IS IT POSSIBLE THINK ABOUT CENTRAL CITY IN MEXICO CITY?

RAMIREZ PALOMO, Armando. PHD Urbanism Candidate at Facultad de Arquitectura Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. Email: apalomoi@prodigy,net.mx armapalomo@yahoo.com.mx

Abstract The Mexico central city has contained four of the sixteen administrative areas into which are divided the Federal District. Mxico City showed almost the same pattern of the North American cities, however after seventy years of depopulation of centre of Mxico City its possible to review what had happened with the economic development of the administrative areas that form part of the Unikel central city in the Federal District. The Cuauhtemoc Delegacin has a great economic value with respect other twenty five administrative areas, so that the comparison appear to be irrelevant and allow think about of strength central city inside one of the administrative area (at least two) beyond the historic center The Unikels use of central city Mxico City is frequently identified with Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de Mxico <ZMCM>, Figure 1, where its possible see urban area in grey sprawling into the Federal District, the State of Mxico and going on closing other four states.
Figure 1 Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de Mxico

But strictly City of Mexico is the Federal District with its sixteen Delegaciones1(Figure 2). There is a great debate about the administrative units which are included into de Metropolitan definition; however the Instituto Nacional de Estadstica Geografa e Informtica (INEGI) includes sixteen Delegaciones of Federal District and fifty nine Municipios from de states of Mxico and Hidalgo. Thats the
Inegi (2004)
1

These are the administrative areas into which the Federal District is divided.

situation, but the federal administration is based in three level of government: Federal, estatal, and municipal thus the metropolitan form has not legal status. Figure 2. Distrito Federal The central city was identified since 1976 by Unikel in his pioneer research The urban development in Mexico, with the urban area contained in four Delegaciones (Cuauhtemoc, Miguel Hidalgo, Benito Jurez and Venustiano Carranza) appearing inside yellow line in Figure 2. That was the results of Chicago human ecology school applied to the studies on the development of the cities in Mexico. Whit regard to the location of the central city in a geographic area like the city of Mexico has provoked a controversy that still produces interesting reflections for the academic community and those who takes decisions in the matter of public policy; it is the case of the argument used in the titled article
Inegi (2004)

the Slight knowledge of the Center in the Global City (Terrazas, 2000), where the author reviews

researches made by Unikel, Coulomb, Schteingart, and affirms the insufficient empirical evidence to affirm the existence of the central city; and after analyzing historical concepts like central business district, centers, inner city, central city, Terrazas suggests the center like a metropolitan centrality that contains the advanced tertiary services plus other commercial establishments and would be located in a great central zone (the historical center but the colonies Doctors, Jurez, Zona rosa, Rome) as well as spread out along of four axes related to Peripheral Ring, the Inner Circuit, Avenue University and Calzada de Tlalpan. To do that Terrazas took 1994 economic census data related to commercial unit and people employ in, and the criteria was more than 100 commercial units and more than 1000 employees by basic statistical area (Terrazas, 2000).

Central City in literature The concept of central city appears in Literature in reference to three dimensions: one, related to the urban nuclei around which the different types from city were developed, from the ceremonial cities, the cities been, the Renaissance cities strength, cities, the industrial city and the city post - present industrialist or, and that put emphasis in the historical development of the production relations reason why the organization of the cities is a framework of social and economic processes according to the determined historical moment, those processes catalyzed themselves from the industrial revolution (Bairoch, 1990; Benevolo, 1992; Moreno Toscano, 1978); second is related to the industrial location, that it looked for to explain the size, number and distribution of the human settlements in the cities based on the supplying of goods and services that are only supplied there, that search gave rise to the theory of the central places and the respective categories like the central place, the hierarchy of the central places, the complementary region or hinterland, and the threshold (Gutirrez Puebla, 1984); third it is the concentric ring zones proposal elaborated from the theory of the central place, that puts emphasis in the growth of the city from the distribution of land use, the price and rents of the land, transport and the urban employment, applied in the fields of sociology, economy and geography and furthermore appear which it is known like radial sectors and multiple nuclei and they have in common the concept of central businesses district to talk about to the forming nucleus of the cities the countries of the North hemisphere, as well as to the possible forms taken by the sprawling city outside its nucleus. In all the cases there is consensus in the explanation that the central city or central nucleus is the area in where they concentrate a set of functions (central) habitacionales, commercial, of services, of entertainment, cultural (in the sense restricted of I finish and that is related basically to the arts, Literature and music), of relaxation, among others (Burguess, 1925; Harris, 1997; Richardson, 1993). In that one area, place or central city, was developed by centuries the most important activities of the urban societies and, with it, another conception related to the historical patrimony, the historical centers, that often are left contents in the central city and sometimes can be located beyond their borders. ...los centros urbanos antiguos, hoy llamados histricos, son el origen de la propia vida de la ciudad... Los ncleos histricos fueron durante tres siglos toda la urbe y despus se convirtieron en su centro, lo que explica por qu son espacios tan heterogneos en lo social, econmico y cultural (Surez Pareyn, 2002, p.3) Even the improvement of the historical centers is a process that hardly has a century of development, and that still now presents lights and shades in relation to the attention which

they deserve the heterogeneities indicated by Surez. Although there are (in fashion) public policies for the protection of those centers, the characterization of Monnet opens interrogations about his results. Despus de un siglo de nacionalizacin, las polticas de proteccin de centros histricos se han vuelto polticas pblicas: (a) a nivel mundial expertos y turistas estructuran sus mercados (de competencia para los primeros, de consumo para los segundos) mediante la identificacin globalizada de lo tpicamente local; (b) a nivel nacional, poltico y tecncratas explotan el sentimiento de lo nacional para lograr la transformacin radical de las estructuras urbanas conforme a un cierto modelo global de desarrollo (que prev la desaparicin del ambulantaje y la monumentalizacin de los edificios y espacios pblicos; (c) a nivel local, despus de decenios de modernizacin urbanstica, que implic la destruccin de entornos familiares, los habitantes se adhieren a los proyectos conservadores (aunque el balance indica que se pierde la funcin residencial) (Monnet, 1999: p. 5). The boundary and identification of those centers are related to the type of patrimony to consider (architectonic, artistic <painting, sculpture, engraving >, among others), the historical period, the location issues. The concepts central city, central area, center, historical center, are the result of an elaboration and related theoretical interpretation with the intention of study (Coulomb, Duahu, 1988), of such form that is indispensable to accept that each one of those words sends to territories, people and social and processes, economic processes, political processes, cultural processes, that would only have sense if they are referred historical a little while precise, identified social actors, central functions (land uses, types of services, types of commerce etc.) and a specific territory in where those processes are developed. As resulting from the growth of the cities, as well as of their theoretical explanations, appeared the concept of inner city as an alternative to the one of central city, by means of which some people was tried to silence the strident voices in the United States whose critics were centered in the inefficiency of the programs of urban renovation in the central cities. The inner city appeared like an extension of the central city, beyond the known limits, without arriving at the suburbs, but maintaining the characteristics of the high density of population, the symboliccultural dimension and the central economic functions, with the exception of the change in the economic structure (the exit of manufacturing industry and the arrival of the services), nevertheless to establish the limits are a complex task and can, the administrative divisions to absolutely help but not to solve the problem. His main strength would be centrality and perspective depend on which (like it has settled down that the form follows the function) strengths and weaknesses in the coexistence of the inner city with neighboring organizations

are identified with clarity, to take care of disorganization social, to attenuate to the fight by the power in inner territory (Erber, in Kennedy and Kennedy, 1976) processes. The big list of concepts The reflection respect to the form and names for the City of Mexico, as well as their different boundaries that would be to be applied in the urban investigation are part of an opened agenda in where such amount of concepts fits (many of which they do not have practical application). The characterizations, although are controversial, they become referring from current use for the academic reflection and the decision making. At the present time they are possible to be found more than one hundred adjectives for the city, many of which they have applications in local contexts and not always are known. Such amount of proposals is even associated with the impact by the new thing that can result in a continuous dissolution or the vortex from the perpetual disintegration in social sciences and the humanities (Berman, cited by Taylor and Lang, 2004). Taylor and Lang in the same work said there are two ways of understood that, one is to celebrate the variety: the world, especially the urban world, is inherently 'messy' and therefore it is only to be expected that it should be described in multifarious ways. The other is to suspect that there is more than a little incoherent thinking abroad in contemporary urban studies (Ibid, p. 3) Case of study When we take a bird eye on Mexico City and its Metropolitan Zone of Mexico Valley we can see a big area sprawling into much of the basin and forming part of great center region of the Mexican Republic. The urban spot of Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de Mxico appeared in gray in Figure 3 shows the linked urban units into the central region of Mexican Republic, as we going dawn into the city we can see the administrative limits and if we go further more inside appear the compact mass of the city, in particular the central city (Figure 4). But this is our research problem because the metropolitan status is no matter of planning and decisions. While the debate about it is coming, its necessary to know how take decisions and to do that its important to know how the city is working.

Figure 3. Bird eye of Zona Metropolitana de la Ciudad de Mxico In Figure 5 its possible to see how was and the coming affecting depopulation

to eight from sixteen Delegaciones. It means that soon all of the city could be Ramrez Palomo with data of Google (2005) and Iracheta (2005) Figure 4. Federal District an Delegacion Cuauhtemoc inside yellow line loosing inhabitants and perhaps that would be good to management it. But it only will be possible if all the socials sector takes in its hands of the facts. its whit the four course observed asterisk

Particularly

Delegaciones which are the Unikel (an actually Google, 2005 Central accepted) City. The

depopulation has great in it, little bit more than one million people or 59 per cent. In Federal Dstrict at all the growth of populations is very low and closer the natural tendency. If we puts into the analysis the deindustrialization and the falling dawn of participation on gross product, but today still is 22 per cent, almost two times grater than the immediate state Nuevo Leon. I put attention on the

huge line of cars coming in the morning into the Federal District and going back at noon, and asking me why is passing that if the industry is gone, the population too and the outside area of the Federal District is highly populated and the spread out urban spot beyond tit into a metropolitan zone is a fact. Then I reviewed some authors whose had working on the process of expanding cities, and found that the pattern follows of the developed cities could be not equal in the developing cities, particularly Mexico City. Figure 5. Population and annual growth rates POPULATION AND POPULATION ANNUAL GROWTH RATES 1970-2005 1970 LVARO OBREGN AZCAPOTZALCO BENITO JUREZ* COYOACN CUAJIMALPA CUAUHTMOC * GUSTAVO MADERO IZTACALCO IZTAPALAPA MAGDALENA C. MIGUEL H. * MILPA ALTA TLHUAC TLALPAN VENUSTIANO C.* XOCHIMILCO DISTRITO 456,709 534,554 576,475 339,446 36,200 923,182 570,384 557,427 480,741 541,328 84,665 734,277 642,753 474,688 407,811 640,066 119,669 519,628 687,020 441,008 360,478 680,423 151,222 516,255 706,567 2.15 425,298 0.41 355,017 -1.76 628,063 4.53 173,625 8.25 521,348 -2.21 1.22 0.7 -1.64 -0.7 -1.68 -1.2 1.710.01 3.54 2.4 -2.13 -1.4 1980 1990 2000 *2005

1,234,376 1,384,431 1,268,068 1,235,542 1,193,161 1.11 -0.9 -0.3 477,331 523,971 448,332 411,321 395,025 0.9 -1.59 -0.9 522,095 1,149,411 1,490,499 1,773,343 1,820,888 7.66 2.66 1.8 75,429 159,564 195,014 222,050 228,927 7.27 2.05 1.3 605,560 501,334 406,868 352,640 353,534 -1.61 -2.13 -1.4 33,694 47,417 63,654 96,773 115,895 3.31 3.01 4.3 62,419 133,589 206,700 302,790 344,106 7.39 4.46 3.9 130,719 328,800 595,960 581,781 607,545 8.96 3.97 1.9 749,483 634,340 484,886 462,806 447,459 -1.61 -2.04 -1.2 116,493 197,819 271,151 369,787 404,458 5.14 3.22 3.2 1.5 0.26 0.4

FEDERAL 6,874,165 8,029,498 8,235,774 8,605,239 8,720,916 Ramrez Palomo 2005

In that sense, and looking for the explanatory frame for the appearance or not of social movements in which it could be the central city in the City of Mexico, the revision of some of the characteristics of the urban centrality in the case of the Federal District was made. It is the case of the economic activity of the commercial and/or mercantile establishments reflected in the economic censuses of 1994, 1998, 2003, as well as the survey origin destiny of the trips made in the Metropolitan Zone of the City of Mexico-19942. In this occasion the results of the
2

This one survey is used because of its the only reliable source of information that can be valid for its crossing with the censuses of 1994 and 1998. One knows that that there is ongoing research to updated it in the present year on the part of the governments of Federal District and Mexico State.

investigation appear to find the economic value of the sixteen administrative units of Federal District plus ten of most important of the State of Mexico (according to the reports of Inegi), in order to give them quantitative dimension of centrality, and if its possible, compare them for purposes of urban planning and economic investment. There are, possibly, also a distinction between centrality and centralities in relation to the type, size and involved intensity of the activities and geographic areas in it, every time the territorial dimensions of the urban area (or the areas) involved can be boarded as a great spot, as a succession of spots or like a grouping of them. In any case the space and temporary cut will have to be subject to constant revision in order to update the knowledge of the reality to construct to proposals of interpretation and intervention in her. When the sight approaches the added results of the economic censuses and it is related to the
Figure 6. Economic Units

U N ID A D E S 1U9N ID A D E S 1U9N ID A D E S 2 0 0 3 94 98

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destinies of the inhabitants of the metropolitan zone, a very asymmetric relation is observed; mainly when we speak of a metropolisation process that takes more than fifty years. In the scope of the commercial establishments or seated economic units in the twenty-six demarcations are observed in Figure 6, Delegation Cuauhtemoc (CU), the Municipios of

Ecatepec (EC) and Nezahualcoyotl (NEZ) loses the 2,37, 2,88, and 6,43 percents of commercial units for the period, whereas the Iztapalapa (IZT) Delegation grew in 2.23 percents and most of the other demarcations remains more or less stable. In terms of participation in the set those same demarcations are between the 10 and 20 percent; Cuauhtemoc along with Iztapalapa does it with 17,1 percents, Ecatepec with 13,46, Nezahualcoyotl with 11,25 and Gustavo A Madero (GAM) with 12 percents respectively. This graph is consistent with one of the explanations of the growth of the city towards its peripheral zone (towards the municipalities of the state of Mexico in our case), the movement towards there of the sources of employment. That same explanation consolidates when watching the graph of Figure 7, where the distribution of the personnel occupied in the

Figure 7. Employees

P E R S . O C U 1P9 E 4 S . O C U 1P9 E 8 S . O C U 2 0 0 3 9R 9R

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economic units in the same demarcations is observed. Delegation Cuauhtemoc concentrates 21,7, whereas appear Benito Jurez (BJ), Naucalpan (NAU), Miguel Hidalgo (MH), Tlalnepantla (TLA) and Ecatepec with a greater participation of the 10 percent, that surpasses its relation with the contained units, and resists with the diminution of Iztapalapa and Gustavo A MAdero. These data are related to the industrial employment in th (less units, more job).

Also it emphasizes that the number of uses began to decline in most of the units, whereas in Cuauhtemoc, Miguel Hidalgo and Benito Jurez it increased. From the graph contained in the Figure 8, remunerations paid to the occupied personnel, begin to observe the asymmetries that show the economic value, in more evident form. The Cuauhtemoc Delegation has a participation of the 32 percent and comes growing within the period and Toluca (TOL) also grows to arrive at a 14,7 percent; Miguel Hidalgo is in 20 percents and comes decreasing smoothly, but Naucalpan and Tlalnepantla decrease more sharp and arrive at a little more from the 16 percent that is half of the registered for Cuauhtemoc. The other administrative units do not shows significant participation.
Figure 8. Remunerations
3 5 .0 0 % 3 0 .0 0 % 2 5 .0 0 % 2 0 .0 0 % 1 5 .0 0 % 1 0 .0 0 % 5 .0 0 % 0 .0 0 % A Z C O C J G A M IZ T IZ P M C M A A G T L T P X O B J C U M H V C N A U T L A E C T O L N E Z C I A T I T U L P A Z M E T R E M U N E R SR. E M 9U4N E R S R. E M 9U8N E R S . 2 0 0 3 19 19

With regard to the value of the investment represented by the fixed assets (Figure 9) an excellent growth of 20 percentage points in Cuauhtemoc for the first part of the period is observed, later to be in 30 percents at the end of the period; from the same form Miguel Hidalgo has 30 percent of the participation at the end of the period, but with a different development, since the first stage of the period it decreased sensibly to recover and to be on a par with Cuauhtemoc. In the case of Toluca a consistent and excellent growth is observed to happen of 12 to the 25 percent. Naucalpan, Tlalnepantla and Ecatepec decrease also, nevertheless low Tlalnepantla to the 16 percent, whereas the other two are in less than 10 percents. In the heading of the value of the production, the participation of each one of the administrative units (Figure 10) shows an inconsistent growth. The Cuauhtemoc Delegation goes from the 22 the 28 percent, whereas Miguel Hidalgo had a strong take off in the first part of the period

Figure 10. Production value

when he happened of 22 to the 33 percent, nevertheless later descended to 21,5, means point percent less than at the beginning of the period. It returns to still emphasize the growth of Toluca that happens of 12,1 to the 16,6 percent, although far from Cuauhtemoc. Naucalpan, Tlalnepantla and Ecatepec descend the period consisting of to close

A C T . F IJ O S C1 T 9 4 IJ O S C1 T 9 8 IJ O S 2 0 0 3 A 9. F A 9. F 4 5 .0 0 % 4 0 .0 0 % 3 5 .0 0 % 3 0 .0 0 % 2 5 .0 0 % 2 0 .0 0 % 1 5 .0 0 % 1 0 .0 0 % 5 .0 0 % 0 .0 0 % A Z C O C J G A M IZ T IZ P M C M A A G T L T P X O B J C U M H V C N A U T L A E C T O L N E Z C I A T I T U L P A Z M E T

with 13, 16 and 10 percents respectively. As far as the added value figure 6 shows the consisting of growth the Cuauhtemoc Delegation that passes of 19a the 35 percent. Toluca also grows

Figure 9. Fixed Assets

Figure 9. Production value

3 5 .0 0 % 3 0 .0 0 % 2 5 .0 0 % 2 0 .0 0 % 1 5 .0 0 % 1 0 .0 0 % 5 .0 0 % 0 .0 0 %

P R O D U C C I P R 1O9 D 4 C C I P R 1O9 D 8 C C I N 2 0 0 3 N 9U N 9U

A Z C O C J G A M IZ T IZ P M C M A A G T L T P X O

BJ C U M H VC NAUT LA EC T O LNEZ C I ATI T UL PAZ M ET

consistently to arrive at a 16,3 percent, very left behind in relation to the Cuauhtemoc. All the other units show a reduction in the participation and Miguel Hidalgo Tlalnepantla and Naucalpan close the period with percentage that go from the 14,5 to the 18.3. If the results of the economic potential of the twenty-six administrative units are related to the graph of the trips attracted in the metropolitan zone of the City of Mexico (Figure 11) we can observe the economic vitality of the Cuauhtemoc Delegation and the importance that still has for the inhabitants of the Federal District and the State of Mexico. In that sense it is possible to venture a suggestion respect to the possibility of reconstructing the concept of central city in form different from which we have known until now. Although it is certain that at the first moment of the formation of the metropolis the premises happened that give rise outside to the existence of new urban centers of the Federal District (exit of the manufacturing uses, comparative appearance of the suburbs3, advantages as far as the trips made between the new centers in relation to the old center, diminution of the rent of the land), the graphs show that the employment returned to the center of the Federal District, although is certain with different characteristics that the one that left, that is to say, its bound to the services in their different aspects. Also it is certain that the attraction of trips towards the central zone of the Federal District makes think that the design of the metropolis has been incorrect, of such form that stays the pattern of displacement of people (commuters in the Anglo-Saxon planning slang) not have changed. Then there is a Central City (Central Zone) vital but deteriorated; attractive but reviled, object of multiple plans of revitalizatin but never finished at all; administered by
3

Although the concept is not applicable for Mexico in he himself sense that does it in the Anglo-Saxon countries.

inertia but with many lacks as soon as urban maintenance; place of destiny for leisure, commerce and complicated but sufficient culture but for all the social sectors. It is because a controversial but excellent Central City for the next discussion that will be to occur around the political reform of the Federal District and the possible approval of a statute of metropolitan cut4.
Figure 11. Trips attracted value
12.00 10.00 8.00 6.00 4.00 2.00 0.00
CU GA M IZ TP EC A AO NE Z VC TL AN BJ CO Y M H NA U AT IZ CI Z XO M C TU L TL A CU AJ M LA A PA Z AZ TL AL IZ TC

VIAJ ES ATRAD % OS

The same thing occurs when we see the trips produced into the administrative units of the metropolitan zone in Figure 12. The main percentage occurs from Cuauhtemoc Delegation. The results of the analysis show that there is an urban administrative area which has a great economic dynamic and attracts much of the social sectors whose use the urban services. In the same manner its possible to suggest an hypothesis about the monocentric urban form of Mxico City, and that is in connection with the findings of Villarreal (2005) who research the city through clusters analysis and conclude to the monocentric form. Any way, its important continue the researches to try to get more light into the characteristics of the urban form, so that help to get better en more urban plans and projects to make more liveable cities.

The revision of the experience of metropolitan governments is important, every time consensus in relation to the success of its practice does not exist.

Figure 11. Trips produced

1 2.00 1 0.00 8.00 6.00 4.00 2.00 0.00

VIAJ ES PROD UCID % OS

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AT IZ CI Z

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