CHAPTER ...

I

EMERGENCE OF JINNAH AS A LEADER a) Towards Leadership

If we look into the history, we will find that the concBpt of leadership is first introduced by the greatest personalities. They were the Holy Prophets like, Adam, r-1oses, Jesus and Mohammad (Peace by upon him). They organised the masses and mobilized them towards certain goals for the achievement of their salvationo This process set a pattern of leadership in front of the human beings.

This religious concept had opened the way

for research on the pattern o~ leadership and premitive tribal chiefs and leaders of small city States were studied at length. Hence, traditionally leadership has been regarded as a normative formulation, which emphasiEed the qualities of a leade~ as who should lead ani how? Plato in his Republic explains a number of qualities of an ideal King needed to rule over a State. Similarly, Aristotle's Poli tics defines r·lonarchy in a normative way. Machiavelli of the fifteenth century had also discussed the methodology of rule for a successful King in his famous book Prince. Certainly all these studies put special emphasis on the qualities

of leadership.

/

2 :-

Earlier, writers and philosphers lay stress on the myth of a "bor'n leader,,1. It means that leader-

ship W2S restricted to a certain person or class, which could be identified through a set of unique traits and characteristics, handed down from one person to another chiefly through heredity. From the ancient times leadership has been concerned with the political domination and administrative control.

Since, twentieth century, the behavioural movement in Political Science has introduced a new turn

in the study of State and its activities. With the

study of legal structures, im~ortance was given to

the study of informal gr oups , I t turned to th'2 indi vi-

dual, his attitude, motivations, val~es and cognition.

Sidney Verba argues that leadership has long been a

central concern in the study of politics. From the

search in classical political thoughts for the ideal leader to current attempt to construct the elite structure of a modern c omrnun i ty or nation, the problem of identifying leaders and describing their char2cter~stics has been at the core of political analysis.2

By the twentieth century, several intellectual

t.r'er.ds had already brou'Eh~· a change in the conception of leadershi~. First the democratic revolutions of t~e

-:3:-

e ~hteenth and nineteenth centuries depersonalised

the concept of authority. Power defined in constitution and law was vested in office not the person. The scope and jurisdiction of public officials were

defined in term~ of limits imposed by law so that

arbitrary use of power could be prevent~d. Rules

about leadership succession were specified to

check seizures of power by violence. Office set

boundaries to personal influence end the institutionalization of the Executi~e was firmiy implemented.3

Consequently the early trait approach to

the study of leadership has becoms inadequate with

the introduction of new literatu~e on the subject.

The influence of Social Sciences had modified

the concept of political leadership and tradi-

tional heroship disappeared with the emerging views of Psychology.4 We find a large literature,

attempting to describe leadership according

to a number o~ asnects. B~t the kind of leader-

ship to be suggested for a society is not an easy

task.

The situational aspect of leadership gain strength

with the work 0: Sociologists.Consequently in the wave

of the initial s t a g e of delin.k:ing the early trait ap-

proach, came theories emphaSising the importance of

e total situation. It means that if we define certain

characteristics cf a leader, i~ will not be sufficient

-4 :-

for all societies. Similarly, it is possible, that a

person appears to be a very good leader in one group,but he may fail to hold the same position in anothe~ C. G.

Browne, says that lithe leader emerges as a consequence of

the need of a group of people and of the nature of situation wi thin wn i.ch that group is a t t ernj ting to co-operate ."5

It can also be strongly argued that +he f'o LLowe r-s

too must be studied, if we are to see most celarly what

happens in a leaderstip event. It is the follower as an

individual who perceives the situation and who in the last

analysis accepts or rejetts the leader. The follo~ers

persistent active motive, point of view, frame of reference

or attitude will have a hBnd in determining what he perceives

r:

and, reacts to it.o These psycholcgical factors in the

individual f'o I'l owe r-s can-~;o""C be ignored in a search for

sincere leadership. Even in that period, when the present

concept of leadership was not developed, we find that

leaders had to either remove tne grieve.nces of their subjects

or to accomodate their wille It was necessary to seek

legitimacy to strengthen their rule. This was the reason

why the famous Hindu King of India, Ashoka practised Buddh-

ism to control the conseQuences of the mass killing of Kalinga.7 Similarly the Hughal Empercr Akbar invented his n e» cult, 'Din-i-Ill2.hi' 8 married, to Hindu womeJ and

l 1 d b ~ I Larni ., 10, 1 d.i

a~ owe anum er c ; un- s elTI1C pr ac c i ce s .i nc u .i.n g pre-

t' f ' ... t· t 11, ,

ven lon 0 caplLa lO~ ax lD oreer

f h' H' d ,. t ' I d i 12

rom lS. ln u sUDJec S lnn 12.

to seek legitimacy

-: 5

Now, we can say that the concept of leadership

has been defined from different perspectives. For example, the sociologists lay emphasis on the larger cultural

context as a crucial

--------------. factor of leadership,

while psychologists observe leaders from their psychological perception. Different approaches also plead for different

leaders to act on distinguished lines. The difference

between the leedership approach of Chl.o ng Kai Shek and that

of Mao Tse Tung, however is more instructive. Chiang

appealed to the masses on the basis of nationalism and

the threat of Japanese invasion. ~ao on the other hand

appealed to more fundamental need of the Chinese people for freedom and fulfilment in the:r lives.13

No doubt, the modern methods of research have opend

a number of new ave~ues in the field of social Sciences,

but the tr(Jditional methcds have their own merits. Since

the humanbeings are not equ~l by birtt (physically and mentally), we can no~ ignore the personality traits given

in the idea of a born leade~ completely~ So far as the research on the leaders'r::i_p is c onc e rne d , the positive

result can only be achieved, if one tries to strike a

balance between the t vo , i. e., traditional and modern

approaches, both should be applied while analysing the leadership pattern of any Le ade r i As Gibbs says, that leader-

ship is both a function of the social situation and a function of pe r s cne Lt t y , but i i:: is a function of these

6 :-

two interactions •• }4 Sidney Verba also gives importance

to certain factors from both area of studies, i.e., modern and traditional. They are: (1) an Individual structural position in a group (2) his status in the cultural environment, external to the group (3) his personality

( 1 ~

traits 4) his motiv3tion to assume the leadership role. ~

~e further points out thet there is a great demand for

creative leadership, wtich means roughly that we need

leader who can innovate when faced with new situation.

While discussing the leadership pattern of Quaid.-

i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, it ~ill be helpful

to go

through a brief historical back ground and the environ-

ment in wh~ch he rose to achieve the status of a leader.

His personality t r-a i t s tr-:.at i nf Luenc e d his leadership

characteristics and ~he motivatiQn which encourged him

to take up the leadershir role (etc.) are important to

study. Hence, this study will invite both fields of

inquiries, traditional and moder:-:. However, the features

of traditional characteristics will be analysed in the

light of modern research.

Before c2.sting light on the leadership pattern

of M~ A. Jinnah, an attempt is being made here to go

through the history of Muslim leadership in Indiabriefly.lt

not only helpsto understand the ~uslim leadershi~ in

India, but it also ex~lains the ~olitical and so=ia1

environment thru,;g;r. 1N'hich the leadership of f'lr. Jinnah

emerged.

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b) Muslim Leadership in India

Muslim leadership in India commenced, with the

conquest of Sindh. Imaduddin Mohammad Bin Qasim invaded Debal in 712 for the defence of Muslim women and child-

ren, who were arrested in Sindh unlawfully and their valuables were als6 looted by the Pirates of Sin~' during their voyage. Raja Datir, the then ruler of Sindh had

completely refused to extend any help to those Muslim

. 't i 16

VlC lms.

i>lohammad Bin Qasim ent ered India in defence

of r~uslim women and children and to punish Raja Dahir

for his refusal to do justice ~ith them. He defeated

Raja Dahir near the fort of Rn&ri in June 712 and Raja was killed in the battle.17 By conquerring other adjoin-

ing areas along t~e r~ver Ind~s Kohammad Bin Qasim

continued to proceed forward a~d Sindh became an Arab

P . . 71 ? 1 8 ,..., l l " . t' . 71 5 "h ,'::} ,

rOVlnce In _ . l'l __ DlS c.ea n In , 1'10 amman .uln

Qasim had also conquerred Auch and ~ultan and had

included w.i t h i.n his f c Ld G\.~jr::.t an c States in Rajputa:;,8

and Ka't h.i awar' .. 1,'j';lerl he wa s heading towards the Northern

India, he was called back by the Khalifa in Iraq19. No

daubt, Mohammad 3in Qasim left his conquerred areas teo

early, but the victcry that he won over Sindh had openej

the gateway foY' I'iusllmlead.ershi~ in India. Sindt remained 40 ye ars under Urnma yao s , 20 and for 283 years under

t.bb i d 21 .. aSl S •

It ~eans th~t Sindh Was ruled by Arabs fer

2.bcut three centuries (i.e. from 712 to 994).

The first Jamie Nasjid (~csque) in India was

fcunded by jiionammad Bi.n Qagim at Jebal. He also gct

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settled Arabs at that place.22~ot only did he

establish a number of mosques in Sindh and Punjab but he also established Arab colonies along with them.23 His aim was to at~r2ct non-Muslimsof Indi~

towards his religion, Islam. ~o doubt the

Eindu rpcpura t i on W2S soon influenced by the super-

ior culture and tradition of Islam, introduced

by 1'·"joharcmaG. Bin U.asim in the subcontinent 0 Lshwa r i

Prasad saY3 meri~s of Islam influenced Hindusi~,

and a Lar g e 24 to I s La m ,

DUfiiber

of

were

convertec.

Hence, the kuslirn leadersti~ in India

was started under the patronage of Islam and

;'JOhommsd 3i;--, ~~asirn ';.'2.S "'.::;~e first eius Li n leader

of India. ~u51iffi leadership remained in India for

~ore tham eleven cen~uries (~.e. from 712 to

~18;;8) l';"'g'n"'-l h"-n-":"-'8 , .. ,,~·c -+-',.,.=, last ,';usll·m d yn a sty"

./ • ..I_.I. J._.o- ........ ~'il~-4-.,'" _ V'Ilt:;.,w ..... 1...... ...I.

in India, when the ~ritish occuried the

subcontinent.

c) DriLis~ occu~~tioYl. ani Leadershio Crisis

in Injia

The disintegr3tio~ of ~u5lim power in

India started when the ~u~hel Empire became

the hotbed of iYlterna::!_ rivalries and ~ailed

to resDond to the POSi~~V2 developments and

?or about a thousand ye2r back, the Europeans

had lived in a state of political and social confusion and intellectual darkness. The European scholars and men of letters were influenced by

the superior learning and knowledge of ~uslims, passed into Eu~ope, largely through Muslim Spain. This awakened in them a spirit of inquisitiveness, amd set into motion an intellectual movement, which cul~inGted :n the renaissance.

The B~itish entered Indi3 through their trading settlemen~ and made it her colony after a passage of time.Between fifteen to ninteen centuries, various European nations, like Portugese, French, GErman,Duc~,jf~nis~,~anes 2nd the British merchan~s tried hard to keep their hold on-the Eastern trade in ~hE subcortinent.However,the 3ritish defeated all cf their cc~terrpor2ry traders in the subcontinen~,

due to their be:ter organiza~ian,naval superiority,

and exploitc.tio;. 0: the concessio~s made to the~ by the i',ug~c.ls.

j;jaysore ,l'iirs i:-; S ::'ncir-, and :\izarr. in Deccan, the British had virtually exta0lished their rule in India.The war of independence,1857,which proved abortive for the Indians ga~e a free hand to ~he 3ritish to establish

ter rul~ i~ =~~ia.

?ro~ tre d2ys of Tipu's dec.th, the political ma~ of Indi~ began to c~~nge ~ast almost every year

-:~ 0: -

till 1858, when the Queen Victoria of England became

th ~ f ~ d i 2~ 1 . f ound h t· 1

e ~mpress 0 In la. MUS lms were ounn OS 1 e in

the eyes 0: the British, because, they had fought the

war of independence against ~he~ in 1857. After the

supression of independence war, the Britisp attitude towards the ~uslims became more clear.

Lord Ellenborough declared in an official communica-

tioD from LO[JdonJ that lithe race (0: huslims). Idas

fundamentally hostile to us and our true policy is to 26

r-ec cnc i Li.at e the Hin::iusL' Q .<...::;:ter 1857, wrote -Jawahe r'La l

hehru, that the heavy hand of the british felt more

upon the ~uslims than on Hindus. While the rising was

at it s hei ; _ .h t , l~:eorge- Cam jell e xrr e s se d the fear t.na t

the British mi~ht degrade ~uslims as a class and

~illiam Eoward Hussell recorde~ in 1858 that the

110hammaden ele~ent in India is thzt which causes us

most trouble an~ p~cvoke ~he 12r~e share of our 27

hostility. -

The 3rit~3h dealt wi~t ~ndians with an Iron

han~, specially the 0uslims were sub4ected to their

worse treatment, ~h2 pernicious theory spread, that

all Asians were a second class race end white men

DOS S essed SO::-:2 i n t r ':'r:si c and un c nan I Lange a ble

The British in:roiuce~ 2 Dolicv D~ ~eeDing white and

aleck

28

QT...._,.~r-+- ~I

G .. .JO_ .... I,_, ...

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The behaviour of the British with the Indians

generally and with the Muslims particularly, injured the feelings of the Nuslims to a greater extent. Some

of them resorted to kill English officials in revange,

~hich had opened the eyes of the British Government.

Two assassinations of the high ranking British

officials, compelled them to change their policies towards Indians specially the t;luslims. Chief Justice

Norman of Calcutta High Court was assassinated by a Pun ja bi fiiuslirn_. A bdu l La h on 20 September 187129.

Similarly the assassination of the Viceroy Lord Mayo

, 30

by another Muslim Sir Ali in 1872- began to appear

t.ha t the British and the f1uslims of the Northern India 31

'.'Iere on a collison course- 0 Those 't wo assassinations

left British Governwent to think about some conciliaticn

between her and the Indians~ specially the Muslims. On

the other nan d , '1:he j':-l~slims na d s t ar-t ec thinking, that

Ii ving on the British te:cms cculd mean the acknowledg-

ment of w'estern domination ,~tJhich demanded separation

of religion fro~ ~olitics 25 the genersl principle of

progresso

It must be born i~ mind. that the Muslims were

t.h e ruler of the subc orrt Lnerrt and the -'dhole India

remained under the Muslim leadership for centuries,

how could tr.ey accept an unjust foreign rule upon them·

It is human nature that a person can not~illingly deliver

his belongings to anyone else. How Muslims of the

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subcontinent could tolerate the seizure of

their throne of Delhi by the British. Similarly, they were not ready to be ruled by the Hindus. The British on the other had

ruthlessly pErsecuted the Nuslims in India, simply because they were the ruler, from whom they had grasped power.

The power of the Mughal Emperor of

India started to decline soon after the

British extablished their trading company

called the East India Company long before

they held the throne of Delhi.They success-

fu lly s e cu red SO:Tle concess ions from the

Mughel Kin~' snj had skill~f~lly exploited

them in "their. 0\,,11 favour. La.ter the British

occupation of I~di~ had nc doubt destroyed

the Muslim le2d2rs~ip i~ ~he region

wn i c h gave birth toa122.G.srs::i:;: crisis

among the Muslims 2~ that very moment.

A brief sketch of "the r·j·,)slkm 12ader-

India ~ft2r ~~e advent o~ the

British will help to understand the

leadership positio~ among the ~~slirns.

The discontent of ~he c.isposed

noblemen called Maulvis, who hed lost

their political in:luence a~d the

"

general resentment at the degradation of Islam under the British rule led to constant outbreaks in north

India. The blame of the war was also laid at their doors because they (Maul vis) had issued a fatwa ilupporting the war against the British, Further more Bahadur Shah, the last Mughal King had been proclaimed the Emperor of India. Muslims looked for leadership among the religious men and nobility. who were also power-Le's s , Even though the religious leaders never ruled India in the past they influenced the policies of the Muslim Rulers.32

There were many religious leaders in Muslim

India, who were trying to bring reforms in the Indian

society long before the British took control in India

in 1858. The great Muslim reformers like Hazrat Mujadid Alaf Thani (1562-1624), Hazrat Shah Waliullah (1704-1765) and Hazrat Syed Ahmad Shaheed of Rai Bareli, U.P.(1786- 1831). struggled hard to eliminate the unlslamic prac-

tices from the Muslim society. The contribution of Hazrat

Mujadid Alai Thani and Hazrat Shah ',o,'aliullah towards the

growth of Islamic customs and revival of Muslim

power can not be ignored. They worked hard to

eliminate evils and irregularities. which had

spread among the Muslim society due to the influence of Hindu culture. Syed Ahmad Shaheed of Rai

Bareli also tried to revive Islaffii~ practices in the

early part of the nineteenth century. He had only one

-: ~ 4: -

view in mind to wage Jihad against the infidels. In

doing so Syed Ahmad contributed to the rise of Muslim nationalism in India. His efforts towards Jihad are

considered as the precursor of all subsequent Muslim movements in India33•

By giving his life for the cause of Muslims, Syed Ahmad Shaheed of Rai Bareli had practically advocated the separate natmonhcod of the Muslims in India. In his teachings Syed Ahmad Shaheed admonished the

Muslims to live a life which was in complete confir-

mity with the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet, and to believe in the absolute Unity of God, which entailed

total and immediate rejection of all innovations and

t· t' t· 34 T' t ~-. d . 1

supers 1. lOUS pr ac a c e s • 1. U I'uan rose as a e c a p e

of Syed Ahmad Shaheed in Bengal in 1820. He also urged

Muslims to fight against the British and gave his life

for the cause of Islam.

When the British took ccntrol of India, Sir

Syed Ahmad Khan emerged as a great reformist and leader

among the Indian Muslims. He defended Muslims' cause

through his writings and institGions. He presented the

idea of two nation theory by say':"ng that "India 1s a beautiful bride, whose two eyes are the Hindus and

Musalmans and her beauty consists in that her two eyes 35

bE of equal luster" /

His famous pa~phlet hsbab-i-3aghawat-i-Hind

(causes of Inji2~ revolt 1857), written for the British

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officials and Parliamentarians,had a great political significance. It had communicated the grievances of the Indians to the British Government and informed her that

36

the Indians had no say in the Parliament • However,

the tone and text of, his pamphlet was submissive and ·appologetic. In this pamphlet, Sir Syed called the

37

British Government as his own government and used

harsh language about those Muslims who were advocating 38

~had against the British • In other words, Sir Syed

was the first to close the doors of Jihad in India

against the non i"luslims • Its effects were far reaching

which discouraged the efforts of Muslims to wage Jihad

against the non Muslims not only in India but throughout

the world.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan believed that the Muslims

would not get their due place in the changed situation,

unless they learnt to adjust themselves to the new

conditions. Any self assertion on their part would have

meant a retribution which m.i.grrt ruin them. He also

believed that liber21 ideals should be imbibed by them.

A reinterpretation of Islamic values was the crying need

of the day. 1,<1 i th thi s end in vie' .. :, he started, Aligarh Institute Gazette, Tehzibul I91ao and eventually founded the Anglo Oriental College in 1877, with its humble

enrolement of eleven students, which ultimately deve- 39 loped into the I'~uslim un Lve r s i ty of Aligarh in 1920 '.

-:16:-

Sir Syed won recognition among the Britishers.

He spent a long time in government service and got title from the British 40., Although, he emerged as a

great reformist among the Indian Muslims and defended Huslim's cause through his writings and institutions he turned submissive towards the British Government

by recognising her rule and compromising with the

time. He helped establishing the idea that India was

,41

not Darul-Harb during the British time, as many

Muslim Ulema had declared it so. If Sir Syed would have led the Indian Muslims with an independent course, the British stay in the subcontinent would, not have prolonged. But a number of his works aimed at convin-

cing Muslims that Western thoughts were not anti Islam

they were perheos un~ble to give a correct understanding of Islam. On the other hand, he tried to comvince the

British Government that the Indian Muslims were loyal

to them. Under his teachings the members of Simla

Deputation, who 'later formed t-iuslims League in December 1906, thought it necessary to maintain the expression of loyalty to the British Government 42 as its first

objective.

When the English language became lingua franca

of the country,and doors to jobs 'de:--e opened only for

those who knew English, Indian l'luslims were hesitant

to 1 earn that Languaje , fearing the wor s t impact of English culture, that might spread through the

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language. Secondly the English language was also considered to induce ~eople to become Christians43• Although, the Government announced a strict policy

of religious neutrality, it was true that Bible was

introduced not only in missionary schools but also in

government institutions. In some of the schools questions like, who is your God? and who is your redeemer

were put to students and they were expected to reply

according to Christian doctrines of knowledge

of which they were given prizes44 Eventually the

Government

failed to attract ~uslims towards

the English education.

At that time Sir Syed Ahmad Khan thought that

under the British rule, the Muslims could achieve a

respectable place only if they agreed to learn the

English language. ~eferring to the fear of Muslims

towards ~ngliGh language, he argued: it was a matter

of deep regret t na t l';usalmans considered the religion

which was so great and enlightenen,

weak enough to be

endangered by the study of western liTerature and

Science. In fact the dBvelopmen~ o! secular knowledge,

45 he was convinced, would only prove the truth of Islamll •

However, it could be appreciated that Sir Syed

Ahmad Khan not only encouraged r.u s l 'i rns to educate them

selves, but also took initia~ive tc establish educational

institutions for ~uslims as he established Mohammaden 46

Anglo Oriental College at Aligsrt in 1877 • (discussed

earlier)

.. :18:-

He believed that higher education was the first step towards national development and prosperity,47 Aligarh University became a symbol of the Muslims identity in India.

The M.A.O. College was inaugurated by Lord Lytton, when he visited Aligarh in 1877. As regards the aims of the College, the report of the Education Commission, 1882, gives its origin as under:"Recognising the backwardness of their community in Education, certain Musalman gentlemen of these provinces were determined to discover the remedy; and led by ro-iaulvi Syed Ahmad Khan, whose life has been one long devotion to the cause of liberal education, they formed themselves into a society with the primary purpose of ascertaining the specific objections felt by the ilLohammadans' community towards the education offered by the Government and of ascertaining the kind of education, which would be wel-cowed in its place. It was plain to them that a return

to the old method of oriental instruction ~~s impossible".v.48 The report further says that •• O~ To appeal to the Mussalman eommunity at large upon principles

so much at variance, not with the r-iohammadan reli-

gion, in its essential doctrines but with the Mohammadan religion as interpreted by the majority of those who held it ••• 49

Under the impact of the teachings of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the Muslims of the subcontinent not only started taking western education, but they had also

J·1g·

~t .-

begun to express loyalty towards thenBritish Governmento However, what Aligarh did was to produce a class of Muslim leaders with a footing in both W~stern and

ISlamic cultureQ They were at ease both in British and Muslim societies and endorsed with a conscious-ness

of their ~laim to the aristocracy of the country as much in British as a Mughal times.50

Learning any field of science or language is rather good. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah too had encouraged Muslims of India to learn English in, order to fight out the British. However, the way, Sir Syed had under estimated. the Islamic knowledge and education in support of English education, can never be justified by any argument.

A number of eminent Muslims had joined hands

with Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in encouraging Indian Muslims to accept British rule and learn their language. Prominent among them were Abdul Latif and Syed Ameer Ali.

Abdul Latif was a government servant and had an exce-

llent knowledge of English. He persuaded Muslims of

Bengal to acquire knowledge of English. He founded in

1863 the Mohammadan Literary and Scientific Society

of Calcutta to impart useful education tg the higher and educated classes of Muslims. The lectures delivered

here usually encouraged Indian i'1uslims to accept the British rule'. 51

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Justice SyedAmeerAli a renouned Muslim Scholar, Privy Councillor and a Judge was also supporter of Sir Syed. He belonged to Bengal. His first book entitled The Critical Examination of the Life and Teaching of Muhammad published in 1813 in London, as a result of his conversation with Henry Channing, a nephew of a famous Preacher.52 This book formed the basis of his more famous work the Spirit of Islam (1891). Both of them meant more for a European rather than Indian Nuslim readership.53

He appreciat~d Sir Syed's concern, that Muslims formed almost a separate nationality in India.54

Unlike Sir Syed,AmeerAli had some independent views about the progress of I"iuslimso Sir Syed did not permit Indian Muslims to take part in politics and under the influence of Sir Syed Nuslims kept themselves away from it for a long time, However, Ameer

Ali was the first z.:uslim in India, who publicly

stated that the l'iuslim community should organise

themselve politically. For this reason, he founded the National Hoharnmadan Educational Association in

Calcutta in 1877" It was aimed at looking after the interest of the Muslims of India in general and those of Bengal Presidency in particular.55 It gave a platform to Indian r'~uslims long before the establishment of Indian N3tional Congress in 1885. It later helped them to organise a political party of their own in 1906, namely Muslim League. The members of

-:21:-

Muslim League continued to take advices from hi. even after the establishment of Muslim League in 1906.

AmeerAli himself took much interest in the demand of

separate electorates and affairs of the London Branch of Huslim League.56 However, it was the influence of Sir Syea and teachings of Syed Ameer Ali that organized Muslims of India after the British occupation of India. It also enabled them to form an organization of their own and to prepare themselves for united action to achieve their collective objecti~e.

There was another group at that time struggling

to save Muslim culture from the worst effects of the

English culture, system and language. They thought that with the mixture of English culture and outcome

of the English language, the Islamic culture, traditions and practices would be affected. In order to save Muslims' system of learning,they tried to start

I"1uslim education a Longw i th some reforms in the method

of learning and education. Consequently a number of

Islamic educational institutions were established.

The famous among them were Darululoom Deoband, established in 1867 and Nadwatul Ulema, which came into being in 1894.57 hlthough those institutions contributed

much to .... ards the Islamic learning and education

of Muslim masses, they were not strong enough to

a r gu zi favour of i'ius Ld.ms I interest or challenge the

~estern views, clashing the Islamic thoughts.

-:22:-

A number of Ulema in th@se institutions could not

express unity among themselves. In 1913, Allama Shibli t Secretary Nadwatul Ulema had dismissed

Moulvi Abdul Karim, a teacher of the same

institution for writing an article in favour of Jihad against the British rule.58 Howvver, these religious institutions contributed much in the preservation of Islamic culture, tradition and sources of knowledge. Deoband became the anti thesis of Aligarh.59

At this juncture Muslim India was confused.

Under the t.eacb i ng s of Sir Syed, they were refrained from political activity and had gODe so far as to express loyalty towards the British

government, who was not willing even to consi-

der Muslims' rights and position in the

subcontinent. On the other hand the

religious

leaders appeared so weak that they could not interpret even the religious thoughts courageously. At this crucial juncture Hohamroad Ali Jinnah wa s emerging on the political scene of India.

d) India At the Birth of Jinnah

Quaid-i-Azam Nohammad Ali J innah was born on Sunday 25 December 1876 at Karachi.60 The year of

his birth 18f6 was the year in which Queen Victoria was made Qaiser-i-Hind,61 and in his childhood, the British Raj in India was at the height of its

powe~About two decades before his birth, the British who came as traders became the rulers

of the 8ub~continent.

Through an act of the British Parliament,

62

dated 2 Augast 1858, the iast India Company was

abolished. Consequently, the vast empire of the company was taken over by the British Crown in accordance with the proclamation of Queen Victoria on 1st November 1858.63

With the beginning of the British rule, a culturally alien power, emerged as ruler of India, while Muslims who ruled India for centuries became

victims of that power. Hindus who were not the ruling class of India hoped to ultimately succeed the British and to dominate the Muslims

by capturing power.

The British had changed the political

structure of India. Although, India came under

the British control, the whole of the subconti-

nent was not thus conquered or anne%ed.

The greater part of India became British India and its inhabitants, who then numbered about 295 millions, became British sUbjects.Two fifths which come to about 93 millions enjoyed quite a different relationship with the British Crown. As

the outcome of political and military exigencies, agreements were made between the representatives of

.. :24:-

the British Government in India and a number of Indian Rulers or Chiefs, who had accordingly established their independence after the breakdown of the Mughal Empire. Under those agree~ents the ruling dynasties surrendered the management of their external relatio~s to the British Crown, but continued to control under certain conditions the domestic affairs of

their States. Though by accepting the suzerainty of the

Cr'own , they were brought wi thin the ambit of the British Empire, their terr'tories did not become British soil, nor their subjects ,British s~bjects. Thus under the British, India was divided into two distinct parts, in which the basis and forms of government were quite different.64

In British India, the form of Government was virtually dictated by Parliament and for this purpose a post of Secretary of State for India was created in 1858. Its basic principle was Parliamentary control through a Governor or Viceroy. The method of

Government approximated more and more closely to

the method which had lo~~ been employed in other

dependent territories of the British Empire called

Cr'own Colony Government. Hence, for purpose of administration, the Governor was given autocratic powers.

He was aided and adv ised by an Executive Council, cons is-

ted of officials. The Governor was also given authority

as law maker: and for this he also acted with a Council

which might be the Executive Council, .cting in a legislative capacity or the same Council enlarged

-: 25 : -

for the purpose or sepanate Legislative Council. Non

offi cial members. could be nomina ted by the Governor

or in some cases elected by the public bodies or constituencies for Legislative Councils, but the

official members mu~t always be in a majority. In other words, it was government by officials, because

only so, c ou l d Parliament fulfil the trust it had ffj

assumed 4J

The continued expansion of British rule led to the formation of more territorial units, till by

1919,

British India excluding Burma was divided

into fourteen provinces. All these provinces, had

their own governments ~ but they we r'e not of a uni-

form type. The multiplication of provinces did not affact the principle of unitary control by the Government of India and the Secretary of State. There

was th~s no division of authority, no trace of the

federal idea in the constitution of

British India

before 1919. The provinces had no rights of their own

~hev were legally no more than the administrative

section of British India and their governments no

more

than agents of the British Government, which subordina te to the Secretary of State 66.

were

The British mind in politics had never been

original. They were custom oriented and found no

principle to gaver.! India, whi8h had a heterogeneous

character. They had the principle of British consti-

tuiion and they desired to introduce representative

institutions in India as introduced in other colonies like

Canada. But jn Ind ia the situation was totally different from

Canada. Lord Macaulay's speech in the House of Commons (1833) made the Muslims of the subcontinent more

anxious. This s~eech was considered as the first

constitutional advance, which suggested representative government for India to strengthen the British 67

rule •

An a t t ernpt was made by t.he Indian Council .vc t

1861 to establish closer contacts between government

and the governed. The Act provided for the enlarge7

ment of Governor-General's Executive Council to form 68

a Legislative Council

•

The Viceroyalty of Lord ~iDDon (1880-1834)

at~e~pted to imple~ent the principle of Glad' Stan's

Literalism in India. 2~ppon policy in India was to

encourage educatec Indians ~o trust t~e Bri~ish rule

and find le;itirnate out lets ~or their asoirations.

The reforms scheme, which he later introduced in

1882 was based on his firm conviction that British

rule in Lnd i a con s t tt ut ec a trusteeshir and deve-

10Ded 2 heavy responsibility on :Oritain not only to

69 govern but also to train Indians for self government ..

By the end of 1884 a networ~ of local authorities ~ad

been establisted.

In order to brin~ the Indi2n Deo~le closer to

British Govern~ent, ~he Indian Xational Congress

was established in 1885 with the approval of the British Government. Through it, the British wanted to have representative Indian opinions on her policies and programmes by treating Indians as one nation.*

The Council Act of 1892 enlarged the Provincial Councils, and empoweredttto discuss the budget and raise administrative questions, but members were not allowed to vote.70 Through this Act, a few of the nonofficial 5e~8 were still to be filled by simple

nomination, but for a majority of them, recomman-
dations were to be made by local bodies or corpor-
ations, religious communittes, municipali ties~ Univer-
Sities, Chamber of Commerce and the like.71 It introduces the principle of some sort of elections in India although, they were quite different from the procedure in practice in Britain.

The issue of Nationalism in India arose

with the introduction of Act of 1892~ and, British attempted to rule India as one nation. This made Muslims anxious about their future in the subconti-

nent. Through the ideas of nationalism and nation state, the British tried to seek an artificial unity between Muslims and Hindus, the two prominent nations of India.

*

The Indian National Congress soon became a mouth

piece of the Hindu aspirations and was dominated by the Hindus.

-:28:-

Although the concept of a modern nation State was alien to India, feelings of oneness based on tribal or caste affinity was common among them. The ancient poems of Dravidians (native people of India) reveal to us, that even in primitive ages, India had witnessed a number of small kingdoms, who could not

consolidate themselves into a single power State by sinking XX their narrow tribal identities.72 The British exploited the

term nation in India and tried to rule two nations .. :-,_, .' with a single set of rules, which created problems and crisis. Through out the i"iuslim period, the Muslims and Hindus, two separa te nations of the subcontinent were ruled according to their distinguished custom traditions and laws. Although a mass conver~. sian from Hinduism to Islam took place, Muslims and Hindus

never mixed up their individual identities. As Percival Spear maintained that the ideas of nation and nation State which

emerged in the West, were not applicable to multinational India, where various nations lived together. These nations and groups

respected each other and coexisted peacefully but they did not consider themselves to belong to the same stock.73 Individuals tended to look upon themselves as Nuslim, Hindu Sikh and Parsi etc. rather than an Indian.

it is said that two nation theory was born in India

the day the first person was .onverted to Islam. It is true that it was Islam, that set the boundaries of Muslim nation or Millat in India long before the term nation found its expression during eighteenth century in the West.Nirad C. Chaudhri, giving details of his observations about Hindu Muslim animosity sald,that in November 1927,during his journey,one of his Hindu

-: 29:-

companions stopped him from eating an orange in the pr e sence 01 two f1uslim gentlemen, travelling in the same railway carriage74,. Similarly on 1st July 1942

l'-1. A 0 J .i.nnah , in an interview to American Press representa-

tive at Bombay himself. differentiated Muslims and

Hindus as follo\'ls: "The difference between Hindus and

Muslims is deep rooted and ineradicable. We are a

nation with our own distincti ve cu'l ture and civilisation, language and literature, art and architecture, names

and nomenclature, sense of value and proportion,

legal law and moral codes, customs and calender,

history and traditions, aptitudes and ambitions, in

short 'lIe have O1..:r own distinc t outlook on life and of life 75 •

In.fact the century old division between

Euslims and Hindus, helped British to establish their rul e in the subcontinent. As r·1aulana i>10hammad Ali

Johar, declared in his historic speech at the first Round Table Conference at London on 19 November 1930

that, .•• lIit is the old maxim of divide and rule.

But there is a division of labour. We divide and you rule. The moment we decided not to divide you will not be able to rule, as you are doing today 76.

Hence theidea of Nationalism could not be

a pp'l i ed on Hindus and l'iuslims •

They could never

be united by any force in India.Tl:.is was the reason

why Indian National Congress, ...... 'hich was established

-:30:-

represent an all

India opin~on could

not play its representative

role and

soon became

the mouthpiece

of Hindu

aspirationst The Hindu extremist

organ i-

sations

with' the support of the British

became active aga i ns t the !'~uslims. Arya Samaj,

founded by S8.wami Dayananda and Saraswati

at Rajkot in 1675 was one of the more powerful activitists ~ovement in Dodern India.77

Arya Samaj also applied its

Shuddhi

::over;;ent (purific8.tion)

8.g8.inst converted

»oslims for tr.eir m8.SS c onve r-s Lon from Ls Larn

-:0 Einduisr::. ;;:jslir::s soon r c a Li sec its poli-

~ic::.l

, . , __ , _ _ 78

s i gri.i r a cance,

Later'

}..ll

India

1510. Its ~aln objective

was to watch and

s2=e~U8.rj tt= interests of 'S:-:e eC1"'Cire Hindu

~er~ livin tc~et~er with t~e observation of

~!:eir se;ara-~ v~y Oi l!~e since centu-

ries,

+' _,

t ncugrrc or

expressed.

+ ~ ..L.. c.Da v

-chey

·"ro'r"',:.::

.', ....... - .._.

the

Britisr-:.

I~ii8J tte circu~st8.nces

Ie:::'

- ,_

..... !'1':_J_ e..~

-: .u s Li ris -::0 -::-_2_-_r_-,<: t~zt the eX;::-'Ession of two na-

inevita~le. The British

~riei to tres-:: :~di3 25 one TI8.tiCD. £he~

... : 31:-

he prospects for the introduction of representative institutions improved in India, the Muslims sense of separate identity was also strengthened and they started viewing with concern the po~sibility of a unitary system being imposed from outside.

With the advent of .the twentieth century .

a number of developments took place, ~±ah motivated the Muslims of India to establish their own

political organizationQSome of such events are dis-

cussed below.

i) The annexation of Oudh by a proclamation dated

80

7th February 1856 was a deadly blow to the principles

of honest diplomacy. The British had installed

a puppet~king in Oudh aft~r the death of its real ruler Nasirudain Haider.81 It caused an adverse

reaction among the people, particularly the I"iuslims, who were sentimental with this Nuslim Princely State which was taken over

by the East India Company and absorbed into

the British Inai2. By annexing Oudh, the

British had not only added thousand squares

miles to their territories but also injected millions of rupees to the revenues of the British Empire. The Muslims rightly started thinking

that no body would remain safe in India if they

were to be treated in such a way.

Since Delhi, the symbol of Muslim authority had already been reduced to a humiliating position,

annexation of Oudh , the only .-

tl symbol of Muslim

a

authority in northern India was/devastating below to

Muslims I pride.

ii) Educational Policy of the British also carried

anti Nuslim slant. Their economic position was already fast deteriorating. The introduction of English

language and

institutions were transmitting

English culture and values into the Indian society and the doors of employ~ent and all governy ment facilities were closed to those who did

not adopt English education and system.

In October 1844, Lord Harding's government announced that the knowledge of English would

be preferred for government employment. This declaration gave a marked impetus to the pro-

gress of western education. The indigenous shoals
were not cared and allowed to decay.82 The
replacement of Persian with English as the
official language proved fatal to the advancement of Muslims educationally. The total number of qualifing Muslims during 1886 - 87 was as follows: Lawyers, 6 out of 186; Doctors, 3 out of 231, and Engineers 1 out of 33.83

The &ast India Company during the early

years of its administration did not consider

the promotion of education among its Indian subjects as part of its duty and concern. Its main objective as a commercial company was profit by trade. However, when the British took complete control

in the subcontinent in 1858, they used education to gain influence over the Indians rather than to bring improvement in the Indian society. For that very reason, they ignored the idea of comulsory primary education in India, as was demanded by the Indian public opinions' leaders.

By 1870, the value 0: English education had come to be recognised by some prominent Muslims of the North Western Provinces. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the first Muslim in India who persuaded ~uslims to learn English. iii) Urdu-Hindi Controversy was created

to justify a third language, which was

the language of the ruling class. When British took control of India, Urdu was

the language of Imperial Court and the high society of the Empire, which set the standard for the rest of the subcontinent. Besides borrowing numerous words from Arabic and Persian, this new variety of speech had the

-:34:-

manifest stamp of Muslim culture in its script.

The substitution of Hindustani for Persian by the administrator. of the East India Company before 1857 was part of their policy of eradicating all races of Muslim supermacy. Soon after they imposed their own language, English, which was totally alien to the land. They also initiated the sinister move

to create a separate communal language for the

Hindus. The real opportunity to carry out the policy of divide and rule in the linguistic sphere occured after 1857, when Muslim resistance to foreign dominance was effectively crushed, and British Imperialism got into full stride. The new Hindi movement and the

resultant Hindi-Urdu controversy acquired an acute form in 1867, when a number of influential Hindus of Benaras submitted a petititon to the Government to replace Urdu as court language by Hindi written in devanagari characters. This move was strongly protested by i1uslims. 84

Anthony l'iacDonnel Lieutenant Governor of

the United Provinces (1897-1901) reputed for his

obstinacy, permitted the

_ use of Hindi script

in April 1900, which term ~~s changed into language by Lord Curzon's government, there by aggravating the situation.85 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan resisted this

movE of HacDonnel from his death bed, but could not s uc c- edad , 86

The storm of protest from the Muslim public and press culminated in a

mass meeting held at Lucknow on 17 and 18 August 1900. Nawab Mohsinul Mulk, who succeeded as Honorary Secreiary of Aligah College, also elected President for the defence of Urdu for this organization.

He condemned the government move in the meetings and passed resolutions against it

to carryon agitation till the government revised its policy. But instead Nawab Mohsinul flulk had to resign his post as President with the organization in view of the threat

by I"iacDonnel to withdraw government grant

if their Secretary continue his opposition

t t li' 87

o governmen po Cles.

Lv ) Deprivation of i<uslims from Islamic

~akf al aulad law was one of the important

issues of the.t period which had created problems for Muslim community. The British not

only weaken ?1uslirns in educational economic

and social fields of life but they had also

deprived the~ of the~ rights, given to them by Shariah. Vaking charity through the insti-

tution of trust or wakf for the poor and

destitutes is common in all religions of

the world.

-:36:--

Bilt Islam also gives much importance to a man's family and relatives. Besides charity, it gives Muslims,

rights to make their properties as wakf for their family and children too so that they pass a happy life even after their deaths. But in other religions specially in christianity, ~ is only meant for charity. Bombay High Court gave a decision against Muslim ~akf ~l-Aulad right in 1873. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Syed ~eer Ali and a number of prominent Muslim leaders had protes-

38

ted against it. But the situation went from bad to

worst when Privy Council in 1894 also gave a deoision against the Islamic right of I~Iuslims to make ~ of their properties in favour of their children or family. The Privy Council Decision maintained that no wakf would be legal, unless it made some time, a substantial contribu-

~'"'

tion to cbarity!~ This amendment to the wakf law of

Muslims had practically weakened their right to donate

their properties to their children. This alao created *

uncertainty.

This law of the British Government was considered

as an interference in the Islamic faith. The law

was criticised ':' ::,':O:::'_y in r.~uslim India. In the later years Allama Shibli Nomani, Khan Bahadur t'laul vi .i'-1ohammad Yusuf, Advocate Calcutta High Court, Syed Ameer Ali and other prominer.: Huslims struggled

*(The brilliant efforts and success of Mr. Jinnah to solve this problem of Muslim India will be discussed later).

hard to repeal that unjust law against the Muslim faith. Shibli Nomani had also started an educational and religious movement against it.90~ number of Muslim advocates had presented infront of the English authorities, the ~uthentic precedents and Hadiths from the Islamic Figah, infavour of Muslim wakf al aulad , but they ignored them and upheld their English law according to which wakf w~s only menat for charity and not applied to ones children or family. Muslims

of India also tried to plead their case in 1906 through

Indian National Congress platform but did not receive

any relief.

However, these problems were creating awareness

among the Indian Euslims and. they started thinking of establishing their own political organization but

they were also looking for some able and couragous

leadership, that coulc solve their day to day problems.

v) Partition of Bengal was considered benefi-

cial for the Muslims of India who were hard

pressed not only ~y the unjust policies of the British government but also by the Hindus,

who were manouvering against their interest.

The partition of Bengal was purely an adminis-

trative matter, which gave some advantages to the

Muslims. But the Congress made it a point of antagonism

-: 38= -

against the Muslims. Trle British did not divide

Bengal in 1905 tc give any benefit to the Muslims

but they simply wanted to control and administer Bengal in a better way. The British officials had

been presenting proposals themselves for the readjustmen t of the boundaries 0: the r rov i nce , In _18;3 f Sir Charles Grant had emphasized the need of dividing the presidency ofFortWilliarn into two provinces. In 1854 Dalhousie had described the burden of administration of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal as be-

ing too taxing for a single human being. The failure

of the Bengal government to cope successfully with the Orissa famine in 1866 appe2rs to have suggested an inquiry into t~e administrative problems of Bengal.91 Similarly in 1872 Sir George Campbell,

the Lieutenant Governor of Bengel, ~omplained that the work of Bengal Government was toc stupendous for

any single million.92

man with a populaticn of about 67

Such kind of complaints

continued to

pore in which had finally cc~;elled the British Gcvernment to take the decision of partitioning Bengal. Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India, had finalised the partition scheme on the basis of the recommandations made, and sent it for approval to t~e Secretary of State in February 19050 The scheme

wes finally published on 19 July and with miner modifies-ions i~ was ap~rcved by tte Secretary of

-:39:-

State on 16 October 1905.93

The most systematic and organized opposition

to the measure was put up by the Indian National 20ngress with the support and c~operation of the Hindu community. The protest meetings in most cases

were organised and presided over by the leaders of the Indian National Congress .94

The relations between the two communities of

the new province became s t r-a i.ne d , The educated Husl i;:; s, considered that the partition Ind new administrati6n of

Bengal would be better for thE growth and development of their community. The anti partition agitationof the

Hindus created a belief amongst the Muslims that the

members of the Hindu community '.'Iere jealous of their

advantages and were there~C~E, prepared to undo the

partition by all means. The atmosphere thus appeared

full of sus~icion, hatred and mistrust between

the two c ornmun i ties - r'iusl ims and Hindus.

Since the partition of Beng2l led to a virulent

agitation by the Bengali Hindus, it arouse political

consciousness among the Musl~ms. The agitation was

definitely taking an anti Nuslim turn. Howe ve r , the

British government, instead of minimising the unjust

Hindu agitation against t~e nartition of Bengal revised

its own rolicy. The new Vicero~ Lord Harding recom-

manded annulment of the partition of Bengal in his

-:40:-

dispatch on 20 August 1911. The British Government ignoring all its solemn pledges to the Muslims

accepted the recjommendatlons and the annulment

was announced through a Royal proclamation made in person by King George V at his coronation

~ -

Darbar in Delhi on 12 December 1911.~?

Vi) Simla Deputation and formation of Muslim

League was an important step taken by fwiuslirn

India. With the beginning of the new century 19007 the mood of i'ius lim politics was began

to change. Sir Syed's view that Nuslims should eschew politics lost ground. There was now a

realiza tion that par t f c i pa tion in politics cou Ld :.' .~ . safeguard Muslim interest. They were asked not to

join Congres s, and they had kept themselves away

from it accordingly. They were advised to remain

loyal towards the Government and they had been passing resolutions after resolutions of loyalty in their

a meetings. But they had not gained anything as/result

of their policies. The Hindu attitude towards the

parti tion of Bengal '.'ia s also creating distress among a s 'IS t era

them. The Act of 1892 had introduced/~f elections in

India. The Muslims knew, that all Matters would then be decided by simple majority and the Hindus would

form a majoirty of four to one, consequently the Muslim memberx would be aut voted in all elected

bodies.

-:41:-

Nawab Mohsinul Mulk, who succeeded Sir SyedAhmad Khan: as" the leader of Muslims and was then Secretary

of the Aligarh college~wrote to W.A. J. Archbold, principla of his college on 4 August 1906. In this letter he referred toJohn Morley's speech on Indian budget and expressed his apprehensions that n6 Muslim would get into the Council by elections wh~le Hindus

I

wo uLd win great number of seats by dint of their

majority. He had also reviewed the thinking of the

Indian Nusl ims and proposed to submit a memorial to the Viceroy in order to draw the attention of the

government towards the r10hammaden rights. He asked for his Excellency's permission for a deputation to 96 submit the views of the Muslims on that issue.

Lord Minto a conservative Viceroy was not much

incl ined to rece;ive a :r.:uslirn deputat ion of this kind.

His aim was rather to acquaint himself with the views

of all those groups of Indian~ population who were

to be affacted by the contemplated changes in the

structure of the Government. However I Lance Lot, Hare,

the Dew Lieutenant GovEl'm.or of East Bengal and \~'.A.J

Archbold, Principle, Aligarh college put pressure on

r.Unto for some reassuring statement for Muslims in

order to appease their sentiments and to direct their

energies towards natural and legitimate course. The Bengal Governor was expecting serious agitation from

-: 42 : -

the Muslims, if the Viceroy did not s)~pathy towards them.

exrress his

Dunlop Smith, the private Secretary of Minto was particularly concerned that the loyalty of the

iviuslims should be' r-e t.a Lned , Al though sixty two million

of the 300 million peo~le in the

su bcontinent

were Nuslims, they represented a powerful group not

only in civic force but also in the army. He persuaded Minto to receive a deputation of Muslims led by Aga Khan on l' October 1906Q Dunlop Smith.' wrote to the

Viceroy in September, that he wanted to stop young

Mohammadens forming small societies, allover India.

Once they start that game, they c an make us really

. 97

anx i cus ,

f'iohsinul Nul k, who 'das bus y in his st ruggle,

ascertained the views of various Muslims on the

subject and sought their signatures. The draft

memorial of, Simla Deputation wa s prepared by Nawab

Imdadul Mulk Bilgrami in collaboration with Nawab

L'loll.sirr'=:lI"iulk. It 'd35 discussed. and finalised in a

meeting on 16 September 1906.

Thirty five prominent Muslims representing

Muslim India, led by Aga Khan, gathered in a

ball room of the Vicereg21 Lodge at Simla on 1st

October 1906. Age Khan, the lea~er of the deputation

then read the excellent aQdres~ stating all their

-:43:-

grievances and aspirations. He presented to

the Viceroy the demands of the fvluslim community for separate electorates and weightage for rfJuslims in all elected bodies. It meant in all provincial and local elections Huslims of India

must be represented separately and their representatives must be elected by purely Muslim electorates. By demanding weightage for Muslims in

all elected bodies, they desired to have more seats than their ratio warranted.98 The Viceroy

in his reply did not commit himself to anything but exnressed his sympathy for their position. As he said. • •• II I am entire Ly in accord with you, please do not misunderstand me; I make no attempt to indicate by what means the representation of communities can be obtainea, but I am as firmly convinced, as I believe you to be, that any electoral represent.;.tion in Inciia would be doomed to mischievous faulure which aimed at granting a

personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and traditions of the communities, composing the population of this Corrt i ne rrt!", 99 i"<orley, the Secretary of State for India, telegraphed his approval to Lord Minto the Viceroy on 4 October 1906. He further expressed his satisfaction over the receirtion of Lord Minto to the Muslims deputation through his letter dated 26 October 1906.100

• I, J, • -.~ ... -

The success of Simla Deputation strengthened the belief ofrndian Muslims in united action and

they desired to represent Muslims through a united

platforrno As discussed above

Justice Syed Ameer

Ali, had already been repe&~edly suggesting

the establishment of

------ a separate political

organization of their 0\'.11. ne again suggested to I-.ga

Khan and Nawa b f.1ohsinul Nulk to establish a separate

Muslim organization, when they approached him for

,. 101

aaVlce· .

After various informal discussions, a separate

Muslim organization

came into being b d th

ase on e

scheme of Nawab Sali~ullah of Dhaka. The delegates

who assembled at Dhaka on 30 December 1906 to attend

th 20th . f III I rl' ,., -, -'", . -l- • 1

e se s s i on 0_ 1". ·D·Ala .~·~O~3;;:::laQen z.uuc a.t j ona

Conference, laid the foundation of All India Muslim

League in a session after the conference. This session

was presided over by Nawab Viqarul Mulk. The promi-

nent among them who ettended this session included

Nawa b Salimullah Khan of Dhaka, Nawa b Viqarul r"lulk, N awab Nohs i nu'l i':ulk, Aga Khan 1:;:1, Naulana Hohammad

Ali Johar etc. The first resolution adopted in this

meeting ex-ale"i'ne-c_ its objec ti ve s which were later

embodied in its constitution.T.hese objectives included (1) promotion of loyal ty among the Indian iViuslims

t.owar ds the British government (2) to ~~_o_tec"': and acva nc s

-:45:-

the poll t:hcal rights of fYlusalmans and convey their needs to the government and (3) to prevent feelings of hostility among Nuslims towards the other communities.102 Among these three objectives, only one,

the second in number was dealt. with the protection of rights of the Indian Muslims while the first objective was to express loyalty with the British government. Similarly the third and last objective

was presented to create a harmony between Muslims and other communities of India. One year later in

1907 Muslim League had even made the second objective more submissive and appologetic by declaring to

protect political and other rights of Indian Muslims and to place their needs and aspirations to the Government in a temporate language.103

They not only expressed their loyalty to the

British government but also adopted it practically. r'or example a letter, writLen by Abul Kamal, informed

Haji Musa Khan in 1910 that in order to give proof of loyalty of i·luslims towards the British gover'naerrt ,

the District ~uslim League Bareli had passed a reso-

lution in its meeting on 11 February 1910 about the appointment of a paid preacher. The resolution maintained that the said preacher would deliver lectures in Bareli and its adjoining areas on the need for loyalty towards the government and the advantages of the British Empire. The meeting also decided to send

-:46:-

all resolutions passed in this session to the Commissioner Rohil Khund.104 It showed

the mentality of the Muslim Leadership at
that time. When the British government
was constantly taking actions against the inte-
rest of the Muslims they were continuously
eXpressing their loyalty in an appologetic and humitiating way. The British actions of repealing the Nuslim wakf al-aulad law and Partition of

Bengal were some of the examples. e) Emergence of Jinnah As A Leader

At the same period Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah emerged on the Indian political scene

as a bold courageous and able leader, and the manner in which he dealt with the British autho-

rities will be Quscussed latera

The ancestrol History of Mr. Mohammad

Ali Jinnah shows that he belonged to a well

to do family of Gondal ,Kathiawar,a Princely

State in India. The grandfather of Mr. Jinnah

Poonjabhai lived in a village of Gondal called

Peneli. He was one of the few inhabitants of

Paneli, who ~~s not an agriculturist. He owned a few hand looms upon which hra worked. He had

also hired workers, with whose help, he was

producing coarse hand woven cotton cloth. By the sale of cotton he earned enough money which entitled

-:47:-

him to the status of a well to do person of Faneli. In this wa7 the grandfather of (Ilr. Jinnah was a small industrialist. Jinnahbhai, the father of Mro

Jinnah was born in 1850, who considered his village

narrow for further advancement and left it after

his marriage with rlithi Bai. He finally reached Karachi alongwith his wife, where he was settled

as a successful businessmano In the same city, Mohammad Ali Jinnah was born on Sunday 25th December 1876.105

Being the eldest among seven children he

acquired prominence and a kind of leadership among

his brothers and sisters. More over his' mother looked

upon him as her favourite Child. Proper care, educa-

tion, love and devotion of his parents gave Mohammad

Ali Jinnah confidence in life.

The attitude of Mr. Jinnab's parents and

the training and education, which they impar-

ted to him, contributed much in the shaping of his personality. ;--:,:.~ pare'nts were Ismaeli Sh i e s , 106 Their religion had oonsiderable influence on

their lives 0 Since l"~oha.mmad Ali Jinnah was

physically much weak during his infancy, his parents were quite worried about his health and survival. Although the doctor

had assured them th2t there was nothing organi.:-.li,

cally wrong with young l>'ioharr.mad / his mother remained

unconvinced.

.. :48:-

She tried to find support in prayers religion and sacrifising animal in the name of Allah and visitL~g on

the tomb of holy people. For this purpose she persuaded her husband to visit the tomb of Hasan Pir at

Gondal along with. young Mohammad Ali and celebrate

his Agiga ceremony (to sacrify sheep in the name of Allah for the safty of a child from all natural c Lar.Lvties) there. Her husband agreed and they took pains to travel from Karachi to Gondal with Nohammad Ali who

was only fev! months old. They ce Le bra ted his Ag iga ceremony at the Dargah (tomb) of Hasan Pir (for him they had great respect) with all religious ferver.107

The parents of f'ir. Jinnah gave some education

to him at home in the very begining of. his student life and then got him adrni tted to S indh i'iadrasahtul Islam108 in 1883. This indic2tes the keen desire of

his parents to impart religious education to him in his early and impressionable years. However, when at

j"ir. Jinnah had completed fourth standard I Sindh

Madrasahtul Islam with Gujarati his parents ad-

mitted him to 1st standard with English as medium of

Lns truction at the same, school in 1887.He had also s tu-

died in Anjurnan-e-Islsm School Bombay for some time

..; '10 a~1 Church Mission School Karachi.·~J

It ' .... as also the pressure of their religion

ar.a specific customs, that when the parents of

- :49:-

f':r. Jinnah decided to send their son (Jinnah) to Lon-

don for training in business, they persuaded him to get

married before his departure. Perhaps they had apprehen-

ded that their son could marry in London with an ~nglish

girl which would create a clash between the two systems.

Consequently tf;r. Jinnah wa s married to

fourteen year

olt Ernibai a beautiful girl from a suitable Khoja family of Paneli in February 1892. 110 It appears th~t the

influence of

Islam on the family of Mr. Jinnah

was d e e p

rooted, and his parents ~ried their best to

build the character bf ifJ.r. Jinnah.

While studying in standard VI at Church Mission

Scheol in Kar-ac n.i r·lr. Jinnah left f'or London Ln Nov ernbe r

"'i892 for' t r-a.i n i ng in bu s i n e s s a-t the Graham's Sh i ppi ng

C6mpnny and train~ng Compan~, London_cn Sir Leigh Croft

ad vic e to his 13 the r , fie 'tIa s diserr.barkej at Sou triampt on ~I 11

and reached London in Dece~ber 1892.

It ~3 incorrect ~o suggest that the economic

position of .... ~inn2h! s father was poor as reported by s cme

o~ his bicgraphe~3! :he d2~2rture of Mr. Jinnah to London

at tis father's exper.s e r-e ves Ls , that during the young

age of Mr. Jinnah his father had a sound economic posi-

tion who deposited e~ough money i~ his account in a Bri- 112 tish Bank to allow him to live in London for three years.

~is father, Jinnahbhai, owned a stables with fine horses

and a number of c a r r La.g e s \-ihid'....-.ere 2. sign of a f f'Lueric e

in those dnys~ After the age of ten Moh2mmad Ali Jinnah

-:50:-

had developed a great liking for horses and he was quick to learn horse riding, the sport he enjoyed most. He had a

sChool friend Karim Qasim,son of a merchant at Kharadar, with whom he used to go horse riding every day.113

As discussed e~rlier that his father sent him to England for the education of business on the advice of Sir Frede-

rick Leigh Croft,General manager of Graham's Company with whom his father was doing business.11~ut r.;r~Jinnah did not

take long to abondon the dull and slavish apprenticeship in Graham's Company.The head office of Graham1s Company was situated in the City of London near the Bank of England and the old East India Company1s original head quarter along the river Thames on Leadenhall Street.115At Graham's office Mr.

Jinnah had to sit at a small desk surrounded by the stock of accounts books, he was expected to copy and balance.116 He soon decided to study law and in April 1893, he petitioned

for Lincoln's Inn. On his reouest he was granted permission to be excused to the Latin portion of preliminary examinati~~?

It means, he took only a few months to take an independent

decision in selecting his future pr-of'e s s Lon .Hs , Fatima Jinnah

tells us how ~r.Jinnah decided to study:~aw,as she quoted him

••• flIt did not take IDe long to decide that I should prepare myself for the bar". 118 He further said that •• r~Fortuna tely, for me that year was the last when one could obtain admission

by passing the examinaticn known at that time as 'L1 ttleJ::;! . The following year, the regulations were to be changed and it would take me two additional years to be called to the Bar.

-:51:-

So I decided to give up my apprenticeship with Grahams and to study law to get through the Little GolI.119 It shows the sharp-

ness of .

Mr.Jinnah's mind. Had he taken longer in

decision making, he would never ::-,2. '.'e completed his legal studies,The fund at his di~posal would have run out and his father would not have been in the position to provide him further financial assistance. When r~jr .Jinnah was busy in his studies in London~ his father had suffered great loses in business.120

Ignoring his father's letters ordering him to came back and help save his falling business, he deposited all his Bar expenses in advance.121 In this way he had also saved himself from any temptation to spend that money here and there in the

122

later years and he even managed to save £71/10. These develop-

ments reveal important aspects of his character one of which was to complete projects under-taken by him, to take decisions

and stand by them. He also learnt to be careful while spending money.

According to ··OJ, F2 tirna j Lnnan , her brother had ad op te d

the English habit of reading carefully his morning newspapers

as he awoke.He went througn with ir;terest the political events

and speeches of great political leaders in and out side the Parllament.Hence, career in Grahams, appeared to him sordid

and narrow.With that profession he could never become a leader

of cen,and a hero in the cause of betterment of his countrymen.

Then he began to study the lives of the great contemporary and past leaders of Englist rublic life,He discovered that many of theIr. had studied for the Bar j and that sound knowledge of Law

-:52:-

had stood them in good stead in their public life.123

No doubt early edutation and training leaves a far

•

reaching impact upon ones life t so was the case with Mr. ,Nohammad Ali Jinnah. It was the influence of his early education

and training that he selected Lincoln Inn for his studies in London. Lincoln Inn gave the name of the Holy Prophet (Peace

be upon him)among the major law givers of the world which promted yound Jinnah to join the institution. 124Similarly, he had refused to participate in a kissing game,in which the penalty for a fault was a kiss .Ac c or-d Lng to f'1iSS Fatima Jinnah,J'tloham-

mad Ali Jinnah always counted himself out of this kissing game. She further quoted Jinnah,that on a Christmas eve Niss Fage Dzoake (In whose i<iother's house Jinnah stayed in 1895) ,caught Jinnah as he was standing under some mistletoe (the significance of which he did not then know) ,and said that he must kiss

her. Jinnah replied to her gently that this was not done, nor was it permissible in their society.125

When Mr. Jinnah was studying in Lond6n,India and its problems were discussed in the British po Lf, tical circle s , The;' Act of 1892 (discussed above) had provided the room for elections and

enlargement of Indian Ccuncil which put the country on the path of the constitutional progress.The interest of Mr.Jinnah grew in politics as he stud.ied la .... in London.As a student he was

elected member of the British Committee of the Indian National

Congress towards the en1 of 1893,headed by Sir William Wedder-

burn.The Committee also included among others Dada Bhai Naroji, Sir Pherozeshah Mehta,and Gokhale.126 Although far from home,

-:53:-

he was observing all the developments, taking place on

the political scene of India when he was a student at

London. According to G. Allana the young Rinnah was eagerly learning his first political lessons in the school of liberal ideas which had powerful impact on the British public life. During his stay at London, he had also obtained a reader's ticket for the library of the British Museum and devoted his time for comprehensive reading. Some times he would go to Hyde Park corner on SlL~day to listen to speakers who freely comment on their own government. He also visited House of Commons to listen the British liberal Statesmen like.

j'Jr. Gladstone, Lord Horley, 1'<11'. Joseph Chamberlain, I'!r.Balfour and the Irish leader Nr. T.P. O'Connor.127

Bence, 110hammad Ali Jinnah had learnt much through

his perscnal and independent studies and observations during his stay at ~ondon. During this period, he devoted

himself to a learning process which helped him to nourish his mind and soul. Not only did he learn to respect

law but th·:= dignity of man , equality, justice and fairplay also appealed to his mind to a greater

extent. In his stuient life, he also got the

oppor tuna ty to meet figures of eminence. In his

last ye a r-s , one of his Secretary, Natlub al
Hasan SE-.iyid, asked him about his studies at
Loncoln' " Inn .. He made a joke by saying, it was 'no more
:iii i Lc ul,: then to give a number of dinners,some twenty two in i:onour of some big members of Inn or other lawyers 128

of »r-om lrienc e

Howeve r I':r. Jinnah was not fully in agr-e erse r;z with

alJ the Western ideas. As G. Allana says that "realising

th( disadvantage of the subject of nation, he was

vi~ualing a massive struggle for the independence of

- ~29

Inc' I a , in which, he wisl'Bi to play an important' role - - •

F3~-ima Jinnah reported that during his stay at

Lo: ,don, Mr. J i nnah felt a lack of close and frequent

co ,tact among the Indian students, without which

t r.. Y could not organize themselves effectively to

sv port their ccuntry or themselve. He tried to take

sc:'e concrete measures in that respect even in his

s : dent life but, his initiatives and efforts for es-

t a: t i sb.i ng an Lnc I an Students organization were turned

de n due to his young age. He was considered too

t 1" h td~sk-13b.

yc :ng 0 accomr_1sn suc a w

The degree of Bar-at-Law was conferred on Mr.

J ~ ,nah by Lincoln I s Inn on 11 Eay 1895131• After that

he attended British courts for eight months to study

tr .i r working be f or e returning to India in July 132

1( :6 - '. On 11 Hay 1896, r·l. A. Jinnah Esquire,

B~ ori ste r of the soc iety, ret! tioned the Bene hers of

L: coln I s Inn for a certificate attesting his admission

co.' 1 to the B2 r an d ~) [ 1".1s cie_parture from Engl 2.:J.J.. 133.y,i i 't h

t\ t tal isman ~ne wc'__)ld be we Lc orne o to join the B3T

~ ~ I

! , .....

c. 2ny court in Lnd i a J ~

-:55:-

It was Jir~ahts own decision to change his name from lv10hammad Ali Jinnahbhai to iriohammad Ali Jinnah

during his study in London, which he first used for crossing his Royal Bank Scotland Gheque.135

The stude n t 1 if e of r"1r. J innah di scus sed above, itself reveals that he was not a kind of student, who study simply to pass his examination for the sake of

a degree. He not only took serious interest in his

"[·J.r-·s~ed

studies but also kept open his eyes arid/keen interest

in politics along with obtaining

his degree in

Law. Consequently, his interest in politics coupled

with his high education in law and brilliant mind

brought him·at the doors of the India politics.

Mr. Jinnah had to face hardships when he returned to KarGchi in July 1896 after qualifying himself for the profession of law. His father

was unable to extend any financial support

to him since he was not doing well financially

His mother anc young w i.f'e had already expired,

when he was studying in London. Jinnah's father

wanted him to settle in Karachi and did his

best to settle him where

h 1·· . t"" " family.136

~ was lVlng Wl ,1 nlS _

In such a condition, people usually aceept w~ at ever they are offered. But MrQ Jinnah was a

d,fferent person. He rejected the post of an

-:56:-

ssistant offered to him soon after his

eturn from England to Karacbi. He did

ot like the prospects of an attached areer on the ground that he would like

irst to test his own abilities. Ultimately

le succeeded in getting position and ,tatus wbich was commensurate with his

~uali1ications and was much greater than the )ffer he-achieved when he arrived in Karachi.137

But it appears that Mr. Jinnah had decided

;0 live in Bombay permanently, while he was at

;ngland." Before returning to Karachi, he had trans-

'erred his savings at London to the ~ational Bank If India Ltd., 30mbay.138 Secondly, he did not

:ind Kar~chi sui~able for his progress and he

lanted to move forward at his own will independent-

_yo After convincing his father, he shifted to

~ombay ani enrolled hi~self as an advocate at 30mbay High Court in 1897.139 In 1899, he was also

:ortunate enough to get an opportunity to use the

~ibrary of Macpherson, Advocate General of Bombay,

l concession granted to an Indian for the first

. 140 L t ....

. rme • a e r , ne was

~eneral's court.141

appointed Reader in Advocate

Then he got the ~osition of a temporary

1agistrate in 1900 on purely temporary hasis in

~esponse to a vac2ncy. ne met Sir Charles

Oli~ant, the then member Incharge of the Judicial department, who appointed him for the post on the bar-is of his ability and the experience which he

142

acLieved at the office of Mapherson. After the

ex~'iry of his t.errn as Presidency Magistrate in Hovem- 14"

be::' 1900, ..I he was offered by Sir Charles Ollivant,

~ permanent appcintment earring a salary of Rs.1500

pe' month. But Mro Jinnah refused that cffer by

sajing that, he wa~ expected to make that sum every

d 144 H . h t.... ffi

a'f. .e earnea. enoug money 0 ren .. a new 0 c e ,

He also left his room in the modest hotel at Bombay anj rented a spacious flat at Apollo Bunder.145

T~e decision, which he took in London

about his studies proved highly successful for

h Lrn , It net only eriabl.ed him to win all Law

suits

filed

against him and

his

146 father,

bi.t his 5UCC ess.ful practice and beld method of

'",i{;rking had also attra::::ted a large number of pec;:le

tlwards hi~. It paved the way for him to become their

IGader. His family too hac started considering him as

t);.eir head, since he W2.S the eldest among all of his

bio t her-s and sisters. His father had elso left Kara-

c;- i and was passing a retired Ii fe in Bombay (to be

d:scussed later in detail).

Mr. Jir~ah was a nan of indomitable personality.

H0 had such characteristics which qualified him as a

b rn leader even auring his childhood. He estah-

-:58:-

lished a reputation among his friends as

being proficient in games. They in their childish minds looked upon Lim as their leader

and he himself felt as their superior. Nanji Jaffer, en old friend of Mr. Jinnah told Bolitho that Jinnah

himself played marbles with him. But soon he realized

that it was not 8 good and honourable game. Then he

not only left it by 11imself but also advised others

t io vt h 147)IJ" J ff t t d tl.- t

a 0.0 e s ame , ..cnJl. a er S·8. € r.a ence

he VIa s pLay i ng in the st reet, j'r'lr. J innah then aged

a bout f'cur-t e en CaDlE up to him and said; Don t t play

marbles in the dust. It spoils your' clothes ani dirties your hands. ~e must stand up end play cricket~48

Nanji JaffEr e Ls o reporte::.i. t:.":t the boys in Newnham

road gave up playing marbles 2nd allowed Mr. Jinnah

to lead ther:l from the dusty street to a bright fiel:::'

where he br-c ugrrt his bat 3n::3. stumps for them to

use. ~hilp leaving for ~nglEnd Kr. Jinnah gave Nanji

Jaffer his bat and s3id 'you will go on teaching to 1"9

play cricket, while I am away. ~ Hence, in play

ground too i':r. J Lnne h a Ln.o s t re:r:ained in a leader-

ship position; the children of his age had recog-

nised him as their leader and he felt that he was their leader.150 There is no doubt that from the

beg inn Ln.; he reflected qualities of leadership.

A f:. ~ olpert says that "J Lnnah ' .... as never intiCli-

de :d by authority, nor was he easy to control e\ 1 as a child" .151

The early pr:r.son.al history of Jinnah,

re '!a1s that he possessed some instinctive

pc ~r since birth. With the exception of his

Ii ~t marriage during his teenage, he could

I .... f.

) ....

, .

be

d.ictated

by

any

one

eYen

in

his

c} ·'_dhoad. -Once he refused

to go to school

an preferred to go to his father~s office ~ith him.

Bu after realizing that he had no status in his fa: ie r" s orfi~e he started to go to scnoo.l again.152

Sc· 1 a:ter.:his first mar-r Lag e a great conf Lf c t wa s

J L .ah and his \,-ife Euibai in F~b. 1892

to allow tnei;-- daugrrta'r' E:::ibai to go to

K~ , ..... -
10>_ :.C 011
T i! iah
OJ
0: ~he at once a I ong \..:Ii th he r: bridegroor.1,

anc

~. - .• : C" ! .. ..Lu

the

elders

two facilies eQuld ~0t reach any agree-

me) M~" ';innah tock ...,l·!'1G case in his OWTL hands.
, , \..- .... "'-
He went. straight t.o the house of his father-in-
1a',1 withou-t the k ... riow l.eo ge of - 4 own parents
!1.J_~ an~ t~ied to persuade ~mibaits pBrent5. They fina:y

a~~ ·ed to allow their daughter to proceed to Karachi ~ith

the

11';2.

Lmmed ia t ely. .J,/

... :60: ..

a great conflict, expected to occur between the

twc families.

M~. Jinnah had developed a special taste of living. He spared no exper:se to furnish his

1'" 4 elegant and attractive office chamber at Bombay. J

He decorated his flat tastefully at AFOllo Sunder

in the same city. He also made a we:l Stock~d

L i br-a r y the:-e.

~._:. E. fla t had later-

becom~

i~portant centre, where problems ).~elating to the V....:·D-

life 0: Bombay

were

'Ik5 d i sc us s ed , i »

fT'.

.... ne

Beautiful Ba."1g10w which he purchased. in Bombay after-

"Wards l;ias

_ also a reflection of his special

taste. So was the case with hiE prcpert~e3~ that he

pi,.:.;:chasec. in

p:;_Q f.r~~c~. about seli:e great fac to is of his appen.rance

~hat drove h!rr h~gt exonz hi2 cG~temporar!es. ~is

~uggest seriousness of his ~ha~acte~. Shini~g eyes

~ith more powers e~preS5 thE she~p ~n~ellegence of

his mind '«hiGh tUIT<ed. peopj.e Lr, c. fix 'ifti::e talk in;

with him. His beauti:ul slim han~s with long artistic

f ing.?:-:::: give a s i gn of hi s ac ti veness as he never

~emain~d idle du~ing h~s ::i~~. So ~ar h~s looks

''''ere concerned, hE' was ye-::y rr;~ch 2 t t r-ac ti v e and

charming. ~s Wolpert

c!

-: '61:-

the Bombay Muslim Students Union Jinnah was the

idol of tte youth and uncr-owned King of the Bombay.

Raven-haired with a moustache almost as full as

Kitchener's and lean as a r:?pier~ he sounded like
Ronald Coleman, dressed like Anthony Eden and was
adored by most women at first sight and admired or
envied by 156
most men" . - - ~ Jinnah adopted such a living style and ress-

ing which eli stinguished him among all of hi s Indian

contemporaries. As Wolpert says that Jinnah was to

remain a model of sa~torialeleg2nce for the rest of his life. Carefully selecting the finest cloth for

the 208-odd hand tailored suits in his ward robe

closet by ~~e end of his l~fe. As a Barister, he prided on r.ever we2ring the s ame silk tie t\'lice~1 :).!~

Fe~ Englishmen ever develoned such a keen interest

in dressing as Ji~nat did. ~c~ever, his special dress-

ing and splendid living style had contributed much to

his personality. Even the British leaders were attrac-

ted by his pe~sonality and grod menners.

Mr. Ji~nah was also very muchparticular'about

his heal t h, r.yg ir,e an c pri V2CY. He scrubs his hands

many times daily. His life long obsession ~'Jith clean

meticulous dress as well as personal hygine and

privacy seem rath2r more sensible t~an surprisi;.g,

a m l d

the hur.i d ~n.82t end he·c..l ir;_ hazards pr eva'l ent

-:62:-

158 in Bombay 0

Jinnah was not only particular in his dressing

and living style, but he took every aspect of his

life seriously. Through out his life, he gave much

importanc.e to time. He got up early ..n the

morning, went ttrcugh all daily ne~sparers before

breakfast and got himself busy in matters of national

interest and his law practice. he was a hard worker

from his childhood and the way he devoted himself

for his study at London distinguished him from the

boys of his age, most of whom could not study seriously.

Mr. Jinnah also considered money as an impor-

tent thing Which he never wasted. thrc~ghout his life.

As discussed eerlier :'hat he even managed to save

£ 71 from the money, which his father had deposited

for him in 2 Lo~dcn bank for ~is ~~ree years stay.

Secondly, i~ elso sho~s, ~~~~ ~e ':~s always interes-

ted to set a goa~ for birrself

a~d then invested

;-~l of his energ':"es to acru eve i':::. ',', i th the same zeal

he had ccm~le~e~ ~~s studi0S i~ ~nsland and got him-

self establis~ec. in Bombay. Jin.r.:eh always prefered to

live a life of h:s own , ne cc~=-c. not be dictated by

anyone througho:..:.t his 11:e. ~e set 2. distinguished

standard in the profession of law, which was previously dominated ~y ~i~d~ and Farsee la~yers159.

-:63:-

Mr. Jinnah was very much bold and courageous.

Bolitho, one of the biographers of Nr. Jinnah wrote with reference to a Hindu advocate, that once in the Bombay High Court during the proceeding of a

famous cas e, l'Lr. J i nnah made J arne s i'ia cd ona ld, President of the Bombay hunicipal Corporation

to leave his chair for him (Jinnah). The
place was full when IYir. Jinnah entered in
the court room and MacDonald was sitting
on a chair reserved for lawyers Only.160 Jinnah's faith in himself was incredible

as an other advocate told Bolitho. "You must

have read the story of his reply to the Judge, who said to h i ra "jf;r 0 Jinnah, remember, that

you are not addressing a third class magis-

1

trate. Jinna~ answered,

Ny Lord, allow me

to

warn you th~t you are

I 161 third class pleeder •

not

addressing

a

Recounting the ability anc snarp intelligence

of Jinnah in legal professio~, Bolithc writes with

reference to another edvocate, w~o saw ~r. Jinnah at

work. He said thet once Jinnan grasped the facts of a

case, no one co~ld excel. him in legal arguments.He was

what G od made hic, not wna t he mac e himself .God made him

a great pleader .He had a s ix tn sense .He was a very clear

thinker but lacked the poli3n, that a university education would have :iven him.162 Of course Mr. Jinnah had

-:64:-

never studied in a University. As he himself clarified it in an address at Allahabad University Union

meeting on 5 January 1938 that, "he belonged to no University, and had struggled without University or

a college. 16.3 But his part Lcu Lar way of working .... 1 0 ul_d_ have

remained the same, even, if he had received the Univer-

sity degree. There: were a number of University

graduates among Indian f,Iuslims at that time. but non

could be compared with Jinnah in brilliance ability,

boldness and tireless work that he continued through

out his life.

Actually, the accusation that Jinnah was a

brilliant barrister but e poor lawyer Was due to his

extra ordinary method of pleading his case. which

could be adopted only by those persons. whowere 'honest

and possessed deep

--------_- knowl edge. Mr.

J inr.ah was c crif Lde nt; in his kncw Ledg e and skills and

always honest ':"n his \ ... ~.A w\.:_dge, once asked him to

I !

S peak up, i e can not hear you. i':r. J innah replied.

'I am a Barrister not an actor'. The jud£e again

interrurted Jinnan to speak louder. Jinnah answered

HIf you will remove that pile of books infront of you. You might be able to hear what I have said,~64.

Eis apr.ar en t rudness wa s lin:~ec. with his honesty to

',.,·ork and conf i cenc e in his kno. . ..-ledge.

Ji~~ah exercised the highest level of integri-

ty in a land wne r-e r.r-Lva't e ethics were r-a t he r shake y ,

-:65:-

There was a well known businessman Haji Abdul

Karim, who had to appear in a court on a serious char-

gee He went to Jinnah and asked him about his fee to take up his case. Jinnah answered bluntly 'Five

hundred rupee a day'. The businessman again asked

the time required by Jinnah to complete his case as he had five thousand rupees for the case. He offered the same amount to Jinnah. But Jinnah had

declined to accept that amount saying, fiv~ hundred

r'upe e s. a day is my fee, and you must engage me on

the se terms or find an other Lawyer , Abdul Karim

accepted the term and Jinnah ','Ion his case in three

165 days. He accepted his fee of :ifteen hundred gladly- 0

On the other hand, there are examples, when

such clients we r e referred to Jinnah who had limi-

ted money to fight the case but Jinnah took up

their cases. And when the C2se prolonged, Jinnah

paid the expense s from his own pocket, and fcught

the case himself w.i thout any fee, till the time

h~ won it. ~hen the solici~cr offered him a

fee, Jinnah rEfused arguing th2t he had accepted the case on condition, that there was no fee 16~

One can hardly find a lawyer like Jinnah through

out India at that ti~e. He h~d also returned

additional

fee, '''''hen a

client, so uleased wi~h 167

him tried ~o give him thE. same~

-:66:-

An other advocate told Bolitho that Jinnah

was a very clear thinker - he drove his points horne,

points chosen with exquisite selection, slow delivery word by word. It was all pure cold logic. He

was considered difficult but scrupulously honest.168

Jinnah's most famous legal apprentice M.e. Chagla,

the first Indian Muslim appointed Chief Justice of Bombay High Court reminisced that his leader's

presentation of a case was nothing less than a pie ceo far t. 1 69

There:· are many wr I ters and biographers of

Hr. Jinnah ..... ho think t.ha t i'~r. Jinnah did not look

after his father and other family members except the youngest sister Miss Fatima Jinnah.170 By giving

such arguments 2.n attempt h2.s been made to prove that

i'ir. J innah had no sentiments for his family specially

his father and that he did not even care tQ carryl C\y~

the obligations enjoyed by bis religion regarding

parents and other relatives. However, such accounts

appear to be incorrect. His f2.~her Jinnahbhai Poonja

had shifted from Karachi to Bombay alongwith his remai-

ning ohildren and rented 2. small house in the Khoja Mohalla at Khajak.171 The mother and young wife o£

Hr. Jinnah had already died when he was studyinq in

London. Mr. Jinnah regularlv visited his father sis-

. ,

ters and. br-c t he r-s every Sunday at Khoja i"johalla.

-: 67:-

His father was heart broken whose health was

clearly declining like his business fortunes. Nr. Jinnah extended financial support to his family encouraging his brothers and sisters to take serious interest in their studies.

He also bore all of their educational expenses. Being the eldest son, and main supporter of

the family, he became the head or leader of the family.172 He had also successfully defenGed the two litigation cases of his family and due to his efforts all cases, against the

firm of his father were settled infavour of

his fatherQ173 It must have given a great relief

to j·lr. Jinnah Poonja in his old age.

Jinnah elsa helped his father to make

decision regarding the marriage of his eldest

daughter, Rahmetbai, whose pro;osal came from

a Sunni Khoja family of Calcutta. His father feared ex-communic3ticn at the hands of his Shia

community of Age Khant if he gave his daughter out of his ~ect. Jinnah taok charge of the situa-

tj~n and went about it with his usual tact and

plobe solving method. he himself met with the

p~' o s pe cti ve mother- in-law cf Lis sis ter, asked

)1JC=;J1Y questions and examined the photograph of h i s. prosptective brctner-.i.n-law. \/ihen he was

-:68:-

fully satisfied with the match, he held serious talks with

his father and i~rnediately sought an appointment with Aga

Khan, wnc happened to be at Bombay at that time. When :hE! the

ycung j Lnnah put the fam ily pr-ob'l ern before Aga lS,:han, he

forth with agreed with him and assured hiD that his follo~ers

would not excom:nunicate his father, if hehwetbai, his

daughter, were tc be married cutside the cOD~unity.

Jinnah promptly cenveyed this assur2nce ofAga

Khan to his f2ther, who extremely felt relieved and

happy. ~ence the rn8rriage of RahDatbai, with the young man o~ Calcutta was seleminised soor there2fter.174

Jinnah may nc~ have been par~icular about the perfer-

~a~ce of rituals, j~~ ?t heart, ~e did 5eE~ to carry the s~i-

ri~ of Islam. He lei a life of rlgh~eousness.he did net be-

1 i e v e Ln secterie:D ciffe-rences 8ri:Cri,g the ius Li.ms , That was t ne

re2scn why he ~i~se:~ :e~t the Age ~~an community.Once so~e

ene aske~ him about ~is sect.~e r0~ortej in reply,as ~hat

we S

t!lG sect of our

175 ::-:o~"y F"rophet (::ee.ce be upon him).

"the

s e ccr.d

of

1") ." ":::

S rI'r-

v ••

(Jinn2h) wit~ ~he

S5':';:-. irus a had r-e f us e o to E;ive z--.is ci:;ugtlter in marriage to

T • ". ~ ,. " . 1"' -'-"r T" '1'.C" ., 176

v a nnan oece.use 0:::' n i s C.lS2VO','!2 0.:. ".~e .i sma i 1 .r a i ~.:1.

~n spite of ~~s busy life i~ law courts

regularly. By the ~egi~ning of 1982, the ~ealth of

his father deteriorated. However, he desired

from his bed that the marriage of his second

daughter l'i..arriam bai should be solerninised in

his life time. Uinnah got fulfiled the whishes

of his father ,by arranging the marriage of his

sister r·iarriam bai with a famous merchant of

Bombay, who was also a sunni Kno ja , This marriage in

was also soleminised .' .front of his father,

who soon died on 17 April 1902 after this marr-

a age , Ilfhen J Lnnan ' s father died, he became more

conscious of his duty towards his sisters and

brothers. He brought all of his sisters and bro-

thers to his home. He admitted his brother Ahmad

Ali in the B02rding of Anjuman-e-Islamia School

and diverted his attention to the marriage of his sister·Stireen.177

Being head of the :amily, he accepted the

proposal of Qasim Ali Jaffer, Who belonged to

the family of Si~ Karimhhoy, Baronet for his

sister Shireen ~i.He arranged marriage of his sister with full responsibility.178 It shows that

Jinnah took serious interest in the marriagesof

his three sisters and shouldered his responsibibhai

li ties as the eldest son c f Jinnah· / and a sen-

sible brother of his sisters. The fourth and last

sister of Jinnah, Fatima was too young when his

-:70:-

father died. Jinnah did not forget his little sister even during his busy life. The education of Fatima Jinnah was upper most in his mind in which he took personal interest. He was himself living a busy life, that frequently took hi~

to the lep_gth and. breadth of India both on professional and public works. Even then he went personally to examine a catholic convent at Bandra, quite a distance from the heart of the city. He found the standard of education high and the girls staying in the convent, being very well looked after. He immediately got his youngest sister Fatima admitted to the Bandra convent. He visited

her every Sunday, During vacation M±ss Fatima Jinnah eit~er stayed with her brother Jinnah pro-

vided he was in Bombay or she stayed with her married sister.179 It was very bold step on Jinnah's

part since Muslim girls, were not expected to study in ca tnc L; c c cnve rrt English school. \'Icmen education was not common in huslim India.

In view of the above one,can say that inspite of his busy liie, Jinnah had never forT

gotten his responsibilities as the eldest member

of his far"ily. Jj_nnah's d.river Eohammad Hanif Azad, gives accounts of Jinnah's affiliation witt his sisters 2.nu brothers. He reports that Jinnah's

sister Rehmat ~~~,had lived in Bombay and her

financial condition was not good. Her husband's

income w~s limited. Azad says that Jinnah often

gave hiQ packets bearing money or parcel

cloths to deliver

to his sister Rehmat

~~l. He also said, that Jinnah along with

Miss Fatima Jinnah also paid Visits to their sister Rehmat bai at BornbaYo180

Azad further reports that Mr. Jinnah

also extended financial help to his brother

Ahmad Ali in Bornbay , but he was not allowed
to enter the residence of hr. Jinnah. The
driver gave his own account of Ji,nnah's
brother. Once he found h.hrr.ad Ali in a third class Bar at Bo:nbay, where he was drinking wine and sitting in a very bad manner.181

It is evident that Hr. Jinnah might have

restricted the entry of his brother to his

home due to his bad habits or character.

e) Emergence of Jinnah as a Leader

When the British took control of

India people stood to serve the cause of

the

country, not by

nersuina _ eo

any independent

course, but througt devotion to the loyal

authority. They were simply interested in

getting their demands accepted by the Bri-

tish authori~~es. For this end, they were

... :72:-

ready to appear the British Government. Indian leaders like Woornes Chander Bonnerjee

and Dadabhai N~roji, who presided over

the first and second sessions of the Indian

National Congress in 1885 and 1886 respectively declared that they were II thorough-

ly loyal and consistent well wishers of

the British Government" .182 They further

pr-oc La .i.me d t.ha t II we were loyal to the

back bone, that we understand the bene-

fits, the English rule has conferred upon us • ~ ."183 In earlier discussion , it has

been e.x o La i ne d how All India i'iuslim League establis~ed in 1906 had declared in its

con5titu~ion that it would remain loyal

to the Britiso Governreent. Even Sir Syed

Ahmad Khan, wno ',.:as consid.ered father of two

nation theo:'y i!'"'. Lnc a.a reJ:'8.ined loyal to the

British Government through out his life and

had g01: the title of n3iril :rorn the British

Government. P. humbe r of educa ted. lius Lf.ms ,

who came for .... ·ard to s e r ve the cause of

the Lnc i an e.us.Li ms appeared to go to"o for

i~ proclai~ing loyalty to the British at times at

th ~.._, . ,4 • • .... 184

e eXnense 0: even ~nelr ~lgnl~y.

But i'~oho.mrr.dd Ali Jirman was far above such

sentimentsQ He never maintained submissive view,

either pleading his case in law courts or talking with the government on matters of public affairs. he never liked to bow down in front of the British

Government. This was the reason, why he had rejected

the position of a nigh court Judge, offered to him by the Government in 1913.185 He did not accept even the Knighthood offered by the British Government.186 On the contrary Gandhi accepted the Qaiser-i-Hind ~edal from the Government. His coura-

geous attitude in his wcr'k i ng and speaking boldly wi th

the governreent made hi~ distinguished among all his

contemporary leaders of India. He adopted his own

way

of settling things. As Jamiluddin Ahmad said

• 0 •

II he set e. s tan::i2rd of cnara cter and mor-a l chonduct

which is different frQ~ the one which in potular view

11 " 187

usua y goes to co~stltute grea~ness.

His different and honourable style of working,

high character, and reasonable attitude towards

public affairs, at~racted a lErge nu~ber of people

s pee i all y t he i ,', 1...: S 2_ i m s •

Since l'ir. J Lnnar, had a.ttencied Congress Session on 27th December 1906 a r.d ma.d.e a s pe e c n there ,;188 ~.t

was usually s a i c thct l';r. J .i nnan had started his

Doli~ical career frOffi 1906. But his political history

reveals that being o~e 01 the few ~uslim Barristers

0: bombay, he ste.rte~ his rolitic21 career on

-:74,:-

10 March 1904. On t~is date215 he was declared elected

to Bombay corporation as one o~ the 16 elected members

out of its over 400 members,

'189 mostly nominated •.

I nit ~. :; 2.1 Y ,

. . . .....

ru s norm n a t i on

. for the members~ip

of Bombay corporation was prorosed, but he prefered

elections end took f:art in t r.e polls on 17 February 190

~9J4~ '. T~is expl~ins th3t Jinnah had adopted a

very dif!eren~ and far superior style of working

since the beginning of his ~oliticel career. No do~bt,

it \':2S the s i gn of his confidence in his o' .... 'n acili 't i s s

e r.d perscn~li t y .

Frc~ th~ ~~2~form cf tte 30mbay corporation,

starLe:'

nence,

~e 5t2r~E~ ~is ;c:i~ic21 career from the local level,

~c rise 3S ~ r:~~ic~a~ leE~e~. 3y t~en he hed started

Fr~s1d8ncv AS5ctia~icr: on 11 December

<.

193

1905· '. ~e al~o a::ended ~ll India Congress Sessi6n

194

fer the firs~ t!me in December 1905. Prior to

-:75:-

Congress delegation to England to plead the Indian case before the British electorates, Parliamentary candidates and political leaders during the up coming elections. Although the provincial committee of the Indian National Congress had endorsed this nomination.

Tilak had blocked Hr , Jinnah's nomination on the plea. that he was teo young and inexperienced.195

Jinnah came under varied influences in the early

years of his political career. They were fiadabhoi Naro*

jip Surrendra Nath Banerjea, Gokhale and Pheroze Shah

Mehta.196 By the time Indian National Congress was the

only political party in India which ..... as established in

1885 by the British Government. _ to ascertain represen-

._ .. - .

tative public opinion of India./Jinnah, who was working

with Dadabhoi as his private Secretary at the Bcond Congress session, Calcutta in 1906 a~preciated the Congress

pledge ~or self rule adopted by the same Congress

session. The CODbress first ti~e passed a resolution on seli-gcvernmen~ or Swaraj for IndiaQ197 Mr. Jinnah had hi~self drafted this resolution (to

be discussed later ir. details). On 27th December

1906, in the Seme Congres:s Session, ~·lr. Jinnah

delivered his first known speech, which wes on the

subject of :·juslirr:s I 'o'/6.k:f-al-2ul2..d. In this speech

i·jr. Jinnah s uppor-t.e o a r-e s c Lut.i on 0: i·~aulvi I'-'iohammad

* j;r. Jinnat briefly served Dadabhoi Naroji as his Friva t e Secret2ry at Calcutta Congress Session, 1906.

-:76:-

Yusuf on Muslim Wakf-al-aulad Law.198 In the

same session en 28th December 1906, while speaking on the resolution of Hr. A. Cnaudhr-L, I'-lr. Jinnah

decared that the Muslims and Hindus were equal and

no discreminatio~ should be made with them.

The objection of Er. Jinnah was carried and

the

concerned

clause

was

de Le t ed , 199

This shows that since the start of his

career Mr. Jinnah was very much conscious about

the protection of i';uslirr.s I interest in India.

Not only he desired to set Inala free but he

also wanted to secure the rights of Indian Nus-

11ms and desired the ~~31ims to be treated

at par /Hindus in tGe political field.

hr. Jinnah a t t e ncec Congress Session at

Surat held on 26-27 December 1907, where a split was occured between the rrco e r-a tes and extremists. 200

Jinnah sided himsel: with the mo1erate wing of the

Congress and his friendship with Gokhale kept a ba-

lance in the poli~ics of the Indian National Congress

towards achieving its goal.

This shows that hr. Jinnah started his poli-

tical career from local level and l~ter movejon -~c

the All Indi2 level. He was also selected an ex-

officio member of t ne Subject Commi ttee of the Inci.ian

National Congress

in

1008 201;..:. . d i

--'. -,e aemanae n

his

speech at Congress Subject COmmittee, at I';adras, that there should be one Indian member in the

Viceroy's Executive Council. It was due to his efforts, that not only the Congress " but also the Britisn government accepted the demand .202

He alongwith Gokhale went to Calcutta to persuade

S.P. Sinhe, the famous lawyer of Bengal to join the

Viceroy's Executive Council as Law Member. Sinha

was first reluctant to accept the offer due to his

good earnings

through his legal practice. Gokhale

had failed to persuade Sinha to aceept that position.

But it was only Jlnnar., whose reasoning and strong

appeal to serve the cause of the country and

the

people,

to

agree

to

join Viceroy's

C cunc i.L as

"1 -" me "ber 203 A c t.ua LLv

...... c.lr 1. I... • .. I_.. d. ... '

S. F. Sinha was

the most pr-ornf neza t a nd able Lawye r in Bengal, ...... h 0 rr; the

British government was TIre~aTe~ ~G give that position.

Had

Sinha

r-e fus e d

that

position, ~he

British govern~ent might have ~aken the Dosition that

they were ready tc gr2n~ ri~h~s to the Indians but

th 1 tt 1 1, ..... . 1 . l' "., d'" 204

e a er aChec ~De aD e 2~Q qu~ l:le~ can laates.

Mr. Jinnah was very much sympathetic to the

people of India. He w2nted to save them from

harsh and cruel t~eatment of the Bri~ish Govern-

ment. He expressed his concerned about Indians in

other colonies alse.

In his

sDeech

+- ... I

a ... .knJuman-l-

Is18n meeting i~ Julv

1905, :<r.

condemned the

_': 7.8:-

Asi2tic Law Amendment Act and the immigration

restriction Bill for the Indians residing in Transvaal~

He further said,that when the colony was annexed

to the British dominions and a constitution was

granted to it such an act was ten times worse then

the old anti Asiatic Act passed in 1895. The meeting

later :,esolvedto r'e pe t.I the an t i .:'..siatic Leg i s La t i cn

in 'I'r-an s vs a L, ' f·;r. Jinnah rncv e d t r.e resolution

the feeli:-::;;s c f t;.e :LrJdi2Ds to tne His Ex ce j ;

. lency -.-.-.-

the Viceroy, the 3ritish Prime ~inister,

and the Secreta~y of State

Mr. Ji~nah was couragecus

ercugh to speak

~he truth even i~frc~t of t~e hig~ 3ritish a~thorities.

Natal in the Imperia: LegislEt~ve Cc~ncil on 25

harsh end cruel tc',·.,:s.rds . the

Indi2rls in

who was rresidinf aver ~he ~e5s~on objected tc ~~~

\.rord II cruel n •

Mr. Ji0ne~ ~cldly re;lied

11-:-

0- •• .....

should feel inclinei

'Jse

~~c~ s~ronger language, ccrs t i t ut iCr:;II~06

bu"l, I

mcrrt of his pc~.it:c3l c",re2 .• 'I'j,ll 1?1C, there ' .. :~.s

Mro Jinnah took active interest in this matter. He

wrote a letter in Times of India on 10 June 1910,

advocating the establishment of an orphanage at Bombay for Muslim children. He also invited well to

do Muslims to contribute for this cause and also himself

donated a sum of Rs .100 for the orphanage. Finally,

in 1910, the Folice Commissioner of Bombay, Mr. S.M. Edwards had established Muslim orphanage at Bombay ~07

Mr. Jinnah also participated in the activities

of the Anjuman-i-Islam, ~hich was established in 1876

and was running a high school and a library. He

was appointed a member cf the Managing Committee of

the Anjuman in 1910. In 1911, ~e also read on behalf

of the Bombay ~uslims an address of welcome to Sir

Curimbhai Ibrahim on his becomi~g Baronet. He also

congratulated Sir Cu~rimbha~ Ibrahim fer receiving

such a d i s t i ngu i s ae d ti 't Le :rc.rr: the British Govern-

ment

as the first

__ 208

Indian l\~usl .i m •

It is . incorrect to S~g~2St that Mr. Jinnah

was against the 35 sember ~us~im delegation led by

Aga Khan, that ;re5ented 3 )T;emcr2ndu~ on behalf of the

Bombay Muslims to ~he Viceroy Lord Minto in October

1906.In this me80randum they demanded separate

electorates and weightage for ~uslims in all the

elected bodies in ~he B~itis~ India. Mr~.

Jinnah was act~ally net against the huslims'demand

of 3eparate elec~oret~s. ~Gwever,he,simply objected

-:80:-

to the unconstitutional method through which the deputation was formed. He thought that the deputation was not representative as the Bombay Muslims did not even know its objectives. In a statement published in GUjrati, Bombay, on 7th October 1906 he strongly criticised the representative position of the delegation. As he said: •• Q l1iviay I know who

ever elected the gentlemen, who are supposed to

represent Bombay? •• 00 Is this the way to speak in the name of millicns withou~ even informing them,

what is going to be done for them" •• " He also

regretted that the mexbers of t~e deputation had not explained their cbjectives to the people.209

It was significe.nt that by 1906, i<r. Jinnah was a

known figure of Bombay end even ~ga Khan the President

of the Simla deputation personally knew him. But Mr.

Jinnah, a pr'orm ne rrt educated l'~uslin was not invited

to join the de~ut2tion. It can be said that since Mr. Jinnah had already left the Ismaeli sect led by

Aga Khan and due to his iD~e~en~ion his father had

agreed to marry his siste~b out of the same sect,

his relations with Aga Khan might had become cold.

Secondly Mr. Jinnat had developed his friendship with some Congress leaders although he had not joined

the Congress till that time. What ever the cause, the above objection 0.1 l~lr • .Jinnar: to the Simla

deputation was h~sed on principles and was sign of hj~ growing interest in tne a~fairs of the Indian

-:81:-

fo'tuslims.

Mrb Jinnah was not against the Muslims'

demand of separate electorates presented by Simla

Deputation to the Viceroy. Instead he was looking

for greater and real representation for Muslims

in all elected bodies in India. In a letter published in Times of India on 20th February 1909,

he sug~ested modifications in Lord Morley's scheme

of representbticn. He demanded increase in Muslims'

representation from the given figure of one fourth

to one third. It means, that instead of 25 out of

100 there s houitd be 33 l'~uslim me mbe r s out of the

100 in elected bodies. He s~~ongly criticised the

composition of the electoral ccllege in which Hindus

obtained 75 SNits aric :'.us1ilc1s only 25. He demanded

real and subs tantial r-e pr-e s e rrta tion f or t'~uslims.

If this was not feasible then he sug~ested thcit

huslims must resort to communa I representatIon.

However he accepted in pr'.iflciple -ehe t l'lusl im members

h ld l' +' f .... ., 210 It 1 1

s ou qua L: .. y or ""Cne.'lr pasl t i on , c ear y

indicated that from the start of his rolitical

career ~r. Jinna~ was working to achieve greater

benefi ts for the ,'"usliu:s. It also explained that

he was so much interested in t~~ a~~airs of the Mus-

lim community that he W2.S wTiting letters in the

newspapers to convey t.he i r real problems to the

Government. By demanding more seats than their popu-

E";82:-

lation, he was actually trying to strenghthen

~uslims' political standing through out In1ia.

Mr. J Lnnah was always 'IIi th the huslims and

he always favoured the right actions at the righ~

time~ Attending a meeting of Anjuman-e-Isl&ffi, Bombay

held on 2nd August 1909 to discuss separate electo-

rate~ for EU31irns, Mr. Jinnah himself moved a resolu-

tion in favour of separate electo:rates for Huslims,

w~ich requested the governmen~ to consult the Muslim

leaders while granting separate electorates to Mus-

1 . 211 ml.,.. •. l' . 1 . B . .

~ a.ms , 1 He o.us; lID cr a c e In oraoa y was s ur pr'Ls e d to

learn that N.A • ..Jinr:ah, a rneUlber of the Congress had

not only attende~ ~h~t Qeeting bu~ also supporte~ the

~uslims dem2..nt of separate electorate.

Being e member of the Subject Committee

Lna i an 1\a7.1c::&.1.. CO!1gres~, he msde a s oe e ch at i-iad r-a s

Session i~ 1983 on the re!or~ proposal from the

r':uslims I "'[;oi;:-;: 0: vie ... , 2..::ci t':12.rL\.::eC: i-ior-Le y for his

1 b f ' Z' 212

a our or t~e relorms.

No 00'0'01:::, i't wa s bLs interest in the i"oiusli:n

c ornmun i ty, t:-tc.":: z ne oombay :-:uslir.:s themselve elected

him to the I~~lan legIslature. ~en~e, Mr. Jinnah

was elected ~o the Indi~n Legislctive Council on

4th January 1910 by non cf f i.c i.a , ;-;uslim members 0::

the Bombay Council for the seat reserved for Nusli~s

of Bombay. rie d.efea ted ?af ic.uc.!iin Ahmad, Bombay i-ius ; im

L-" . v.. ~. . ..... ' t 213 ", ..

e ag ue :;'ecre"t2.!'Y ',,':l:-il 11..,e "to t nr e e vo e s , .l.n:..s

-:83:-

factor also shows that until then Muslim League

was not in a position to speak even on behalf of the Bombay Huslims. I·;r. Jinnah was correct in

objecting to the representative position of the

Simla deputation.

During his first term in the Indian Legislative Council he worked with Gokhale and other moderates

as a pressure group against the Government to comnel it to offer bet"ter terms to the Indian people.214

uuring this period he also criticised British Govern-

ment policies strongly and bravely. He wanted

Hindus and Muslims to fight out the alien Govern-

ment.

The association of i-ir , Jinnah with the

i'iuslim community was highlighted when he ~iolated

the Mussalman wakf validating 3ill in the Indian

Legislative Council on 17th March 1911. Mr.

Jinnah was fully aware of the ~roble~ of

the 11uslim ccmc.uni ty and he decided to give

them relief.

The purpose of the Wakf Eill, prGsented

by

Jinnah

in

"the

InQi2n legislature

was

to define the rights of l';uslirr. subjects of the

British Government. He also w2.nte':' to enable c'"luslirns

to exercise the "right given to ~~e~ by I~lam of crea-

ting ~akf for their families anG descen-

dants. Soon

after

JOIDlD'; the

Indian

-:84: -

Legislative Council, Mr. Jinnah took up the case of 'iiskf. He \';55 c cnv i nc ed that 'remedy lay with the

Leg i s l e tur-e not '{ii th the court of 1 a .... '. After presenting

his bill, he made a brilliant sreech cn the floo~ of

the house. Finally he got The bi~l passed by

I ,. L . 1 . C '1 (: ,. h 1017;215

no a an e g i s a t i vs OW1Cl on.-i r.a rc -' '.-I .-,-n

this way ~r. Jin~ah had get sclv~d 8. great problem

c f ri!us1ims, '::r:icr. the:/ ".:e-::e fec:"r.b since 1873. It

added a new 12~ in the statue book of the British

India, wtict en2bled the Musli~ Indis to ~ake wekf

according to the Isl~rnic

1,,,.,,,,,

<~ .~ r _

I t is -a Ls.o imlortant tel note here that j''-:r.

Jinneh's first te~rn 35

,-"-

::._, e g i s 1 "3 t i vee Q~nc.i 1

endec C:J

3 Januery 1913

c:i'i net

seeK

~ ... t - But "i:.f:e

" .

Viceroy ted to ~o~i~~te ~~G ss en add~tiDnal memb2~

of the Indiar ~e~islat~ve Co~ncil in res[onse tc ~he

1:1 -:11e Press, 5~-; ;::~S to e:,,~o8~e r:r. Jinnah to get

, .,.,. 216

passei t~~c~~~ t~e ~ouncll .

{:3::ce,j.

the whole si~u2tlcn. They we~e ,~ 2 s~ete of 2~~~~-

-:85,: -

in Muslim League had tried their best to get repealed the un just and unI sl amic Bri ti sh 1 a'." of Wakf- a.l-aulad

but non of them ceuld be succeeded. They acknowledged

with gratitude the new emerging leader ameng the

Nuslims of Indi a •. The leaders of Nusl im League

spared no time to invite Mohammad Ali Jinnah to join

Musli~ League. Maulana Mohamed Ali Johar and Mr.

Wazir Hasan arproached Mr. Jinnah in London in

October 1913, where he was ;assing vacations with

Gokhale. Moha~ed- Ali and Wazir Easan went to Londen

to meet the Secretary of Stete for India inconnection

with the Ca~m;o~e ~csque case. Of his Missio~ to

En~land Moh~med hli s?id th9t tte~r decision to

D ,

proceed to London was caused

by the presence of

~~hammad Ali Jinnah ~nd Kh~aja Kamalujjin. The joining

of Mr. Jin~ah to' ttat missicn W2S also

, 217

rumourea •

On their ~ersuation~ Mr. ~innah sig~ed the membership

. 218

form of ~uslirn League on 10 Cctcber 1913. _ But

he did nct lecve h:s membership in the Congress. He

intended ~o use beth politicsl platforms to fight

E1roled him as 2 r.:em'bEr but the f.'luSlim India was

r"nerall y looking 't owar'd s ri.m "CO lead them in their

~"li tical struggle :0:-' t~ ... e a t t e i nrren t cf their rig~_ts.

The abcve ~isc~ss~on ex~lains th?t the emergence

oj Kr. Jinnah as a leader was entirely depended upon

r.: , own qua]. it i es, c'r illianc e, qualific a t i ons , integ!"' i ty

-: 36:-

cf high character end great persc~ality. Eis destiny

also supported ~im to utilize his God gifted quali-

ties in a far better way. It is also i~portant to note

ne t tr.e r ne

ex t.r e s s ed t~e 1.'/lS~

-r

vV

ce c c:r:e a

nor di1 he re~uest fer it. God has bEstc~ed him ~itt

leajership c~alit~es ~hich he use~ tc earn the cor:fi-

c e r.c e

;'. 'Js='_ .i r: leac.e ~.3 c: ::_s

Iclitical c~reer.

T':""'''':'l~

--"'.~-''---"" ..

NOTES

Chapter I Emergence of Jinnah As A Leader

1 • George j,;. Beal, Leadershin and Dvnamic Grou~ Action,(Lowa: The Lowa State Univer-

sity Press, 1962), p.32.

2. Sidney Verba, 3:;:211 Group and Poli ti-

cal Behaviour: A Study of Leadership (Princeton: New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1961), p.110.

3... Lester, G. 'Seligman, "Le ade r-s h.i p r Political hspectsll, David La Sills (ed.),

Interna~ional EncvcloDedie of Social

Sciences, Vol.9 (U.S.A.: The Macmillan

Company a~d the Free Press, 1968),

p.108o

4. Lb i d , I }:0108.

5.. C. c.;. Brov.'11e ar.c, 'I'homa.s S. Chon (eds .) , ~he Studv of Leadershin (Danville:

Ill' , -Me 1~-8) -

lDOlS li" Y'7 I p.).

7 • Percival Spec!', In.:J.ia A filodern HistorY (Toronto: Univers i ty jViichigan Pre s s , 1961), p , 9 •

8. r;~oh3.l:!lIrad Hussain Az ad , Darbar-i-Akbari

(Lahore: Kaper Art ~orks, 1921),

; 9P I bid I, p , 89 •

-:88:-

10. Ibid., p.63~

110 Ibid~, p0740

12a Ibid., pa470

13~ Lester R. Bittel, The Key of Management Successj (New York: Franklin Watts, 1984), p.5.

14. Hare A. Paul Borgatta, ;dger F, and Bales Robert F. (eds.) t Small Groups (New York: Alfred A. Knop, 1955),

p·89.

15. Sidney Verba, op. cito, p.110.

16. I. E. Qureshi (ed.), A Short History

of Pakistan, BooK Two (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1967), p.11.

17. Nabi Bukhsh khan Baloca, lIMoharnmed Ibn ul QasilT:l!, Urdu Daira-i-Ma'arif Islamia

(Encyclopaedia of Islam), Vol. 19, (Lahore: D~Dishgah Punjab, 1986),

p.347.

18. Ishwari frassed, ~ Short History of

~uslim Rule in ~ndia, (Lahore: University Book Store, 1986), p.18.

19.,

_. .

~'.J f: ilsr~~ K ~~-2 ~

20. l'iirza Ka Lf.chbe g F'r-e dunbeg , A History of

Sind (Trans.) Vol. II (Karachi: Scineie Cl~ssics, 1982, first edition 1902), p.2.

21.. ~b::::'., p.,7.

22. Hasan Riaz, Fakis~2n Kaauzir Tha (Karachi:

-:89:-

Department of Publication and Translation, Karachi University. 1967), p.3.

23Q Ibido, p.).

24. Ishwari Prasad, OPe cito, p.15.

250 Kabir Kausar (edu), Secret Corresrondence of TiDu

Sultan (Lahore: National Book House,1980), p.33.

26Q K.~. Panikar, A Survey of Indian History (Bombay: ?he Hational Lm cr'ma t Lon and. Publications Ltd.,1947) ,p.22.

270 F. Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Karachi:

Pakistan Publishing House, 1973), p.70.

28. «t» Khan, The jl;erroi rs of AiI,a Khan (London: Cassell and Com;any Ltd., 1954) ,pp.1x-x.

290 ? Hardy, OPe c i t , , po 79.

3o

u.

Ibid., p, 79v

31Q Ibid., p. 84.

33. ~ais ,;h:::-:ad Jafri (ed • .),.S'alections from hau1ana ,'.0-

hammad A li I S Cornmr-ada (L2Dor'e: j\~oham[Ijad Ali Academy

1965), :;;. 176.

34. ,',unamms.d necis,yat.ullah, ~a '/vici Ahmad.: ,£:.. -::>tudy of the

~eliRious Freedom Moveme~~ of Savvid Ahmad of Rai

~arell' (Lar.c r-e : --':''-0·" kh 1'· c'~Q"'-"'_'d "sl--raf 1970) -r- xv

_.J -':"J.. ,#, ....... ~ ... ~..__..!~£l. .. _ ..... _.... .... _! .. I,:_.:. n . .I., J}J .....

35 Q Syed Sha r i f udc Ln ?irzac.a, ~volution of Pakistan (Laliore:The All Pakistan Legal Decision,1953),p.48.

35. Syed Ahxad Khan rlaha~ur,Risala-i-Asbab-i-BaEhawat-i-

:-i.ind (Ka r-a cr.j : Pak i s t.an ·-::>2::--3:'":2S Fress,195S) ,polO.

37. :;_ b.i.d ,.; p. 5.

38. Ibid., p. 7.

39. ~han hohammai, air Sved hh~ai Khan. A Polit.ical

-:90-:

- - Eiogranhv (Meerut: Iyieenakshi Pr-akas nan , 1969), p.x

40. Maulana Altaf Hussain Hali, Hiyat-i-Jawed (Lahore:

I shara t Pub Ld s o Lng House, 1965), pp. 155.

410 Po Hardy, pp. cit., p. 94.

Fr<?ceedings of Public i-ie e t Ing of the

.l'iO-

42.

Green Book,

hammedans Assembled from different parts cf India at

Dacca on the 30th DeceIT-ber 1906 to discuss the Formation of All India Muslim League ,(Lucknow: Indian

Daily Telegraph Press,1907), PQ110

43", Shan !·I:.uhammaa, op. cit., p , 54.

44. Ibido, p. ~5.

45. Ibid., p , 62,

46. Safi Ahmad Ka ko r i (ed,)i'lOrison's Historv of the l·j.A.O.

College Ali~arh (Lucknow: harkaz-e-Adab-e-Urdu,1988) ,

:_Co 17"

47. Shan i·.uha;n;n2,:i, OD. c i t , , ~. 610

480 Sa~i Kakori (ed.), op. ei~., po 17~

49 • 2. bid., P < 1 3.

50. p. Eardy, op. ci~., D. 1030

51. lbido ~ p , 111.

52. K. K. Aziz, Ameer hlJ hIs Life and Work (Lahore: fub-

lishers Uni~ed, 196B) , p~. 6-7.

53. Az i z Ahmad ana G.!::. Vo.ngrune:baum, ;"!u31im Self-Ste_te-

'D.:::..e::..;lJ:..:.l~t--=i.::..:r.:.._.;:::I~n.:.::i:..::i;...:a::__;2=-:~::.;..' ::1;:::." ~P..:::a-",'K i s tan (Be r 1 in:

Otto Harrasscwitz

iiesbaden, 1970), pp , 100-1.

54. ' .• K. Az i.z , ;j,r..:eer ic.li: ~is L;:'e a:1cl Work (Lahore:

, o l i.s: U' ~ - "'I q 68) •

''U l-SC.ers Dlloe::::., _ .

55. b i.d , , p , 45~

56. I meer Ali to the :10:1. Secr2"':2.:"Y, ;:'.11 Lnd i.e i';usli:-!:.

-:.91 : -

57.

11

League ,London, dated 11 March 1910. Freedom Movement

Archives,Volume 27,Doc. 5, p. 22.

Sheikh iiJ.ohammad Akr am , Nau,j-i-Kausar (Lahore: Idara-iSiqafat-i-lslamia, 1975), p. 187.

I bid .. , p , 168.

A

Matlub ul Hasan Saiyid,~ohammad Ali Jinnah:/Political

Ibid .. , pp. 188-920

Study (Lahore: Sheikh l'-iohar.:u:nad Ashraf, 1963), p. 1.

61. John · ... ,ralton, Ouaid-i-.4.zam, The Story of Nohammad Ali Jinnah (Karachi: Oxford University Press,1958), p.4.

62Q Pa~istan, Ministry of Law and Parliamentary Affairs, Law Division, Government of Pakistan Constitutional Documents, Pakistan, 1600-1933 V 01. I, (Karachi: rianagers Publicgtions, 1964), p. 332.

63. lbia., p. 328.

64. Reginald Coupland, The Indian Problem 1833-1935

(London: Oxford Dniversity Press, 1968), p. 7. 65., Lbf d ,.; p , 8"

66. Ibid., pp, 9-100

67. Ibid9, po 190

68. Ibido, p. 21.

69. Parshotam hehra (e~.), A Dictio~arv of Modern Indian Eis-

tory 1707-1S47 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985),

.: pp , 611- 12.

700 R. Coupland, OPe cit., p. 24.

71. Ibida, p. 24 ..

72 .. S.;;. R.opson (ed..), Cambridge history of India, Vol.1

(Delhi: S. Chand anc Compa~y, 1968), pp. 537-8.

73. Fercival Spear, OPe cit., p. 310.

~

-:~2:-

74~ Nirad C. Chaudhri, Hinduism, A Religion to live by (London: Chatto & \'Iindus Ltd.,1979), p , 187.

75. Jarniluddin Ahmad (ed. r ,Speeches and '.\'ri tings of iSr.

Jinna~Vol.I (Karachi: Sh.Muhammad Ashraf,196S),po405G

76Q Rais Ahmad Jafri, OPe cit., p. 280.

77. Pershotam Mehra, 0p. cit., p. 38.

78. Y.B. Mathur, Growth of Muslim Politics in India (Delh~: Bagati Publications,1979) , p. 76.

79. Ibid., p , 304.

SOQ t-lohamma.d Baqir,"The End of j·lus:i.im Rule in Oudh" ~

tory of the Freedom Movement,Vol.II, 1831-1g05,?art I, (Karachi: Pakist2D Historical Society,1960), p.144.

2.1", Ibid., po 127.

..

82., A. R. i';alick, "3ri1:ish £duc2tiona=... PolicylljHistorv

83.

(Karac~i: ~uaid-i-Az?m Acade~y,

~I007) P 53

~~, , . .

34~ Syed Hashmi Earid.abadi, d'rhe' U:-,ciu-2indi Controversy",

~ history of t~e ?:-,eedom MoveIent, Vol. III 1906-1936,

Part-II, (t:E:'?chi::?axj.S1:2{l _Hi3tcric2-1 Society, 1963),

85.

PPa 358-9.
I bid. , po 363.
I bid. , p. 363.
Ibid. , p. 364. 88. Sheikh Gulab Din,Cuaid-i-Azam Bur Canoon-~akf-al-

hulad (Lancr e : ;"t.151", ~~is:-tcYJ P·J.blications,1990, First

Print, 1913), p , 50 89 Q Ibid., p. 44.

91. A. R. Malick, NThe ~uslims ana the Partition

of Bengalll, A History of the Freedom Hovement,

Vol. ::::::~. 1831-1905, Part-I(op.cit.,1961), p .. 1.

Ibid., p, 2.

92., 93 Q 94. 95.

Ibid., p. 13 .. I bid" p , 18.

96.

.' =:. -... \

\ ,- .•• I ,

Latif Ah~ad Sherwanij op. cito, p. 221.

Ibid .. , p. 52.

Hartin Gilbert, Servants of India (London:

Longmans, 1966) t po 25.

98. "hemorial to Earl of l'iinto, Viceroy and Governor

General of Lnd i a" Archive Fre edam l'~ove merrt

Vol. 2, ~cc. 2-3.

990 "Re p I y to t::e ;.dC:rc; s s f'r or; ;';c~am!T:edan De~uta-

t a on'! , 2:,::)1d., 00c. 3.

100. Mary, Coun~ess of Mintc, India, Minto and Morley

190")-1910 (London: i·iac::.Mil::'a::1 ani Co ,., Limited,

1934), p. 43.

101. Aga Xha~, op. cit., p. 77.

103~ Jamilud~~~ A~mad (ed.), His:cric Dccuments of

the ~uslim Freedom Movement (Lahore: Publishers

Uni'ted L-::d., 11.C.), p , 28.

'::;ecre-:2.ry, 0':_s~:'ict r.u.s Li n; :"'es.£ue ~areli to

-:94:-

:dated 13 E'ebruary 1910": Archive Freedom

!'lovement ,j c L,

No.113, Doc. NOo4.

1050 G. Allana, Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah the Story of a Nation (Lahore: Feroz Sons Ltd., 1967),pp.2-6.

106. She r hoharnmed Gerewal, "ftiohammed Al .i J innah

Quaid-i-Azam, Jamhoria lslamia Pakistan kay 3 ant! , Urdu Daira-i-Ma'arif Islamia, Vol. 19 (Lahore:

Danishgah Punjab, 1986), p. 4610

107. G. Allana, OPe cit., pp.6-7.

108. Ibid., PPo 9-10.

109. Sharif al ~~jahid (ed.), Ouaid-i-Azam Jinnah and His Times: A Ccmpe~dium vol.1 (1876-1937) (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1990), pp.1-2.

110. Fatima Jinnah, ~v Brother (Karachi: Quaid~i-Azam

Academy, 1987), p. 62.

111. Sharif al j'luje.hid Cedi), cp.cit., p. 2.

112. Stanley Welpert, Jinnah of Pakistan (New York:

Cxford Unive:-sity Press, 1984), r. 8.

113" G. Al:arl2., 0:;:. c i t , , ~. 12.

114. Stanley ~olpe~t, OPe cit., p.7.

115. I bid .. , p. H
~.
116. I bid. , p. 8~
117. I bid", , p. 9.
118. .. ,_ ..... ~ Jinnan, OPe cit., pa 73.
t a "lma
119 .. Ibid. , pc 73.
120 .. Star:.ley 'vi olpert, OPe citu, p. 11 •
121 • I bid. , p. 140 122. Fatima Jinnat, opo cit., p. 81~

-:95:-

124. Hector Bolitho, Jinnah Creator

of Pakistan (Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 70

1250 Fatima Jinnah, OPe ei t.,
pp. 76-7.
1260 G. AlIena, OPe cit. , p. 21Q
127. Fatima Jinnah, opw cit. ,
p. 77.
128. Matlub al Hasan Saiyid,
OPe cit. , p. "l:
JO
129. '"' l.llana, o p , cit. , p. 21.
LJ.
130. Fatima Jinnah, OPe cito,
PG 79. 131. IbiciQ, p. 71.

132. Sharif .21 Mujahid (ed.),

0;. cit., p. 4.

133. Stanley 1Jclpert t

".._

Ope Cll .• ,

134. Ibid.., p. 120

136~ Fatima Jir~ah, OPe cit.,

PP. 82-3.

137w Matlub al Hasan Saiyid,

o p , ci-:., p. 3.

135.

Jinnah

OPe

cit. ,

p. 810

1390 Riaz Ahmad, Quaid-i- Azam Jinn~~

A Chronology (Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1981), p. 2.

140. 'Ibid., p , 2. 141. Ibid., p. 2.

142. Hector Bolitho, op. cit9,

p , 15 Q

143. Stanley Wolpert, op. cit.,

p , 17.

144. Ibid., p. 170

145. G. Allana, op. cit., P. 570

146. ~i~wa~ £hmad, Quaid-i-Azam key

I btidai. Te~eg Sa tal (Karachi:

Markaz-1~l'ehrik-l-Pakistan, 1977),

pp , "117-27.

147. Hector Bolitho, 'po cit., p. 5.

~. ' .. p. 5 •
... o i ..... ,
:: tiel. t p. Jo 150.

';innah,

~p.

1510 Stanley Wolpert, op. ei t , , p. 6.
152. FatiJ:!).a J Lnriah , op. o+-
Cl v.,
pp. 55-6.
153. "; .. ~ ,.:: pp" 65-6 ..
....... u ....... u.,
154. ~:. a.r:l e y' i~' c Lp e r t , c p , cit. , P. 17. 1550 G. Allana, opo cito, po 57.

156. Stanley Wolpert, opo cit., p. 40.

157. Ibido, p. 9.

1580 Ibid., p Q 160

159.

1600

161 ..

1620

Hector Bolitho, op. cit. , p. 19.
Ibido, po 17.
= bid. , p. 170
Ibid. , p. 180 163~ Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada,

$Qm.eAspects oJQua~.d-i-Azam' s L;lfe (Islamabad: National Coma.ission on Historical and Cultural

ReSE2rch, 1978), p. 3.

16l~Q Hec t o r Bolitho, OPe cj_t., po 20.

165 °

! 66.

~b' '

.1. J.,Cl.,

pp.

2C'-1 •

~t' d

~ .;_ .,

Pp.

~e-19.

167. Ibid., p. 19<>

168. Ibid., PPe 17.

170. Ibid., p. 18.

173.

174.

pp. 117-23.

G. AJ.lana, o p ,

175. Jamiluddin Ahmad, Ope cit., p. 78.

,

176. Sharif al Mujahid, op. cit., p. 5.

1770 Rizwan Ahmad, Opa cit., p. 141.

1760 Ibid., F. 142.

179. G. Allana,op. cit., pp. 164-5.

180. Raheem Bukhsh Shaheen, NagQsh-iQuaid-i-Azam (Lahore: Sheikh Acaaemy,

.. -,..",-.... 80 90

'~io), PP. - •

181. Ibid., P. 908

122. A. M. Zaidi, and Shahida iaidi (eds.)

EncvcloP3,:Jdie,of Indi2n National

C:Qngress .. V'ol .. I, 1885-1890

(Delhi: S$ Chand & Co., L~d., 1976),

", h~

1--0 .-:.

184. "Syed Azmat Hussain to Musa Khan,

<::8. -:.ec. 20 HamG.'J.2.~", -: 908" , F re edom

Movement Arci"_i yes t f!rol" 72, PPo 6-70.

i85. Shari: al Mujehid, (e~.), OPe cit.,

1860 Lb.i.d , , Pg 10.

1670 Jamiluddin Ahmad, Glimpses 0: Quaid-iAzam (Karachi: Educational Press,

Zaidi and Shahida Zaidi

f -l \

\ev.S.Jt

189. Sharif a1 Mujahid (ed.), OPt cit., PPo 6-70

190. Ibid., po 6.

192. Ibid., p. 70 1930 Ibid.t Po 8.

194. Ibid., p. 70

195. Ibid., p , 8.

P~rs~otarn Mthra,

.....

OPe Clvo,

Po. 361.

197~ A.M.Zaid!,and Shahida Zaidi (eds.), op. citeJ

Volo five (1906-19~O) (1578), po 154.

19B. Syed Sharifuddin Pi::-.:.~:~da, Thp. Collected

is Wo:-ks 91 Quaid-.i-.AZ8i:l: HClhammad Ali Jinnah.

Vol.! (1906-1921) (Karachi: East & West

Publishing Companyp 1984), pp. 2-3.

200. Sharif al Mujahid,op. cit., pp 9.

201. AoM. Zaici and Shahida Zaidi (eds.), OPt cit., Volo Five (1906~1910), p. 9.

202. Nswabzada M2hmud Ali Khan, AZeern Quaid

Danis~i-

gah, Punjab, 1984), p. 77.

2050 Sy~d Sharifuddin Pirzada, The Collected

Vol.r OPe ci~., pr. 7-58

-: 100:-

206. ])bid., p. 16.

207. A,11111ad Saeed, lliyat-i-Quaid-iAzam (Islamabad: National Comrr:ission of Researchp'History

and Culture, 1981), 1).12.

20S. Ibid., p. 14.

2C'S.

Syed Sharifuddin

Firzada (ed..),

The Collected Works of Quaid-iAzam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Vol. I o p , c Lt , , p , 1.

210. Ibid., p. 22.

211. Ahr:1ad Saeed, op. cit., p. 1l~.

212. Sharif a1 Mujahid (ed.),

o p , cit., ~). 10. 2130 Ibid., p. 11.

214, Ibid., p. 11

215. Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (ed.),

'":r.e C 011 cc ted

~orks of Quaid-i-

Jinnah,

Vol. I, op , cit., pp. 50-5.

216. Sharif a1 Mujahid (ed.),

o p , c i.t , , P. 14.

217. Ibid., 0pp. 17-12.