AIDS was a signal pandemic of the global here and now, says nathaniel richards. Richards: by unsettling scientific certainties, AIDS prefigured an ironic, postmodern future. The disease was deflected onto Africa as an icon of dangerous desire, richards says.
AIDS was a signal pandemic of the global here and now, says nathaniel richards. Richards: by unsettling scientific certainties, AIDS prefigured an ironic, postmodern future. The disease was deflected onto Africa as an icon of dangerous desire, richards says.
AIDS was a signal pandemic of the global here and now, says nathaniel richards. Richards: by unsettling scientific certainties, AIDS prefigured an ironic, postmodern future. The disease was deflected onto Africa as an icon of dangerous desire, richards says.
AIDS was a signal pandemic of the global here and now, says nathaniel richards. Richards: by unsettling scientific certainties, AIDS prefigured an ironic, postmodern future. The disease was deflected onto Africa as an icon of dangerous desire, richards says.
Beyond Bare Life:
AIDS, (Bio)Politics, and the
Neoliberal Order
Jean Comaroff
Ie is impossible to contemplate the shape of fate modern
history —in Africa or elsewhere —without the polymorphous presence of HIV!
'AIDS, the signal pandemic of the global here and now. In retrospect, the timing
of its onset was uncanny: the disease appeared like a memento mori in a world
high on the hype of Reaganomics, deregulation, and the end of the Cold War.
In its wake, even careful observers made medieval associations: “AIDS,” wrote
‘Susan Sontag (1989: 122), “reinstates something like a premodern experience
of illness,” a throwback to an era when sickness was, by its natare, immutable,
‘mysterious, and fatal, Such rections make plain how the genesis of the pandemic
affected our very sense of history, imposing a chronotope of its own, a distinctly
unmodern sense of fate unfolding, of implacable destiny. By unsettling scien-
tific certainties, AIDS also prefigured an ironic, postmodern future, As Sontag
intuited, it marked an epochal shift, not merely in the almost omnipotent status
of medical knowledge and its sanitized language of suffering, nor eveo in the
relationsbip with death, so long banished from the concerns of those preoccupied
‘with Tife and their seemingly limitless capncity to control it. AIDS also casts a
‘premodern pall over the emancipated pleasures, the amoral, fee-wheeling desires
that animoted advanced consumer societies. And, as is often the case when West-
‘ern selfimages of reasoned conteol face homegrown disruption, the disease was
deflected onto Africa as primal other, Africa as an icon of dangerous desire,
Africa as the projection ofa self never fully tamable
1 wish wo cxpress ay erate fo Storen Robins, Chris Dorsey, Dilip Gaonkr, and hn Com
tof forthe gener insights they offered an this paper.
ublicuturerg 0225 /0899236)2006-050
‘opyght 207 by Duke Univesity PressInmore ways than one then, AIDS represented the seturn of the repressed, the Here
suppressed, the oppressed. Soon overwhelming the received limits of virology ‘anymore
and immunology — indeed, of the restricted lexicon of bioscience sui generis—it govern:
fet off an avalanche of mythmaking, There have been those in the tradition of institutic
Nietzsche (1910: 77) who insist chat modernity has banished such mythmaking, tion—o
thot it has condemned us to pain without meaning. In our day, says Jean-Luc more ec
Nancy (1997: 149), suffering, ger sacrificial.” Our bodies are broken and. les vial
repaired, but “here is nothing to say” There certainly has not been a shortage oF edge. If
things to say about AIDS, On the contrary, AIDS has sparked a veritable plague roprodu
of images: what Paula A. Treichler (1988) memorebly termed an “epidemic of of all th
signification: Striking the unstable landscape ofthe late twentieth eentory ike its prim
‘“lightoning bol (Nancy 1997: 146), iteut a swath at once awesome and abso longuat
jute, marking out the path of economic and environmental changes that sped the the Wer
‘evolution and transmission of new viruses across and within species (Davis 2005: ata tio
55), In the process, it signaled emerging biopobitcal insecurities: unrecognizable Butler
aliens capable of disrupting existing immunities, penetrating once-sceure bound Als
rvios ata time of deregulated exchange. In the West, the disease prefigured a novel figured
‘order of post-Cold War errors: of protean, deteritorialized invaders who hijack. states &
pur defenses and threaten to coexist with us in a deadly symbiosis that sets off ject is
rapidly mutating, mimetic forms of violence and cousterviolence, In short itis & service
process that W. J. . Mitchell forthcoming) has called the “cloning of terr0:” rity, an
‘As allthis suggests, AIDS has been rewriting the global geopolitical coord not the
natos within which we think and act, We may lack the nerve or imagination to vests €
theorize it adequately, but it has cortainly been theorizing us for quite a while logical
“Itdoesn’t matter if you ate HIV-positive or negative," insists South Africa activ the pre
jst Adam Levin (2004: 226), “the world has AIDS. And if you give a shit about ini
the world, you have it too.” The threatening mutability of the discase challenges shetori
efforts to impose stable categories of recognition and exclusion in an already dis moral
rupted lat-modern geography. The pandemic is savagely cosmopolitan, making issuei
blatant the existence of dynamic, translocal intimacies across received Jines of anda
segregation, difference, and propriety. But it has also revived old specters, mark: public
ing out pathologized publics and crystallizing latent contradictions and anxieties. such ¢
‘And, in s0 doing, it has exacerbated existing economic and moral divides on an by aw
ver more planetary scale. Coming as it did atthe time of a radical restructuring, neolit
ofthe axes ofa bipolar world, of the iberal-democratic nation-state and the works homo:
{ngs of capitalism itself the disease served as both sign and a vector of global mora
order in-formation—and with it, «new sense af the nature and possibilities of aware
the political.
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Here again, the timing has not been coincidental It scarcely needs saying
anymore that as states around the world set about outsourcing key aspects of
fovemnance, withdrawing from a pois of redistribution, the grand disciplinary
institutions of the modern state have shrunk, or thatthe task of social reprodue-
tion—-of schooling, healing law enforcement, frail care—has been ceded to ever
move complex public-private collaborations, to volunteer workers and more or
ese viable communities under the sway of corporatized regimes of expert know!-
edge. IF "family values” are the all-purpose give meant o ensure social and moral
reproduction under these conditions, AIDS has been read as a quintessential Sgn
fal that imperisa civilized funre-in-the world, an iconic socia) pathology. Tn
its primal association with non-normative soxuaity, ATDS also Tends itself =
Tanguage of revelation and zetribution, evoking strong emotions tha, atleast ip
the Wes, suggest barely repress anxieties about sexual subjectivity and desie
ata time of profound upheaval in gendered relations of power and production
(Butler 1997: 21),
valso in playin allthis is the incertain issu of citizenship. Here too AIDS kas
figured as a standardized nightmare (Wilson 1951). Across the world, as pation-
states disengage from the regulation of processes of production, the politcal sub-
ject is dofined lss asa patriotic producer, homo faber, than as a consumes of
services: the state, reciprocally, is expected to superintend service-delivery, seen
rity, and the conditions of heathy, untrarmmeled commerce. With the erosion if
mot the erasure, of social categories rooted in nation, territory, and class, identity
‘eats ever more crucially in individual bodies: bodies defined as objects of bio-
Topical nature and subjects of commodified desire, Would-be statesmen represent
the predicament of contemporary governance as «Herculean battle to bslance
tninimal government with maximum personal safety and self-realization, thee
thetorie focusing centrally on the quality of life, understood in simultaneously
‘oral and material terms. AIDS embodies, al too literally, core contradictions at
{esue in such discourse. For some, its onset made plain the dangers of laissez-faire
and a drastic reduction of the reach of the polis—the erosion of institutions of
public heath, for example, inthe name of corporate scienoe (Baier 1989), But
veh eitical, socal reflection, atleast in the global North has been overpowered
ty another process already noted: a projection ofthe dytopic implications of
reokheralisin onto the victims themselves. Thus itis that the archetype of the
homosexual AIDS sufferer became the specter of a world driven by desire sans
evra commitment, The hysteria that erupted in the United States with the first
‘rvareness of the epidemic made plain how central is the register of sexual "per
‘rersion’ to the neoconservative imagination (Berlant 1997). This is an imaging
Beyond Bare lifePubli catture
tion that strives to reduce expansive vocabularies of polities, social debate, and
intimacy toa strsightjacket of absolute oppositions: nature and abomination, trath
and deception, good and evil
ver more assertively, sex is seen, for good and ill, to hold the Key to life. It
isa fetish, attributed with a decisive agency all is own. Much has been written
about this, of course. Here J wish to emphasize the way in which sexuality instan-
tiates the dark underside of the commodity form and the world it makes possible:
transaction cut free from moral regulation and social constraint, manifest in the
perversion of responsible reproduction and of the putatively wholesome appetites
‘that animate marketriven sociality. Indeed, an older polities of class and ideo-
logical struggle is being widely displaced by what Simon Watney (1990: 100) has
termed a “polities of intense moral putty," the sort of polities made evident i the
4isproportionate, disGiguring part played by gay marriage in the 2004 U.S. elec
tion, Just how pervasive is this politics of perversion? A liturgy of seamy evidence.
springs readily to mind. For example, a recent report revealed that in the 1990s
the US. Air Force's Wright Laboratory proposed to develop an “aphrodisiac”
chemical weapon to deliver a “non-lethal blaw to the morale af enemy troops by
provoking homosexual behavior among them." In reflection on the film Biake-
back Mountain and the Abu Ghraib debacle, Jesse Kornbluth (2006) asks why
itis that “gay sex [is] unacceptable within our borders, but ideal to export to
foreign torture chambers.” Fresh pictures from Abu Ghraib, he notes, confirm
a systematic effort to attack Islamic values—in terms that often mimic what he
dubs “S&M” gay porn. “Our interrogators strip the Iragis of their heterosexusl
‘masculinity, then force them to reenact somebody's idea of gay scenarios” As in
‘Abu Ghraib, 50 also in Guantanamo: there, to0, rituals of dehumanization have
acted out homegrown, homoerotic traumas that cannot be resolved or be satisfac
torily cathected (White 2005). Like many features of the new imperialism, this
cffort to project depraved sexuality onto others —while our own forces engage in
a depraved sexualization of warfare — revisits technologies of an eazlier colonial
cra. The enduring consequences of that history are writ large inthe contemporary
polities of HIV/AIDS in Africa,
But [am running abead of myself. My broad concern here is how, and with
What consequences, HIV/AIDS is implicated in the world-altering processes that
have reshaped the late-twenticth-century international order: how it has played a
1."U.S. Miltary Gives "Make Love, Not War" Now Meaning.” Cope Tine, January 17, 2005
See also “Pentagon Revels Rejected Chemical Weapons,” New Slenith, January 15,2005, wary
rnewsclenti.comfarile.nsTi=mg 18524823800,
200
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role in the redefinition of our moral geography and sense of biosecurity, in the rise
of new kinds of politcal subjectivity and sociality, the emergence of new configu
rations of integration and exclusion, prosperity and immiseration,
Exporting the Pandemic: AIDS Goes South,
{nthe two and ahalf decades since HIV/AIDS was identified, therapeutic advances
have rendered the condition manageable. As South African “actorvist” Pieter~
Dirk Uys (2005) has put it, itis now a “life sentence... not a death sentence.” Or
rather, it should be, In point of ft, the most devastating burden of suffering has
shifted to parts of the world where, from the vantage of the privileged, misery
is endemic, life is cheap, and people are disposable, As has often been noted,
‘mass-mediated images of the disease have hada signal impact on late-twentieth
ccontury Western constructions of third world peoples as abject, intractable, and
‘doomed (cf. Treichler 1999; 210). Achille Mbembe and Sarah Nuttal (2004: 348)
suggest, in respect to Africa, thal these images excecd even the archetypes of
‘otherness iroplied in Said’s Orientalist paradigm. They are correct. Global geo-
politics have produced new zones of exclusion in which alterity becomes highly
relative, The Muslim terrorist might have emerged as the acme of opposition to
‘Atnerican dominance in the post--Cold War world, but disease-ridden Africa
cpitomizes another otherness, a product [ess of an axis of evil than an axis of
jrelevance, Bereft ofits former strategic significance and unpromising to those
in search of profitable comrnodity markets? the continent disappears once more
bbohind colonial images of nature red in tooth and claw. Once more it becomes @
site for European philanthropy and adventorism. Once more itis depicted as a
hortific exemplar of all that threntens the natural reproduction of life: mothers
‘whose wombs incubate death, genocidal leaders who court dissident science, men
who rape virgins —even bahies—to ri themselves of infection, children bereft
of innocence who are driven to preternatural sex and violence for profit
‘These circulating discourses intersect in complex ways with HIV/AIDS as a
Lived reality in the postcolony. There, the condition is ever more crucial and con
tested —at once a sign, a source of sociality, a figuration of altered states of coll
tive consciousness, and a vector of new senses of political possibility, entitlement,
‘and democracy. For AIDS makes scandalously plain the human costs of economic
‘and political marginalization, the limited impact of humanitarian intervention, the
2 roca, eure evidence suggests that despite is endemic poverty, Africa remsins a profi
abe st for ret Western avestnent (Comat unl Comat 2006),Publi culture
toll of an ever more monopolistic control over the means of life itself. In many
African countries, HIV revivifies scarcely suppressed memories of the violence
and medicel neglect of times pas, bing with enduring legacies of scientific ac
ism, material extraction, and technological dependency. Smal} wonder thatthe dis-
‘ease animates traumas which invert the phobias of the West: suspicions that it was
inflicted on black populations by genocidal racists, by careless experimentation, by
the CIA, or by drug companies and their craven local sidekicks
Across Aitica, moreover, standardized Buropean nightmares ply into @ host
of local anxieties and etiologies. Discourses of perversion and shame have been
common, for instance. The spread of AIDS has spurred the vlilleation of homo-
sexuality despite compelling evidence tha its transraission here is predominantly
heterosexual. ft has also licensed the policing of other forms of sexuality not
securely under the control of normative authority, hence the demonization of
independent women, immigrants, and youth. As Neville Hoad (2005) notes of
South Africa, the sexualized tropes of colonial racism continue to stalk the poli
tics of HEV/AIDS, provoking official denial in the face of the “silencing phantasm
of sexual respectability” Studied refusal to acknowledge the pandemie by those
in authority perpetuates the association of race, sex, and pathology. ATDS activ
ists and educators struggle to break these associations and the conspiracies of
suppression and displacement that perpeuuste them, They aim to secure public
places from which sufferers can claim their status in unszabiguous tems. It is in
light ofthis struggle that a small gesture made by Nelson Mandela took on enor-
‘mous significance. In announcing that his sole surviving son had succumbed to
the disease, he declared: “The only way of making [HIV/AIDS] appear a normal
illness like TB or cancer isto come ovt and say that someone has died of [it!”
(Gedye and Sapa 2005). Local commentators refested to this as their “Rock
Hudson’ moment" (Uys 2005).
Bot the inaudibility of talk aboot AIDS is often less a matter of brute repres-
sion or seerecy than of complicated communicative practices in the context of
radical uncertainty. Nuanced registers and indirect forms of speech flourish in &
field haunted by the ubiquitous presence of the disease. For death isthe unspoken
referent around which much everyday signification has been ceoriented. In South
Africa, where one in fve adults is said o be infected and some clinics report that
nearly 40 percent of women between twenty-five and twenty-nine years are HIV
Positive, maintaining the ambiguity of one's status, or the presence or absence of
3. "More AIDS in South Africa" JOL News, July UI, 2005, wwyrintoLco-zafindes php?
se MeL Aclck ids13Qear_jdeqyt1210857226138162
202itself. In many
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che disease, can bean act of sel-preservation, defiance, or resignation in te Face
stan appeenty implacable fate. Adjective such as fo or thin, sharp or sages
sallow or pumped prime the delicate labor of framing Henies and brosching
arores in the shadow ofthe pandemic. The work of sustaining he self inthe face
Of AIDS also takes on a discernible spatiotemporal aspect. Frédéric Le Marcis
(02004: 454) speaks of the distnetive map of Johannesburg drawn by subfecrs
they traverse the ety in search of care, Ther journeys chart a metropolis Pae!¥
Misible, partly hidden from sight In their tenacious quest for teatment, dei a
ing bodies ae a place of meeting ofthe public andthe privat, theofficial and the
unofficial, the said and the unsaid
"Al this suggests that AIDS in ALfrica—as fetish ot taboo, puted truth Or
jnreducible realty —has been prolifcally productive, I use this las erm jn tbe
anamnner of Marx and Foucault to imply that ithas given birth to signficent forms
Or aveiality and signification, of enterprise and activism, both negative and posi
tive The pandemic bas redrawn the parameters of existence, asimimate pleasures
become mortal risks, as trust and fidlity are freighted with deadly salience and
patterns of physical and colteral continuity are eroded in unprecedented ways, 08
ttre generations are “tole,” a3 children become mothers and sebools become
supenages (Wines and LaPranice 2004). Where adult workforces are depleted
ser omeatc incomes dry up, new orders of dependency and deb, caring and
tustody, take shape. So do new etiologies, utopian vocabularies, and visions of
pocalypse, ll intensified by fnrs of human malevolence and wteeraft (Ash
forth 2002). Such conditions breed desperate forms of inventiveness, represents
tion, and enterprise. Vibrant exprossive genres have sprung up around the Pan
vremies amoog ther, the Body Maps project in which South African artists and
servlets commemorate those who, i the words of Ingrid de Kok (2004/2005),
“hic of lows lesions.” Bot the impact of AIDS is also evident in the less clevatod
tbusinese of everyday exchange. The banal accoutrements of death jostle other
domestic commodities on roadsides and in markets: coffins, wreaths, all mannes
ot medicaments, sacrificial beasts, Communities struggle to find the time and
place, and the ital and financial means to proces the weight of mova]4y, thos
raid the uimate abjection of “bare death” (MeNeil 1998) The prospect of
tring anableo dispatch the dead with ue ceremony —to properly consign them,
to the ancestral world —marks the null point of social continuity, as threatening
to an imagined future as is bare life in the present
“While it often unfixes received signs and practices, AIDS ean also authorize
strong new associations and visions ofthe common good. Those who embrace ®
polis of "pasitive” identity dety silence and invisibility by becoming emphatic
203,
Beyond Bare lifepubli Culture
embodiments of the disease, Members of the South African Treatment Action
Campaign (TAC) wear its declarative T-sbirts like a uniform and take diagnostic
indices as terms of person identification, ‘They introduce themselves at support
‘group mectings, for example, by announcing their CD4 T-cell counts and viel
Toads (Robins 20048: 7). In these context, claiming positive identity ean e tan
amount to a conversion experience: quite literally, a path co salvation, since iden-
tification can bring access to medication and material support. A “positive” South
‘African, a neophyte in an antiretroviral (ARV) program, put it thus: “Lam like &
born again... 1's ike committing yourself to Tie because the drugs are Tite
time thing, ARVs are now ray 1ife” (Robins 2004a: 6). These testimonies rede-
ploy the register of transmutation common in the Pentecostal churches that have
‘burgeoned across the global south in neoliberal times, churches that heve had
anibivalent relations with AIDS movements. Rebirth through the disease likewise
involves standardized formulas of self-declaration, @ passage co new ontologi
cal certainty and transparency that claims to reverse the deceptions of prejudice,
secrecy, and untruth. Like Susan Sontag (1989) in her vain effort to banish meta
pho from representations of illness, AIDS activists often feishize the langusge
Of science in their eagerness to Timit the semantic resonance of discourse about
the disease —although, as we shall see, they also struggle to reconnect popular
science to a vocabulary of critical polities
“The various forms of activism and enterprise, anger and argument, coopers
tion and conflict that have etmerged in response to AIDS in Africa belie images
of abjection, Not only have several countries—Burkina Faso, Senegal, and
Uganda, for example —made an impact on rates of infection, the pandemic has
also triggered energetic forms of mobilization, striving, and assertion among
activists who, often in stark contrast to their counterparts in the West, aspire
to extend themselves to a more general polities of life couched in the language
of citizenship and global equity. To this end, AIDS activists have forged broad,
heterogeneous alliances with international movements, nongovernmental orEe
nizations (NGOs), and private philanthropists as well 2s with various corporate
entities acting in the name of conscience, public relations, or opposition to bio
tech monopolies. And they have pressed a range of national and transnational
‘concerns —from entitlement to life-saving drugs and the rights of FHV-positive
4. Citcs have wcased TAC of downpliying the often severe se offers of ARV mediation
scien be United toc, by contrast, ave scugpld o make drug companies acon the
‘Stoplex cunsequneesf wetont(Decotaa 2005 4-15, Clans fox thesmanaestity of AIDS
‘ten in South Asia tus be see in elaion tothe assertion by 0-cated denials that ARS
te deadly piss
20amigrants, through the ethics of medical experimentation, to the legal and moral
satus of intellectual property. In an ea when many Western intellectuals lament
the “lasting eclipse” (Agamben 1998: 4) of politics as wee know it and antiglobal-
ization activists struggle to engage rapidly mutating, deteritorialized opponents,
‘AIDS carnpaigners in Brazil, India, and South Africa have developed innovative
repertoires of popular insurgency. Recuperating older idioms of mass struggle in
Tight of contemporary aspirations, they infuse their current tactics with a novel
understanding of the uses of law, media, and the agitprop art, the better to come
to grips with complex configurations of power within and beyond the state (et.
Farmer 2003), For example, Joti Biehl (2004: 111) claims that in Brazil profes
sionals and activists have been especially adept at assembling techniques aimed
‘at maximizing equity within the neoliberalizing state. The initiative, be argues,
has emerged as one of the most viable sites for recrafting a vision of democratic
polities and ethics. There are grounds to question some of the claitos made for a
politics of health eitizenship, as we shall see: to ask whether the terms in which it
articulates its concrete, biopotitical entitlements might hamper its broader goals.
Yet itis undeniable that health activism in several parts of de south have proven
particularly vexing to states seeking to reconcile the privatization of public scr-
vices with constitutional empowerment, especially where governments struggle
to assort sovereignty against the force of transnational markets and translocal
organizations.
‘This has been very obvious in the heated battle in South Alrica between AIDS
activists and the Agrican National Congress (ANC) regime. It could be argued
(Gee Robins 2004b) that the movement in support of w constitutional right to
ARVs —a movement centered on an alliance between the Treatment Action Cam-
paign and Medicins Sans Frontiéres—has been uniquely capable of engaging the
kind of public-private, local-translocat collaborations that comprise goverment
in this day and age.5 The movement has managed to link its specific biopotiti-
cal demands to the more capacious terms of enfranchisement enshrined in the
Freedom Charter;6 TAC has adopted the songs and commemorative calendar of
5. Alto active on the eationl cane isthe Naina! Association of People Living with HIVE
AIDS (NAPWA), which while cote ntcoationaly visible 38 TAC, organizes a network of sop-
‘port groups the ALDS Lay Projet atthe University of te Witwatersrand sad string of local end
transloca NGOs (ee Le Maceis 2006; Robins 20640),
{6 This docatent, ratified in 1955 at the Congress ofthe People held at Klptoo, Soto, wae
the benchmark of opposition during the yeas of spsrthei rol. tt eens included derands or 8
‘makita, democratically elected goverament: equal opportunites; the atomization of banks,
mines, and heavy indus; and the redistribation of land in 956,156 people involved in he ce
‘tion and ratfeation ofthe Freedom Charter were charged with ueason (ee Worden 199: 10).
205
Beyond Bare Ue