AN EVALUATION TO THE POLITICAL ASSIMILATION AND POLITICAL

COOPERATION OF BARANGAY GULOD, ZONE 2 IN THE SECOND

DISTRICT OF NOVALICHES QUEZON CITY

A Research Study
Presented To The
Faculty of Department of Political Science
Institute of Arts and Sciences
Far Eastern University

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the

Regional and International Organization POL S10

Jayvee Ballesteros
John Daniel E. Finuliar
Jeselea Lagasca
Felicissimo Tenorio

CHAPTER 1
THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
INTRODUCTION
The study of political culture is important in understanding the political life in any
society. While the study of institutions such as political parties, legislators, interest
groups, and the bureaucracy and how they operate is important, it cannot provide a full
understanding of a societys political processes. The institutional structure of the political
system and their dynamics only form half of the political equation. What is also
necessary in order to gain such a complete understanding is to examine in an
integrated manner a societys cultural foundations which its political system operates.
The study of the latter half of the equation is commonly known as study of political
culture. Ethridge (2004) defined political culture as the political attitudes, beliefs, values
and skills within an entire population, as well as those within separate parts of that
population. It obviously includes knowledge about political institutions and processes,
evaluations of how well those work, and emotional responses to the political system as
a whole.
However, this study does not focus on political culture as it is a broad term. With
that being said, there are two important components of political culture as identified by
Ball (2005): attitudes to the political institutions of the state which is the political
orientation, and the degree to which citizens feel they can influence and participate
which is the political participation. Political culture is being discussed here because it
helps people understand political life. It encompasses the actual values, attitudes, and
beliefs that most people hold in various societies. Political culture may explain how
people feel about politics but since it is a broad term it is better to focus on the levels of
political orientation and political participation. This study focused to find out the levels of
political assimilation and political cooperation of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second
district of Novaliches Quezon City.

The locale of the study, Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of
Novaliches Quezon City was chosen for the reason that it is a lower class suburb in the
southwest portion of the city of Quezon. Despite the fact that it is known for being one of
the poorest and most underdeveloped districts of the country and many of the city's
slums are found in this area. Voter turnout is still high in this area. Based on the records
of the COMELEC (October 2010) the population is 1,046 and 524 residents were able
to vote during the last elections out of the 741 registered voters. With such
manifestation, this study took a deeper look by studying the levels of political
assimilation and political cooperation of the locale.
Also Woshinsky (1995) mentioned that political cooperation will be lower in places
inhabited by poor who observe a whole host of discriminatory social distinctions
especially if based on class. This of course is a general rule; exceptions always exist.
And the researchers found out that this is the case in the locale of the study since voter
turnout is high. Later on in the study, it will be revealed that this is not the case in
Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of Novaliches Quezon City.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Variables Affecting Political Orientation and Participation of Woshinsky (2008)
identified class as one of the variables that affect political assimilation and cooperation.
Other things being equal, the lower you are on the totem pole of life, the less likely it is
that you will become a political activist. Unskilled workers are less likely than are
business executives to read about politics, talk about politics, vote, or run for office.
Middle-class professionals will be more active than people on welfare. Furthermore,
Woshinsky (1991) made a strong stance that the fewer you have of the characteristics
associated with political participation, the less likely it is that you will develop any
connection to the world of politics.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
This part of the chapter presented the paradigm of the study, as shown in Figure
1. This paradigm served as a guide in understanding the content of the study.
Social
Class
Upper Class

Political
Assimilation

Political
Cooperation

High Political
Assimilation

High Political
Cooperation

Average Political Assimilation

Average Political
Cooperation

Low Political
Assimilation

Low Political
Cooperation

Middle Class
Lower Class

Figure 1. Paradigm of the Study

The study evolved around the discussion concerning the political culture of the
community as perceived by selected residents of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second
district of Novaliches Quezon City. The paradigm of the study showed how respondents
social class affect their political assimilation and it turn would affect their political
cooperation. Using social class as a variable was critical in classifying and
understanding the political culture of the community.
It further showed how a person belonging to a high social class, has a high
political assimilation that would be equate to a high political cooperation through local
and national elections. Its the same with a person belonging to middle class; he has an

average political assimilation and political cooperation. For a person belonging to a

lower class he will have low political assimilation and low political cooperation.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

This study aimed to identify the political culture of the residents of Barangay
Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of Novaliches Quezon City using social class as a
variable. Specifically, it attempted to find answers to the following questions:
1. What is the socio-economic profile of the respondents in terms of:
a. Age
b. Gender
c. Educational Attainment
d. Occupation
e. Income
2. What is the level of political assimilation of the respondents?
3. What is the level of political cooperation of the respondents?

OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

This was a study that focused on the political assimilation and political
cooperation of the residents of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of
Novaliches Quezon City.
Also, it covered the relationship of social class specifically the lower class to
political assimilation and political cooperation of the said locale.

This study was limited only to selected respondents who were residents of
Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of Novaliches Quezon City for the year
2010 since it is a lower class suburb in the northwest portion of the city of Manila.
Despite the fact that it is known for being one of the poorest and most underdeveloped
districts of the country and many of the city's slums are found in this area. Voter turnout
is still high in this area.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study was a significant endeavour in assessing the political assimilation and
political cooperation of a community in the Philippines. This study was deemed
beneficial to those who are in the field of politics. So they can formulate efficient ways to
reach the people, possibly making the governed more aware and participate in their
local and national government affairs.
This study was also deemed beneficial to students especially in the field of
Political Science because it identified levels of political assimilation and political
cooperation of the Filipino people in a community. Politicians were considered to benefit
from this study for they would be able to know what the levels of political assimilation
and political cooperation of the community are. This study was also considered
beneficial to the voting public and the readers as this identified their political assimilation
and political cooperation are. The readers can relate to this study because they are part
of a political society.

CHAPTER 2
RELATED LITERATURES
This chapter presented the literature and studies that were reviewed by the researchers
which had significant bearing with the conducted study.
FOREIGN LITERATURE
Anderson (2005) had identified the group that most likely to vote was older, better
educated, and financially better off than the average citizen. In sociological terms, age,
income, and education are the strongest predictors of whether someone will vote. The
higher a persons social class, the higher the likelihood that she or she will be a voter.
As a result, the upper social classes are far more likely to vote and have their voices
heard in the political process. In addition, Ball (2005) mentioned that the socioeconomic structure is another factor influence political culture. A predominantly urban,
industrialized society is a more complex society, putting a premium on rapid
communications. Educational standards are higher, interest groups proliferate, and
public in the decision-making process is of necessity, wider. Rural societies are not
geared to change and innovation, and states with a predominantly peasant population
tend to be more conservative. There is not always a direct link between the level of
socio-economic development and participatory liberal democracies but none the less
but none the less there are repercussions on certain political attitudes and values.
Political socialization is not a process confines to the impressionable years of
childhood, but one that often continues throughout adult life. It happens through formal
attempts to inculcate political values, as well as more informally as people participate in
families, schools, clubs and the workplace. Before examining the agencies of the

socialization process some words of qualification are needed. First, there are as yet
various conclusions about socialization and most of these are disputed (Euben 1997
Fahren 1966). It easier too examine the agencies of socialization. The principal
determinants of the development and establishment of various attitudes and values
about the political system may be listed as: (1) the family; (2) the schools and other
institutions of education; (3) voluntary groups, work and informal relationships (4) the
mass media; and (5) government and part agencies. We have noted the necessity of
remembering the overlap between them; they cannot be examined in complete
isolation. Moreover, all these factors are affected, in varying degrees, by other factors,
such as social geographical mobility. For example, people moving upwards on the
social class ladder tend to acquire new values and attitudes, whereas those whose
social class is lower than their parents are more likely to retain former political attitudes
Geographical mobility has several consequence, such as the reluctance to discuss
political questions nor participate in political activities after moving into a new district.
Tansey (2004) answered the question as to why people identify themselves in different
ways by saying it is the point to the political experiences that have moulded them - to
the processes of political socialization. In short, they have learnt who they are. The term
socialization does seem preferable to the perhaps more familiar term 'education'
because it stresses the broader and more informal influences at work.
FOREIGN STUDIES
American states each have individual political cultures which are important to our
understanding of their political environments, behavior, and responses to particular
issues. While voters probably do not consciously think about political culture and
conform to that culture on Election Day, they seem to form cohesive clusters in different
areas of the state, creating similar group political ideologies. Because of these
similarities Elazar (1994) concluded that it was possible to measure the dominant
political culture within states or areas of a state, gaining insight into the mind-set of state
residents. Whatever the state culture, whether liberal or conservative, participatory or
exclusive, political culture identifies dominant, state-wide trends.

Meanwhile, a general proposition relating stimuli and political participation

appears repeatedly in the search findings, which states that the more stimuli about
politics a person receives, the greater the likelihood he will participate in politics, and the
greater the depth of his participation. This was the study of Allardt & Pesonan in 1960;
Almond & Verba in 1963; Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee in 1954; Campbell, in 1962;
Campbell, Gurin & Miller, in 1954; Katz, in 1957; Kyogoku & Ike, in 1959; Lazarsfeld,
Berelson & Gaudet, Campbell, in 1960; Lipset, in 1960; Marvick & Nixon, in 1961;
Pesonen, in 1961; Rokkan & Campbell, in 1960 (as cited in Milbrath, 1965).
LOCAL LITERATURE
Marcelo et al, (2008) identified several factors that could affect the political
culture of the people. Tempo centrism as the number one factor explained the
differences between the perspectives of a group that belong to different generations.
But before one can fully understand the people and the systems, structures and
processes, one has to examine the political culture. Yu-Jose (1999) further argued that
political culture referred to a people's attitudes and orientations to politics. The set of
shared attitudes, belief, and values with an entire population as well as within the
separate parts of the population is that what constitutes political culture.
LOCAL STUDIES
Institute of Philippine Culture Ateneo de Manila University (2005) conducted a
research using focused group discussions (FGD) as a tool to get to the raw sentiments
and perceptions of the subjects on politics in the Philippines. What is fascinating about
the participants attitude toward elections is that, despite its known flaws, the whole
process is regarded as legitimate. Most of them signified their intention to vote on
election day, 10 May 2004. They consider casting ones ballot as an obligation, and also
as a right, even if by Philippine law it is, strictly speaking, not mandatory. This sense of
duty is pervasive in their responses.
To vote in an election is seen as an affirmation of patriotism and is associated with
a notion of citizenship in a civilized human polity. Some participants believe that each

vote can make a difference, hence, voting should be taken seriously. It would be
interesting to find out to what extent this sense of duty, patriotism, and civic participation
is present among the highly educated middle and upper classes when they cast their
ballots.
RELEVANCE TO THE STUDY
The foreign and local literature and studies written and conducted by some
persons of authority in the field of political science had a very significant bearing in this
study because it really supported the researchers investigation with regards to the
relationship between the socio-economic status specifically social class, political
orientation and political participation of the people. These were all important since every
literature and studies were the basis or the core foundation of the topics at hand. The
reading materials that the researchers used in the study contributed to the final
assessment of the topic at hand.

CHAPTER 3
REASEARCH METHODOLOGY
This chapter presented the methodology, particularly the design and the techniques
which the researchers utilized in the study. It included the population, the sampling
technique, the instruments that were used to validate the data and the application of
statistical treatment of data.
RESEARCH DESIGN
The descriptive method of research was used in this study. This method
was used since it can obtain facts about existing conditions or detach significant
relationships between current phenomena. It also described and interpreted prevailing
conditions or relationships that existed or did not exist, practices that prevailed or did
not, belief or points of view or attitude that were held, process that were going on or
otherwise, effects that were being felt or trends that were developing. This also involved
the collection of data that were pertinent to the subject matter. Since this study aimed to
find out the political culture of the residents of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second
district of Novaliches Quezon City, descriptive method was most suited to identify such
phenomena.
POPULATION AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUE
The subjects involve in this study included the residents of of Barangay Gulod,
Zone 2 in the second district of Novaliches Quezon City. The relationship among their
social class and political orientation and political participation was established since the
researchers employed non-probability convenience sampling. The respondents were
chosen primarily according to this criterion; if they were legitimate residents of the locale
of the study. Formulating this criterion allowed the researchers to determine the
relationship of the variables that were taken into account.

The researchers had determined the number of registered voters of Barangay

Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of Novaliches Quezon City having a number of
seven hundred forty-one (741). Taking in to consideration the rule of thumb that ten
(10%) percent is a valid sample for a study, the researchers choose seventy-five (75)
respondents which is more than ten (10%) percent. In the formal phase, the instruments
that were used in this study were written in accordance to the countrys native tongueFilipino. Before the survey questionnaires were given, the researchers asked if they
were legitimate residents of the said location.
RESEARCH INSTRUMENT
In order to gather the needed data, questionnaires were used in the study. The
instrument included three parts. Part I was the generated demographic profile of the
respondents. This included their name (optional), sex, age, educational attainment,
occupation and income. Part II identified the political participation of the respondents. In
part III and IV it identified the political orientation of the respondents, in which questions
were answerable by True or False (Tama o Mali) and multiple choice based on their
knowledge.
DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE
The surveys were conducted on September to October 2011 prior to the survey
proper, the researchers went to the Barangay Captain to secure a letter permitting them
to distribute and conduct a survey within the vicinity.
The researchers gave the respondents sufficient time to familiarize themselves
with the content of the questionnaires.

STATISICAL TREATMENT OF DATA

To answer the first research objective, the socio-economic profile of the
respondents was computed by determining the percentage of each profile. The levels
political participation and political orientation of the respondents were then taken into
account.
This study used the Statistics Version 7 to compute all results in this research.
Finally, below are the formula that was used in this study.
Percentile (or percentage):
%

f
x100
n

Where: %= is the obtained percentage rate

f= is the frequency
n= is the total number of respondents

The high, average or low levels were determined using the rule of thumb a
simple majority, which is fifty percent (50%) plus one.

CHAPTER 4
PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA
This chapter answered the query that was presented in the statement of the
problem of the study in Chapter 1. The details presented here were sequentially and
logically arranged in order to have a well-structured presentation, interpretation and
analysis of data that were gathered by the researchers.
Overview Description of the Respondents
This study took into consideration the profile of the respondents to set the
foundation that was used for the comparison or correlation. The data gathered provided
the gender, age, educational attainment, occupation, and income of the respondents.
Demographics:
Table 1
Distribution of the Respondents by Age
Age
18-22
23-27
28-32
33-37
38 and above
Total

F
39
15
7
4
10
75

%
52
20
9
5
13
100

Rank
1
2
4
5
3

Table 1 reflected that the majority of the respondents were in their adulthood
stage of 18 to 22 years old (f=39, %=52). This was seconded by those whose age falls
between 23 and 27 years old (f=15, %=20). Third in the rank was those whose age falls
between 38 years old and above (f=10, %=13). Fourth was those whose age falls
between 28 and 32 years old (f=7, %=9). Finally, least falls on the age bracket of 33 to
37 years old. (f=4, %=5).

This data meant that majority of the respondents belonged to the age bracket of
18-23 having a number of 43 respondents. This only pertained that the respondents
were already in their proper age since they were in their period of psychological maturity
they were able to give their respective degree of political orientation and political
participation toward their community.
Table 2
Distribution of the Respondents by Gender
Gender
Male
Female
Total

F
32
43
75

%
43
57
100

Rank
2
1

Table 2 reflected that there were more female (n=43, %=57) than male (n=32,
%=43) who participated in this study, thus, majority of the respondents who are female
tend to participate in assessing the political culture of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the
second district of Novaliches Quezon City. This data were reflective of the fact that
females were more active than males in matters involving their community.
Table 3
Distribution of the Respondents by Educational Attainment
Education
College graduate
College undergraduate
High school graduate
Elementary
Total

F
19
27
26
3
75

%
25
36
35
4
100

Rank
3
1
2
4

The table above revealed that majority of the respondents were college
undergraduate (f=27, %=36) whereas 26 (%=35) were high school graduates. There
were 19 (%=25) respondents who were college graduates. Few had elementary
education (f=3, %=4).
This data meant that majority of the respondents were college undergraduates
(f=27, %=36). This only pertained to their social class and on how they could not afford
a higher education and to the fact that they did not see the importance of having such.

Table 4.
Distribution of the Respondents by Occupation
Number of children
Self-employed
Employed in Government
Employed in Private
Unemployed
Others
Total

F
22
8
8
30
7
75

%
29
11
11
40
9
100

Rank
2
3
3
1
4

Table 4 showed the percentage and frequency of the respondents occupation.

Majority of the respondents were unemployed (f=30, %=40). This was seconded by
those who were self-employed (f=22, %=29). Third in the rank were those who were
working in government offices and private sectors (f=8, %=11).

Finally, few were

working in other types of job (f=7, %=9). This data meant that majority of the
respondents were unemployed (f=30, %=40). This can be attributed to their social class
since they could not afford a higher education they could not get any decent job so they
just preferred to stay at home.
Table 5.
Distribution of the Respondents by Monthly Income Per Household
Monthly Income (Php)
15,001 and above
10,001-15,000
5,001-10,000
5,000 and below
Total

F
9
13
36
17
75

%
12
17
48
23
100

Rank
4
3
1
2

Table 5 reflected the income bracket of the respondents.

The respondents

mostly earned between five thousand and one pesos to ten thousand pesos (Php
5,001-10,000) (f=36, %=48). This was followed by those respondents who earned five
thousand pesos (Php5,001) and below (f=17, %=23). Next was those who earned ten
thousand and one pesos to fifteen thousand pesos (Php10,001-15,000) (f=13, %=17).
Least among the group were those earning fifteen thousand and one pesos
(Php15,001) and above (f=9, %=12). This data meant that the respondents belonged to
the lower class in the society since their monthly income is five thousand and one pesos

to ten thousand pesos (Php5,001-10,000). This is due to the fact that many of them did
not get to finish their education and so because of that many of them were unemployed.
The researchers took into consideration the minimum wage four hundred four pesos
(Php404).
Table 6
The Level of Political Orientation of the Respondents
(%)
58

(%)
42

% Total
100

Table 6 reflected the level of political orientation of the respondents. There were
fifty eight percent (58%) of the respondents who were able to answer correctly the
questions on government system and current events in the political arena while there
were forty two percent (42%) who failed to do so.
The data meant that the respondents were well oriented on Philippine
government system and current events in the political arena.

Table 7
Respondents Responses to the Questions Referring to the Government System
Questions on Government System

Ang presidente ng Pilipinas ay nanunungkulan ng anim na taon.

73

97

Ang presidente ng Pilipinas ay maaring matanggal sa paraan ng

people power.

69

92

Ang mga senador ng Pilipinas ay hindi maaring ma-impeach.

22

53

29

Ang 1987 Constitution ng Pilipinas ay pang limang constitution.

58

17

77

Ang supreme court ay binubuo ng isang Chief Justice at labing

limang (15) associate justices.

31

44

41

Ang House of Representatives ang namamahala sa lahat ng

impeachment cases.

55

20

73

Limang taon nanunungkulan ang barangay councilor ng Pilipinas.

36

39

48

Ang mga nakakulong ay nakakaboto tuwing eleksyon.

54

21

72

Tuwing tatlong taon nagaganap ang eleksyon para sa barangay

officials..

54

21

72

Para sa SK o Sangguniang Kabataan, ang maari lang bumoto

sakanila ay ang mga may edad na 15-21 years old.

42

23

56

Ang mga sumusunod ay mga kinakailangan para maging isang

botante, maliban sa isa:

68

91

Ang mga sumusunod ay mga qualifications sa presidente ng Pilipinas, 56

19

75

a. 18 years old
b. nanirahan sa pilipinas ng hindi baba ng isang taon
c. tumira sa lugar na nais pagbotohan ng hindi baba sa anim na
buwan
d. may bahay at lupa

maliban sa isa:
a. Rehistradong botante
b. at least 50 years of age sa araw ng eleksyon
c. marunong magbasa, at magsulat
d. residente ng Pilipinas ng hindi baba ng sampung taon
Ang house of representatives ay binubuo ng:

60

15

80

a. 150 members
b. 200 members
c. 250 members
d. 300 members

Table 7 revealed the detailed frequency and percentage of the respondents

responses to questions about the Philippine government system. It was shown in the
table the number of respondents who answered correctly and incorrectly for each
questions. For the first question about the term of office of the president, 73
respondents were able to get the correct answer while 2 of them got the wrong one. The
second question which referred to people power as a way of removing the president
from office, 69 respondents were able to get it right while there were 6 respondents who
did not. The third question which was about the senators on being impeached, 22
respondents were able to answer it correctly while 53 respondents got it wrong. The
fourth question which was about the 1987 Constitution, there were 58 respondents who
answered that it was not the fifth constitution and 17 respondents failed to answer
correctly. The fifth question which was about the composition of the justices in the
Supreme Court, 31 respondents were able to identify that the statement was false and
44 respondents answered incorrectly. The sixth question which was about the House of
Representatives being in charged with all the impeachment cases, 55 of the
respondents answered correctly while 20 respondents failed to answer correctly. The
seventh question which was about the term of office of a barangay councillor, 36
respondents answered correctly while 39 of them did not get the correct one. The eight

question which was about prisoners being able to vote during elections, 54 respondents
were able to get it right while there were 21 respondents who did not. The ninth
question which was about barangay elections, 54 respondents answered correctly while
there were 21 who did not. The tenth question which was about the age of voters for
Sangguniang Kabataan or SK, 42 respondents were able to see that the statement was
incorrect while 23 respondents failed to identify that it was wrong. The eleventh question
asked which was not a qualification of a voter, 68 respondents were able to identify that
the correct answer is letter d. while there were 7 respondents who were not able to do
so. The twelfth question asked which was not a qualification for someone to run as the
president of the Philippines, 56 respondents were able to answer the correct one which
is letter b. while there were 19 respondents who did not. The last question which was
about the composition of the House of Representatives, 60 respondents answered the
correct one which is letter a. while there were 15 respondents who did not.
It can be deemed in the table above that majority of the respondents were
knowledgeable with the government system of the Philippines.

Table 8
Respondents Responses to the Questions Referring to the Current Events
Questions Current Events

Si Former Pres. Joseph Ejercito Estrada ay natanggal sa tungkulin

sa pamamagitan ng Impeachment Trial

59

16

79

Ang unang People Power Revolution ay naganap noong March

22 1988.

52

23

69

Pangalawang beses naupo bilang Speaker of the House si Jose

C. De Venecia, Jr.

39

36

52

Ang kasalukuyang chief justice ng Pilipinas ay si:

65

10

87

53

22

71

63

12

84

55

20

73

a. Renato Corona
b. Reynato Puno
c. Hilario Davide, Jr.
d. Artemio Panganiban
Ang incumbent speaker of the house ay si:
a. Feliciano R. Belmonte, Jr.
b. Prospero Nograles
c. Arnulfo T. Fuentabella
d. Jose C. de Venecia, Jr.
Ang incumbent senate president ng Pilipinas ay si:
a. Manny Villar
b. Juan Ponce Enrile
c. Franklin Drilon
d. Aquilino Pimentel
Tinatalakay sa RH Bill ang mga sumusunod maliban sa isa:
a . Mabisang family planning
B

b. Sex Education

c. Abortion
d. Mabisang health care services

Table 8 revealed the detailed frequency and percentage of the respondents

responses to questions about the current events in the political arena of the Philippines.
It was shown in the table the number of respondents who answered correctly and
incorrectly for each questions. For the first question about the Former Pres. Joseph
Ejercito Estrada being removed from office because of the Impeachment Trial, 59
respondents were able to get the correct answer while 16 of them got the wrong one.
The second question which referred to the date of people power, 52 respondents were
able to get it right while there were 23 respondents who did not. The third question
which was about Jose C. De Venecia, Jr. being the speaker of the house for the second
time, 36 respondents were able to answer it correctly while 36 respondents got it wrong.
The fourth question which was about the current Chief Justice of the Philippines, there
were 65 respondents who answered correctly which is letter a. Renato Corona and 10
respondents failed to answer correctly. The fifth question which was about the
incumbent speaker of the house, 53 respondents were able to answer correctly which is
letter a. Feliciano R. Belmonte, Jr. and 22 respondents answered incorrectly. The sixth
question which was about the incumbent senate president of the Philippines, 63 of the
respondents answered correctly which is letter b. Juan Ponce Enrile while 12
respondents failed to answer correctly. The seventh question asked which was not the
scope of the Reproductive Health Bill, 55 respondents answered correctly which is letter
c. Abortion while 20 of them did not get the correct one.
It can be deemed in the table that majority of the respondents were
knowledgeable with the current event in the political arena of the Philippines.

Table 9
The Level of Political Participation of the Respondents
Did not vote (%)
32

Voted in Barangay
Elections (%)
39

Voted in National
Elections (%)
29

% Total
100

Table 9 showed the level of political participation of the respondents. Thirty two
percent (32%) of the respondents did not vote, thirty-nine percent (39%) of the
respondents voted in the barangay elections while there were twenty-nine percent
(29%) of the respondents who voted in the national elections.
It can be deemed from the table above most of the respondents prefer to vote
during the barangay elections. As one of the results of the study conducted by the
ADMU-IPC (2005) participants reckon local elections as producing reliable results, but
express doubt on the credibility of election returns at the national level, where the
electoral posts are highly contested and massive cheating is prevalent. Thus, they
prefer voting more on local elections than at the national level.
Table 10
Level of Political Participation of the Respondents if Grouped by Age

18-22
23-27
28-32
33-37
38 and above

Did not vote

(%)
31
22
38
55
40

Voted in Barangay
Elections (%)
39
44
35
10
30

Voted in National
Elections (%)
30
34
40
35
30

% Total
100
100
100
100
100

Table 10 showed the level of political participation of the respondents if grouped

by gender. For the those whose age falls between eighteen to twenty-two years old (1822), thirty-one percent did not vote (31%), thirty-nine percent (39%) of them voted in the
barangay elections while there were thirty percent (30%) of the respondents who voted
in the national elections. For those whose age falls between twenty-three and twentyseven years old (23-27) there were twenty-two percent who did not vote (22%), forty-

four percent (44%) of them voted in the barangay elections while there were thirty-four
percent (34%) of the respondents who voted in the national elections. For those whose
falls between twenty eight and thirty-two years old (28-32), there were thirty-eight
percent who did not vote (38%), thirty-five percent (35%) of them voted in the barangay
elections while there were forty percent (40%) of the respondents who voted in the
national elections. For those whose age falls between thirty-three to thirty-seven years
old (33-37) there were fifty-five percent who did not vote (55%), ten percent (10%) of
them voted in the barangay elections while there were thirty-five percent (35%) of the
respondents who voted in the national elections . For those whose age falls on thirtyeight (38) and above with sixty-one percentage (61%) there were forty percent who did
not vote (40%), thirty percent (30%) of them voted in the barangay elections while there
were thirty percent (30%) of the respondents who voted in the national elections .

Table 11
Level of Political Participation of the Respondents if Grouped by Gender
Did not vote
(%)
Male
Female

19
50

Voted in
Barangay
Elections (%)
36
30

Voted in
National
Elections (%)
45
20

% Total
100
100

Table 11 showed the level of political cooperation of the respondents if grouped

by gender. For the male respondents there were nineteen percent who did not vote
(19%), thirty-six percent (36%) of them voted in the barangay elections while there were
forty-five percent (45%) of the respondents who voted in the national elections. As for
the female respondents there were fifty percent who did not vote (50%), thirty percent
(30%) of them voted in the barangay elections while there were twenty percent (20%) of
the respondents who voted in the national elections.
It is evident from the table above what ADMU-IPC (2005) had found out in their
study that male participants accord greater importance to national elections than local
and barangay elections, since their results affect the whole country. In contrast, female
participants consider barangay elections as the most crucial because of their direct and
easily felt impact.
Table 12
Level of Political Participation of the Respondents if Grouped by Educational Attainment

Elementary
High School
College
Undergraduate
College Graduate

Did not vote

(%)
40
42
28

Voted in Barangay
Elections (%)
45
37
40

Voted in National
Elections (%)
15
21
32

% Total

16

43

41

100

100
100
100

Table 12 showed the level of political participation of the respondents if grouped

by educational attainment. For those who attained elementary education, there were
forty percent who did not vote (40%), forty-five percent (45%) of them voted in the

barangay elections while there were fifteen percent (15%) of the respondents who voted
in the national elections. As for those who attained High School education, there were
forty-two percent who did not vote (42%), thirty-seven percent (37%) of them voted in
the barangay elections while there were twenty-one percent (21%) of the respondents
who voted in the national elections. For those who were college undergraduates there
were twenty-eight percent who did not vote (28%), forty percent (40%) of them voted in
the barangay elections while there were thirty-two percent (32%) of the respondents
who voted in the national elections. As for those who were college graduates, there
were sixteen percent who did not vote (16%), forty-three percent (43%) of them voted in
the barangay elections while there were forty-one percent (41%) of the respondents
who voted in the national elections.
Just like with political orientation, the table above clearly manifested what
Woshinsky (1995) stated that no matter what the setting, the major years of formal
schooling people have, the more likely it is that they will understand politics and be
involved in its activities, especially voting.
Table 13
Level of Political Cooperation of the Respondents if Grouped by Occupation

Self-employed
Employed in
Government
Employed in
Private
Unemployed
Others

Did not vote

(%)
29
10

Voted in Barangay
Elections (%)
41
46

Voted in National
Elections (%)
30
44

% Total

10

46

44

100

32
8

39
47

29
45

100
100

100
100

Table 13 showed the level of political participation of the respondents if grouped

by occupation. For those who were self-employed, there were twenty-nince percent who
did not vote (29%), forty-one percent (41%) of them voted in the barangay elections
while there were thirty percent (30%) of the respondents who voted in the national
elections. As for those who were employed in government, there were ten percent who

did not vote (10%), forty-seven percent (47%) of them voted in the barangay elections
while there were forty-four percent (44%) of the respondents who voted in the national
elections. For those who were employed in the private sector, there were ten percent
who did not vote (10%), forty-seven percent (47%) of them voted in the barangay
elections while there were forty-four percent (44%) of the respondents who voted in the
national elections. As for those who were unemployed, there were thirty-two percent
who did not vote (32%), three-nine percent (39%) of them voted in the barangay
elections while there were twenty-nine percent (29%) of the respondents who voted in
the national elections. And for those who were employed under the others category,
there were eight percent who did not vote (8%), forty-seven percent (47%) of them
voted in the barangay elections while there were forty-five percent (45%) of the
respondents who voted in the national elections.
The table above clearly showed what Woshinsky (1995) meant when he wrote
that unskilled workers are less likely than are business executives to read about politics,
talk about politics, vote, or run for office. Professionals will be more active than people
on welfare.
Table 14
Level of Political Cooperation of the Respondents if Grouped by Income
Did not vote
(%)
15,001 and above 45
10,001-15,000
15
5,001-10,00
30
5,000 and below
73

Voted in Barangay
Elections (%)
35
46
39
18

Voted in National
Elections (%)
20
39
31
9

% Total
100
100
100
100

Table 14 showed the level of political participation of the respondents if grouped

by income. For those who earned fifteen thousand and one pesos (Php15,001) and
above there were forty-five percent who did not vote (45%), thirty-five percent (35%) of
them voted in the barangay elections while there were twenty percent (20%) of the
respondents who voted in the national elections. As for those who earned ten thousand
and one pesos to fifteen thousand pesos (Php10,001-15,000), there were fifteen

percent who did not vote (15%), forty-six percent (46%) of them voted in the barangay
elections while there were thirty-nine percent (39%) of the respondents who voted in the
national elections. For those who earned between five thousand and one pesos to ten
thousand pesos (Php5,001-10,000), there were thirty percent who did not vote (30%),
thirty-nine percent (39%) of them voted in the barangay elections while there were
thirty-one percent (31%) of the respondents who voted in the national elections. As for
those who earned five thousand pesos (Php5,001) and below , there were seventythree percent who did not vote (73%), eighteen percent (18%) of them voted in the
barangay elections while there were nine percent (9%) of the respondents who voted in
the national elections.
Ethridge (2004) concluded that those who are earning more are more likely than
the poor to be literate and to read newspaper and books. These activities and
associations help them develop a strong interest in politics. They vote more because
they are more involved and more informed, and because they are more likely than the
poor to have developed a sense of political efficacy.

CHAPTER 5
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter presented the summary, conclusions and recommendations derived
from the data discussed in the preceding chapters.
This study was conducted for the purpose of identifying the level of political
assimilation and political cooperation of the community Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the
second district of Novaliches Quezon City. The descriptive method of research was
utilized in order to gather the needed data. While the questionnaire served as the
instrument for collecting the data. The inquiry was conducted during the school year
2011.
The following were the findings of the study according to the sequence of the
presentation of the specific questions in chapter 1.
1. What is the socio-economic profile of the respondents in terms of:
a. Age
b. Gender
c. Educational Attainment
d. Occupation
e. Income
According to the data gathered by the researchers, majority of the respondents
falls between the ages 18 to 22 years old (f=39, %=52). This was seconded by those
whose age falls between 23 and 27 years old (f=15, %=20). Third in the rank was those
whose age falls between 38 years old and above (f=10, %=13). Fourth is those whose
age falls between 28 and 32 years old (f=7, %=9). Finally, least falls on the age bracket
of 33 to 37 years old. (f=4, %=5). As for the gender, there were more female (n=43,
%=57) than male (n=32, %=43) respondents who participated in this study. As for the

educational attainment of the respondents, majority of the respondents were college

undergraduate (f=27, %=36) whereas 26 (%=35) were high school graduates. There
were 19 (%=25) respondents who were college graduates. Few had elementary
education (f=3, %=4). For the respondents occupation, Majority of the respondents were
unemployed (f=30, %=40). This was seconded by those who were self-employed (f=22,
%=29). Third in the rank were those who were working in government offices and
private sectors (f=8, %=11). Finally, few were working in other types of job (f=7, %=9).
Lastly, as for the respondents income, they mostly earned between five thousand and
one pesos to ten thousand pesos (Php5, 001-10,000) (f=36, %=48). This was followed
by those respondents who earned five thousand pesos (Php5, 001) and below (f=17,
%=23). Next was those who earned ten thousand and one pesos to fifteen thousand
pesos (Php10, 001-15,000) (f=13, %=17). Least among the group were those earning
fifteen thousand and one pesos (Php15, 001) and above (f=9, %=12).
2. What is the level of political assimilation of the respondents?
The researchers found out that the level of political assimilation of the
respondents using percentage. There were fifty eight percent (58%) of the respondents
who were able to answer correctly the questions on government system and current
events in the political arena while there were forty two percent (42%) who failed to do
so.
3. What is the level of political cooperation of the respondents?
The researchers also found out that the level of political cooperation of the
respondents using percentage. Thirty two percent (32%) of the respondents did not
vote, thirty-nine percent (39%) of the respondents voted in the barangay elections while
there were twenty-nine percent (29%) of the respondents who voted in the national
elections.

CONCLUSIONS
Based on the foregoing findings, the following conclusions were drawn:
1. The respondents of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of Novaliches
Quezon City were well assimilated with the government system and current
events in the political arena of the Philippines.
2. Most of the respondents only voted during barangay elections and their political
cooperation was inconsistent since not all of them voted during the national
elections.
3. The political assimilation of the respondents does not dictate their political
cooperation. Even if they were well oriented with the government system and
current events they still failed in having a consistent pattern of voting.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The researchers had formulated the following suggestions in order to have a
better understanding of political culture.
1. Study of political assimilation and political cooperation must be made in a larger
scale to understand more fully how the citizens perceived their government and
the countrys politics.
2. This should be read by the residents of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second
district of Novaliches Quezon City to understand what their political assimilation
and political cooperation were.
3. It is recommended that a study with regards on the factors on why the
assimilation in a community is high but the political cooperation is low. Also,
another study must be made focusing on the relationship of the political
cooperation in the local and national elections.
4. It is further recommended that a follow-up study of this research be conducted on

a greater research population with greater variation in order to validate the result
of this study. The result can be compared to the information generated by this
study.

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webster.com/

November

15

2010.

From

http://www.merriam-

EXAMPLE OF SURVEY/INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

The following is an example form of the researchers survey on the selected
respondents:
Ipinapaalam po na ang mga resultang nakapaloob rito ay pagtutuunan ng
kaukulang pag-iingat. Maraming salamat po sa inyong kooperasyon.
Punan ang mga sumusunod na detalye. Para sa mga may bilog, maari lamang pong
lagyan ng tsek () ang napiling kasagutan.
Pangalan (Opsyonal):

Kasarian:Bababe( )Lalaki( ) Edad:

Pinakamataas na antas ng edukasiyong naabot: ( )Elementarya ( )Highschool

Undergraduate ( )College ( )Masters Degree ( )Doctorate Degree

( )College

Trabaho: ( )Self Employed ( )Sa Gobyerno ( )Sa Pribado Sektor ( )Walang trabaho
( )Others. Pls. Specify
Kita: ( ) 10,000-pababa ( ) 11,000-15,000 ( ) 16,000-20,000 ( ) 21,000-pataas
Isa ka bang rehistradong botante? ( ) Oo ( ) Hindi
Bumoto ka ba sa mga sumusunod na national elections? Lagyan ng tsek () ang mga angkop
na kasagutan.
___2004 elections
___2010 elections (Mayo)
Bumoto ka ba sa mga sumusunod na lokal (Barangay) na elections? Lagyan ng check ang mga
angkop na kasagutan.
___2007 elections
___ 2010 elections (Oktubre)
Sagutan ang sumusunod ng Tama o Mali ayon sa inyong kaalaman.
________1. Ang presidente ng Pilipinas ay nanunungkulan ng anim na taon.
________2. Ang presidente ng Pilipinas ay maaring matanggal sa paraan ng people power.
________3. Ang mga senador ng Pilipinas ay hindi maaring ma-impeach.
________4. Ang 1987 Constitution ng Pilipinas ay pang limang constitution.
________5. Ang supreme court ay binubuo ng isang Chief Justice at labing limang (15)
associate justices.
________6. Ang house of representatives ang namamahala sa lahat ng impeachment cases.

________7. Si Former Pres. Joseph Ejercito Estrada ay natanggal sa tungkulin sa

pamamagitan ng Impeachment Trial
________8. Ang unang People Power Revolution ay naganap noong March 22 1988.
________9. Limang taon nanunungkulan ang barangay councilor ng Pilipinas.
________10. Ang mga nakakulong ay nakakaboto tuwing eleksyon.
________11. Tuwing tatlong taon nagaganap ang eleksyon para sa barangay officials.
________12. Para sa SK o Sangguniang Kabataan, ang maari lang bumoto sakanila ay ang
mga may edad na 15-21 years old.
________13. Pangalawang beses naupo bilang Speaker of the House si Jose C. De Venecia,
Jr.
Bilugan ang tamang sagot ayon sa inyong kaalaman.
14. Ang kasalukuyang chief justice ng Pilipinas ay si
a. Renato Corona

b. Reynato Puno

c. Hilario Davide, Jr .

d. Artemio Panganiban

15. Ang incumbent speaker of the house ay si

a. Feliciano R. Belmonte, Jr. b. Prospero Nograles
c. Arnulfo T. Fuentabella

d. Jose C. de Venecia, Jr.

16. Ang incumbent senate president ng Pilipinas ay si

a. Manny Villar

b. Juan Ponce Enrile

c. Franklin Drilon

d. Aquilino Pimentel

17. Ang mga sumusunod ay mga kinakailangan para maging isang botante, maliban sa isa
a. 18 years old

b. nanirahan sa pilipinas ng hindi baba ng isang taon

c. tumira sa lugar na nais pagbotohan ng hindi baba sa anim na buwan

d. may bahay at lupa

18. Ang mga sumusunod ay mga qualifications para sa presidente ng Pilipinas, maliban sa isa
a. Rehistradong botante

b. at least 50 years of age sa araw ng eleksyon

c. marunong magbasa, at magsulat

d. residente ng Pilipinas ng hindi baba ng sampung taon

19. Ang house of representatives ay binubuo ng

a. 150 members

b. 200 members

c. 250 members

20. Tinatalakay sa RH Bill ang mga sumusunod maliban sa isa

a. Mabisang family planning

b. Sex Education

c. Abortion d. Mabisang health care services

d. 300 members

Letter to the Barangay

Institute of Arts and Sciences

Department Political Science
Nicanor Reyes Street
Morayta, Manila
Barangay Chairman
Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 Second District
Novaliches Quezon City
Sir/Madam,
Greetings of Peace and Prosperity!
The 3rd year students of Far Eastern University major in Political Science are conducting a study
entitled An evalutaion to the Political Cooperation of Barangay Gulod, Zone 2 in the second district of
Novaliches Quezon City as a major requirement for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts major in Political
Science.
In this regard, we would like to ask your good office to allow us to conduct a survey on your
barangay. Be rest assured that all information and data gathered will be kept confidential.
Your permission is highly appreciated.
Thank you and God bless.
Sincerely,
Jayvee Ballesteros
John Daniel E. Finuliar
Jeselea Lagasca
Felicissimo Tenorio
Noted by:
Prof. Francis Louie Mendoza
Adviser