Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Ethics in Politics
Ethics in Politics
Ethics in Politics
Jovito R. Salonga
A lecture delivered at the University of the Philippines College of
PublicAdministration in Diliman on August 5, 1992. Salonga, Ethics
in Politics: Three Lectures, UP College of Public Administration and
the UP Press, 1994.
The topic assigned to me is "Ethics in Politics."
If the topic were "Ethics and Politics" or "Politics and Ethics," thus suggesting
the idea that politics is a domain in which there is no ethics, or that ethics is one
thing and politics is entirely another, perhaps many would say that our feet are
still on solid ground.
But to think that there is ethics in politics, a field where selfinterest,
treachery, doubledealing, trickery and lack of candor are the prevailing
trademarks iyan ay para lamang sa mga natalong kandidato na katulad ni
Salonga. (That is only for losers like Salonga.)
Perhaps they may even add it would be better for him to lecture on "How
to Lose the Presidential Elections in 5 Easy Lessons."
And yet even in the worst of times, our people sense that there is something
wrong with the kind of politics they witness, that there is something basic that is
missing in our political culture, that somehow the quest for public office should
be limited to those who seek to serve the public good instead of their own
private advantage in short, that politics is and should be a noble enterprise. In
this context, the topic "Ethics in Politics," makes sense. As the great teacher,
Mahatma Gandhi, said many years ago, the first evil in this century is "politics
without principle."
Marahil iyan ang dahilan kung bakit nasusuklam ang ating mga kabataan sa
mga trapo, kahit na hindi malinaw ang kahulugan ng salitang "traditional
politician." (Maybe that is the reason why our youth loathe the "trapo," even
though the meaning of "traditional politician" is not clear.)
Si Senador Claro M. Recto ba ay isang trapo? 0 kaya y si Senador Lorenzo
M. Tanada? O si SenadorJose W Diokno? Marahil ang isasagot ng ating mga
kabataan ay isang matatas na hindi. Sapagka't kahit na ang tatlong Waking ito
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 1
ay lumahok sa pulitika nang matagal na panahon, bawa't isa sa kanila ay may
paninindigan, at ipinaglaban nila ang kanilang paninindigan kahit ito ay hindi
popular, kahit na alam nila na ito ay hindi makakakuha ng maraming boto. Ang
tatlong ito y may tunay na pagibig at pagtataguyod sa kapakanan ng Inang
Bayan, at hindi nila ginamit ang pulitika upang magkamit ng maraming
kayamanan o higit na kapangyarihan. (Was Senator Claro M. Recto a trapo?
What about Senator Lorenzo M. Tanada? Or Senator Jose W. Diokno? Maybe
our young people will answer with a loud no. Because even if these three men
had entered politics a long time ago, each one of them had definite
commitments and they fought for their stand even if it was not popular, even if
they knew that it would not get a lot of votes. These three had true love and
concern for the welfare of the motherland and they did not use politics to acquire
more wealth and power.)
At ang aking kaibigan at kliyenteng si NinoyAquino bakit siya ay dinadakila
ng ating bansa? Hindi ba siya y isang trapo din? Bago dumating ang martial law
m Marcos, maraming nagsabingsi Ninoy ay katulad lamang ng karaniwang
pulitiko a glib talker, a demagogue, a wheelerdealer. Nguni't nang siya'y
ikulong na ay nagkaroon ng malaking pagbabago kay Ninoy. Alam ko ito
sapagka't lagi ko siyang dinadalaw sa Fort Bonifacio. (And my friend and client
Ninoy Aquino why is he being highly regarded by our nation? Wasn't he
another trapo? Before the declaration of Martial Law by Marcos, many said that
Ninoy was just an ordinary politician a glib talker, a demagogue, a wheeler
dealer. But there was a great change in Ninoy when he was imprisoned. I knew
this because I used to visit him at Fort Bonifacio.)
I think what separates Ninoy from many politicians was his supreme act of
selfsacrifice the offering of his life, without counting the cost, ruling out the
element of selfinterest and personal advantage.
And yet, even socalled traditional politicians impliedly or expressly admit the
need for some ethical standard in the conduct of public affairs. Whatever their
motives may be, when a congressman the current leader of the Opposition in
the Lower House denounces his Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP)
colleagues for being selfseeking politicians and when a Senator calls himself
"Mr. Expose" and cites as his accomplishments the various cases of venality
and corruption he has exposed in the halls of the Senate, they are actually
invoking a certain moral and ethical standard that should guide public officials in
the discharge of their functions. Even in the United States, thoughtful persons
see the need for high ethical standards. The eminent historian Barbara
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 2
Tuchman was recently asked: "What is wrong with America today? What has
happened to the America of Washington, Adams and Jefferson?" Her answer
was:
The lack of a fresh vision but more than that, the loss ot a moral
sense, of knowing the difference between right and wrong and of
being governed by it, the lack of anger over venality and stupidity in
high office, the absence of distinction between true heroism (that is,
courage and nobility of purpose) and being a celebrity, the loss of
faith in Providence and in what we are doing, the artificiality of public
figures and the acceptance of things as they are without passion for a
better society these are what seems to be wrong in society today
(Moyers 1989:5).1
A definition of terms
But what is ethics? In the practice of law, ethics compels us to observe
accepted standards of professional conduct, such as according respect to the
court, refraining from misleading the judge or opposing counsel and avoiding
conflict of interest by not representing the two opposing sides at the same time.
Ethics, therefore, is the discipline dealing with right and wrong. And when we
ask what things are right, without having to go back to the ancient philosophers
and scholars, common sense tells us the things that are right are the things that
help people and society at large, such things as honesty, fairness, decency and
accountability. To be sure, ethics has a practical dimension. It is based on what
one might call reciprocity, something like the Golden Rule "Do unto others
what you would like others to do unto you." Or even its negative version "Don't
do unto others what you don't like them to do unto you." I don't want to be lied
to, hence I should not lie to others. I don't want my possessions stolen, therefore
I should not steal other people's possessions. If I don't want to be cheated by
the other candidates for president, then I should not cheat them.
But beyond reciprocity, ethics has a spiritual dimension. People have an
inner sense of right and wrong. That is why we feel guilt and shame. Wasn't it
Abraham Lincoln who said: "When I do good, I feel good. When I do bad, I feel
bad?" Our best moments, as one ethics' points out (Moyers 1989:18), are not
when we made a lot of money, but when something we did meant a lot of good
to others. In my own law practice before I got into the fascinating but turbulent
world of politics, I earned more than enough by serving as lawyer for a number
of big corporations; however, my happiest moment was not when I received a
1 The reference is to Moyers, Bill: A World of ldeas, New York, Doubleday Publishers (1989).
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 3
handsome attorney's fee but when I defended gratis et amore an old man, a
friend of my late father, who, in my opinion was erroneously convicted by a
biased judge. I appealed the judgment of conviction, prepared the written brief
at my expense and personally argued his case in the Court of Appeals, knowing
he could not pay me even if he wanted to. When the judgment of acquittal
came, I thought I was the happiest man in the world. What I am trying to say is
that beyond honesty and fairness, compassion and caring for other people,
especially those who are in need, are among life's highest ethical values.
Now let us talk about politics. It is defined ordinarily as the art or science of
government, the science concerned with guiding or influencing the policies of
government.
The essence of politics is the use of power over others. Because organized
society requires the existence of government which can use power for its
survival and protection, deliver basic social services such as housing, education
and health care and promote the general welfare, certain persons whom we call
politicians must exist to wield the powers of government.
Kahit na ang ating Panginoon ay nasangkot sa pulitika (See Matthew 20:20
28; Mark 10:3545). Marahil, natatandaan ninyo ang isang tagpo sa buhay ni
Kristo. Dumating ang dalawang disipulo niya, kasamaangkanilanglna. Angsabi
nglna kay jesus, `Maari bang kapag dumating ka na sa Iyong Kaharian,
pakilagay mo itong isanganak ko sa iyong kanan, iyon namang ikalawa
konganak doon sa iyong kaliwa?" Kulang na lamang sabihin iyong una y gawin
mong Executive Secretary, at iyong ikalawa, hirangin mong Secretary of
National Defense o kaya y Secretary ofFinance.
(Even our Lord was involved in politics. Perhaps, you still remember a scene
in Christ's life. His two disciples arrived, together with their mother. The mother
said to Jesus, "Is it possible when you have reached your Kingdom, to place
one of my sons to your right and my second son to your left?" It was like saying
make the first one your Executive Secretary and appoint the second as your
Secretary of National Defense or Secretary of Finance.)
Nang marinig ito ng ibang disipulo, nagalit sila. Marahil gusto rin nila ang
kapangyarihan at nais rin nilang maging dakila. Nguni't ang sabi ni Jesus sa
kanila: "Sa mga Hentil, ang mga pinuno ang siyang naghahari at sila ang
dinadakila. Nguni't hindi ito ang dapat umiral sa inyo. Sino man sa inyo na
nagnanais na maging dakrla a'Y dapat maging alipin ng lahat. " (When the
disciples heard them, they got angry. Perhaps they also wanted to be powerful
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 4
and great. But Jesus said to them: "To the Gentiles, the leaders are the ones
who reign and they are the ones who are exalted. But this should not prevail in
your case. Whoever among you wants to be great should be the servant of all.")
Service to others, not power nor prestige, is the key to true greatness.
A familiar figure from the Italian city of Florence was Niccolo Machiavelli, the
author of the famous book, The Prince, which was published in 1517 (Douglas
1952). Writing it for the ruling family of the Medici, he made the possession of
power and the complete domination of society as the supreme goal of the ruler.
To achieve this goal, anything may be resorted to by him including dishonesty,
trickery, ruthlessness and treachery. Although he was merely writing about the
mores of his time, the civilized world today condemns what are usually called
"Machiavellian tactics." Filipino politicians, by and large, do so, too, but it is not
clear whether they repudiate said tactics in actual practice. Our documented
experience under Mr. Marcos during his 20 years in power should prove
instructive on this point.
In 1948, Harold Lasswell, in his book entitledAnalysis of Political Behavior,
described politics as "who gets what, when and how." A good number of
political scientists and law scholars think this is the more realistic definition of
the subject.
Persons run for high office for a variety of motives, but their rhetoric is almost
the same to serve the people. While this may be true for some, a good number
do so to serve their own interest such as to use power to dominate others,
expand their political dynasty, accumulate more wealth, feed their ego, or even
acquire immunity from suit, such as presidential immunity from prosecution for
graft and corruption. I concede that many candidates may have mixed motives
but where they are motivated in the main by selfinterest, the less integrity, the
less ethical values they have, the more corrupt and unethical they become.
How then do we separate persons of political integrity from those who do not
have it? To answer this question, let us take up the quest for public office in this
country. What they should do once they are in power will be the subject of the
second lecture Ethical Standards for Public Officials.
Ethics and the quest for public office
I have often wondered why we, who often describe ourselves as the only
Christian nation in Asia, cannot seem to conduct relatively honest and clean
elections. The presidential elections of 1969 where Ferdinand Marcos ran for re
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 5
election against Serging Osmena, was correctly described by the foreign media
(Newsweek, November 24,1969; Time, February 16,1970) as the "dirtiest, most
violent, most corrupt election since 1946." But it was nothing compared to the
rigged, prefabricated elections, plebiscites and referendums under martial law.
The 1986 snap elections, followed by the hurried proclamation of Mr. Marcos as
the winner by the Batasang Pambansa, triggered the EDSA Revolution of
February 1986 which culminated in his ouster.
The last presidential election of May 11, 1992 has been described by Vice
President Salvador Laurel and apparently by Mrs. Miriam D. Santiago also
"as the dirtiest ever" in our history but, in my own judgment, it was certainly
much better than the fictitious electoral exercises under martial law. However,
because all national and local officials, numbering more than 17,000 from
president down to councilors were elected on the same day by virtue of the
Supreme Court's interpretation of the 1987 Constitution, the May 1992 elections
were probably the most expensive in our history, marked by the scandalous use
of money politics and the cooperation of the corrupt sectors of the mass media.
It may be asked, why can't we conduct a relatively clean, honest and ethical
election in the Philippines? Tila daig na daig pa tayo ng mga bansang dating
Komunista katulad ng Poland, Czechoslovakia, at kahit ang mahirap ding
Nicaragua. (It seems we are bested even by the former communist nations,
Poland, Czechoslovakia and even another poor nation Nicaragua.)
I think there are two principal reasons: (1) the majority of candidates believe
that winning the election, by whatever means, is the most important thing in the
world a question of ethics; (2) the overwhelming majority of our people are
trapped in grinding poverty and are, therefore, vulnerable to the temptations of
unscrupulous but wellfunded politicians a question of economics and ethics.
Politics should be an honorable calling, especially when one aspires for the
highest position within the gift of our people. But the imperative of winning
whatever the cost and however high the price has corrupted our ideals and
debased our moral and ethical values. The great American statesman, Adlai
Stevenson, put it very aptly. "The main problem in a campaign," he said, "is how
to win without proving yourself unworthy of the office."
The prevailing view among our people, especially after the 1992 elections, is
that a presidential candidate cannot win without enormous funds to defray more
than just the ordinary campaign expenses in plain terms, money to buy votes,
money to buy political leaders and even candidates, money to buyoff the media
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 6
and money to buy those in charge of tabulating and reporting the election
results never mind the law limiting election expenses and never mind the
Commission on Elections wala namang ebidensiyang makukuha. (No one will
find any evidence anyway.)
Thus the twisted, perverted version of the Golden Rule is observed here in
actual practice "Do unto others what you suspect they will do unto you." Cheat
because they will cheat you. Bumili ka ng mga lider ng kalaban kung hindi iyong
mga lider mo ang bibilhin nila. Bilhin mo ang media, kung hindi bibilhin ang
media ng mga kalaban. (Buy the leaders of your opponents, otherwise, they will
buy your leaders. Buy the media, or else your enemies will buy them.) Papaano
kung walang pambili? Kung wala kang maramingsalapi, sorry na lang, iisahan
ka ng mga kalaban at iiwanan ka pa ng iyong mga kasama! (What if you don't
have the means to buy? If you don't have a lot of money, sorry for you, your
enemies will put one over you and you'll even be left by your friends!)
That was what happened to us in the Liberal Party in the 1992 elections.
Whatever their rationale, several senators left us one by one when they
sensed we did not have the kind of logistics reportedly at the disposal of the
other presidential candidates. I do not have to mention the names of these
senators, since you know them. Sa bandang huli, ang natira na lamang sa
Partido bukod sa akin ay sina Senator Saguisag, na ayaw namang
kumandidato, Bobby Tanada, at Vic Ziga. (In the end, those who were left in the
Party aside from me were Senator Saguisag who did not want to run again,
Bobby Tanada and Vic Ziga.) All of them refused to become political turncoats
and preferred to keep their integrity.
Salamat na lang at nanalo din si Senador Tanada sa halalan. (I am glad that
Senator Tanada won.)
Ethical dilemmas
This brings me to several ethical dilemmas which plagued me during the
entire campaign. The dilemmas are involved in the following questions:
(1) Wala pala kayong sapat na salapi, bakit kayo lumaban? (If you did not
have enough money,2 why did you run?) That is a good question, which requires
an honest answer. Every member of the LP Executive Committee knows that I
did not present myself as a candidate. I was drafted by the Party in a consistory
2 Because of my stand against the US military bases and the rejection by the Senate of the RPUS
Bases Treaty on September 16,1991, my big financial backers withdrew their support for my candidacy.
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 7
selection (a process similar to the election of a pope, where there is no
nomination and no campaign) held on March 8, 1991 at the residence of ex
President Diosdado Macapagal. Although I won overwhelmingly in that
consistory voting where any Liberal Party member could be voted for, I
nevertheless agreed I did not have to to expose myself seven months later to
another challenge in the LP Executive Committee when Senator Mercado
proposed that the Committee choose between me and Chief Justice Fernan. On
October 15, 1991, a secret balloting was held. Though I did not campaign at all,
the Chief Justice, who had declared that he was a Liberal Party member and
campaigned as such, lost. He then transferred to the LDP, under whose banner
he wanted to become a presidential candidate. But the door was closed to him
and the LDP convention chose Ramon Mitra over Fidel Ramos. The latter
congratulated Mitra, but in a few days changed his mind, alleging that he was
cheated and ran under a new party he himself organized the LakasNUCD
with the allout backing of President Cory Aquino. Ramon Mitra and Danding
Cojuangco publicly accused the Aquino administration of using the massive
resources of Government including the disbursements of public funds to benefit
Ramos a charge which gained much credence when the Supreme Court ruled
against the disbursements by Cory subordinates of public funds purportedly for
the rehabilitation of rebelreturnees. Incidentally, Fernan was chosen by Mitra as
his Vice Presidential teammate (He lost to Erap Estrada). But all that is another
story which can only happen here.
(2) Nakita pala ninyong mahirap ang inyong laban, dahil sa kulang kayo
sa salapi, bakit hindi kayo umurong? (Seeing as you did the difficulty of your
fight because of lack of money, why didn't you withdraw?)
Let me give a frank answer. So many people had cast their lot with us,
including candidates for various positions (for senators and congressmen,
governors and mayors) and apart from our party members, we had many
thousands of supporters from the youth, the women, the urban poor, the farmers
and the peasants, the NGO's and causeoriented groups all of whom we had
won over on the basis of our Program of Government. Nene Pimentel and I
simply could not abandon them in the style of Ross Perot, who, although a
billionaire, deserted the people he had mobilized. "Huwag kayong uurong,
huwag ninyo kaming iiwanan,"("Do not withdraw, do not desert us,") was their
heartbreaking plea. Hence, our horrifying dilemma to retreat would have been
completely irresponsible, but to go on with the campaign was extremely difficult
and risky, considering our lack of financial resources. At one point, when we had
to decide whether to quit or not, I told Nene: "Kahit na tayo'y maglakad na lang,
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 8
tuloy tayo. " (Even if we have to walk, we will continue.) Against all odds, we
decided to go on. As my pamangkin (nephew) Senator Rene Saguisag
reminded me: "Uncle, win or lose with honor."
It was good not to be beholden to big business, but as I revealed in my
Reflections on the May 11, 1992 Elections, my wife Lydia and I spent many
sleepless nights worrying about the daytoday financial requirements of the
campaign. I thought we might have to fold up during the last month of the
campaign.
Salamat na lang at ang isang kasama namin, si Monchoy Garcia, ay
nagkusa na tustusan ang gastos sa nalalabing mga araw. Kaya't sa kabila ng
napakarami at patung patong na mga hirap, nang makarating na kami sa "finish
line," ang pakiramdam ko y panalo na rin kami. (I am only grateful that one of
our colleagues, Monchoy Garcia, voluntarily shouldered our expenses for the
rest of the period. That is why, aside from the numerous and pyramiding
difficulties, when we reached the "finish line," I felt that we had also won.) It was
a real moral victory, regardless of the published results of the election.
(3) Ang media po'y importante sa halalan. Noong makita ninyong hindi
kayo binibigyan ng pansin ng media, bakit hindi kayo tumulad sa ibang
mga kandidato? (Media is important in elections. When you saw that you were
not being given attention by the media, why didn't you imitate what the others
were doing?)
Indeed, according to many responsible observers, the role of the media was
more important than that of all political parties combined.
We have around 20 dailies in Metro Manila alone, seven TV stations and
hundreds of radio stations throughout the nation. Since what is broadcast, day
and night, is taken by and large from daily newspapers, it is in order to inquire
whether the dailies observe the ethics of journalism namely, to tell the truth with
fairness and objectivity.
Last July 19, 1992, the Philippine Daily Globe published an editorial which
answers the question. Here is what the editorial declared:
"There is no free press worth a damn to protect. The Philippine press is
not free. It is for sale ...
"What we mean is that most newspapers are regularly sold separately
from the sale of copies to the public to politicians and businessmen. Either
the front page is sold or some story inside or the columns and editorials.
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 9
Newspapers are like bananas that can be sold in bunches or by individual
reporters and columnists" (Philippine Daily Globe, 1992:2).
I had been wondering all along why the mock elections held during the last
three crucial weeks before the elections were not given ample publicity in the
media. In the mock elections held by civil service employees in the Senate, in
various government departments and agencies, by employees in many private
enterprises and by students and professors in the leading universities not only
in Metro Manila but throughout the country, our team was winning by
tremendous majorities why didn't the media give these mock elections the
importance they deserved? And why were the dispatches of the media
representatives covering our campaign not published by their papers? A number
of these newsmen told us: "Hindi namin malaman kung bakit ayaw nilang
ilabas. Hinaharang yata doon sa Maynila. " (We don't know why they don't want
to publish them. Maybe they are being intercepted and blocked in Manila.) The
Philippine Daily Globe editorial gives us the answer: "the press is for sale," a
devastating admission of the kind of media we have here, where sinners are
portrayed as saints and saints become sinners. The candid admission of the
Philippine Daily Globe has farreaching implications. Our election law (RA 6646)
Section 11 bans political advertising in the media, as otherwise only those
candidates who can afford to buy advertisements would be favored; poor but
qualified candidates would be excluded. In theory, the law is good. But in actual
practice, it works against honest, ethical candidates who refuse to engage in the
practice of "envelopmental journalism."
The election law which bans political advertising allows and encourages
straight reporting of news and objective commentaries on the news.
Ang kaawaawa ay iyong kandidatong walang "makulay"na koneksiyon sa
media. (Pitiful is the candidate who has no "meaningful" connection to the
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 10
media.) But the question persists. Kung "envelopmental journalism" ang mahig
pit na kailangan, bakit hindi ninyo ginawa iyon? (If "envelopmental journalism"
was a necessity, why didn't you do it?)
As I said, even if we had wanted to, we did not have the funds for such a
purpose. And even if we had the funds, I doubt whether we would have done it. I
did not bribe any media personality when I was a congressman; and I refused to
engage in "envelopmental journalism" during my three terms as senator of the
land. Senate media reporters know that "envelopmental journalism" was
completely ruled out in the Office of the Senate President during my tenure.
The rampant violation of the law banning political advertising was in fact
more revolting than outright advertising because it made a mockery of the law.
Kunwari, straight reporting and fair comment nguni't political advertising din
ang nangyari and without any warning that the ad was paid for. (They would
pretend it was straight reporting and fair commentbut it became political
advertising anyway without any indication that the ad was paid for.)
Given the crucial role of media in the last elections and considering that
public funds and private wealth, whether illgotten or not, were used so brazenly
and shamelessly to buy voters, leaders and even candidates, one may be
tempted to conclude that it was not the people, the overwhelming majority of
whom are poor, but the corrupt sectors of the media and the system of money
politics, that actually determined the results of the last presidential elections.
Disclosing the truth about election expenses
Honesty is a basic ethical and moral virtue. Government cannot function at
all if the people no longer believe the statements of their high public officials. If
public officials are perceived to be dishonest, citizens cannot be expected to be
honest in their dealings with the Government. and with one another all our
relations would be built on deception. Our laws would have no meaning,
because everyone would be lying.
The law (RA 7166) requires candidates to submit to the Commission on
Elections (Comelec) a full, true and itemized statement of all election
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 11
contributions and expenses within 30 days after the election. I asked my Chief
of Staff to report everything including the pisopiso contributions of students
throughout the country. After the deadline for submission elapsed, the media
discovered that, wonder of wonders, Salonga "known to be the poorest
candidate," as one newspaper described me "spent the most." I reported a
total expense of Php 61 million. Others who reportedly spent a billion pesos
each declared, under oath, that they spent very much less than I did. Danding
Cojuangco, reputed to be the wealthiest, spent only Php 12 million, and Imelda
Marcos does not seem to remember having spent anything at all.
When I saw the news story, I told myself kaya pala ako natalo pinakamalaki
ang nagastos ko! (That's why I lost, because I spent the most!) I doubt whether
the other candidates themselves believed what they said in their statements of
expenses. And, what is worse, Comelec, up to this day, has not done anything
to prosecute those who had brazenly violated the law.
Let me now borrow a thought from George Bernard Shaw: "We must first
have leaders of the nation who are honest before we can tell our children that
honesty is the best policy."
Massive poverty and money politics
I said earlier that apart from the usual candidate's obsession to win by
whatever means, fair and foul, the other reason why our elections are not clean
and honest is due to the fact that the overwhelming majority of our people are
trapped in grinding povertyhence their vulnerability.
As it was when we fell under American rule more than 90 years ago,
Philippine society today is one in which wealth, power and prestige are
concentrated in the hands of a few. According to the 1988 World Bank Report
on Poverty in the Philippines, "the Philippines has one of the most unequal
income distributions among middleincome countries... There are more poor
people today than at any time in recent history" (WB 1988:5).
The truth is appalling: more than 60% of our people live below the level of
poverty, only 81 families control the wealth of the nation and around 85% of our
schoolchildren suffer from malnutrition.
In a candid assessment of her six years in office, President Cory Aquino said
only a month ago at the University of the Philippines:
"I knew when I assumed office that poverty alleviation should be the primary
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 12
concern of my administration. I must admit, however, that we didn't have a clear
idea of how to go about it." (Aquino 1992:5 and 8).
I think that most of us are agreed that the No. 1 problem of the nation is the
massive poverty of our people ironically in a country supposedly rich before in
natural resources.
To paraphrase Father John Carroll (1989:34) of Ateneo, Philippine political
parties with one or two exceptions are simply alliances of leaders and
followers out for the rewards of electoral victory. Their platforms are made up of
vague generalities. Candidates who discuss issues are usually defeated. Voters
for the most part support those to whom they have personal ties or from whom
they expect favors. In their insecurity, they look for someone to whom they can
run for help.
In the May 1992 elections, the moneyed candidates took full advantage of
the vulnerability of our people, especially the poor and the weak kaya't sa
maraming mga lugar, bilihan ng boto ang nangyari. (That's why in many places,
there was votebuying.) Despite the good intentions of the Comelec, it was
helpless and powerless at the time. But now, it can and should, act in
accordance with RA 7166 and Article 183 of the Revised Penal Code which
penalizes perjury (making untruthful statements under oath). Japan and Italy
are showing us what can be done to restore the integrity of the electoral
process.
I realize the importance of honesty, moral integrity, fairness, selfdiscipline
and hard work the ethical values that we see in the tiger economies of Asia.
These are the values the elite and the leaders of this country, especially the
politicians, must observe; otherwise democracy here will be in great peril. A free
and just society is maintained, to a large extent, by the witness of its leaders.
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 13
The Asian philosopher Confucius put it very well: "Government, to be
effective, must be government by example."
In the end, living an ethical life gives us the kind of joy that money can never
buy and no election triumph can ever match. The values of the most
unscrupulous politician change when a crisis occurs or when the end is
perceived to be near. No one on his deathbed would probably say, "I wish I had
cheated some more." The typical Filipino will try to strike a bargain with the
Almighty:
"Dios ko, bigyan po Ninyo ako ng kaunti pang panahon at
isinusumpa kong ako'y magbabago na." ("My God, give me a little
more time and I swear I will change.")
How about the poor? We can talk about the evils of votebuying and deliver
homilies on integrity and nobility of character. But I am afraid that the slum
dwellers in Tondo, the squatters along Roxas Boulevard and the many poor in
the depressed areas of our country do not have the time nor the inclination to
listen to us. If the cynical manipulators of the electoral process, in the employ of
some unprincipled candidates, give each of them one hundred pesos apiece,
with the request to just remember their benefactor, these marginalized people
will probably say "Salamat po. Huwag kayong magalala. Kung hindi sa kanya,
magugutom kami magdamag marahil." (Thank you. Don't you worry. If not for
him we will probably be hungry through the night.)
That is why, as stated by Father Carroll (1989:4041):
"...value formation is important, but not sufficient in itself to bring about the
changes which we all hope for in Philippine society. Changes in social structure
and particularly in power relations, are needed as well... A key role here must
be played by organizations among the poor themselves."
And that is what my friends and I are doing now consolidating and
strengthening our propoor, propeople party and assisting, conscienticizing and
mobilizing the poor and the weak through the NGOs and people's organizations
so they can stand on their own feet and think and decide for themselves.
My own satisfaction
As I said in my Reflections, my own satisfaction is that we in the Liberal
PartyPartido ng Demokratikong Pilipino, Lakas ng Bayan (LPPDP Laban)
Coalition did not buy any vote, we did not purchase any leader or candidate, we
refused to engage in the practice of "envelopmental journalism," we did not
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 14
cater to any vested interest, we made no false claims and we talked sense to
our people by concentrating on the issues and on our Vision and Program of
Government. The winner (Ramos) got 5.3 million votes, but the 2.3 million votes
I obtained are the votes of Filipinos who cannot be bought. Other candidates
identified with slovenly practices may have this kind of voters also, but it may
well be that these candidates cannot, in the overall count, distinguish between
the corruptible and the incorruptible voters. It is partly in this context that I said
in that essay "in my heart, I felt that we won." With 2.3 million incorruptible,
untainted voters, we can really begin a movement for principled politics in this
country.
We can't change the whole world overnight. There will always be
heroes and villains. Let's just have some more heroes. And let's try to
be a hero just a little bit more every day of our lives (Moyers
1989:24).
It is a long and difficult struggle, but there is no other way. In the final
analysis, what lies behind us said Emerson and what lies before us, are small
matters compared to what lies within us. *
Ethics in Politics by Jovito R. Salonga 15