A Kurdish Nurcu Group

A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern Turkey: Shifting Identities Author(s): Fulya Atacan Source: Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.
37, No. 3 (Jul., 2001), pp. 111-144 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4284176 Accessed: 11/01/2010 21:21
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A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern Thrkey:Shifting Identities

FULYA ATACAN
Islamic movements have traditionally defended the idea of the broader Islamic community (ummet) while rejecting various forms of nationalism. However, since the formation of nation-states in the Middle East, nationalism has become a latent or open component of Islamic discourse. One form of this is official Islam, which is interpretedand supportedby the state. Islamic movements which oppose the existing political system of their own countries, on the other hand, have developed another form of this discourse while rejecting nationalism on the grounds that it is based in Westernideology and thus is alien to Islam. Such ideas have emerged even while twentieth-century Islamic movements flourish in the context of nation-states. Many examples of such movements offer evidence of the significant role of the nation-state context in the formation of Islamic ideology during the twentieth century. Nationalist versions of the Islamic point of view can be found in the discourses of the Muslim Brotherhoodin Egypt' and of various Islamic groups in Turkey (for example, some Nurcu groups, the Suileymancis, and the so-called Turkish-Islamic Synthesis movement).2The evolutionary development of Hamas (Islamic Resistance Movement) from an Islamic movement to a nationalist-Islamicmovement provides anotherinteresting example of shifting identities.3 Islam plays an importantrole in the lives of Kurdsand has always been used as an ideological tool in Kurdishmobilization. Major Kurdishrevolts during the 1920s in Turkey were primarily Islamic in nature with varying degrees of Kurdishnationalistideology; that is, while the intellectual cadres of these revolts were Kurdish nationalists, they used Islam as a mobilizing force. The Kurdish nationalist movements of the 1960s and 1970s which flourished among leftist groups were, however, shown no sympathy by the anti-Communist Islamist Kurds. In 1984, the Marxist-Leninist Kurdish LabourParty (PKK) starteda guerrilla war against the Turkish state in the southeasternpart of Turkey,which intensified in the early 1990s. Most Kurds are Sunni Muslims and strict adherents of the Uafi rite. In the Ottoman Empire, the rulers of the Kurdish emirates established their
Middle EasternStudies, Vol.37, No.3, July 2001, pp.111-144
PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON
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MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
own medreses since the official mezhep (school of jurisprudence) of the Empire was Hanefi. There were also schools attachedto some of the village mosques and led by mollas who had a reputation for learning. These medreses played a prominent role in the development of the Kurdish language and literature. They functioned until the 1970s even though medreses were officially closed down in 1924 in Turkey. Legal experts of Islam, educated in state and independent Kurdishmedreses, have played a significant role in the lives of Kurds. Sufi orders have also been active and widespread among the Kurds. Although various Sufi orders were represented, it seems that the Qadiriyya and Naqshbandiyya orders dominated Sufi Islam in the region.4 Said Nursi (1876-1960), by product of the Kurdishmedrese system, is not only the authorof the original and pious writings but also the originator of Nurcu movement in Turkey. As will be discussed below, this religious movement has fragmented and the ethnic origin of Nursi has become controversial among the members of the movement. Med-Zehra is a split from the Nurcu movement and it emphasizes Nursi's Kurdishbackground. It openly criticizes Turkishnationalist interpretationof Nursi's writings. In other words, Med-Zehrais not only an importantNurcu group in Turkeybut also an importantrepresentativeof KurdishIslamic movements. This article will analyze the Med-Zehragroup's interpretation Islam as it is reflected of in theirjournal, Dava.5
First appearingin April-May 1989, Dava strongly emphasizes Med-Zehra's dual Kurdishand Islamic identities. The group is highly critical of the mainstream Nurcu movement for its neglect - or even denial - of the Kurdish origins of Nursi, generally recognized as the Nurcu movement's founder. Med-Zehra has tried to restore the balance by, among other things, publishing uncensored versions of those works by Nursi that embrace a Kurdish viewpoint. The Kurdish Nurcu group appears to have widespread supportin the provinces of Bingol, Van, Diyarbakir,Mardin, lirnak, Siirt, Batman, and Malatya (all in eastern and southeasternTurkey), as well as in Ankara and Istanbul. The group is frequently referred to as the Med-Zehra ecole or simply Med-Zehra - an abbreviation for Medresetii'z Zehra, the name of the university Nursi had dreamedof establishing in Van, in easternTurkey- by the other Islamic groups. In the first issue of the journal, the group defined itself with anothername, hizb-iil Kur'an or 'the party of the Quran'.6 At that time, the group's leader, Ueyhanzade,7rejected the designation of MedZehra as a 'school' in the following terms:8
A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY
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What we established is not a 'school'. Med-Zehra is a group of believers who strive to be both faithful to the Quran and useful to Islam. We believe in the unity of Islam (tevhid), and that by reading the Risale-i Nur, following its method, and serving the mehdiyet movement, we are useful to humanity ... This is a renewal (tecdid) movement that will produce a new understandingof the Quran ... This movement will make the Quran understandableto others and promote it as a form of state in the political sense. The Med-Zehra,on the other hand, was the name of a university planned to be built by Bediuizzaman [another name for Said Nursi - FA] in Van; the university's official language, Arabic, was to have been learnedby all Muslims. The university would have permitted all races, including Kurds and Turks, to be united within the consciousness of ummet. Med-Zehra would have symbolized the realization of Islamic unity. (This is why) we have established a publishing company and a trust under the name of Med-Zehra.9 The name Dava derives from an anecdote about Nursi. At one point in his life while on retreatin a cave near Van, he slipped and fell about five metres to a lower level of the cave, fortunately without getting seriously hurt. As he fell, he cried out 'Ah! My struggle [Davaml', suggesting that he cared more about the cause for which he struggled than about his personal safety. This devotion to Islam impressed the journal's founder and he made Nursi's cause that of the journal. The journal defined this struggle as raising the flag of Islam and making it dominantthroughoutthe world.'" Among Dava's primary aims was that of promoting unity under the bannerof tevhid in orderto overcome the artificialfragmentationof Islamic groups in Turkey,which it considered to be a consequence of provocations by external powers." Other goals included correcting what it viewed as errors in thought encouraged by other Nurcu groups, and responding to 'unfair' criticisms of the Nurcu movement. Said Nursi'2was born in 1873 to a Kurdishclerical family in the village of Nurs, near Bitlis in eastern Anatolia. At the age of nine he attendeda local medrese, receiving his education from Sheikh AbdurrahmanTagi. He studied at several medreses and received his diploma in 1888 when he was fifteen. He then travelled widely and engaged in wide-ranging discussions with members of the ulema (Islamic scholars). At thirty-twohe left Van and came to Istanbul seeking support for his dream of establishing the Medresetii'zZehra University in Van. He presenteda petition on this subject to Sultan Abdulhamid 11 (1876-1909), in the course of the presentation criticizing the Sultan's passivity as Caliph. This unusual behaviour caused
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officials to question his mental health, and he was sent to the Topba?1 asylum for observation. Nursi returnedto Istanbul in 1907 but was again disappointed with the Ottomancapital. He then went to Thessaloniki, where he met with members of the Union and Progress Party (Ittihadve TerrakiFlrkasl), and supported them in their struggle against the Sultan's absolutist regime. He was in Thessaloniki during the Young Turkrevolution of 1908. After returningto Istanbul, he participatedin establishing the Muslim Union Society (Ittihad-i Muhammedi Cemiyeti) and wrote articles in Volkan,a newspaper published by Dervi? Vahdeti, a founder of the Muslim Union. In a short time, the Society became the leading voice for those opposing the Committee of Union and Progress. His connection with the Society led to the accusation that he was involved in anti-Union and Progress Party activities and part of the reactionaryIslamist uprising of 31 March 1909 - one in which the Muslim Union played an importantrole and he was arrested. However, he was acquitted and returned to Van in 1910. He travelled to Damascus in 1911, then returned to Istanbul to participatein the Sultan's journey to the Balkan provinces of the Ottoman Empire. He was also able to obtain funds for the founding of Medresetu'z Zehra, but the project was postponed with the beginning of the Balkan War. Nursi returnedto Van in 1913, but in 1915 was sent to Tripoli by the Young Turks to support the Sanusiyya order in their resistance against the Italian occupation. In August of that year he returnedto Turkey and joined a local militia fighting against the Russians on the eastern front. He was taken prisoner and lived through the Russian Revolution of 1917, but managed to escape and returnto Turkey via Europe. In 1922, Nursi met Mustafa Kemal, founder of the TurkishRepublic, in Ankara.No doubt he was aware of the secular tendencies of Mustafa Kemal and his colleagues, and in 1923 he circulateda declarationin parliamentthat the political regime of the Turkish Republic should be based on Islamic principles. He left Ankara later that year, and remained in Van until 1925, when he was accused of having links with the revolt of Sheikh Said, an Islamist and Kurdish nationalist. He was arrested and exiled to Barla, a small town in Isparta,where he wrote his treatise, the Risale-i Nur (Treatise of Light). He was arrested, imprisoned, and exiled several times between 1925 and 1950. A new era for Nursi and his disciples opened with the Democrat Party victory in the 1950 elections. In spite of accusations brought against Nursi and his followers in various courtrooms,the Risale-i Nur was legally published in the Latin alphabet for the first time in 1956. At the same time the Democrat Party was making use of Islamic rhetoric during its election campaign;however, it soon became clear that this rhetoricwould not be put
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into practice. Nursi spent most of the rest of his life in Ispartaexperiencing continued police harassment. Said Nursi died on 23 March 1960, while on a journey to Urfa, and he was buried there. After the military coup of 1960, which overthrew the Democrat Party,his remains were disinterredand his bones were buried at an unknown location in the mountains aroundIsparta.This was done in the belief that his tomb might become a centre of attractionand a meeting point for his followers.
Since the death of Said Nursi, the movement has experienced many internal conflicts and splits. Leadershipand party politics were two main sources of conflict during the 1960s. Leaders such as HuisrevAltinba?ak,'3 Mehmet Kayalar(1920-94),'4 and Hulusi Yahyagil(1895-1986) '5constituteda group apartfrom the original Nurcu followers. Kayalarand Yahyagil were military officers who, like Altinba?ak,were followers of Said Nursi. Although each had his own interpretation the Risale-i Nur, they shareda common stance of toward party politics. They were not against politics as a method of changing the existing socio-political structureof Turkey;however, they did not consider partypolitics to be a suitable vehicle for changing society as a whole into an Islamic one. Ultimately, their beliefs led to a rejection of Turkey's existing socio-political system. While sharing the conviction that the Nurcu movement should be headed by a single leader, they were unable to achieve this aim since each put forth personal claims regarding the leadership of the largerNurcu movement.'6 A group called the Copyists, led by Husrev Altinba?ak (1899-1977), was the first to split from the original Nurcu movement in 1962. 7 The Copyists' (Yazicilar) name referredto the fact that they copied the original text of the Risale-i Nur by hand, and Altinba?ak was considered by his group to be the second 'Master' (Ustad-i sani) within this scribal tradition associated with the Risale-i Nur. However, whereas Said Nursi had permitted the publication of the Risale in the Latin alphabet while he was alive, Altinba?ak insisted that it should be published only in the Arabic script; indeed, he had disagreed with Said Nursi on this subject while Nursi was alive. After Nursi's death, Altinba?akconsidered himself to be the sole leader of the Nurcu movement; anyone who disputed his leadership was considered to be a traitor and in opposition to the Risale-i Nur.'8 The Copyists became fewer in numberover time and lost their importanceby the end of the 1970s.'9 In the early 1970s, the main sources of conflict within the original - by this time more or less 'mainstream' - Nurcu movement included publication of a newspaper in the name of Nurcus,20party politics, and
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financial disputes. During this period, the Nurcu movement can be discussed in terms of two main positions comprising various factions. One point of view defended publication of the newspaper, and many of its adherents were openly involved in politics. The other main tendency consisted in rejecting newspaperpublishing and political involvement. This division was furtherwidened by financial controversies.2' Among the fractions under these two main groupings which emerged during the 1970s and 1980s, the following might be cited: the Yeni Asya and movement, under the leadership of Ziibeyir Guinduizalp later Mehmet Kutlular, supported the (centre right) Justice Party and True Path Party. Med-Zehra, led by ~eyhanzade, argued that the Yeni Asya group had distorted the meaning of the Risale-i Nur, and began publishing Dava in 1989. Med-Zehraproducedanothergroup that established the ZehraEgitim Kultur Vakfi (Zehra Education and Cultural Foundation).22 This group supportednone of Turkey'spolitical parties,although it had some sympathy for the (Islamist) Welfare Party. Another group called Kurdoglu or Emek, led by Mehmet Kurdoglu, at first refused to supportany party.This group at first withdrew from the community to concentratetheir attention on the Risale; however, they supportedthe (centreright) MotherlandPartythrough most of the 1980s and in recent years have been sympathetic to the (Islamist) Welfare and Virtue Parties. In a development having major consequences not only for the Nurcu movement but also for Islamist movements and Turkish politics more generally, in 1974, a group led by Fetullah Gulen left the Yeni Asya movement, claiming that Yeni Asya was too busy with politics to serve the people.23 Interestingly,Guilen'sgroup has always been careful not to identify itself with any Islamic group or political party.Thus, although he was once a Nurcu member, Guilen has neither identified himself with the Nurcu movement nor openly referred to the Risale-i Nur.24His group became powerful after the 1980s, while his ideology evolved toward that of the Turkish-Islamicsynthesis,25 official ideology of the military government the which followed the 1980 coup d'etat. In spite of an intellectual and spiritual backgroundin the Nurcu movement, in his speeches Giilen never referred to the movement's founderbut rathermade references to his own works and ideas, in a sense placing himself at the centre of a movement whose inspiration is more probably traceable to another source. His own ideas, drawn from over 30 published works, shaped the group's ideology, generating differences between his and the other Nurcu groups. Because of these differences, some Nurcu groups deny that Guilenand his group have anything to do with the larger Nurcu movement. In the meantime, since Guilen has become powerful in the political life of Turkey today, other Nurcu groups insist that his group does indeed represent the Nurcu
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movement. Giilen's group is known for its private educational establishments, located both in Turkey and in the Turkic republics of central Asia.26 After the military coup on 12 September 1980, the Nurcu movement underwentanotherphase of fragmentation.In 1982, a group supportingthe military coup and led by Mehmet Kirkinci split from the Yeni Asya group, which had not supportedthe coup. Kirkinci's group believed that the coup was necessary because it saved Turkey from social and political disintegration.Kirkincidefined General Kenan Evren, leader of the military coup, as commander of the faithful (ulu-l emr) and claimed that it was a religious duty to obey Evren's rules. Thus the group is also called 'supportersof the [post-coup] revolutionarycouncil' (Konseyciler).27 They reject Med-Zehra'sclaims that the Risale-i Nur have been distorted. In 1986, Muslim Guindtiz, who received a Nurcu education from Mehmet Feyzi Pamukquand Hulusi Yahyagil, established the Aczimendi Tarikatigroup, a Nurcu group in the form of a Sufi order.28 aim of the The Aczimendis was to bring about a state governed by Islamic law and headed by a caliph.29 Also, in 1990 and 1993 two other groups abandonedthe Yeni Asya group; Yeni Asya's active support given to Siileyman Demirel (President of the Republic from 1993 to 2000) and his party (True Path) appearsto be the only issue of conflict.30 Med-Zehra refers to major conflicts in Islamic history to explain events occurringsince the death of Said Nursi. For example, the first conflict in the Islamic world emerged after the death of the ProphetMuhammadover the election of the first caliph, and remains unresolved to this day. A second major conflict was that which took place between Ali and Muawiya. Interpretedwithin the historical context as a struggle between caliphate and sultanate; the former represents an Islamic religious-based state system, while the latteris seen as an arbitrary regime with its own raison d'etre. The third conflict, between Hussein and Yezid, is understood as a contest between religious and nationalist values. Hussein stands as the defender of Islamic law for the Caliphate, while Yezid figures as the supporterof racist Arab nationalism for his sultanate. Med-Zehra believes that if one views Nurcu movement developments following the death of Said Nursi from the perspective of these historical events, the meaning of the fragmentation within the movement may be grasped by analogy.3 According to Dava, The death of Said Nursi was announced to the world via radios and newspapers. Thousands of Muslims rushed into Urfa for the funeral. After the funeral, students of Nursi who were present in Urfa consulted among themselves. During the meeting, Mehmet Kayalar,
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Hiisrev Agabey (Altlnba?ak),and Feyzi Agabey (Pamukqu) insisted 32 that both a leader and a leadership committee should be elected. Othersreacted against this idea, saying that no caliph or leader figured in the Risale-i Nur and that each should serve according to his or her capacity. They argued that there should be no hierarchyin the group and the movement should consist only of spiritual service.33 The decision reached at the meeting favoured the second group, that is, those who rejected a hierarchical organization for the Nurcu movement. This issue appears to have created a Gordian knot since, according to an article in Dava, '... those who claimed thatthere should be no leaderor rank in the Nurcu movement themselves became the leaders of different groups'.3 No Nurcu group leaders left today are direct students of Said Nursi. It seems that the decision not to form a hierarchical organization, made after the death of Nursi, has provided many students of the Nur movement with the inspiration to establish their own leadership and their own groups. Med-Zehra,for its part,believes that a hierarchicalmovement is better suited to Islam. According to Dava, the Nurcu groups which distortedRisale-i Nur used the oppressive measures of the post-1960 military coup government as an excuse to justify their publication of the Risale in the Latin alphabet.Moreover, publicationefforts were undertakenbecause in the course of preparing the text in the Latin alphabet 'they could easily make changes that were impossible to make in the Arabic version'.3 Dava also claimed that certain individuals with political ambitions and a nationalist approachhad tried to dominate the Nur movement in 1969 and 1970. Med-Zehra held that the Nurcu movement, with its political newspaper, its books and its journals, had started to depart from the movement's original line of thought. Referring to Islamic history, the Med-Zehra group believed that this event was a crossroad, arguing that, 'The struggle has begun between the real Nurcu movement, which is based on vahy (revelation of God) and tries to establish the caliphate with all its institutions, and the pseudo Nurcu group, which is based on the arbitrary rule of the sultanateand believes that every principle can be sacrificed for the fatherland.'36 Since the death of Said Nursi many Nurcu groups have claimed his heritage. As one of the major groups, Med-Zehra has had many differences of opinion with these other groups. According to Med-Zehra, the school of thought created by Nursi is an alternative to the existing regime, which is afraid of the power of Nursi's movement and has used many strategies to prevent its ideas from being realized. Those more closely associated with the regime, according to Med-Zehra, have departed from the Islamic
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perspective regarding social and political problems and have adopted a Europeanperspective, understoodas man-madeand thus contraryto Nursi's ideas.37 Med-Zehrahas arguedthatpolitical partiesare a by-productof European philosophy, and that involvement in everyday politics prevents one from focusing on the real aim, which is to make Islam the dominant force in all areas of life. The group's spokespersons furtherhold that Said Nursi made a distinction between Islamic politics and human politics. The first is based on vahy and the second on human thought. They believe that Nursi considered human politics to be synonymous with Satan, whereas Islamic Islam cannot be separatedfrom politics because politics are a partof Islam.38 Islam determines every aspect of one's life. Med-Zehrafurtherargued that Nursi was against party politics both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Turkish Republic, since 'Said observed that sincere Muslims working for political parties accused each other of creating divisions after the Young Turk revolution of 1908'.39 Nursi considered this development un-Islamic because it created factions among Muslims, and as a result he was never again directly involved in party politics. During the 1950s Said Nursi expressed his political views in letters that he sent to members of Parliament and the Prime Minister.40 Although his stated objective was to secure publication of the Risale-i Nur, he also stated his support for some of the Democrat Party's actions. Although such supportor criticism of politicians' actions could be considered as political involvement, Med-Zehrasuggested that such guidance was just a partof his responsibility as an Islamic scholar.They claimed that there were two main themes in Nursi's letters: the first was that some aspects of the regime were based on Turkish racism (Turkism), which contradicted fundamental principles of the Quranand should be abandonedimmediately. The second theme in his letters was that the political party structureintroducedby the Europeans was contrary to Islamic principles and that, instead, the Quran should be the model for political organization.4' Med-Zehra has criticized other Nurcu groups, particularlyYeni Asya, because of their active involvement in day-to-day politics. Yeni Asya, for example, supportedthe Justice Party- for the most partthe governing party between 1965 and 1980--and the True Path Party after 1983. Med-Zehra claimed that Yeni Asya defended Western principles, including the democratic parliamentarysystem. The group was, moreover, criticized for pursuingshort-term materialinterestsand compromisingits Islamic identity.42 In general, Med-Zehraheld that Islamic communities should not participate in politics, althoughsome individualsmay do so in orderto disseminateideas from the Risale-i Nur and to help the development of Islam. That is, the existing system may be used by some as a means to reach Islamic goals.43
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Today, some Nurcu groups claim that Said Nursi was a defender of democracy as far back as the Ottoman period.4' In contrast, Med-Zehra insists thatNursi never used the word democracy in his writings. They argue that he deliberately avoided this term because democratic rules created by humans prevent the rules of God from being fully realized. They point out that some Nurcu groups use the concept of democracy and meErutiyet (constitutional monarchy) interchangeably. Although democracy is not consistent with the laws of God, Med-Zehraclaims that meErutiyet based is on consultation (mepveret)and includes an assembly (meclis), institutions which fall within the frameworkof Islamic law. Thus when Nursi used the concept of meErutiyet,it was a reference consistent with Islamic law.45 Discussing these nuances, Seyhanzade writes: Some people assume that democracy allows people to live decently, that it dominates the Turkish people's spirit and way of life. Democratic Islamists, who claim that nothing can change this fact, must understand that they cannot convince people with conscious thought and reason that these ideas are true; they cannot persuade anyone. Because Islam dominates our spirits, it is all-encompassing and our only goal. As people who belong to the Mehdiyet School [discussed below - FA], our first duty is to publish the truth.Our goal should be to make Islamic law dominant and to establish Islamic unity.46 According to Seyhanzade, anyone who accepts democracy as a governing system should be considered a non-believer.This is because democracy was created as a reaction to the Quran,Islamic law, and vahy. The main aim of a democracy is to give the right of governing to human beings. Acceptance of this kind of government is un-Islamic.47 Seyhanzade lists various reasons why some Nurcus have cooperated with the current political regime in Turkey.These include fear of Turkishnational weakness, attachmentto the past, and personal frailties. Such Nurcu members in fact support and empower the political parties, and in doing so, have abandonedIslamic law as a primarygoal. They claim that they are not in a position to revolt against a head of state and that their approachis in conformity with the Hanefi law, which traditionally supports the concept of obedience to the state on the basis that 'any orderis betterthan disorder'. Seyhanzadearguesthat this unIslamic approachactually drives people away from Islam and the Quran.48 Taking a slightly different approach, ~eyhanzade claims that every movement in the world has a plan and a programme.If a movement does not have power and yet attempts to use force, it will lose its case. Citing Said Nursi, ~eyhanzade points out, 'We can neither accept nor reject the current regime. Rejection requires power that we do not yet have. Thus
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Islamic scholars agree that if conditions are not ripe, that is, if one does not have power, action cannot be taken. If one acts from a powerless position, a major suppression of Muslims may result, which could block future development of the Islamic movement.'49 Thus, Med-Zehra insists that the duty of Nur students is to create conditions favouring the hegemony of Islamic Law. In orderto do so, according to Said Nursi, they must belong to the 'partyof the Quran' (hizb-ul Kur'an) that is, 'on the side of Allah' in the broad sense.
The right to publish and disseminate Said Nursi's works is anotherdisputed issue. In his lifetime, Nursi determined who could publish the Risale and how the income should be spent.50 IbrahimHulusi Yahyagil (1895-1986), M. Feyzi Pamukqu (1912-90), Huisrev Altinbasak (1899-1977), Tahiri Mutlu (1900-1977), and Rafet Barutqu (1886-1975) were among Said Nursi's first students and were referredto as the has talebeleri (original, as in first, true students) of Nursi. They were educated by Nursi and were with him at the beginning of the Nurcu movement. Pamukqu,Altinba?ak,Mutlu, and Barutqu were arrested, tried, and sentenced in the 1930s and 1940s along with Nursi.5' They were considered by Nurcu members to be the spiritual inheritors of the Risale-i Nur. Mehmet Kayalar, Mustafa Acet, Bayram Yuiksel,HiisnuiBayram, Abdullah Yegin, Mustafa Sungur, Ahmet Aytimur,and Said Ozdemir were also in Nursi's service. Some members of this second group were appointed by Nursi to supervise publication of the Risale-i Nur. It has become an established custom (orj) within the Nurcu movement that permission to publish the Risale must be first obtained from a member of this group.52 Also, Nursi had stipulatedthat twenty per cent of the income generatedthroughpublicationmust be allocated to a scholarship fund for Nur students.53Thus, in order to publish the Risale in their publishing house, Med-Zehra had to obtain permission from a member of this group. Because they believed that the Risale-i Nur had been distorted, it was very importantfor Med-Zehrato publish its own version. In the 1970s there were two Nurcu publishing houses. One of them, Sozler Yayinevi, was headed by Mustafa Sungur54 a time, before being for replaced by Mehmet Firinci. Said Ozdemir manages the other publishing house, Ihlas Nur Ne?riyat, in Ankara.Although both the original publishers were members of the second group in the service of Nursi, Ueyhanzade claims to have agreed with Abduilkadir Badilli,55who is also a Kurd, that both publishing houses distorted the Risale and pursued political activities to the detrimentof service to the Nurcu community. In 1979, the Envar Ne?riyat publishing house was established with the approval of Husnu Bayram (among the second group of Nursi's direct
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students), but in the name of AbdulkadirBadilli. Although Badilli was one of Nursi's students, he did not belong to either group of close followers and was not approvedas a publisherof the Risale.56 Ueyhanzadestartedto work with Badilli in the publishing house. According to ~eyhanzade, Envar NeEriyatlost its viability after three years because it lacked funding and because Husnu Bayram wanted to control publication of the Risale.57It became impossible for 5eyhanzade to continue in Envar Ne?riyat.58 ~eyhanzade then went to Mustafa Acet (1924-90), a member of the second group who had Nursi's approvalto publish the Risale-i Nur. Acet provided 5eyhanzade with an original text corrected by Nursi himself, and gave his approval for publication of the Risale. In 1982 *eyhanzade established Tenvir Ne,riyat and startedto publish the works of Said Nursi. Dava published the original letter of Mustafa Acet in which he clearly stated that he had given 5eyhanzade the right to publish the Risale. In his will, Mustafa Acet enjoined the group to follow moral and spiritual principles found in the Quranin all details of publishing activities, as Nursi had wished. He explained how exacting Said Nursi had been in the preparation of the text and how fervently he looked forward to its publication. Acet furthercriticized some publishers for using the Risale for their own political purposes, or for trying to prevent others from publishing the text.59 While Acet gave 5eyhanzade approval to publish the Risale, he insisted on certain conditions: Ueyhanzadewas to publish the Risale in their original form, and to donate one fifth of the profit towards meeting the daily needs of students who devoted their lives to the service of Nur. In addition, the publishing staff was to keep meticulous records and be able to answer all questions concerning financial matters.' In this way, Med-Zehrahas had its own publishing house, the Tenvir Nesriyat, since 1982, and has published its own version of the Risale based on original copies. Med-Zehra insisted that some Nurcu communities had distorted the Risale-i Nur in variouseditions over time,6'generally among those printedin the Latin alphabet.62 One of the allegedly distorted versions had been published by Hizmet Vakfi, a foundation led by Mustafa Sungur and Said Ozdemir, both of whom had Nursi's approval to publish the Risale. In response to Med-Zehra's allegation, and also inspired by financial considerationsconnected to sales rights, Hizmet Vakfi had taken Med-Zehra to the sharia court, claiming that they did not have the legal right to publish the Risale-i Nur Although both sides accepted litigation in the sharia court, the action was later moved to a civil court.63 While sharia courts were abolished in 1924 in Turkey,some individuals chose to use them on a nonofficial basis. Sharia courtsare generally formedby trusted,learnedMuslims in order to try specific cases if both sides chose to resort to such a court, although they have no legal binding force. If one of the two parties is not
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satisfied with the decision, he or she may take the case to a legal, secular court.For its part,the Hizmet Vakficounter-claimedthatTenvirNe?riyathad distortedthe Risale-i Nur in such a way as to propagateKurdishseparatism. In the end, the Hizmet Vakfi lost its cases in both the sharia and civil courts.' Med-Zehrainsists that some Nurcu groups have removed certain words such as Kurdand Kurdistanfrom the original text, replacing them with such words as 'peasant', 'people from the east', and 'tribe'. They also claim that certain paragraphs,most of which were concerned with the political regime of Turkey,have been removed from the original text.65 Another subject of dispute between Med-Zehra and other Nur groups was the question of mehdiyet. Originally a Shia concept and rejected by many Sunni scholars, the mehdi traditionhas always been popular among the Sunni faithful. The mehdi is generally conceived as a descendant of the Prophet or one sent by God as a foreordainedleader to restore the rule of God and establish justice on earth. A controversy arose over whether or not Said Nursi may be considered such a leader. This issue is closely related to the ethnic origins of Said Nursi, since a Kurd could not be a biological descendent of the Prophet.Some Nurcu groups appearedboth to accept and ignore the fact that Nursi was Kurdish. This was possible because his principal cause was that of Islam, thus making his ethnic origins irrelevant to his status. Other groups, however, denied his Kurdish origin, claiming that he was Turkish or Arabic. Some groups did in fact believe that Said Nursi was the mehdi and thus was a seyyid - a descendant of the Prophet66 - while others denied this possibility. As will be mentioned below, MedZehra'sposition was that Said Nursi did not consider mehdiyetas a personal cause but as a community cause and as a process. Concerning the issue of being seyyid, Med-Zehraclaimed that Said Nursi posited two groups within the ehl-i beyt (people of the House); the first group traces its biological genealogy back to the Prophet's family line, whereas the second group consisted of the Prophet'sspiritualheirs who closely followed the Prophet's teachings. The critical assertion is made that biological heirs to the Prophet who did not show respect to Sunnet (the practice of the Prophet), such as King Hussein of Jordan, could not be counted among the ehl-i beyt. Departing from this distinction, Med-Zehra shows that Said Nursi clearly indicates in his books that he was not a biological heir to the Prophet. Consequently he was not an Arab. Med-Zehra holds that the belief in Nursi's being seyyid was a consequence of the need to settle the issue of Nursi's ethnic origins. According to Dava, 'Those people who could not accept that Nursi was a Kurd first turned him into a Turk, but when faced with resistance to this idea, they nominatedhim as seyyid and mehdi'.67 Nursi's ethnic origin became an important subject among Islamist groups in Turkeyby the end of 1980s and throughthe 1990s. These groups,
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which emphasize ethnicity (whether Kurd or Turk), are greatly concerned with a redefinition of their identity. It could even be suggested that the new impetus in Kurdish and Turkish nationalism, which have mutually reinforced nationalist interpretationsof Islam, was accelerated by these disagreementsover Nursi's ethnic identity.
According to *eyhanzade, the Risale-i Nur informs a school of thought that will re-establish the asr-i saadet (era of felicity) based on vahy (revelation of God); The Quran is undoubtedly the last word of God, intended to organize both the society of man and the life of the individual and to determineevery aspect of life, from the heartof an individual and extending to the rulings of state. In this context, Med-Zehra viewed the Risale-i Nur as not only the name for Said Nursi's collected works, but also as the school of thought and the movement that constitutes the Islamic world view.68 Asr1 saadet refers to the beginning of Islamic history when the prophet Muhammad and the four rightly guided caliphs ruled the Islamic community; this period represents the ideal example of Islamic society. According to many Islamists, including Med-Zehra,it should be the aim of Muslims to establish an Islamic society similar to that of the asr-1 saadet. Med-Zehrabelieves that the asr-i saadet will ultimatelymaterialize,and its spokespersonsidentify the process by which this will happen as mehdiyet. Mehdi, usually defined as the 'foreordainedleader', in this case refers to a process. Med-Zehra's leader, ~eyhanzade, states that the subject of mehdi has been widely discussed ever since the end of asr-1 saadet. Although the status of mehdi has been claimed by or attributedto numerous individuals over time, it is generally agreed that the mehdi has not yet arrived. Ueyhanzadepoints out that Said Nursi discussed this subject from a unique perspective, positing that 'mehdiyetis not a personalcause but a community cause' which was to be headed by a spiritualpersonality.69 According to Ueyhanzade,the mehdi 'process' has three tasks. The first is to explain and disseminate correct belief as set forth in the Risale-i Nur; this task thus constitutes the avant-gardeof mehdi and is more important than the following two tasks. The second task is to establish and practise Islamic law, and the thirdis to establish an Islamic union. These three tasks can be viewed as three steps. The first is to improve one's piety and consciousness at the individual level. The second is to establish an Islamic state based on the Quran in each nation, based on its people's will and strengths. As a third step of mehdiyet, Islamic unity is to be established in the form of a federation. Each Islamic country would have its own administrative body and an assembly that would allow it to form a federation of Islamic republics. The nations would have a common
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assembly at the federal level that would elect a leader for the entire federation. This person could be called the caliph, or head of state.70 MedZehra believes that, according to Islamic practice, it is not appropriatefor a person or a community to achieve all three of these steps at the same time.7' Ueyhanzadeclaims that Said Nursi, as the individual who achieved the first step of mehdiyet, worked for Islamic unity (ittihad-i Islam) in the world. The concept of Islamic unity actually has a very broad meaning. At the individual level, Islamic unity means that Muslims must support one another and create a close community. This is a requirementin accordance with the rule of the Quran. At the societal level, solidarity among various Islamic groups and communities must be achieved under the bannerof the Quran,following the beliefs of the ProphetMuhammad.72 According to Ueyhanzade,Islam does not rule out a republican system; such a system allows each Islamic republic to representa nation or an ethnic group.73Islamic republics, as representatives of Islamic communities, should be based on the Quran and consultation. In this sense, Islam approves of the republican system while making it necessary for Turkish Muslims to have a wider vision of the Islamic republic. In this sense, the concept of 'misak-i milli', which refers to the current borders of the Republic of Turkey and consequently to the territorialintegrity of Turkey, falls short of the idea of an Islamic republic and should not be permitted.74 Med-Zehra believes that every ethnic group should have its own state and these states, in turn, should form an Islamic federation. This approach would ultimately lead to some changes in the existing bordersof Turkeyby establishing a KurdishIslamic Republic. Additionally,~eyhanzade is aware that mezhebs (school offiqh, or jurisprudence)may create problems with respect to a universalist view of Islam. Sunni Muslims accept four mezheps (Hanefi, ~afi, Hanbeli and Maliki) as legitimate; Shiis and Kharijieshave their own mezheps. Each Muslim must choose which mezhep he will follow, although Muslims generally belong to the mezheps prevalent in their regions. Considering some historically deeprooted conflicts among mezheps, it seems that Med-Zehratries to overcome this problem by letting the members of each mezheppractice its own system of fiqh, that is, that the mezhep of every country or group in the Islamic federation must be free to follow its own practise. Implementationof this view would increase the value of the federation.75 The aim of Med-Zehra is to make sharia the dominant law of Islamic societies, with the Risale-i Nur as a school of thought being the best guide to achieve this goal. Med-Zehra is also in favour of establishing the caliphate with the understanding of God as the sole maker of laws. Ueyhanzadeuses the concept of tevhid (unity) to draw these issues together; presenting the example of the Prophet who controlled every level of the
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state administrationby assuming the functions of head of the Islamic state as well as that of messenger of God and military commander.76 Like other radical groups, Med-Zehrainsists that simple belief in Islam does not make one a Muslim. If one believes in God, prays five times a day and fasts, but does not supportthe goals of the Islamic state, he or she can be a believer but is nonetheless not a Muslim. If one wants to make Islam the dominant force - even if he or she does not pray five times each day he or she may be a non-believer, but is a Muslim. Ueyhanzadeexplains that Said Nursi clearly defined these states of belief.77
Med-Zehra argues that Said Nursi was in favour of an Islamic unity in which each nation or ethnic group would be able to maintain its own language, customs, and culture. Islam would provide a frameworkin which every group of people would be able to preserve their own identity. Med-Zehraholds that Said Nursi was well aware of his Kurdishidentity and was very much concerned with the problems of the Kurds in the Ottoman Empire. At that time religious sciences were taught in the native tongue and Arabic, while in the new secular schools teaching positive sciences, Turkishwas the teaching language. Nursi's writings on this issue include a letter to Abdiilhamid 11 (1876-1909), subsequently published in the newspaperDogu ve Kiirdistan(The East and Kurdistan),underthe title, 'Once again Kurds are in need'.78 In the letter, Nursi indicated that Kurds, like other peoples of the Empire, need education and other kinds of assistance from the government: 'Even though it is pleasant to see the opening of new schools in towns and villages with help from the government, only the children who know Turkish can benefit from them. Kurdish children learn only religious sciences, which are thought in the medreses to be the source of progress. Teachers in the new schools do not know the local language and the children therefore do not receive an education in other subjects. This situation lays the grounds for brutality, chaos, and Western intervention ... and leads to suspicion among the people'.7 In order to solve this problem, Nursi proposed the establishment of secondary schools in three different regions of Kurdistanin which both theology and sciences would be taught.80 According to Nursi, language was an importantdeterminantof human fate (Insanda kaderin sikkesi lisandir). Thus he wanted to establish a university,Medreset-iilZehra, to improve the level of educationprovided to the Kurdish people. At this university, three languages were to be used. Arabic was obligatory (vacip), Kurdishwas permissible (caiz), and Turkish was necessary (lazim). He said that Kurds had three advantages: the first was Islam, for which thousands of Muslims died (~ehid); the second was
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humanity, which had to be proven before the masses; the third was nationality, which was inherent. He also said that the Kurds had three enemies: poverty, illiteracy, and animosity. In order to overcome these enemies three weapons could be used. First were justice and education; second were unity and love of nation; and third was self-achievement without help from the powerful.8' Nursi apparentlyhad good reason for personal interest in education and language issues, since Med-Zehra cited the memories of individuals connected with Said Nursi who claimed that Nursi could not read and write proper Turkish during his youth, and only became literate in Turkish after the age of 30. Thus although he was educated in Kurdish and Arabic as a youth, he produced his masterworkin Turkish.82
Med-Zehra has also published passages from the Risale-i Nur (Nursi's complete works) which reveal his approach to nationalism. In these writings, Nursi states that the West has fomented nationalistic feelings in order to divide the Muslims. However, he made a distinction between negative and positive forms of nationalism. Negative forms of nationalism harmpeople by benefiting from the destructionof others. They have created many problems for Muslims historically (Ummayad, French, and other nationalisms), and remain a great danger for the Muslim world today. In contrast, positive nationalism emanates from the needs of a society, and carries the potential to improve the solidarity and strength of the Muslim brotherhood. Thus, positive nationalism could work to serve and defend Islam.83 Said Nursi warnedagainst the separationof Islam from the Turkishstate, recalling the basic fact that Turksare Muslims: 'Turkishpeople can have no other religion than Islam. Islam is an integral and inseparable part of the Turkishnation. If Turksseparatetheir nation from their religion they will be ruined.'84He also criticized Turkish nationalists who defended ethnic nationalism, censuring those who believed that all Turkish citizens must speak Turkish; he pointed out that he had nothing in common with this group. He asked how one could offer Turkish to the millions of Kurdish people who had not forgotten their own language or nationality for thousands of years, who were citizens of Turkey, and who had supplied support and manpower to the Ottoman and Turkish regimes' jihads throughout their long history. Nursi believed that forcing the Turkish language on the Kurds was either arbitraryor a kind of brutality,and that one should not obey such unjust measures.85 It has been widely arguedby some Nurcu groups that Med-Zehrahas put too much emphasis on Kurdishness and Kurdish identity, and that their
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interpretationof Nursi was racist, which is antitheticalto Nursi's thought. Although the Med-Zehra group consists mainly of Kurds and its leading cadre is Kurdish,it has a considerable number of Turkishfollowers.86 This unbalanced ethnic mix may have been used to justify the accusations of racism. This criticism has been made ever since Dava first appeared.87 Ueyhanzade'sreply to accusations of racism requires an understanding of Islam and nation. He argues that, according to the Quran, God created people of different nations and ethnic groups not for the purpose of fighting with each other,but to meet, understand,and help one another.Thereforeno nation or ethnic group should be viewed as superiorto another.If one denies the existence of different nations or ethic groups and their languages, then he or she denies the word of God. Attributing a sacred meaning to any particularethnic group puts one in danger of recreatingthe cahlilliye (preIslamic ignorance) period. Ueyhanzadeexplains that his group defends the concept of ummet,ratherthan that of nationalism. He also emphasizes that Islam has been their main guide in solving this problem.88 A contributorto Dava, Mustafa Unal, points out that Said Nursi was accused of being a Kurdish nationalist, although racism was forbidden in the Quranand hadis. Said Nursi could never accept what was forbiddenby Islamic law, had stated clearly that he belongs to Islamic ummetand was not a Kurdish nationalist. Unal also shared the opinion that Europeans incited nationalism in the Islamic world in order to divide it.89Ueyhanzadealso wrote on the issue of Nursi's Kurdishness, pointing out that when Nursi talked about Kurdistan,he referredto it as a geographical place during the reign of AbduilhamidII. This region had been independent since Ayyubid times, and while Selim I was engaged in his eastern campaign in 1514, he had made an agreementthat gave the Kurdsa special status. Over the course of history, however, this agreement was occasionally broken. But Ueyhanzade emphasized that in order to understandfully the concept of Kurdistan,it must be considered from the Islamic perspective.90 eyhanzade believed that even when Nursi was young, he had a special interest in the Kurdish problem and wanted to improve education in Kurdistan.He offered solutions to the Kurdish problems of backwardness and poverty, as mentioned above. His main concern was the actions of rulers that had the effect of keeping Kurds illiterate and poor, as well as their attempts to destroy Kurdish culture through assimilation. He opposed the denigration of Kurds since Islamic law states that all ethnic groups are equal, and defended Muslim brotherhoodon the basis of absolute equality and justice. Nursi believed that the main reason behind separatism and conflict was the failure to believe in equality, as well as in the special privileges held by some groups. He believed that as long as such ideas prevail, one could not speak of Muslim brotherhoodand unity. *eyhanzade
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himself argues that people in disadvantagedgroups are now awakening and that they will increasingly react against this inequality.He believes that true brotherhoodand unity can only be achieved when each nation and group has cultural and administrativeautonomy, as well as the same rights within the frameworkof Islamic law; otherwise conflicts will continue.9'
Med-Zehraunderscoresthe similarities between Sheikh Said, a Naqshbandi sheikh who led the Kurdish revolt of 1925 in Turkey, and Said Nursi. The group considers both individuals as true representatives of Islam within their own distinctive contexts. While Med-Zehra was not associated with the Naqshbandi order, nor did it discern any particular significance in Sheikh Said's Naqshbandi origins, it did place importance on the ethnic origins of the two Saids, as well as on both their struggles against the Turkish state. Med-Zehra holds that although the Sheikh Said revolt took place in Kurdish areas and under the leadership of a Kurdishalim (scholar), it was purely an Islamic revolt.92Seyhanzade analyzed this case both through written documentationand by speaking with people who had participatedin the revolt. He came to the conclusion that it was not a nationalistrevolt, but that had it been successful, it would have brought about the independence of a nation. Dava has published many interviews with members of Sheikh Said's family.93Med-Zehra believed that the two men shared similar ideas and opinions, besides belonging to the same land, the same nation, and being nourished by the same culture (Kurdish territory,ethnicity, and culture). Moreover, they both lived as believers in God and fighters for Islam (mucahid). With the abolition of the caliphate on 4 March 1924 and the establishment of the Turkish Republic's taguti (false god) regime, Sheikh Said was convinced that an Islamic revolt had to materialize immediately; he lost his life (~ehadet)in this jihad. Said Nursi was able to benefit from Sheikh Said's experiences. Joining his observations of Said's life and struggle to his own familiarity with the sciences, philosophy and politics of his time, he analyzed events from a perspective different from that of Sheikh Said. Med-Zehra'sposition is that both Saids carried out their duties appropriately,albeit in their own ways. Both had dual identities as Muslim and Kurd, identities that the current political system of Turkeyconsiders as inimical to the state and appropriate targets for all methods of aggression. These methods include attempts to attractfollowers away from the two Saids and to prevent the development of opposition to the regime. Ultimately, however, Med-Zehra is confident that true followers of the two Saids will be successful.94
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Med-Zehra'sunderstandingis that Sheikh Said's revolt was one against injustice, unfairness and oppression; and that his beliefs made it impossible for him to keep silent about the un-Islamic character of the Turkish Republic. But even as he met with others and planned his actions, the Turkish state provoked the revolt before the movement was ready to take action, thereby rendering Sheikh Said's revolt unsuccessful.95Med-Zehra supportsthis claim as follows: duringa meeting in 1960 between Said Nursi and the sons of Sheikh Said in an Ankara hotel,96Nursi said that he discussed the uprising plans with Sheikh Said in Erzurum.When the revolt started before the planned date, Said Nursi was in Van and was not informed. Following a sudden raid at his residence in Van, he was exiled to the western part of Turkey.97 Med-Zehraexplains that the Sheikh Said revolt was primarilyIslamic in nature.According to their understanding,the existing regime failed to grasp the universalism of Islam and actually saw the revolt as anti-Islamic in nature. Med-Zehra pointed out that the liberation of one nation was considered by some Islamic groups as anti-Islamic, even if that nation publicly stated its supportfor the principle of Islam.98 Said Nursi is said to have characterizedSheikh Said and his followers as '... the real Eehits who died for Islam. I have avenged them with my pen'.99 Opinions are divided over the degree and natureof Said Nursi's involvement in the Sheikh Said rebellion. Some Nurcus have arguedthat Said Nursi would not have participatedin the revolt, out of a loyalty to the Turkish state, expressed in such statementsas, 'We cannot fight this noble (Turkish) nation with our swords'." Anotherthesis is that Said Nursi plainly opposed the revolt, and even wrote a letter to Sheikh Said in an attemptto stop him. Indeed, in response to a request for help with the revolt, Nursi had written that, 'We cannot use our swords against the army of a nation that has carried the banner of Islam for centuries and has produced many saints'."' Notwithstanding these statements, Med-Zehra disputes the claims of Said Nursi's opposition to the revolt, pointing out that although he did not take an active part in it, he was interrogatedin connection with it and exiled.'02 For example, discussing these claims in Dava, Mustafa Unal writes that Nursi was not involved in the revolt because at the beginning he was not informed about it. Only after learning of it was Nursi sent into exile on the suspicion that he may have been involved.'03 Unal also discussed Nursi's alleged refusal to fight against the Turkish republican army. He cited from Nursi's book, Mudafalar, to explain the historical context of the author's statement, 'We cannot fight with our swords against this noble [Turkish]nation'. According to Unal, 'Justbefore WorldWarI, certainreligious individuals reportedto Nursi that some of the [Turkish army] officers were disbelievers, therefore these individuals had
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decided to rise up against these officers in Bitlis. But Nursi indicated that such non-belief was the concern and responsibility of the offending officers and that the rest of the army could not be held responsible for them. He said that there might be thousands of saints in this army (who did deserve to be respected according to Islam) and he therefore would not participatein it.' Unal insists that these sentences were used in reference to the Ottoman(preFirst World War) army rather than the Turkish republican army,'" and concludes that revolt against the Turkish republican army is legitimate in the frameworkof Nursi's ideas.
Med-Zehra'sapproachcombines a historical perspective with a great sensitivity regardingthe fate of the Kurds in the context of the Middle East. For example, a contributorto Dava, Osman Resulan, wrote that the Kurdshave always been manipulated by imperialist powers for their own purposes: 'The Kurds,who live in their own land like foreigners, have put their hopes and efforts into every small opportunityfor improving their situation. But the Europeanunbelievers and Asian sowers of discord have always used the Kurdsfor their own ends.' Thus, duringthe First WorldWarthe Kurdswere hopeful about possibilities held out by the 'Wilson Principles'. Yet at the end of the War,they were left without help in applying these principles to their own case. Promises of administrative autonomy and even of 'independence' written into the treaty document of Sevres in 1920 were forgotten, and the Kurds were left in isolation to fight for themselves. The Sheikh Said revolt of 1925, the struggle of Sheikh Mahmudin Suleymaniye in the 1930s, the establishmentof the MahabadKurdishRepublic in Iranin 1946, and the revolt of Molla Mustafa Barzani in Iraq in 1961 are all examples of the Kurds' struggle for autonomy and freedom. However, after each revolt the Kurds faced exile, forced settlement, killings and genocide. 105 According to Resulan, the Empire was a mosaic of different races and ethnic groups during the Ottoman period, yet everyone was a member of a single empire. Kurdscould speak their language and live according to their traditions,and the term Kurdistanwas used in official language to designate the region most densely populated by Kurds. With the break-up of the Ottoman Empire, the Kurds were one of many groups within the Empire whose fates were influenced by European interventions. Turkish nationalism also played a major role in the process of the Empire's dissolution. Actions taken in the name of Turkish nationalism not only pushed forwardthe division of the Empire, but also stimulated nationalism among other groups as well. In this context, Kurdish intellectuals asserted what they believed to be their natural rights. While Lebanon, Jordan,
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Kuwait and many other states gained their independence,the Kurdishnation - with a populationof 20 million - was denied this benefit. Resulan believes this was the result of three key problems. First, Europeans wanted the freedom to use the Kurds against their neighbouringcountries and thus did not want them to have an independentstate. Second, the Kurdsdid not have an elite that could bring about nationalconsciousness. Third, Kurdishsocial structurewas organized on the basis of tribes, easily allowing intertribal conflicts and animosities to be provoked.'06 Resulan claims that the Kurds have these same problems in the 1990s, and lists three possible solutions. The first two, independent statehood and recognition of culturalrights, are dismissed either as too difficult to achieve or for being only partial solutions. The third option is to form some sort of federation among the countries in which the Kurds live. This may be the best solution and the easiest to implement since the states in which Kurds currently live are neighbours and have common borders. Further, this solution would supportIslamic unity throughthe formationof a federation, However Resulan a concept that is consistent with Islamic principles.'07 does not make clear whetherhe is describing a federationwithin the existing states (Turkey,Iraq,Iran,and Syria) or an independentfederatedstate of all Kurds.
Med-Zehra states that while the Kurdish problem today is ultimately a problem of Islamic ummet, its historical roots are largely traceable to Turkish republican history. Problems began during the Ottoman Empire, since althoughthe OttomanEmpire was not founded on the basis of race, it was not founded on the basis of justice and equality either;thus it permitted However, these problems worsened during the repression of the Kurds.'08 Republican period because of the underlying element of racism within the Turkishrepublic. Med-Zehranotes that, after the Arabs, the Kurdswere the first nation to have accepted Islam. As they were favoured with the institution of Islam, the Kurds, in return,have served Islam with their scholars and soldiers. As mentioned above, Med-Zehra used Islamic history to explain the Kurds' currentsituation as an extension of the power struggle between Hussein and Yazid in which the Kurds participatedon the side of Hussein." According to Med-Zehra,Hussein representsthe defender of Islamic law on the side of the caliphate, while Yezid supportedracist Arab nationalism. As a parallel to that struggle, Med-Zehra sees the Kurds as the defenders of Islam fighting against racist Turkishnationalists today. Med-Zehra holds that, in a true Islamic order, every nation or ethnic group should have the right to speak and be educated in its own language.
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Every nation should be able to follow its own traditions on the condition that they do not conflict with Islamic principles. No nation should have special privileges, and each should have its own rulers. Citing Said Nursi, Med-Zehra claims that religion is the common tie unifying nations which should otherwise exist as unique and independententities."0 Another contributorto Dava, Osman Serwan, claims that the Ottomans not only fought against Christians, but also against Muslims, and that all were viewed as jihad by the Ottomanadministration.In their conflicts with other Muslims, the Ottomans even invaded their countries. Although Serwan now considers this to have been a crime, the Ottomans thought of themselves as protectorsof the Muslim masses. He also points out that the Ottomans founded universities only in Istanbul, Bursa, and Konya; further, they did not build medreses or factories in other parts of the Empire, and roads and caravanseraisbuilt by the Ottomansmostly functioned to transfer wealth from other lands. Ottoman rulers turned conquered peoples into slaves and forced many to become warriors.In the long history of the region none of the earlier regimes betrayed the Muslim community in such a fashion, and Serwan maintains that this mentality continued into the republican period in Turkey. For example, Kurds fought against Turkey's enemy in the name of Islam during the Independence War,yet, because of their Islamic beliefs, many of these same Kurds were opposed to the reforms of Mustafa Kemal, and thousands were killed as a result. Serwan points out, however, that Kemal was not the only person to have killed Kurds in recent times."' This article by Serwan created considerable reaction against Med-Zehraand its journal among some Islamic groups, to which Seyhanzade (as editor and assumed author of unsigned editorials) respondedby critiquingwhat he called the nationalistic spirit of the article's critics. His editorial stated Med-Zehra's position that the Ottoman system was not perfect, that it made mistakes as did all other Islamic regimes since the end of the asr-i saadet period, duringthe establishmentof the Ummayad "2 dynasty. Between 1992 and 1995, Turkey witnessed an intensification of the armedstrugglebetween the PKK and the Turkisharmy.The army was given full authorityin combating the PKK from 1993. Although Med-Zehrahas always been aware of its Kurdish identity, 1992 appears to have been a turning point; since then, Med-Zehra has put more emphasis on its distinctive Kurdishidentity and has interpretedIslam in a more nationalist manner. In 1993, Dava published reports from the Islamist human rights organization Mazlum-Der concerning events in the Kurdish region,"'3 and began publishing some poems and articles in Kurdishstartingin late 1994. In 1993, Selim Amedi wrote in Dava that the conflicts in southeastern Turkey amounted to a 'dirty' civil war. He claimed that Kurds are now in
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total revolt against the existing regime and ideology and that there are now thousands of armed people in the mountains. It was time, he wrote, to ask why the Kurds have been forced into an armed struggle. In answering that question, Amedi argues that the Turkish republic and its official ideology have denied the existence of Kurds and terrorizedthem, republicanregimes have attemptedto dismiss the materialand culturalvalues of Kurds,such as their music, folklore and way of life, by Turkifying them. Amedi further maintained that the Turkish state has recently begun to practise racist, fascist and imperialist policies to a degree not previously observed, while Turkish public opinion, whether rightist, leftist, or Islamist, was being brainwashed with state ideology. Both leftists, in the name of Communist internationalism,and Islamists, in the name of Islamic community,rejected Kurdish identity despite the fact that, as Amedi states, the Quran makes it clear that God has given every nation the right to live. Amedi explains that the Kurds have awakened to claim their own national identity, and have been revolting against the regime and its official ideology for the past decade in an attemptto gain recognition of that identity."4 Another unsigned article from Dava (1993) reports that ordinary peasants have been placed in the middle of the fight between the state and the PKK, such that they are forced to choose between becoming korucu (state militia) or PKK members. Many villages have been burned and villagers forced to migrate, and there have been reports of torture, oppression, killings and the disappearance of many individuals. One example of these incidents involved Sheikh Emin Bingol, reportedto have thousands of followers. He and six friends were taken into police custody for ten days; their bodies were found later. Their beards had been torn out, their fingers cut off, and they had been shot in the head. Naturally,people in the region feel insecure and anxious at hearing of such incidents."5 Another Dava article from 1993 asserted that a determinationof right and wrong in the Kurdish struggle would depend on the answers to the following questions: 'Whatexactly are these armedforces, state institutions, and government representativesdoing in Kurdistan?Why have individuals with racist backgrounds become the governors and police chiefs of this nation? Why would a young man, applying for a substituteteacher position, be asked by the governor how many people he had denounced?'116 Another contributorto Dava, M. Said Bakan, argues that the Turkishadministration has oppressed the Kurds while allowing Turkish people to live peacefully, yet there is a widespread refusal to acknowledge the fact of Kurdish oppression. He sums up by asking, 'Why have the Kurds and Turks, who have lived together for centuries, become enemies?'"' In another Dava article from 1993, 5eyhanzade reports that his own observations and the testimony of eyewitnesses shocked him duringa recent
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visit to eastern Turkey and caused him to wonder what actions the Islamic communities are planning to take in the face of this injustice. Repeating that Muslims from different races should learn to live together under Islamic justice and law, he cites a Kurdish friend's opinion that 'Our Muslim Turkishfriends understandeverything from an Islamic point of view except when it comes to the Kurdish issue. Then they think like a Turk.' Ueyhanzadebelieves that this statement needed to be turned around;that Turkish people need to start thinking about the Kurdish issue through the frameworkof Islam."8
As mentioned above, some Kurdish and even TurkishIslamists have complained about the continued insensitivity of Turkish Muslims toward the Kurds and the Kurdish problem in general. Ueyhanzade indicates that 'Many people in Turkey had no response to the Halepje [where Iraq used chemical weapons in March 1988, killing thousands of Kurdish civilians], yet the same people were vociferous against suppression of the Muslim minority in Bulgaria.' This inconsistency suggests to Ueyhanzadethat many people behave according to national affiliations ratherthan the criteria of Islam."9 One reader of Dava, a teacher from Batman, wrote that there were two groups of Muslims in Turkey.The first was composed of TurkishMuslims who were racist and imperialist;this group made up about 95 per cent of the population. The second group comprised Kurds. The authorbelieved that, unfortunately,95 per cent of Kurds had no national consciousness and thus were likely to imitate Turks and treat them well. These Kurdshad the 'soul of slaves' and could easily betray their own people.'20Another reader criticized Dava for publishing the teacher's letter, which he felt to be insulting, and rejected this approach altogether. In answering this second reader's criticism, Dava explained that simply publishing a reader's letter did not necessarily mean that the editors or publishers shared the letter writer's views; at the same time, they found some degree of truth in it. In this connection, a Dava editorial asked, 'Did not Muslim communities, in denying the existence of Kurds,refuse to accept spoken or written Kurdish? ... [even] in religious classes and medreses ... [did they not] scold, punish, or isolate those ... who speak Kurdish? Even today, many ... Muslim communities do not view such events from within the frameworkof Islamic law, community, and fairness. We are faced here with a mentality that criticizes the claim of Kurdish independence while this criticism has not existed for Turks and Iranians'.'2' Writing for Dava in 1994, A. Incekan criticizes the double standardof Turkish Muslims with respect to minorities. While many devout Turks
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vigorously support the ethnic and religious rights of Turkish minorities outside Turkey,they turn a deaf ear to similar demands made by Kurds in Turkey.Incekan furtherdescribes how the denial of Kurdish language and life-ways has affected their lives, and suggests some immediate steps in compliance with Islam in order to address the Kurdish issue. First, the existence of Kurds and their language, as well as the existence of a Kurdish problem, must be acknowledged. Second, Turkishpeople must fight against the oppression of Kurds in their own country. In other words, assistance must be extended to Kurdishurbanmigrants;institutionsand funds must be established in orderto supportthe use of the Kurdishlanguage in magazines and books; and Muslims should send letters to Islamic journals stating that oppression of the Kurdsis not consistent with Islamic teachings. Further,in pursuingthese goals the Muslims of Turkeymust refuse to give concessions to the currentregime.'22
A Dava contributor,Osman Uervan,related his experiences as a Kurdin the Nurcu movement in a 1992 article. He wrote that he met Nurcus and learned about the Risale-i Nur in 1972 in Ankara, then attended classes in which students read the Risale-i Nur and prayed. Over time, the use of Kurdish was banned in the classes. Students who continued to speak Kurdishwere punished by having to read extra pages or by having to contribute more money for food expenses. In 1974 some Kurdishstudentswere even beaten and expelled from classes. Uervanand his friends visited students of Said Nursi to discuss these occurrences. The answer they received was as follows: students who had been removed from the classes were from the eastern part of Turkey and they had spoken Kurdish in class in defiance of the rules; this had frightenedTurkishstudents. While Beditizzaman(Nursi) was originally from Isparta, which meant he was a Turk, the Kurdish students insisted that he was a Kurd and the school directors insisted that Kurds only understood the language of violence.'23 2ervan explained that when Med-Zehrawas formed, it was accused of being a Kurdishnationalist group. Today, he wrote, even the president of Turkey recognizes the existence of Kurds, and various groups have begun publishing newspapers and magazines in Kurdish. The word 'Kurd' is heard now more than ever before. Some groups have even tried to translate the Risale-i Nur into Kurdish. *ervan claims that Med-Zehra is the only group that keeps Islam alive within the framework of ummet in the cities of Mardin, Diyarbakyr, Uirnak,and Siirt, while other Islamic groups have shown little interestin the populations of these cities. The Turkish state, and Turkishnationalists, and even Islamic groups have charged Med-Zehra with Kurdish nationalism, and have accused the group of attempting to divide the country. ~ervan
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argues that since most people accept the Kurdish reality, Islamic groups which have failed in this regardowe Med-Zehraan apology.'24
It is fair to say that the Nurcu movement in modem Turkey is divided into two main currents.One is an inclusive form in which various Nurcu groups have been integratedinto the existing socio-political system of Turkey.The other is a rejectionist form in which different Nurcu groups have rejected the republican socio-political structureof Turkey. As heirs to Said Nursi, HuisrevAltinba?ak,Mehmed Kayalar,and Hulusi Yahyagil representedthe rejectionist form of the Nurcu movement, as does Med-Zehra. Med-Zehraplaces Said Nursi and the Risale-i Nur at the centre of their movement. However, Med-ZehrainterpretsNursi's ideas within the context of Republican Turkey. Indeed, interpretations of history constitute an importantdivergence between Med-Zehraand other Islamist groups. While the latter tend to exaggerate the Islamic content of the Ottoman Empire, Med-Zehra criticizes the Ottoman Empire for being oppressive and for its resemblances to other imperialist Western states; in short, the Empire was far from a perfect Islamic society. Another important distinction lies in Med-Zehra'sdefinition of the 'real' Muslim - not a simple believer of Islam but the supporterof the goal of Islamic state - a conviction which brings the group closer to radical Islamic movements. Med-Zehra wants to establish an Islamic state based on the model of asr-i saadet. The group believes that reaching this aim will require a long process called mehdiyet. The Risale-i Nur of Said Nursi achieved the first stage of mehdiyet, but the second, which would be the establishment of Islamic states, and the third, the achievement of Islamic unity in the form of federation, have to be brought about by the Muslims of today. The group believes that Kurds should have their own Islamic state within this Islamic federation. Med-Zehra severely criticizes the policies of the Turkishstate regarding the Kurds in Turkey.Its members argue that the only common tie between Kurdsand Turksis Islam. Because of this, a solution to the Kurdishproblem must be developed within the frameworkof Islam and should provide Kurds with national rights of their own. Problems involved in providing Kurds with national rights will be solved through the establishment of an Islamic federation. Med-Zehra's approach to history is ambivalent. On the one hand the group rejects the interpretation history from a nationalistperspective and of on the other, it interpretsIslamic history as a struggle between religion and nationalism. In doing so, they have developed a clearly nationalistic perspective. Nonetheless, they believe that the main elements of their
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approachare conceived throughthe frameworkof Islam. The group resists the idea of racism with its concept of 'positive nationalism'. This means that each nation should maintain the positive aspects of nationalism, such as solidarity within the Muslim brotherhood.Med-Zehra believes that Kurds must ultimately have their own independent Islamic state which supports Kurdishlanguage, culture and traditions,and that this will occur in a future Islamic federation. In conclusion, Med-Zehra'sapproachmay be considered as a reaction to the Turkish nationalist perspective that Turkish groups have used to interpretIslam. Developments similar to this may be seen in many other countries where both ethnic and religious identities have imposed themselves on Islamic movements. Ethnicity and religion in differentforms have played a significant role in the formation of Kurdish identity and in their overlap, they appearto have strengthenedone another.As a reactionto the Turkish nationalist interpretationof Islam, Med-Zehra represents one example of this tendency in the context of modern Turkey. Although the roots of nationalistIslam among the Kurdscan be tracedback to the turnof the twentieth century,it is safe to argue that the civil strife that has claimed many lives over the last fifteen years has sharpenedtheir ethnic identity and facilitated a conscious and active re-definition of their Islamic identity.
NOTES I would like to thankProfessorKennaliSayba,ili and Associate ProfessorGencerOzcan for their valuable contributionsduringthe preparation this article. of 1. See R. P. Mitchell, The Society of the MuslimBrothers(London, 1969). 2. See B. Guivenc,G. Zaylan, I. Tekeli, E: Turan, Turk- Islam Sentezi (Istanbul, 1991); E. Copeaux, TurkTarih TezindenTUrk-Islam Sentezine (Istanbul, 1998); and F. Atacan, 'AnadoluGazetesi ve "Siileymancilar"', Toplumbilim, No.2 (1993), pp.135-52. 3. M. Litvak, 'The Islamization of Palestinian Identity: The Case of Hamas', Data and Analysis (Tel Aviv, 1996); and G. Usher, 'WhatKind of Nation?The Rise of Hamasin the Occupied Territories',in J. Beinin and J. Stork (eds.), Political Islam (California, 1997), pp.339-54. 4. M. van Bruinessen, 'The Kurds and Islam', Les Annales de lAutre Islam, No.5 (1998), pp.13-35. 5. Issues from April-May 1989 (first issue) to August-September 1997 of the journalDava were examined. Originallyappearingevery other month,Dava became a monthlyjournal in 1991, then reverted to publication every other month in January 1995 because of financial difficulties. 6. 'Davam (ikarken', Dava, No.1 (April-May 1989), p.3. 7. Qeyhanzade'sofficial name is Siddik Dursun but within the movement he is mostly referredto as Qeyhanzaderatherthan by the Turkish and non-Islamic family name of Dursun. Siddik Dursun (~eyhanzade) was born in Bingol and studied at Ankara University's Faculty of Theology. After graduation, he refused to work in any state institutionbecause of his religious convictions. He was introducedto the Risale in 1958 by erif Nazli, who was sent to Bingol by Mehmet Kayalarto open the first Nurcu medrese there. He met prominentmembersof the Nurcu movement in 1962 when his brotherwas
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8. 9. 10. 11. 12.
13.
14.
15.
16. 17.
18. 19. 20.
in prison for Nurcu activities. In 1965 he met Hiisrev Altinba?akand finally joined the Bayram Yuksel group in Ankara.He stayed with this group from 1969 to 1974. When Bayram Yuksel supportedthe publicationof the YeniAsya newspaper,he left the group and went back to Bingol. In 1982 he came to Istanbuland establishedthe publishinghouse TenvirNe?riyat.M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Miisluiman Genc Degisi SorularinaCevaplar',Dava, No.31 (Oct. 1992), p.18; and 'Bediuzzamanin Qileke? Hizmetkari Bayram Yuksel Agabey', Dava, No.82 (Oct.-Nov. 1997), pp.5-6. 'School' (Turkish:ekol, from the Frenchecole) is the term used for religious movements which, like that of the Nurcus, are neithera sect nor a Sufi order.5eyhanzade rejects the claim that Med-Zehrarepresentsa distinct 'school'. 'Nurculuk,Risale-i Nur ve BediuzzamanHakkindaSorularve Cevaplar',Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March, 1996), p.13. Ibid. Ibid. On Said Nursi, see 5. Mardin,Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey, Case of The Bediuizzaman Said Nursi (Albany, 1989); a. Mardin, 'Bediuzzaman Said Nursi 1873-1960, The Shaping of a Vocation', in J. Davis (ed.), Religious Organization, Religious Experience (London, 1982), pp.65-79; H. Algar, 'Said Nursi and Risala-i Nur, An Aspect of Islam in Contemporary Turkey',in K. Ahmadand L.I. Ansari(eds.), Islamic Perspectives, Studies in Honour of Sayyid Abul A'la Mawdudi (Leicester, 1980), pp.313-33; N. 5ahiner, Son fahitler BeditizzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatiyor (Istanbul, Said Nursi ve Nurculuk(Istanbul,1990). 1993-94), 4 Vols.; and I. I1ik,Beditizzaman Altinba?akwas one of Said's 'original students' (has talebeleri). For more on Altinba?ak, see N. 5ahiner,Son fahitler Bediuizzaman Said Nursi'yi Anlatiyor(Istanbul,1993), Vol.1, pp.398-9. Mehmed Kayalarwas an officer as well as serving as an assistantto Said Nursi and his movement.On Kayalar,see N. 5ahiner,Son .ahitler Beditizzaman Said Nursi'yiAnlatlyor (Istanbul,1994), Vol.3, pp.234-7; N. 5ahiner, .ahitlerin Dilinden Bediuizzaman (Istanbul, 1997), pp.30-46; and M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Nur Kahramani Mehmet Kayalar', Dava, No.52-3 (July-Aug. 1994), pp.19-20. Badilli writes that Kayalarfavouredan alternative, resistant form of politics. He also claims that Kayalarconsidered himself to be the true leader of the Nurcu movement. Badilli feels that this approachran counter to Nursi's method and was detrimental the movement.Badilli claims that, of all Nurcu leaders,he to was the most harmedby the 1960 military government.A. Badilli, Bediuizzaman Said-i Nursi, Mufassal Tarih e-i Hayati (Istanbul,1990), Vol.3, pp.1793-4. Hulusi Yahyagil was an officer when he met Said Nursi, but retired from the army as colonel in 1950. For more on Yahyagil,see see N. 5ahiner,Son fahitler BediiizzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatiyor (Istanbul, 1993) Vol.1, pp.318-59; and I. Giilec (ed.), Sohbet ve Mektuplariyla Hulusi Yahyagil(Istanbul,1994). Badilli severely criticizes this approachand its defenders, among them Altinba?akand Kayalar.A. Badilli, Bediuizzaman Said-i Nursi, Mufassal Tarih(e-iHayati (Istanbul,1990), Vol.3, pp.1793-6. The Yeni Asya group claims that the Turkishintelligence agency, on the ordersof ismet Inonui, played an important role in this split. I. Yasar,MuhabbetFedaileri (Istanbul,1997), pp.77, 141-3. Yasarwrote a fictional account of the history of the Nurcu movement from the perspectiveof the Yeni Asya group.In it he recountsthat,afterthe deathof Said Nursi, the intelligence office sought to exacerbateleadershipdisputes among HusrevAltinba?ak, Mehmed Kayalar, and others, and to create factionalism within the Nurcu movement. Yasar furtherclaims that, as part of these efforts, Alparslan Tuirkes,a member of the RevolutionaryCouncil in the 1960 militarycoup and laterleaderof the ultra-right National Action Party,supportedHiisrev Altinba?ak(I. Ya?ar, Ibid., pp.141-3, 290-91, 412). A. Badilli, op. cit., pp.1794-5. Withthe deathof Altinba?akin 1977, Said Oztiirk,from Isparta,assumedleadershipof the group.M.H. Okutucu,Istikametferiat, Refah Partisi (Istanbul, 1996), p.147. On the initiative of Salih Ozcan and with the approvalof ZubeyirGunduzalp(1920-71), the Nurcus decided to publish a newspaper. Salih Ozcan (1929- ) served as National
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MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES SalvationPartydeputy in 1977. He was a co-founderof the Muslim WorldLeague, which is sponsoredby Saudi Arabia, and acted as a representativeof Turkeyin the League. He also co-founded the Faisal Islamic Bank in Turkey in 1984. See U. Mumcu, Rabita (Istanbul, 1987), pp.173-80; and N. 5ahiner, Son .ahitler BedijizzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatiyor (Istanbul, 1994), Vol.3, pp.238-44. ZuibeyirGunduzalp was in the personal service of Said Nursi from 1948 up to Nursi's death.On Gunduzalp,see N. 5ahiner,Ibid., pp.15-30; and A. Badilli, Ibid., pp.11388-9,1796, 1801. Gunduzalpprepareda document listing the membersof a consultationassembly,and Gundizalp and Ozcan signed it before the publication of the newspaper.They agreed that the relation of the Nurcus with the newspaperwould not be made public and in case their secret was revealed, the assembly would deny it. They also agreed that this document would be kept secret among the members of Said's original students.This agreementwas later published by Abdulkadir Badilli. See A. Badilli, op. cit., pp.1797-9. The members of the consultation assembly listed in the agreement were Salih Ozcan, Mustafa Polat, Abdurrahman Nursi, Halil KUici,k,Ahmed 5ahin, Rus,tuTafrall, Mehmet Kutlular,Mehmet Firinci and Mehmet Birinci. Badilli laterclaimed thatZubeyrGunduzalphimself crossed off the names of Halil Mehmet Firinci and MustafaBirinci. The first issue of the bi-monthlynewspaper, Kuc,uk, named Ittihad (Unity), appearedon 24 October 1967. For details on the history of the newspaperfrom the perspectiveof the Yeni Asya group, see I. Yasar,op. cit., pp.228-39. The newspaperwas closed down following the 12 March 1971 militarycoup. MustafaSungurand BayramYuiksel,who were the spiritualinheritorsof the Risale-i Nur and had the right to give permission for its publication,supportedthe first group, while Tahiri Mutlu, Abdullah Yegin and Husnu Bayram, who also had the right to give publicationapproval,supportedthe second group.A. Badilli, op. cit., p.1801. This group,led by IzettinYildirim,rejectedthe leadershipof Siddik Dursun.It claims that a committee must be set up to govern the group and the leader of this committee must be elected in every three or four year. It also claims that some distortionshave been made in the Risale. The leader of the group, Izettin Yildirim, was kidnapped by the Turkish Hizbullah and was found dead in Istanbul,in 28 January2000. About TurkishHizbullah see F. Bulut and M. Farac, Kod Adi: Hizbullah, Tiirkiye Hizbullahi'nin Anatomisi (Istanbul, 1999). K. Kocoglu, 'Said Nursi ve Nurculuk', unpublishedthesis, AnkaraUniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakiiltesi, 1996, p.77. Yasarclaims that in mid-1950s FetullahGulen was introducedto the Risale-i Nur and the Nurcu movement by Muzaffer Aslan, Mehmed Kirkinciand Osman Demirci, who were also from Erzurumwhere Gulen was bornand grew up. Gulen's talents apparently not did flourish within the Nurcu environment,although he subsequentlybecame popular as a speaker among the religious communities of Edirne and Kirklareli.At that time, he put a distance between himself and the Nurcu movement. But when he was appointed as an imam to Kestane Pazari mosque in Izmir in 1966, he resumed working for the Nurcu movement and began to advance within it. Yasar reports that by the 1970s Gulen had ceased to participatein the social and political activities of the Nurcus. Yasaralso accuses Gulen of hiding his Nurcu identity during a military court trial in 1971, in Izmir (I. Yasar,op.cit., pp.223-4, 307-8, 319-22, 434-5). See note 2. For more on FethullahGulen see F. Bulut, Kim Bu Fethullah Gulen (Istanbul, 1998); R. (akir, Ayet ve Slogan, Tiirkiye'de islami Olusumlar (Istanbul, 1990), pp.99-113; L. Erdogan, Fethullah Giilen Hocaefendi 'KilgiukDunyam' (Istanbul, 1995); and C. Kozanoglu,Internet,Dolunay, Cemaat (Istanbul,1997). K. Kocoglu, op. cit., 1996, pp.92-4. The Aczimendi groupbelieved thatthe Nurcu movementhad reacheda second stage in its evolution, one which requiredconformancewith the structureof a Sufi order.According to the Aczimendis, each step takes sixty years, and the first phase of Nurcu movement lasted from its inceptionin 1925 or 1926 until 1985 or 1986. Hulusi Yahyagiland Mehmet Feyzi both died in these years, which meant that none of Said's 'original students' remainedalive as of thattime. Aczimendis claim thatthe Nurcumovementhas fallen away
21.
22.
23. 24.
25. 26.
27. 28.
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29. 30.
31. 32.
33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.
43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.
from the Risale-i Nur, meaning that it must either vanish or adopt a new method. Since annihilation hardlybe possible, the group'smethodologymust be changed.See Risalecan i Nurda Usul ve Program,Aczimendilik(Istanbul,no date), pp.11-12. Ibid., p.10. In 1990, a Nurcu group, called Yeni Nesilciler, under the leadershipof Mehmet Firinci abandonedthe Yeni Asya group. Yeni Nesilciler criticized publicationof the Yeni Asya's Encyclopedia of CurrentHistory (YakinTarihAnsiklopedisi), in which Turkey's recent historywas severely criticized.Thereare no majordifferencesbetween the Yeni Nesilciler and the Yeni Asya. Yeni Nesilciler has three leaders: Mehmet Firincl, who is mainly engaged in publicationactivities; Mehmet Emin Birinci, who is engaged in the financial of administration the group's companies;and YavuzBahadiroglu,who is the chief adviser to these companies. In 1993, anothergroup of Nurcu, called Ittihad-iIslamcilarled by RustuTafrali,split from the Yeni Asya. This groupviews the various interpretations the of Risale as the main reason for the fragmentationof the Nurcu movement. It rejects the claims of distortionin Risale. K. KoNoglu,op. cit., pp.82-3; 91; and M.H. Okutucu,op. cit., p.150. 'Bediiizzaman'in Olumunden Sonra Geli?en Nur Ekolui', Dava, No.36 (March 1993), p.12. Pamukqu'sfull name is Mehmed Feyzi Pamukqu(1912-90); he was another 'original student' of Said Nursi. For more on Pamukqusee N. 5ahiner, Son fahitler Bediuizzaman Said Nursi'yi Anlatiyor(Istanbul,1993), Vol.2, pp.126-32. 'Bediiizzaman'in Olumunden Sonra Geli?en Nur Ekolui',Dava, No.36 (March 1993), p.13. The Yeni Asya group has also confirmedthat this meeting took place. See I. Ya?ar, Ibid., pp.45-6. 'Bedijizzaman'in Olumunden Sonra Geli?en Nur Ekolui', Dava, No.36 (March 1993), p.13. Ibid.p.14. Ibid., p.14. 'Dava'nin Tarihqesi',Dava, No.26 (May 1992), p.43. The column 'Serkelam'has always been writtenby SiddikDursun5eyhanzade;in it, MedZehra's leader sets forth the group's position on major issues. 'Serkelam, Demokrasi ve Siyaset ...', Dava, No.19 (Oct. 1991), p.5. Ibid., pp.10-13. One of Nursi's letters was to Adnan Menderes, Democratic Party leader and Prime Minister from 1950 to 1960. 'Siyaset, Politika ve Tavrimiz',Dava, No.66-67 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), pp.3-4. For this criticism, see 'Ittihad-iIslam'a dogru', Dava, No.3 (Aug.-Sept. 1989), pp.3-4; and 'Risale-i Nur SahabiMesleginin Bu ZamankiBir Cilvesidir', No.7 (April-May 1990), pp.20-21. For examples of defenders of political parties as legitimate partnerswith the Nurcu movement, see S. Mursel, Siyasi Diuiince Tarihi4Itinda Bediuizzaman Said Nursi (Istanbul, no date), pp.165-92; and I.E. Deveci, Ben Dindar Bir Cumhuriyetciyim (Istanbul,1994),pp.80-5. 'Siyaset, Politika ve Tavrlmlz',Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), p.4. For one example see I.E. Deveci, Ben Dindar Bir Cumhuriyetiyim (Istanbul,1994). 'Serkelam,Demokrasive Siyaset ...', Dava, No. 19 (Oct. 1991), p.3. Ibid., p.4. 'M.Siddik 5eyhanzade'ye Dinleyiciler TarafindanSorulan Sorularve Cevaplar', Dava, No.64-5 (Aug.-Sept. 1995), p.14. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Deccal-Mehdi, Deha-yi Fenni ile Hiidaya-yi 5er'i Muvazeneleri', Dava, No.76 (Oct.-Nov. 1996), pp.18-19. 'M.Siddik 5eyhanzade'ye Dinleyiciler TarafindanSorulan Sorularve Cevaplar', Dava, No.64-5 (Aug.-Sept. 1995), p.12. BediiizzamanSaid Nursi, EmirdagLahikasi-II(Istanbul, 1991), pp.204-5. HtisrevAltinba?akand Rafet Barutsuwere imprisonedin Eski?ehir(1935), Denizli (1943) and Afyon (1948) with Said Nursi. M. Feyzi Pamukquand TahiriMutlu were imprisoned with Said in Denizli (1943) and Afyon (1948).
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52. It is claimed that Ceylan Cali?kanalso had a letter from Said Nursi which indicatedthat he had a right to publish Said's works, but he never used this permission. 53. Interviewwith Siddik Dursun(5eyhanzade) on 6 Nov. 1997. S. Nursi, EmirdagLahikasiII (Istanbul,1991), pp.204-5. 54. MustafaAcet points out thatat the beginning,Sozler Yayineviwas runby AbdullahYegin, but later it was given over to Mustafa Sungur. 'Ustadin VarisindenVasiyet Mektubu', Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.9. 55. Abdulkadir Badilli is a Kurdfrom the Badilli tribein Urfa. He first met Said Nursi in 1953. See N. 5ahiner,Son .ahitler BediuzzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatlyor(Istanbul,1994), Vol.4, pp.169-84. 56. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Nurani Miidafa', Dava, No.46 (Jan. 1994), pp.8-9, 'Miunazarat Uzerine', Dava, No.42 (Sept. 1993), pp.22-3. Acet reports that Envar Ne?riyat was established without consultation. 'Ustadyn VarisindenVasiyet Mektubu', Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.9. 57. Ibid. 58. 5eyhanzade claims that Badilli forced him to buy EnvarNesriyat, saying, 'If you do not buy the publishinghouse, the blame will be on you if I have to sell it to someone in Beyaz Saray (a section of a shoppingareawhere mainly nationalistpublicationsare sold).' Husnu Bayram said the same thing. Although they signed a contract,Badilli later decided not to sell. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'NuraniMiudafa', Dava, No.46 (Jan. 1994), p.9. 59. 'UstadinVarisindenVasiyetMektubu',Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), pp.9-10. 60. 'VesikalarlAciklamayaDevam Ediyoruz',Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.5. 61. 'Risale-i NurlariGerqekManasiyla Anlamak ... (Dava)', Dava, No.5 (Dec.-Jan. 1990), pp.15-17, 'Risale-i Nur Sahabi ..., pp.23-4. 62. Dava published excerpts from the Risale-i Nur in both OttomanTurkishand transcribed into modernTurkish.For articlesciting and explaining variousdistortions,see 'ZaruriBir Aqiklama ... I?aratti'l I'caz', Dava, No.40 (July 1993), pp.6-13; and 'Vesikalari AqiklamayaDevam Ediyoruz',Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), pp.5-24. 63. The Med-Zehragroup severely criticized this practise. 'When they were displeased with the final decision of the sharia court, they turnedtheir backs on it. Taking the case to a secular court of the Turkishrepublic clearly shows the level of sincerity of their belief', Mim Silopi, 'TagutunOnundeMuhakemeOlmak', Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.32. 64. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Muvafakatname Yazilan Vasiyet MektubuUzerine', Dava, No.41 ve (Aug. 1993), pp.25-6, 'Risale-i Nur'un Degistirilmesi', Dava, No.40 (July 1993), pp.3-5, 'Risale-i Nur Davasini tenvir nesriyatkazandi', Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), p.19. 65. On this issue, see M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Hutbe-i 5amiye', Dava, No.43-4 (Oct.-Nov. 1993), pp.27-47; 'Tarihce-i Hayat', Dava, No.45 (Dec. 1993), pp.37-47; M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Nurani Miudafa',Dava (Jan. 1994), pp.5-12, 29-48; 'Tarihce-iHayat-2', Dava, No.47 (Feb. 1994), pp.34-43; 'Eskisehir Hayati-9', Dava, No.48 (March 1994), pp.47-62; 'KastamonuHayati', Dava, No.50 (May 1994), pp.38-48; and 'Denizli Hayati', Dava, No.51 (June 1994), pp.24-32. 66. Hekimoglu Ismail, for example, claims that Said knew Kurdish, Turkish, Arabic and Persian,and that he was thoughtto be a Kurdsince his mothertongue was Kurdish,while in fact he was a Seyyid. Ismail also claims that Osman (;ali?kan, Mehmed Cali?kan, Ceylan (;ali?kan, Zubeyir Giindiizalp, Tahiri Mutlu and Mustafa Sungur, 'original students' and assistants to Said, all confirmed this claim. H. Ismail, 100 Soruda Bediuizzaman Nursi, Risale-i Nur Kiilliyative Risale-i Nur Talebeleri(Istanbul,1997), Said p.15. 67. 'Mehdi meselesine kisa bir aciklama',Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), pp.10-1. 68. 'Selam Gazetesi'nin SuallerineCevaplar',Dava, No.47 (Feb. 1994), p.9. 69. 'Almanya'daPANEL BediuzzamanSaid Nursi (R.A.) Anildi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), p.23; M. S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve MiicadelesiAdli KonferanstaSorulanSorulara VerilenCevaplar',Dava, No.17 (Aug. 1991), p.18. 70. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuizzaman IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996), ve p.6. 71. 'Mehdi meselesine kisa bir aqlklama',Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), p. 1.
143
72. M.S. 5ehanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996), p.4. in 73. The concepts of nation and ethnic group are used interchangeably the journal. 74. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996), pp.6-7. 75. Ibid., pp.6-7. 76. 'M.Siddik 5eyhanzade'ye Dinleyiciler TarafindanSorulan Sorular ve Cevaplar', Dava, No.64-5 (Aug.-Sept. 1995), pp.13-14. 77. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996), p.9. 78. UbeydullahVusfanli, 'BediuzzamanSaid Nursi'nin Abdtilhamid'eGonderdigiMektubun 5erh ve Izahl', Dava, No.3 (Aug.-Sept. 1989), pp.13-14. 79. Ibid. 80. Ibid. 81. Molla Said, 'BediuzzamanMolla Said-i Kuirdi'nin Nesayihi', Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), p.18, 'Bediuzzaman Said Nursi'den Kiirt Sorununa Islami ,ozumler, Tesbitler ve Receteler', Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), p.10-14. 82. Muistehir Karakaya,'5eyh MazharEfendi (Rh.a)', Dava, No.3 (Aug.-Sept. 1989), p.30. 83. 'Bediuzzaman'aGore Irk,llik ve Milliyetcilik', Dava, No.4 (Oct.-Nov. 1989), pp.5-6. 84. Ibid. p.7. 85. Ibid., pp.12-13. 86. I have been told that about 80 per cent of the group membersare Kurdishand 20 per cent of them are Turkish. 87. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.4 (Oct.-Nov. 1989), p.3, 'OkuyucuMektuplary',Dava, No.16 (July 1991), p.2. 88. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.4 (Oct.-Nov. 1989), p.4. 89. M.Unal, 'Bediuzzaman'aYapilanKtirtiiluk Ithamive 5eyh Said Hadisesi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.28-9. 90. 'Buitiin Yonleriyle Bediuzzamanve Asr-i SaadetMetodu', Dava, No.5 (Dec.-Jan. 1990), p.24. 91. M.S. Xeyhanzade,'Bediuizzaman Kurt Sorunu,Islami QMizumler', ve Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), pp.6-9. 92. On the Sheikh Said revolt see M. van Bruinessen,Agha, Shaikh,and State, TheSocial and Political Structures of Kurdistan (London, 1992), pp.281-99; M. van Bruinessen, Kiirdistan Uzerine Yazilar (Istanbul, 1992), pp.123-71; M. Tuncay, Tuirkiye Cumhuriyeti'nde Tek-Parti YBnetimi'nin Kurulmasi (1923-1931) (Ankara, 1981), pp.126-49; and U. Mumcu, Kurt-IslamAyaklanmasi(Ankara,1997). 93. See, for example, interview with Kasim Firat, '5eyh Said Hadisesinin Tarihcesi', Dava, No.8 (June-July 1990), pp.8-16; also, 'Abduilmelik Firatile 5eyh Said Uzerine Mulakat', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.9-18; and an interview with Melik Firat, 'Roportaj',Dava, No.28 (July 1992), pp.5-15; as well as '5eyh Said KiyamininCanli 5ahidi', Dava, No.28 (July 1992), pp.16-18; and '5eyh Said Direnisinin 72. YildonumuMuinasebetiyle Melik FiratIle Miilakat',Dava, No.74 (June-July 1996), pp.5-9. 94. 'Serkelam,Saideyn ve Gelinen Nokta', Dava, No.62-3 (June-July 1995), pp.3-4. 95. 'Kuird Islami Czitimler', Dava, No.27 (June 1992), p.18. Soru?turmasina 96. AbdullillahFirat,who was presentat this historic meeting, discussed it with Dava writers ('Saideyn Molla Said-i Kurdive 5eyh Said-i Palevi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.19-21. 97. 'Kuird Islami (5ztimler', Dava, No.27 (June 1992), p.18. Soru?turmasina 98. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.28 (July 1992), p.4. 99. 0. Horasani,'ZamaneBedi'i', Dava, No.62-3 (June-July 1995), p.6. 100. For one example of this argument, see Z. Yildiz, Kurt Ger egi, Olaylar; Oyunlar, ve fiiziimler (Istanbul, 1992), pp.237-41; Z. Yildiz, Bediuizzaman MilliyetCilik (Istanbul, 1995), pp.151-3. 101. Z. Yildiz, Bediuzzamanve Milliyetfilik (Istanbul,1995), p.152. M. Unal claims thata letter writtenby Said Nursi to Sheikh Said does not exist. 'If he had sent a letter,it would mean thathe was informedaboutthe revolt.' He also believes that if Said had writtena letter,he
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MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES would have explained why he had done so and would have used this letter as proof of his innocence in court. M. Unal, 'Bediuzzaman'a Yapilan Kurtc,uluk Ithami ve Eeyh Said Hadisesi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), p.30. 0. Horasani,'ZamaneBedi'i', Dava, No.62-3 (June-July1995), pp.5-6. M. Unal, 'Bediuzzaman'aYapilanKurtc,uluk Ithamive 5eyh Said Hadisesi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), p.30. Ibid., p.31. 0. Resulan, 'Kurtlerin Trajedisi',Dava, No.15 (June 1991), p.13. Ibid., pp.14-15. Ibid. 'Hak Soz Dergisinden Dava Dergisine Sorulan Kurt Sorunu Soru?turmasina Cevaplar', Dava, No.26 (May 1992), pp.16-17. Islami Cizzimler', Dava, No.27 (June 1992), pp.14-15. 'Kuirt Sorusturmasyna Ibid., pp.16-17. 0. 5erwan, 'Bitmeyen Simsarlhk',Dava, No.30 (Sept. 1992), pp.26-7. A reader from Erzurumcriticized this article in his letter, writing that Qerwanunfairly slanders the Ottoman Empire, which represented Islamic unity for 600 years. 'Who made Islam How can you deny the contributions Alparslan, of superiorafter the ProphetMuhammad? Mehmed the Conqueror,Osman Gazi or Suleyman the Magnificent? Do you work for The Turks have perpetratedwrongs against the Kurds. Islamic unity or fragmentation? Leave these issues alone, try to work for Islam, and we will supportyou. But do not divide people accordingto their race. A verse from the Quranreads, "O believers, hold the string of God and do not get divided".Why do you behave in this way ... while hiding yourself behind the Risale-i Nur? Said Nursi was severely against racism, which you are perpetuating'('OkuyucuMektuplari',Dava, No.32 (Nov. 1992), p.47). 5erwan answered these criticisms with the assertionthat many are overwhelmedwith love for the Ottoman Empire,viewing it as if it were the society of asr-i saadet, and its sultans as if they were the caliphs of that age. This approachto the Ottomans,he writes, is incorrect.Another prevalent mistake, 5erwan thinks, is to identify the Ottomans with the Turks. In fact, 'Ottoman'was the common name of peoples who belonged to differentethnic groupsbut lived in the bordersof the Empire.He holds that the Ottomansdid nothingto improvethe educationallevel of the Muslims in the Empire,particularly Kurdistan. in Islam, he writes, is one nation;but there are many differentraces in this nation, and God createdthem all. Thus if someone denies the existence of one of these races, he will be denying the word of God. (O. aerwan, 'Elestiri Uzerine', Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), pp.33-7.) 'Osmanli ve Osmanlicilik',Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), pp.24-5. 'KUrt Sorunu (;erqevesinde Lice'nin Yakilmasi ile Ilgili MAZLUM-DER'in Raporu', Dava, No.45 (Dec.-Jan. 1993), pp.12-15. S. Amedi, 'Kirli Savas', Dava, No.40 (July 1993), p.39. 'Dogu ve GUineydogu'da Durum', Dava, No.45 (Dec. 1993), p.6. Son 'Gizli Tahrifat',Dava, No.80 (June-July 1997), pp.24-5. M. Said Bakan, 'Sistem ve Bizler', Dava, No .81 (Aug. 1997), p.7. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Aci Gercekler Tarih TekerrurEdiyor', Dava, No.45 (Dec. 1993), pp.4-5. See also from the same issue: N. Etdoger, '70 YillhkZehirin Sancilari', p.8; A. Kilucve Arkada?lari, 'Mazlumlarin5ikayeti', pp.9-10; A. Akba?, 'YeterArtik', p.11; and from the June 1994, No.51 issue, '5ark'in Izdirabi, p.4-5. M.A. Nur wrote from to Diyarbakir arguethatnationalismcould not be defendedwithin the frameworkof Islam. But, he wrote, if you acceptedTurkishnationalismas legitimateyou had to accept Kurdish nationalismas well. He criticized both the Turkisharmy and the PKK. M.A. Nur, 'Kisi Sevdigi ile Beraberdir',Dava, No.62-3 (June-July 1995), pp.13-15. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.3-4. 'Okuyucudan Gelenler', Dava, No.48-9 (March-April 1994), p.2. 'OkuyucudanGelenler', Dava, No.51 (June 1994), p.2. A. Incekan, 'MazlumlarAgliyor Duyuyor musun?',Dava, No.54 (Sept. 1994), pp.30-31. 0. 5ervan, 'ZamanOlurki ... !', Dava, No.24 (March 1992), p.24. Ibid., pp.24-6.
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A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern Turkey: Shifting Identities Author(s): Fulya Atacan Source: Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.

A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern Thrkey:Shifting Identities

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES

A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

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A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

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A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY

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