequently
assign the events to the period of co-regency, or Year 4 of Senwosret I's reign. J.H.
Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt I: The First to the Seventeenth Dynasties
(Chicago, 1906) 227; G. Posener, Littrature et politique dans l'gypte de la XIIe
dynastie (Paris, 1969) 54, 66; D. Wildung, "Ein Wrfelhocker des Generals NesMonth" in: Mitteilungen des deutschen archologischen Instituts Kairo 37 (1981)
507; C. Obsomer, "La Date de Nsou-Montou (Louvre C1)" in: Revue
d'gyptologie 44 (1993) 10340; A.J. Spalinger, "Orientations on Sinuhe" in:
Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur 25 (1998) 318.
Berman translates it as 'wolves': L.M. Berman, Amenemhet I (PhD Thesis: Yale
University, 1985) 109.
The expression iri n 'born to' may also be translated as a perfective relative form
iri.n 'whom has conceived'. The same is the case with msi n which is similarly
translated in this article as 'born to' rather than the equally correct msi.n 'whom has
engendered'.
Perhaps the name is of foreign origin: H. Ranke, Die gyptischen Personennamen I
(Glckstadt, 1935) 59 [12].
52

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

15

16

17

18
19
20

21

22

Rio de Janeiro 627 [4] is cited as the only reference for this name in Ranke,
Personennamen I, 350 [22]. Kitchen prefers an Egyptian derivative, translating it as
'the lame' rather than a Semitic origin with relation to gba 'tall': K.A. Kitchen,
"Early Canaanites in Rio De Janeiro and a 'Corrupt' Ramesside Land-Sale" in: S.
Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology: Presented to Miriam Lichtheim II
(Jerusalem, 1990) 638639, ns. 2021.
Possibly relating to the Semitic ummi 'my mother': Kitchen, in: Studies in
Egyptology II, 638, n. 19; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 131; T. Schneider,
Asiatische Personennamen in gyptischen Quellen des Neuen Reiches, Orbis
Biblicus et Orientalis 114 (Gottingen, 1992) 20 [22]. For Egyptian attestations, see
Ranke, Personennamen I, 25 [17].
Ranke, Personennamen I, 231 [4]; K.A. Kitchen, "Non-Egyptians recorded on
Middle Kingdom Stelae in Rio de Janeiro", in: S. Quirke (ed.), Middle Kingdom
Studies (New Malden, 1991) 88.
The reading could also be amaA 'throw-stick' or, as Goedicke suggests, sTn 'support'.
H. Goedicke, "Khu-u-Sobek's Fight in 'Asia'", in: gypten und Levante 7 (1998) 36.
See Wb 2, 170 [6].
Garstang and Sethe end the term with two quail chicks (G43), however the reading
is uncertain: J. Garstang, El-Arbah: A Cemetery of the Middle Kingdom Survey of
the Old Kingdom Temenos Graffiti from the Temple of Sety (London, 1901) pl. 5;
K. Sethe, gyptische Lesestcke (Leipzig, 1924) 83 [15]; J. Baines, "The Stela of
Khusobek: Private and Royal Military Narrative and Values", in: J. Osing / G.
Dreyer (eds.), Form und Mass: Beitrge zur Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten
gypten. Festschrift fr Gerhard Fecht zum 65. Geburtstag am 6. Februar 1987
(Wiesbaden, 1987) 52 [rr].
Postulated to be the city of Shechem, although the determinative as well as the
preceding word point to a regional designate. For a similar toponym, see E6 of the
Saqqara Execration Texts. Goedicke, in: &L 7 (1998) 3435; G. Posener, Princes
et Pays d'Asie et de Nubie. Textes Hiratiques sur des Figurines d'Envotement du
Moyen Empire (Brussels, 1940) 68; S. Aituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient
Egyptian Documents (Jerusalem, 1984) 17374; Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and
Israel, 76; T.L. Thompson, The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives: The
Quest for the Historical Abraham (Harrisburg, 2003) 132; S.L. Cohen, Canaanites,
Chronologies, and Connections: The Relationship of Middle Bronze IIA Canaan to
Middle Kingdom Egypt, Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 3
(Indiana, 2002) 4647, n. 59.
For Xnw's identification as the Residence, see Baines, in: Form und Mass, 51 [dd].
A different interpretation recognises Xnw as the citadel at %kmm, with the ensuing
anx(.w) (w)DA(.w) s(nb.w) formula referring back to the majesty. As Baines writes,
the formula typically follows Hm=f rather than Xnw. The term Xnw is also used
twice in other sections of the stela to refer to Egyptian men of the Xnw, thereby
most likely pointing to the Egyptian Residence rather than that of %kmm. Goedicke,
in: &L 7 (1998) 35; R. Gundlach, Die Zwangsumsiedlung auswrtiger
Bevlkerung als Mittel gyptische Politik bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches
53

BACE 24 (2013)

23
24
25

26
27
28

29

30
31
32

33

34
35

36

37

38

(Stuttgart, 1994) 172.

Goedicke translates the expression as "when %kmm withstood it and RTnw will
fall": Goedicke, in: &L 7 (1998) 35.
For this expression, see Baines, in: Form und Mass, 52 [ll].
Possibly connected to a household listed in Stela Turin 98 (1629) dating to
Sebekhetep IV's reign. Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 77, 8081.
Either her name or appellation.
See n. 13 above.
Identified as Byblos. The title is also attested on an unprovenanced stela currently
at University College Dublin (UC 1360) dated to the late Middle Kingdom. W.
Grajetzki, Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom, BAR International Series
1007 (Oxford, 2001) 2728 [1.4]; Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 71; S. Quirke, "Six
Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in University College Dublin" in: Revue d'gyptologie 51
(2000) 22351; S. Quirke, Title and Bureaux of Egypt 1850-1700 BC (London,
2004) 71.
The name is not attested in Ranke, Personennamen I, but derives from the Egyptian
title 'overseer of the army'. Its usage here as a name is supported by its position on
the stela, which is comparable to the mirrored offering formula, title and name of
Imyramesha's brother, Wermerutef (lines 1-3a).
Schneider reads the name as &pH-wn=f: Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 37.
As the two halves of the name are on separate lines, they could belong to two
separate individuals. Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 37.
The sequence could also be translated as iri n Pr.ty-ityti sA=s NHy 'born to Pertyityti;
her son Nehy'. Nehy would then have two mothers (Perty-ityti and aAm.t Qasenu),
though the addition of the feminine .t in aAm may be a scribal error. The name NHy
could additionally be rendered as %A-%nhy or %nHy, which is favoured here.
Alternatively, the addition of a suffix-pronoun may refer to a different individual,
Ityti (see above, n. 31). Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 37.
It-n-Xrd could also be the name of the individual, but it is unattested in Ranke,
Personennamen I. While the placement of aAm after this rare name is uncommon, it
is not unattested (see CG 20571 [32] for an example).
aAm.t could either be a name or part of the nomens regens of a direct genitive in
'aAm.t of Wahka', as Wahka is also the name of the stela's dedicator.
The name is most possibly of Semitic origin. Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies,
89; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 63738; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten
II, 141; Ranke, Personennamen I, 60 [12].
The name is possibly of Semitic origin. Ranke, Personennamen I, 20 [510];
Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 89; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II,
638; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 12526.
The name is most possibly of Semitic origin. Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II,
172; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 63637; Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom
Studies, 8889; Schneider, Asiatische Personennamen, 24344 [521].
ai in CG 20296 [2], Gbgb and his mother Imi in Rio de Janeiro 627 [4], as well as
Ibi and &wty in Rio de Janeiro 680 [35].
54

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49
50

Foreigners of the south may have also experienced the same treatment. For more
discussion and a perusal of the textual evidence mentioning southerners, see
Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 82108.
Previously postulated to be three generations; a re-reading of the text suggests that
the repetition of particular names denotes different individuals. As such, five
generations are proposed here: I. Hein / H. Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches
II, Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacum Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien Lieferung
7 (Mainz am Rhein, 1993) 82; Schneider, Auslnder in gypten II, 79, 308.
D. Clarke, "Archaeology: The Loss of Innocence" in: Antiquity 47 (1973) 16; C.
Renfrew / P. Bahn, Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practices (London, 2008)
5472.
D. O'Connor, "A Regional Population in Egypt to circa 600 BC" in: B. Spooner
(ed.), Population Growth: Anthropological Implications (Cambridge, 1972) 8183;
J. Baines / C. Eyre, "Four Notes on Literacy" in: Gottinger Miszellen 61 (1983) 65
67; J. Baines / P. Lacovara, "Burial and the Dead in Ancient Egyptian Society:
Respect, Formalism, Neglect" in: Journal of Social Archaeology 2 (2002) 12;
Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt, 66.
M. Petrik, "Foreign Groups at Lahun during the Late Middle Kingdom" in: E.
Bechtold / A. Gulys / A. Hasznos (eds.), From Illahun to Djeme: Papers
Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft, British Archaeological Reports International
Series 2311 (Oxford, 2011) 213.
Another statue of Nesumontu distinguishes him as "the very great general of the
entire land" or "generalissimo": Wildung, in: MDAIK 37 (1981) 50307; Cohen,
Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38, n. 39.
Kemp writes that "when the Egyptians refer to or depict foreign fortresses, we
should understand nothing less than the fortified cities of Early and Middle Bronze
Age Palestine": B.J. Kemp, "Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom and Second
Intermediate Period c. 26861552 BC" in: B.G. Trigger et. al. (eds.), Ancient
Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge, 1983) 143; Redford, Egypt, Canaan and
Israel, 77, 82; Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38; M. Brta,
Sinuhe, the Bible, and the Patriarchs (Prague, 2003) 105.
Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38. For more on the term
xnr.wt, see S. Quirke, "A Reconsideration of the Term xnrt", in: Revue
d'gyptologie 39 (1988) 83106.
Both spr and wDA of line C.1 are determined by , most probably indicating that
the army travelled by foot: J.W. Wells, War in Ancient Egypt (PhD Thesis: Johns
Hopkins University, 1995) 13334.
Some have posited that the king led an unsuccessful siege against kmm, despite the
lack of details and the identification of the toponym as a region rather than a
fortified settlement. See n. 21 above; Goedicke, in: &L 7 (1998) 35; Brta, Sinuhe,
the Bible, and the Patriarchs, 12728.
Baines, in: Form und Mass, 5961.
A militaristic meaning to the term interprets it as 'to withstand' an attack or 'to fall'
upon or ambush the Egyptians both usages being uncommon in earlier military
55

BACE 24 (2013)

51
52
53

54

55

56

57

58
59

narratives. Delia writes that the return of the Egyptians might have been either an
act of retreat, with the Egyptians falling prey to a surprise attack, or a military
strategy, with the king luring the Asiatics to attack: R.D. Delia, A Study of the Reign
of Senwosret III (PhD Thesis: Columbia University, 1980) 119; Baines, in: Form
und Mass, 51 [ee]; Goedicke, in: &L 7 (1998) 35; Cohen, Canaanites,
Chronologies, and Connections, 47.
Perhaps of his victim.
For a similar case, see Quirke, in: RdE 51 (2000) 22930.
Petrie notes that the axe was uncovered in Tomb 30b; however the plate labels the
axe as part of Tomb 51's assemblage; in another report, Sebelien places the artefact
in Tomb 51; W.M.F. Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers and Oxyrhynkhos (London,
1925) 6, pl. 5 [28]; J. Sebelien, "Early Copper and its Alloys" in: Ancient Egypt
(1924) 615.
R. Maxwell-Hyslop, "Western Asiatic Shaft-hole Axes" in: Iraq 11 (1949) 11819;
J.N. Tubb, "A Crescentic Axehead from Amarna (Syria) and an Examination of
Similar Axeheads from the Near East" in: Iraq 44/1 (1982) 1; G. Gernez, "Metal
Weapons and Cultural Transformations" in: H. Khne, / R. Czichon / F. Janoscha
Kreppner (eds.), Proceedings of the 4th International Congress on the
Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, Berlin, March 29thApril 3rd, 2004
(Wiesbaden, 2008) 131; G. Gernez, L'armement en mtal au Proche et MoyenOrient. Des origines 1750 av. J.-C. I (PhD Thesis: Universit de Paris 1
Panthon-Sorbonne, 2007) 20306.
L. Woolley, Ur Excavations II: The Royal Cemetery. A Report on the Predynastic
and Sargonid Graves Excavated Between 1926 and 1931 (London / Philadelphia,
1934) pl. 224 [U. 9687]; Tubb, Iraq 44/1 (1982) 12; Gernez, L'armament en
mtal I, 204.
R.H. Dornemann, "Seven Seasons of ASOR Excavations at Tell Qarqur, Syria,
19931999" in: N. Lapp (ed.), Preliminary Excavation Reports and Other
Archaeological Investigations: Tell Qarqur, Iron I Sites in the North-Central
Highlands of Palestine (Boston, 2003) figs. 18990; R.H. Dornemann, "Current
Thoughts on the Transition from Early Bronze Age to Middle Bronze Age at Tell
Qarqur" in: P. Matthiae (ed.), Proceedings of the 6th International Congress of the
Archaeology of the Ancient Near East II: Excavations, Surveys and Restorations:
Reports on Recent Field Archaeology in the Near East (Wiesbaden, 2010) 141;
Gernez, L'armament en mtal I, 204.
The axe's findspot at Byblos does not provide a clear date, but based on the
accompanying cartouche of Neferhetep, a terminus post quem of the Thirteenth
Dynasty or MBIIA is suggested. A mould for casting anchor axes was also
uncovered at Byblos. M. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos I: 19261932 (Paris, 1939)
197, pl. 96 [3070]; vol. II: 19331938 (Paris, 1954) 20, fig. 17.
Z. Saad, Royal Excavations at Sakkara and Helwan, Supplment aux ASAE 3
(Cairo, 1947) 173, pl. 88.
Two further vessels were unearthed in Tombs D114 and E10, both of which
included material of the Eighteenth Dynasty. The New Kingdom settlement
56

MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS

60

61

62

63

64

65
66
67

68
69
70

additionally comprised of Tell el-Yahudiyah ware. T.E. Peet / W.L.S. Loat, The
Cemeteries of Abydos III: 19121913 (London, 1913) pl. 12 [4]; Garstang, ElArbah, 2829, pl. 17; K.O. Eriksson, The Creative Independence of Late Bronze
Age Cyprus, Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 10
(Vienna, 2007) 17273; D.A. Aston / M. Bietak, Tell el Dab'a VIII: The Tell elYahudiya Ware and its Classification, Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des
sterreichischen Archologischen Institutes 12 (Vienna, 2012) 556; M.F. Kaplan,
The Origin and Distribution of Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 62 (Gothenburg, 1980) 8081, figs. 13[e], 87[b], 133 [v].
Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Type I.3.1c. T.E. Peet, The Cemeteries of
Abydos II: 19111912 (London, 1914) 5758, 6869, pl. 13 [8]; Kaplan, Tell el
Yahudiyeh Ware, fig. 33 [b]; P. Montet, Byblos et L'gypte: Quatre campaigne de
fouilles a Gebeil 1921-1922-1923-1924 (Paris, 1928) 245, pl. 146; K.M. Kenyon,
Excavations at Jericho I (London, 1960) 31530, fig. 122 [15]. For further parallels
see Aston / Bietak, TeD VIII, 15269, figs. 102, 104.
Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Type L.5.3a; D. Randall-MacIver / A.C. Mace,
El Amrah and Abydos 18991901 (London, 1902) 92, 98, pl. 54 [13]; Aston and
Bietak, TeD VIII, 231, figs. 162164, 167; Kaplan, Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, fig.
97 [b].
Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Vessels with Naturalistic Designs. The
excavation report does not include a full corpus of items uncovered in the tomb,
restricting further analysis on the tomb's suggested date. Randall-MacIver / Mace,
Abydos, 97, pl. 2; Aston / Bietak, TeD VIII, 200, 376381; Kaplan, Tell elYahudiyeh Ware, fig. 126 [i].
British Museum no. 54678; J. Garstang, "An Ivory Sphinx from Abydos (British
Museum, No. 54678)" in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 14/1 (1928) 4647;
Sve-Soderbergh, in: JEA 37 (1951) 66.
The captive could also be Nubian; M. Mare, "Forepart of a Sphinx holding a
Captive (Cat. Number 97)", in: C. Ziegler (ed.), The Pharaohs (London, 2002)
426 [97].
Garstang, in: JEA 14/1 (1928) 4647.
J. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals. Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom
(Cambridge, New York, 1988) 13638 [138].
Bourriau refers to a Berlin statue of Senwosret I with a similar headdress and facial
features. While these elements are akin to those of the ivory sphinx, Bourriau
correctly notes that the nose and the slant of the eyes are dissimilar. She then
compares the nose to a personification of Lower Egypt represented with the king's
facial characteristics, as depicted on the base of Senwosret I's thrones. Yet, the
figures do not provide close parallels for the slanting eyes and curved nose of the
ivory sphinx. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 138 with references.
Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 13738; Garstang, in: JEA 14/1 (1928) 4647.
Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 13738.
For example, the eyes of a wooden statuette from Dahshur and the Asiatics' noses in
Khnumhetep II's tomb, Beni Hassan. J. Morgan, Fouilles Dahchour I (Vienna,
57

BACE 24 (2013)

71

1895) figs. 270, 274; P.E. Newberry, Beni Hasan I (London, 1893) pl. 31; C.
Booth, The Role of Foreigners in Ancient Egypt: A Study of Non-Stereotypical
Artistic Representations, BAR International Series 1426 (Oxford, 2005) 22.
Another case of a possible representation of mixed Egyptian-Asiatic identity is the
limestone statue of an official at Area F/1, Tell el-Dab'a. Fragments of the statue
were recovered from tombs within a palatial compound assigned to strata d/2, d/1
and possibly c. These stratigraphical layers date between the late Twelfth and midThirteenth Dynasty. R. Schiestl, "The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dab'a,
Egypt" in: gypten und Levante 16 (2006) 17385.

58