x Be OL Ni
THE
MODERN REVIEW
(A Monthly Review and Miscellany)
EDITED BY
VOL. LVII. NUMBERS 1 TO 6
JANUARY TO JUNE
1935
THE MODERN REVIEW OFFICE
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Annual Subscription in India> Rs. 8-8; Foreign Rs. 11-0.POEMS es
By RABINDRANATH TAGORE
My heart sigs at the wonder of my place
a . in this world of light and life ;
at the feel in my pulse of the rhythm of creation
cadenced by the swing of the endless time.
T feel the tenderness of the grass in my forest walk, .
the wayside flowers startle me :
that the gifts of the infinite are strewn in the dust
wakens my song in wonder. ’
T have seen, have heard, have lived ;
id’ the depth of the known have felt
the truth that exceeds all knowledge
which fills my heart with wonder and I sing.
You have drunk the draught of songs
that I poured for you, 5
and accepted the garland of my woven dreams,
My heart straying at the wilderness
was ever touched by the pain that was your own touch.
When my days are done, my leave-taking hushed La
, in a final silence
My voice will linger in the autumn light
and rain-laden clouds f
with the message that we had met. iG
Have you come at last to my door
to seck me out with that call of yours
which fills the naked branches with tumult of flowers .
+ and invokes secret life ott of the veil of dust, “
é . * which finds a sudden answer inf the dark
pty Arte ne fromthe young dawn carrying a wreath of light
é ~ Toundher dusky hair ® ari THE SEPARATION OF SINDH
By NAGENDRANATH GUPTA * af
VER since the annexation of Sindh by main facts that have to be borne prominently
the British it has formed part of the in mind are first that India has had no’ share
Bombay Presidency. The Commis-
sioner in Sindh, the chief administra-
tive officer of the Province, has been vested
with larger powers than the other Commis-
sioners of the Presidency and is entitled to
a salute. In certain matters he exercises the
powers of a local Goverfment ; in others he
is subordinate to the Bombay Government,
Several decades*ago there used to be fugitive
agitations and paper controversies for the
» transference of Sindh to the Panjab, but these
were vigorously and even bitterly opposed by
the people and public of Sindh and were at
no time seriously entertained by the Goyern-
sment of India. Now for the first time since
the acquisition of Sindh by the present
Government it is seriously proposed to make
Sindh a separate administrative unit under
a Governor in Council, with a Legislative
Council, an independent cadre of the’ publie
service, a separate University and all the
other requisites of a new province.
This proposal is an outcome of the new
scheme of Federation which is to mark the
next vonstitutional advance of India. With
* the complicated details of this scheme we are
not concerned at present. For the last two
decades ¢he prevailing idea has been to give
India a constitution of its own within the
Empire. Royal Commissions on which Tndia
has hid no representation have been appointed
after each decennial term to decide the next
step that should be taken and the ultimate
decision has taken the shape of an Act of
Parliament. On the last occasion the Royal
Commission over which Sir John Simon
presided submitted a report which gave rise to
a bitter controversy and had to be shelvad.
“Round’ Table Conferences” to which the
“represcntatives’ of the, people” and Princes
of India were ingited in a consuliative
capacity were held in Londou. There were
no prepocitions and no voting. The two
“gad _rebelliousness.
in deciding the constitution that is being laid
down for her; it is being imposed on ber
from*outside. Secondly, the ostensible aim of
the constitution is to conciliate India and
India has not been reconciled.
Similarly, it has never been fully and
impartially considered whether the creation of
Sindh into a new separate province will be
to its advantage and in its own interest.
These are apparently minar details over-
shadowed by the inaguificent idea of Federa-
tion, Tn a prophetic dreafn, part’ of which
has been most remarkably fulfilled, the peat
Tennyson dreamed of a time whan hé heard
Far along the world-wide whisper
of the Sonth wind rushing warm,
‘With the standards of the peoples
plunging through the thunder-storm
‘Tin the war-dram fhrobb'd no. longer
and the battle-flags were furled
Tn the Parliament of man, the
Federation of the world. ~
Is the proposed Federation of the yarious
Provinces and States of India a step towards
the fulfilment of this prophecy? That is
searcely likely, for a federal arrangement
must be founded upon mutual agreement, but
there is no such agreement either in India or
between England and India. Indla has
merely to accept the constitution and arrange-
ment laid down by England. The essence
of Federation is absent. For real federation
we have to look to the United "states ‘of
America where the muthal agreement is real
and there is” no*inrposition of,terms by any
paramount power outside. *A Feder:tion is
conceivable between England and Colonies
like Canada and, Anstralia, which do not
submit to dictation by the parent country.
The position pf India is wholly dierent.
She cannot take independent -attion
3
equally helps the Mussalmari. Could. tie two
communities have lived together for “hundreds
of years, sharing one another’s joys and
sorrows, if there had been perpetual hos@llity
between them? Who ever heard of com-
munalism in Sindh fifty years ago? > And
now the grim and sinister spectro of
communalism is stalking over this ancient
land filling it with strife and bitterness.
Neither the Hindus nor the Mussalmans are
primarily responsible for this lamentable state
of affairs. There is some other cause for the
strained relations between the two largest
and most important communities in India,
which have lived at peace with each other
for centuries and between whom there is the
strongest community of interests., No advance-
ment is possible if a perpetual state of feud
exists between the two communities. The
difference of religion is no bar to the growth
of a common nationalism. Hindus and,
Mnussalmans have to live together, to work
together, to strive together, to achieve together
and to attain their destiny together. United
there is nothing that they may not hope tor
win ; divided they are certain to lose every-
thing. The entire fature of India is being
jeopardized by this bane of communalismn.
Among a people which should be one and
indivisible, one in thought and aspiration and
striving, the dividing factor of ratios has been
introduced. One hears of nothing but
minorities and majorities, It is assumed aga
fact beyond question that the interests ‘of
minorities are not safe in the keeping of *
majorities and the interests of majorities should
not be entrusted to minorities. This feeling of
insecurity and the attitude of suspiciousness
are sedulously promoted by the system of
representation, the creation of communal
electorates, the elaborate devices for safe
guarding the interests of minorities. What +
is the real cause of Hindus and Mussaléhans
taking different views of the proposal to create
Sindh a separate Province? It is nothing
more or less than the sordid thdught of the
divisions of loaves and fishes, the humiliating
seramble-for thé crumbs that may fall from >
the muster’s table. Thes Hindus apprehend
that under the new regime all prizes will go >
to the-Mussalman majority. The Legislative
Council Wilk have a pergetnal “and large