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Essays in Liberalism
Essays in Liberalism
Essays in Liberalism
ESSAYS IN LIBERALISM
ESSAYS IN LIBERALISM
BY
SIX
OXFORD MEN
This
is
true Liberty,
when
freeborn men,
Having
may speak
free
Which he who
Who
What
may
can be juster
in a state
than this
Limited
TO
JOHN
MORLEY
no^^Q;^s
PREFACE
In these days, when books multiply and men decay,
it
editors to
volume.
school
consist
vogue of the
historical
n'stiint^
of
the origin
is
rather
than a
considerably lightened.
The
drawn together
in
Union
Society.
To
we owe
common
debt of gratitude.
Tory
or Socialist
we have
seen an
absorb,
extraordinarily
strong
Liberal
movement
who
So
and we cannot
from
viii
Essays in L/bf.rausm.
Much
all
is
indirectly
by a companionship which
we have
The
be rather
The
aim of
this
know-
we have hardly
work
have,
attempted to
realise.
But
if
of six
their
lines of
It
an opinion, then
we have
failed of
our object.
would be presumptuous
prime
we may boldly
Views
;
definitely
may
but views
reservations
error,
hinted
are,
under temporising
even
if
and concessions
free
from positive
We
prefer to
fail
Preface.
and white rather than to
neutrality.
ix
shilly-shally in colourless
difficult to write
Further,
it
was
of the
moment and
moment.
and the press
we had
skeleton abstraction.
We
was
to
especially pressing
but
why
correct January
will
up
date to
fit
probably leave
book be found
consist
in
to deserve
any praise
value
will
and conditions
but
to get
the past.
late too
much
neglect
lost in detail,
and that
is
useless
to put
will
What,
then,
are
the
common
principles
which
X
ramify
into
Essays in Liberalism.
these
briefly
six
They can be
ised
summarised
Democracy
actual;
up
to the full
and a third
article
intimately bound up
sition to the
the State
Socialism.
And
here
this year, to
and
in particular
wish well to
all
may
make on
The
property
artificial
termed Collectivism."
special stress
is
for
causes
which
prevent
the
bution
of landed
property
ment
of citizenship
ideal
accompani-
away by a
economic con-
The
application of a
Preface.
xi
brings the Liberal position with regard to the extension of State industry into clear
relief.
we
Free play
free
But
play
The
under
is
"compromise"
"
between licence
will best
and
limitation,
be attained.
"
develops the
self-
inspired
the party,
a democratising of foreign
Foreign policy
is
followed by Education.
In that
monopoly exposes
here given. In the last Essay the threads are drawn together,
in
the tangible
Not
xii
Essays in Liberalism.
interpretations
of
examples,
We
will
be sufficiently appais
proved by
it is
the
humble microcosm of
party loyalty.
One
point
more
artist
can
scientifically indicated
effect that
your judgment
on hypothetical
B and C
work of
We
whole
field
of politics to
Wc
is
hints
scattered
help to complete
in
some subsidiary
The
points
House of
Preface.
Lords, the Liquor Traffic, and Disestablishment.
xiii
In
is
wanting,
we
added
S.
to
P.
F.W.H.
Oxford,
March
ist,
1897.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
LIBERALISM AND
Oxford.
WEALTH
laie
By Francis W. Hirst,
Scholar of Wadhant
College,
97
late
Allsebrook Simon,
Scholar of
Wadham
College,
Oxford.
.131
.175
Lawrence Hammond,
late
Scholar of
St.
John's
College, Oxford.
THE HISTORIC
By
P.
J.
BASIS OF
late
LIBERALISM
.219
Macdonell
Oxford.
INDEX
277
ESSAYS
IN
LIBERALISM.
of
Reversion
to
old
and
Rival
Theories That
Thrift
of
Personal
Moral to be drawn Recall the Liberal Principle The Liberal Citizen His Economic and Political Independence and Responsibility The Early Liberals Their -demand for the Suffrage and Repeal of Corn Laws Social Reform Abroad
because
simple
The
and
Property
Socialism,
like
Jingoism,
strong
their
Sympathy with National Movements Home Rule Extension their Attempt, and of Suffrage Citizenship The Land Monopoly our Failure to follow it up The Plural Vote another Failure The House of Lords: Home Rule Bill a Test Case How the Old Liberals would have conducted the Campaign against the Lords Our late Policy another Proof of Abandonment of Principle for Detail Decay of Political Idealism one Cause of our Defeat Partial Disillusions Free Trade The Suffrage Local Self-Government
:
still
less
Successful
Consequent
How to revive Idealism Vulgar The Power of Conviction Social and Economic Changes of the Our Century Liberal Tradition Land The Task Neglected Conditions still favouring Reform Faults and their Punishment Entail, Conveyancing, of the Land Laws The Three Obstacles
Wisdom
of the
Landlords' Policy
The
Industrial Future.
THERE
of
all
existed
in
the
political revolution of
It
ciples,
was simple and clear, as must be all first prinand especially those which are to command
It
was applicable
it
to
dealt with
rights
the most
fundamental
duties
;
definitions
of
civic
and
civic
its
and,
moreover, at
the
moment
when
That
political
ideal
now
peril.
The
its
guardian
has sustained an overwhelming defeat at the polls. The need of maintaining the central idea, already
sufficiently
cursions,
is
largely personal.
Conviction
itself
deal
more than shaken by a spirit of compromise which is no longer the statesmanlike desire to preserve unity between slightly varying parts, but has
to find something in
common
between highly differing and even antagonistic inFor compromise which, used as a sideterests. method, is a condition of political success becomes,
when
it
is
main
and
principle,
failure.
There is in the defeat of Liberalism this yet The party has refused or been graver symptom.
unable to say what solution
it
proposed
for the
new
Back to
Principle.
The
they
mould the material obstacles in its path become food for its own continuance,
grown unchecked
us
till
has
been
the
disproportion
for
between
reform
the
old
moral
forces
available
Liberal
doctrines
leaders
?
strength
it is.
of our
first
Most undoubtedly
still
The
tradition of
these ideas
survives
upon
occasion, as tests
of what
some
particular question.
initiative
;
to deter-
tion
mine the times and the places of particular applicato concentrate upon this or that point of
;
importance.
But,
above
all,
it
is
the
itself
function of
clearly before
and before
it
its
name,
If
it
is
the warden.
political
its
history,
in
politics at
will disappear.
There are
B 2
in
opposition
to
it
many
clear
and
mean
that
future
depending
develop-
We
us, a
dream of mere conquest apart from honour and of the glory of mere empire, separate from
self-respecting power.
It
has
proved
fatal
before
now
it
is,
to Liberal
institutions,
ridiculous
so far as
its
are
con-
mode
of ex-
still
possesses
all
the
in
characteristics of
strength,
;
and
it
find
is
and
which, at
certain
shameful
moment,
There
is,
directly the
opposite
at
is
the
root of our
and
it
grow-
ing
daily.
involves
an attack
upon personal
consequent
in-
production, personal
accumulation, and
:
personal possession
dividual
a theory which
individual
makes the
of
and
all
the
virtues
small
would
dissolve
thrift,
and
self-control,
and
reserve,
by State con-
burden of private
absolutely
and by a State system, releasing men from the It is a theory which is rectitude.
certain
to
find
stronger
and
stronger
unless
develops,
to
is
those
left in
them
it
economic system
itself.
it
Though
is
worthy
of consideration for a
sentences, because
it
moment
in these introductory
This
strong.
new theory
is
simple,
consistent,
and
to
broken
pledges and
port
facts
of the
present
system of
and
in
his goal.
He
forgotten
have equally
sentiment of attach-
ment
is
in regard to
He
system,
large
capital
in
few units
believe
it
cannot
be fundamentally changed, yet by removing a merely sentimental factor which does not concern the wealth
itself, I
shall
far greater
advantage
Is
for the
community."
its
obvious postulates,
precisely such as
Is
not
other force
the
desire of
mere conquest
two of the
political
parties
opponents of Liberalism
us to draw
moral
for
is that only by an attitude equally frank and by an appeal to sentiments equally widespread, can we hope to continue the work of the early leaders
antagonists
of reform.
We
must be convinced
in
that,
whatever
adaptation
may do
any
main
force in
political
movement
is
some
clear
clearly understood
and con-
The
to
still
have,
if
they choose
recall
it
a principle
of
this
kind.
Unpopular
to refer the
as
may be
at the present
moment
actions of
leading
Englishmen
to anything higher
than
7
political
their
was of
this
nature
that
its
no
association, especially
no association of a
political
kind,
had a right
to
command
the obedience of
members
I
unless those
part in
it
would
not be
in
show that
there
in
industry,
and even
religious
affairs,
ran
But though
finitions of
this
clause
is
common
is
to
all
de-
Liberalism, there
which
it is
dependent.
corre-
And
it
was a
definition of
an
more than
to that
fact.
make
ideal,
more nearly
make
his material
and, above
his
supposing
whom
political
independence was
to be answerable,
He was
men
so
much
as to
around him.
He was
restraint
to
of wealth.
He was
is,
which
even
narrow
all
field
of mere
accumulation and
material happiness.
He
was, again,
to be so self-respecting a
member
of a society which
depended upon
his
manded
his
common
The men who made the Reform pealed the Corn Laws, who demanded
for the suffrage
who
re-
a juster basis
seats,
who abolished some of the grosser who crowned the effort of the century
nationalities of the
privileges,
and
empire
these
men cannot
but
have been actuated as a whole by some such theories as these, of self-government, and of that only
possible foundation for self-government
the
its
citizen
own.
Charles James
so,
Fox
Bright did
;
also
who
Cobden down
the
propositions
abstract,
and
theories
which
by
in
political
life
showed that
The men
pointed out,
of the Reform
Bill, as
demanded demanded
it
ment, to be followed, as
much wider
portions of
which
far
repealed by
men who
acted
indeed upon an economic theory, but whose enthusiasm was drawn from the fact that the Protection of
the day was helping the very few at the expense of
the very many.
of which Lord
Brougham
century
the
and
to create small
capitalists
by
thrift,
by
technical
knowledge
was
The
of
'48,
great
eternal honour,
10
manifested
interests,
and
if,
rightly
or wrongly,
was on the
side of
it
Italian
was because
it
traditional assertion
of alien
extraneous authority.
There was not one of the main Liberal measures, until very recently, in which this ideal was absent and if the Home Rule movement meant anything
at all, it meant that this very principle of selfgovernment was so sacred as to be worthy of application, even in a case where doubt existed in some minds as to the safety of the experiment. It was
and
it
finally
of a
portion
of the
at,
(slowly arrived
refusal to
Men
this day,
as they differ to
upon the question of how far all classes merited that general definition upon which our poliSuch difterences would ideal was based. tical account for the eagerness of some and the reluctance
of others to extend the suffrage at
some
particular
moment
not
differ
The
Civic Type.
i i
we,
if
we
thrift,
that a
man
own
his
own home,
that a
man
should not be
man
or of
these
marked out
occasion to
men
them
possess
in this
it
in perpetuity.
We
attempt.
It
it
seemed
to
them
moment, though
first interest,
men
We
have
We
put
it
into our
in the
phrase
this,
But to pro-
secute
to
interest
it
at
we
least
sufficient interest to
make
a matter of considerable
importance
at
election
time
It
in
that
failed.
in
which a plural
12
according to
immediately crying
individual
voter,
for
reform.
individual
himself aggrieved,
we
let
The
party did
it,
initiative of insisting
of bringing
forward as
Bill
political
has
since the
Reform
Bill.
Bill
than
it
Home
Rule
acting as a second
were directly
Here you had the House of Lords Chamber, where most of them swayed by private motives, and could
will.
The
this
of
our
leaders,
in
retiring,
pressed
it
was a
his
moment by
almost
our
last
effort in
Home
Rule
was
the
entirely
dropped
efforts of the
for the
party to pre-
13
men
to pose as a referendum.
justly,
would
moment
the
jumped with the will of the nation they would have insisted upon the point of view that authority for action must first be shown House
of Lords
;
of.
We
by that
And what
What
we have
it
for attacking
its
comin
position
acted, as
the
Land
Bill, in
flagrant opposition to
.''
the
opinion
We
us,
would be told
truth,
and
it
that
we
most
to
critical
moment, the
in
happened
There
in
proof of our
It is
abandonment of
struct
impossible
or, at least,
it
is
14
desire
any number of reasonable men. What did we propose as an alternative to that which all our traditions condemned as a false and anachronistic
Unfortunately nothing.
sufficient
?
Was
for
there not
enough
discipline
admit some action rather than a mere chaos There was not, and it is on of disputing theories? this account that our cry against the House of Lords
them
to
made but a
small
and
insignificant
noise
position
in
the
election.
The
all
would
by these two
main
factors.
First,
we should
and even by
upon the iniquity of such a veto power, irresponsible, its own methods vaguely defined, existing in our community.
Secondly (and
it is
of the
first
we
are lacking.
Now
the abandon-
ment
or
will
be traced
by individual temperaments
They
that
definable only
by a separate
place,
it
In the
first
may
Decay of
Idealism.
is
15
much
stress
upon
in
England.
Not
movement
when we
are able to
compare an accomplished
fact
it
same
left
has
the
political responsibility
reposing upon
citizens.
its
The
extension
much
issues
upon
clear
as
were, as
fate
of measures
in their initiation.
The self-government
of the towns
;
been achieved
is still
in
autonomy whose
units
dependent.
Upon
No
one,
in the
country
in
ality,
in
And,
to take
the greatest
instance of
all,
which
supporters in
Napoleon
III. fore-
saw
its
end
No
purpose
far
stronger than
political
and
therefore
burdened
with a
military
its
pre-
these facts,
it is
not wonderful
And
gratulate themselves
its Revival.
17 to that
It is
even
Smokeville,
mission
he
is
reaching that object which neither the eloquence of a Charles James Fox, nor the
energy of the
men
of the Reform
Bill,
For the
well
no way
the
worn when Piers the Ploughman advised it as remedy of a similar disease 500 years ago
man who
its
his
trust
through
this to inspire
others.
changes
You cannot impose conviction by may result from, they will not
;
system
produce, a
political faith
and least of all can one trust to that unhappy modern fetish, material event, to save us from the decay of ideals. Even were the economic
tendency of the time setting towards the state which
we
desire,
it
would
in
ideal,
lies in
be
we
must be by continually
C
and by attempting
on which
it
acts
in
human mind.
And
of the failure of
the
Liberal
the
main
to,
this
alone would
immense change which this century has produced, and which we are now fully aware of, in the nature of wealth and This may, in the consequent condition of society.
refer
the
under the
culture,
effects
which
it
upon the
industries
towns,
The
until
recently,
all
the the
following:
that
this,
the
most
important of
unfettered
by
restrictions
made
all,
the partial
monopoly
which these
be abolished.
19
free-trading
:
aspect
of
their
argument
England that
and which two centuries of landlord encroachment in the village have de-
They noted
that
in
all
the countries of
restrictions
had
demand
;
into the
hands of the
never afford.
They
larger
ditions far
more
ready.
They
that
the
last century,
the ideals
should
be
removed, that
eminently
life.
left
done nothing
C 2
at
all
with
that
20
we have been
we
imitative,
emulous vigour
removed.
dumb
They had
down
in
sunk to be the
of
removed from
Europe.
citizenship
any
class
in
return
down.
this
system
we have
given
and a school
of a
When
mon-
opoly of nearly
towns.
all
Of
these
of the towns.
entail with
It
holds
its
monopoly by a
in
system of
farce of reform
Danger
of Delay.
;
21
it
is
class itself
has
own
interest
and we, whose policy and tradition it is to break down the barriers which changed conditions have made meaningless, leave this monstrous protective
system unopposed and almost uncriticised. The evil is accentuated and our lack of policy in the matter brought into relief by this fact. We have
hesitated
until
the
task
of
freeing
the
land has
become
vastly
more
difficult
than
it
years ago.
An
accursed
habit
of
men
has corrupted
It
ment.
With
is
political
less
fatal.
;
rights
this
hesitation
and
cowardice
The
crrandsons
who fought for them, and no With the reform of run. They change is otherwise. economic conditions it under our very hand and when a State is in peril,
of those
;
or
a class
of citizens
oppressed by the
false
dis-
tribution of wealth, the remedy must be applied at once, or the disease will have grown past cure. We granted the suffrage in 1884, when a more
logical habit of
or even in 1832,
mind would have yielded it in 1848, and the result was not very much the
22
but the
yeoman
in
class
which
the middle
more
is
difficulty.
It is
but one
in
when once
Every
and
to
may be doomed, if we delay longer, same category, and the self-government be granted by a Liberal or Tory administration
most
just of all
fall
into the
at a time
bitterly hostile to
England
as are
all
the
members of
the race
so
whom
And
small capital
when
lingered,
this
time
Our modern
conditions would
need a
class
most of
this class
which has acquired the habit of drifting into the towns, or of remaining in a thorough dependence in
the country.
locality.
They
and of
And, above
prices
have so
;
fallen that
be precarious
is
that accumu-
which
would be extremely
Nevertheless, the
demand
the
soil
retains
Amid
Demand
all
23
of sale
perpetually quoting,
more
to
the larger
soil.
Whether
it
not so coveted as
it
was wont
to
be by the brewer,
country
is
somewhat
affected
pomp
with half the old revenue, the great estates are finding
With
is
the
comparatively rare
is
invariably
more crowded,
demand
It
is
more
much
higher in proportion.
may
be urged that
own
for sale,
class
which
all
men
of
own
accord.
may
24
is
the exchange
not free
it is,
than
in
we except
Russia,
acquainted.
Three causes
freedom
entail,
it
is
for
legislative re-
form to
deal.
The
landlords
feel,
feel,
as the
members of
more
profit-
an American trust
the
manner is outweighed by the disadvantage which would fall upon his class if this " breaking of the ring" should become common an accident that would destroy monopoly itself, and with monopoly all the permanence and stability of their social and
There
is,
indeed, an
way of
leasehold enfranchisement
ditions,
later.
effectual
weapon
subtle a conspiracy
that of counter-organisation, in
which Ireland has been so eminently successful. To counsel action of this kind in England would be futile
in a
moment
of material prosperity.
The sharp
in
lesson
Government
power)
may
Territorial Usurpation.
read
25
England
at
show the value of such a combination. With the two other fetters which bind the exchange of land in England reform can deal. It is
possible to destroy entail
title
;
it
is
possible to simplify
by The
registration.
history of
England
since the
Middle Ages
hand, and of
is
Crown upon
and the
perils
influence
has been
is
by a
legislature,
a judicature, an armed
force
and an executive drawn from an upper class of which the territorial interest supplies ihe main ele-
ment and
direction.
And you
who
will
officers,
ministers or re-
descended from
assertion
is
this
ring
of
families.
And
regard
it
this
in
proportion truer as
;
we
the
for while
would
who
26
Entail
particular
the
power of insuring
their order
and
its
members
is
When England
central
possessed
function
is
to protect the
was a
It
reality, the
is
growing claim
statutes
the central
power
at
any period
mark the
For two hundred years more that restraint has been absent, but a community which is at last approaching to selfgovernment is at once able and bound to restore The reform would be drastic, but it would not it.
circumstances of the time.
or
be complicated
there
is
it
no reason why
as
A
our
Bill
simple and
in
as
those which
opponents were
the
when
they created
various
to
of this dangerous
it;
system would
suffice
remove
custom and
to an
judicial
at
we can
find
if
we go back
plenty
is,
positive enactment.
Finally, a Registration Bill
after entail, the
in
main
restriction
ment of land
27
who have
The
shown
in
the prosecu-
would lead
legislators
The
were as
knowledge
is
undoubt-
he has attached to
this
less
eminent colleagues) to
Indeed,
is
(after
protected
suspicion
its
to
their
has defended.
There
is
no
civilised
country
in the
world
in
which
been undertaken.
The
tion
mediaeval state
made it
;
and government
title
somewhat
less
developed
immediately
It
is
verified
by consulting a
28
this
one
is
to
fall
back
are
upon
which
lest
in
such
discussions
never mentioned,
which of
all
things
for
good and
all
of the per-
custom of
entail,
exchange by
in
by people
will
have
been achieved.
We
a land system in line with every other economic fact of our time, and the moral gain of being free from
the reproach of hypocrisy which
in
self-governing
community
it
party which
the community.
tills
the
soil
bitterest,
those
who have
But
nation.
industrial
absorb a larger,
class,
more
difficult to
Industrial Ideals.
yet remain
industrial
at
29
many (and
is
once
if
for the
English artisans.
The
of
brought about
those which
antithesis
State
;
few hands
men
working
gangs under conditions where discipline, pushed to the point of servitude, is almost as necessary as in an armed force; voters whose most
in large
immediate
citizens
roofs.
interests arc
for
who own,
economic rather than political; the greater part, not even their
There could be no
state
more
So desperate have its chances become that a few zealous and strongly convinced men have attempted to discover an avenue of egress, by way of denying that right of private property upon which all the Dazed by the violent rupture civic virtues are based.
which has already taken place between personality and production, the Socialists have in every country
declared for the consummation of an evil which has already spread so wide they would wish to increase
;
the
semi-servile
should
by
30
property acquired
by
HiLAIRE BELLOC.
31
Modern Type
Attack on Free Trade Principles Protectionist bury on Free Trade The Charms of a Protective Regime described Recrudescence of Tory Error Lord Salisbury and the " Truth " The Two Habits of Mind (i) Optimism of Averages and (2) Pessimism
of Exceptions
Free Trade Policy justified even for Agriculture by Comparison of "Wages in 1770, 1850, and in the period 1860-1891 {a) the Policy of Hence Two Policies erroneously Inferred Whiggism.or Inaction (i**) Policy of certain Self-styled "Progressives" Liberal v. Collectivist Theory of Industrial State Catch-words Criticised The Cause of the Reaction at the last General Election " Property a a Parallel drawn from De Tocqueville's " Recollections Postulate of Political Thought Property in Land Principles of Liberal Land Policy The Pressing Need for Free Trade in Land Flabby Reasoning of those who inveigh against the Manchesterian
:
School
The Results
in
^Monopolies
to be anticipated from an Extension of Artificial accordance with the Socialist Plan The Question of
Municipalisation
History
for
of
Municipalities
Manchester Definition of Liberal Attitude towards Municipal Enterprise Natural Monopolies are the Proper Sphere of Municipal Enterprise Doctrine of Natural as opposed to Absurdity of Artificial Monopoly explained, defined, and illustrated the Socialistic Claims to an exclusive Share in Municipal Spirit The " Thin-end-of-the-wedge " Theory examined and found wanting Return to the Monstrous Evils of Uncontrolled Monopoly, especially Taxation and Principle of a Graduated Income Tax in America Privileges and Vested Abuses The Difference Representation
How
Cobden fought
Liberal
Framework
far back,
when
it
was
and inevitable
is
for
an economist to
be a Liberal as
it
now
be a Tory.
32
Liberalism and
starving
Wealth.
system, or had
and
under
protective
marked the
and resources which followed Corn Law Repeal, could never have expounded in a merely academic
spirit the doctrines of international trade.
length
economy deserved
its
epithet of political,
Then at when
itself to
experience
of
much misgovernment, extending over many kingdoms and many centuries. Accordingly, for a brief period
even the theorist was not ashamed to declare himself
a party man.
Of course,
but
in the
present
epoch,
which
developing
indiffer-
which
to
his predecessors
negative
sow doubt among a chosen few by hunting up instances, rehabilitating lost causes, and
re-
make
The
tion
unimpeded
sweep away
duties, monopolies,
and legal
poli-
33
upon sulphur,
currants.
and
restricting
production
of
to
No
taught
now proposing
to
by excluding enterprising aliens, by refusing a limited supply of cheap brushes presented to us by foreign prisons, and by protecting " a part of our commerce worth
whether
men
'*'
or animals,^
;^ 1 00,000,000
Manchesterianism
and
science
"
help
nowadays
Primrose
to
make up
Democrats and
great
far,
Leaguers
draw
for
;
the
work
of
and so
certainly,
If the hopeful
may
round to
its
Now, if the free-trade principles of Bright and Cobden and Mill so largely adopted and put into force by Peel and Gladstone had only represented
By
in
may
come
Bill.
It is uncertain
whether the men will be equally favoured under the Alien Immigration
34
Liberalism and
Wealth.
in the
support
progressive
who
complacently
chorus
he might have
said, "
now
accordsuit
and
if
they do not
An
morality.
tradition
For
to
Liberal
and
to
to a
Happily, howdetermined,
tho' fallen
is still
intact,
" tho^
fallen
days, on
evil
days
and evil tongues," to resist with all its force every encroachment of monopoly, whether sectarian or
commercial, upon
individual,
the
legitimate
freedom
of the
and equally determined, when the pendulum of power swings back again, to depress those monopolies and extend that freedom in the religious,
the political, and the commercial sphere.
It
is
with
the
past and
present
relations
of
Sanity or Protection.
writer proposes to deal.
will
35
Some
well-tried principles
be examined
if
in the light of
and
not be
There
will
be nothing
the
new
to
present-day politics
unless,
possibly,
;
nothing
opportunism.
Another
cidence of
oppressive inprotective
Corn
Laws and
and
other
The
conditions of
oppression
misgovernment
power
that this
intelligent
and
intelligible principles
explained by
manifested by so
many
of
its
chosen
leaders.
To
of Liberal economics
away from
by argu-
Law
Repeal.
Then
for
twenty or thirty years the arguments were forgotten, but belief in Free Trade was regarded as a condition of
mental sanity.
and
politics.
was an axiom of English commerce The few Tory Protectionists who sat
It
36
Liberalism and
considerable
Wealth.
uneasiness.
who gave
Only
amusement but no
depression
in.
Howsell in
The
inventor of a panacea
never
make
his
indisputable.
in the
human
of
the
mind
to
vague
presupposition
in
favour
promised remedy.
The same
consideration applied
make some
head
in the lean
when
a good
to
deal
to
be
hops."
show
itself
among
ing at
the
his supporters
Trowbridge,
necessary to
reassure
town
the
populations
general
by an
:
before
elections
emphatic
"
utterance
I
No
that
doubt
I
shall
be told
to
by some
hostile critics
I
am
adverse
am
that
proposing a duty
lie
upon
before
think,
beg to
nail
to the
feat,
counter
is
uttered."
for
is
(A
difficult
one would
even
Lord
and
Salisbury.)
" I
know
of
that
this
Free Trade
country.
I
must be
the
is
policy
know
that Protection
37
sometimes
he was
These are strong words, but deeds are In May, 1895, even more eloquent.
in in
opposition; in June,
that
1896,
and
month
Bill,
his
Ministry
a piece of proIt
is
Engof
But the
sacrificed.
the
to
interests
those of
is
the
5,000 are
be
The
offer
grazier
cattle
Canada
arti-
to
be
made
ficially
But,
may
be
said,
not a return to
to
Protection justifiable
Ought not we
go back
this
to the
?
Let us consider
practice
is
argument.
An
ounce of
said
to
and
a
in
the
attempt
our
century of
economic
policy,
At
extensively prodivisions
mulgated
one
of
the
"
Somersetshire
few of
those
the
older
electors
38
Liberalism and
Wealth.
stealing
good old days, when a poor man was hanged for two shillings, when the ordinary cause of
death
in
when no
Dissenter,
Roman
official
Catholic, or
position,
Jew was qualified to hold any when the national universities were
classes
carefully
of conscientious citizens.
country
perpetual
good
old
times
were marked
by
and
artificial
famine.
To
bolster
up a
might
whom
fatten
on a sinecure
corn was barred
while
their
more
mediocre
was excluded from our civil and military services. By the end of the year 1815 (to quote the unimpeachable authority of Professor Cunningham), "taxes had been laid upon everything that was taxable, and there was no incident of
pressure of taxation was
life
in
which
has
the
not
felt."
Who
not
seen
the
walled-up
at
windows of old
is
houses,
and
dis-
wondered
who
a taxable commodity ?
The charms
trayed
for the
" less
in
by Sydney Smith
1820.
bridle,
on a taxed road
man, pouring
medicine,
Protective Tariffs.
per
cent.,
39
into
cent., flings
makes
his
will
on
an eight-pound stamp, and expires in the arms of an apothecary who has paid a licence of ;^ioo for
the -privilege of putting him to death.
His whole
property
is
then
then demanded
chancel.
in
will
appear
tisqiie
in
another
Naturmji
has " rein
expellas fiircA,
tamen
reciwret.
It
curred
1
"
so
recently as
October 30th,
1895,
Seventy-four
passage
member
for
Washington on the Wilson Tariff Bill of 1894 " God could have made this world, if He had wanted to, with exactly the same climate and soil all over it, so that each nation would have been entirely independent of any other nation. But He didn't do that. He made this world so that every nation in it has got to depend for something upon some other nations. He did that to promote kinship among the different people. Let us drop this unnatural business and return to the rules of sanity. There is no end to You can fix up a scheme, if you want to, for the ingenuity of man. raising oranges in Maine, but a barrel of those oranges would make William Waldorf Astor's pocket-book sick. You can raise elephants in the jungles of Vermont, but it would take all the inheritance tax on You can raise polar bears on the the Gould estate to pay the cost. Equator if you spend money enough, but it would take a king's ransom to do ii,"
Missouri, delivered in
Congress
40
Liberalism and
Wealth.
less
person"
age than
Lord Salisbury.
the
strongest
After remarking,
We
have
had
cause
to
lament
that,
at the time,
the
" I
cannot expect
the Liberal-Unionist
around
me
I
to
sympa" I
which
look back to
No, he cannot.
said^ but
in
what we
we had
has not
bottom of the
is
fears
we
expressed,
all
and
us
this
generation
ask,
was the
that
"
truth "
that lay
?
at the
bottom of the
fears of the
old
Tory party
the
repeal
of the
there
Corn
are
Laws would
classes
ruin
agriculture.
Now,
labourer.
three
connected
with
agriculture
the
The
and the
the Corn
Laws meant
prosperity to
could
sell at
said,
could obviously
it
is
under Protection between the years 1815 and 1846 rents remained stationary in England, in the twenty
years of Free Trade which followed they rose 26%
Ana/.vs/s of a "Truth."
per cent.
farmer,
41
to the
So much
the
for the
hmdlord
and as
introduction
dicating
also.
as
in-
his
prosperity
that
Indeed,
release
predicted
clothes,
his
and the
high prices of
agricultural implements
would not
Nor need
the Cobdenite
For
years,
the
distress
has,
at
any
rate,
been
food,
immensely
clothes,
trast
alleviated
all
by
the
cheapness
of
and
Con-
this
"protected"
America.
The
**
truth,"
then,
to
which
Lord Salisbury
alluded as at the
bottom of the
agricultural labourer.
must have referred to the impending ruin of the By Free Trade he would, of
enormously from the cheapenall
articles of
consumption.
But
this gain,
we
more
that
wages.
is
The
"
theory
naked simplicity)
the
wages low
represent
prices.
And
county
divisions
constantly
that
42
LlBRRALISM AND
prices.
WrALTH.
to
wages depend on
"
They say
the rustic
rise in prices."
facts.
price of
and
has
is
During the
21s.
last ten
If,
years
varied
between
in
and
35s.
then,
there
any truth
wages
period,
in
the
ChapHn -Winchilsea
doctrine,
we
more
in
when we
has
reflect
on the
late
increase
of
commodities.
But what
actually
happened?
Why,
what our
political squires
The
enormous
sopher,
fall
in prices
And
the philo-
real to the
nominal advance
in
buying
power
much
if
may
well be forgiven
he proclaims himself to be
free-trader, but
a dogmatic
The
it
question, indeed,
is
needed
of
for considering
some
further detail.
The
statistics in
themselves
43
or col-
who,
protectionist
results
trading on their
Manchester
polic}'.
school
and
the
and England
has
in particular,
The frame
of mind
utterances
been already
"
Carlyle, in
Past
their predecessors
who used
for
it
no argument advanced
human
affairs.
then an
untried, almost
Corn
Law
Repeal presented
scientific
their slothful
minds not as a
They, therefore,
recently
in "
warned
said,
his
an optimism
"We
have witnessed," he
rise in
"a
sensible
and remarkable
comfort, but
1
we
make
44
average
L/PFRAIJSM AXD
rise
is
Wp.Al.TH.
perfectly
consistent
with
deeper^
The warning
is
is
characteristic of a reformer,
and
at once
the
best
of Liberal principles of
past
fifty
economy and
best
finance in the
years,
and the
assurance that, by
renewed vigour
in their
renewed confidence
in their application
and extension,
to
its
add
glorious
of
commerce and
Is the in
present a time in
lulled
is
;
an optimism of
scares like
surely a period of
may
fairly
pessimism of exceptions."
Let us take a specimen of the data upon which each of the rival positions is based. Mr. Ernest
Edwin Williams,
in
the
now
notorious author of
all
"
Made
Germany,"
is
tells
us that, like
shipbuilding
in a
" is
bad way.
" Still
more remarkable,"
he continues,
the increasing
later,
gloom of the
will
appear
is
true of
economic conditions.
labourer of
years ago,
who
now be
far
below the average, and would probably be classed with the submerged
tenth.
Made
warships from
in
in
Gen many.
in
45
i2,^-jy
tons
1894."
I
Review^
p.
282),
editions.
should
these
But they are the correct. by Mr. Williams as most suitable for
pessimist
who
public will
"
learn
much from
a practical
lesson
in
how
Tonnage
War-Ships
Kingdom
for
46
Liberalism and
Every shrewd
observer
Wealth.
can
parallel
the
case
no
redress
against
those
its
who
accounts,
and present
in "
?
disconnected aspects of
If
its
commercial balance-sheet.
anyone ever reaches chap. viii. of " Made Germany," entitled " What must we do to be saved
he
will find that
and give
for
to the poor,"
provides a wonderful
substitute
is
an old answer.
The
substitute, of course,
"Fair Trade."
it
Not a
once entailed
America.
No
syllable
escapes Mr. Williams with regard to Protectionist experiments in our own colonies. They are already
"
native,"
manufacturers.
They
we
did), after
experiencing
But a wide study and and suffering Protection. comparison of the results of Free Trade and Protection would not harmonise with Mr. Williams's The conclusion, in fact, was the chief conclusion.
element
runs
:
'
in
"
I
the
original
am
Fair Trader
recent
have gathered a
in
Compare
especially
legislation
New
and
the
victory
of
the
Free
Pessimism of Exceptions.
47
number of exceptions to the progress of a Free Trade country therefore England must adopt Fair
;
Trade."
He
been synchronous with her approximation to Free Trade the ZoUverein, which for England would be
:
a relapse towards Protection, was for Germany an important step towards Free Trade. But all this has
to be painfully
in
Germany."
and laboriously concealed by " Made One hundred and sixty pages exist
Parturiunt
monies
for
and
an
unobtrusive mouse appears, labelled " the Tory docOr, to adopt a trine of Commercial Retaliation."
to
pessimism, has
erected
pyramid
will
in
remember
"
pyramid has
its
use
"
as a
mausoleum.
in
Germany's
Yet some may be staggered by Made easy confidence and certainty of tone.
worth recording.
1770, during that era of protection
to
prosperity
"
invite all
England ranged
Flour at that
it
to 7s. a week.
in
a week, and
Lancashire
2s.
48
Liberalism and
Wealth.
Some
Someone
to
live
interrupted,
manage
Cowper's
" Live,
sir
did you
live,
we
clammed."
"
little fire
stock of brushwood
extinguished."
less
light
"
scanty
"
And
for food
" the
brown
loaf
Lodged on the
shelf, half
Of savoury
With
Wages
in the
The
life
rate of mortality
was
fear-
and the
of a
Now
it is
in
We
need
how
49
But of
course one
the town.
is
employed
in the country,
the other in
town
brother.
The
;
two
are brought
up on
illumi-
their
minds are
Free Trade,
we
shall
expect to
find,
and cotton industries of the North, where the vast manufacturing development had taken place, agriculture, at
the
any rate, is in a very bad way. Indeed, in and early 'forties, many of the small farmers were scared at the idea that they would be
'thirties
story
is
Duke
of
Rutland's tenants)
made
He
had
all
down.
have
the
"
all
Nor can
it
be denied that
the figures
stupid
party.
agricultural labourer
13s. 6d. in
had
the
risen
from
6s. 6d. in
1770 to
1850;
in
50
Liberalism and
in the
Wealth.
6s. to 14s.,
and
in
In short,
agricultural
wages
in or
But
in
counties
men1850
tioned by Arthur
teen per cent,
Young
only
for the
same
7s.
Thus,
in
wages were
still
Gloucestershire
6s.
and
in
Essex.
Hence
results
agricultural
depression
that
from
commercial
or
the
growth of manufactures
to science
To
years
we
left at
1850, four
the
repeal
of the
Corn
Laws.
The
trade,
is
this
Has
the increase of
And
of
the
national wealth
The
All
statistician
and of every
same.
competent authority
a far
fortunately the
more rapid
ratio
enormously improved.
The
authority of
Appeal to Stat/stics.
Sir
51
sufficient
Robert
Gififen
might be regarded as a
final
appeal
but those
who
wish not only for the opinion of the expert, but also
refer
the
Royal
Society in
1895.
The con-
concern us now.
Suffice
it
to
Commission
and admitted
information
has
its
already approved
accuracy.
reasoning,
is
comparatively inaccessible,
his
back on the
social
and economic principles of the Liberal party, and is dissatisfied with the half-century of free trade and
free enterprise
which
it
through.
private
The
monopoly
it
has
made
un-
interrupted
in culture,
power, and
once,
twice,
Will
not
Englishmen think
gentleman known to
horganiser
"
.<*
Social
Democrats
"Who
are
most
by the development of
industry,
those
who
2
who
receive
wages
"
}
52
"
Liberalism and
first
Wealth.
"
The
step,"
is
he continues,
towards answering
this question
changes
in
the
total
sum
money
and
profits
whole."
the changes in
power of gold by
Leaving entirely out
difi"erent classes
I
wages among
have
of
this
nature.
In
1891
women and
children, in representative
in
and 92 per
purchasing power of
money
allowed
for,
than their
i860
and similarly
Bowley restates his conclusion with equal force and with some observations which arc " While we well worthy of the closest attention. congratulate the whole nation on the immense growth of its national prosperity, so far as this is measured
Finally, Mr.
by gross
receipts,
it
is
not
fair to
Those
or
to
fully to
more than the average, have obtained a wage employ all their faculties
53
well-earned leisure
number whose earnings are below In so far as actual want is now only
and comfort
is
within the
of
this prosperity
but this
ship."
is
only the righting of injustice and hardthen, like incomes, have doubled in real
Wages,
English wealth.
policy has
Yet we are
told
that
Cobden's
Not
policy of sluggish
Timidity
in
applying
it may On the
members who
are already a
source of weakness.
When
fruit is over-ripe
to
last fifty
were progressive
That
54
Liberalism and
Wealth.
from the
who have principles and, secondly, from, who have principles. But the true progressive is the old and the new Liberal, who has had principles and who keeps them still in use. The untrue progressive is an opportunist who trims his
the Socialists
sails to
He
he
middleman between Liberalism and Collectivism and will succeed for a time until some strong man
comes forward with one or perhaps two ideas, and with a scheme sufficiently clear and sufficiently workable to arouse enthusiastic support and opposition.
Then he London
years
will
be forgotten.
if it
But
no
place
for
The
machinery of neo-progressivism
;
may
nothing more.
nor finished
We
shall get
article
from
this
non-
productive middlemen.
Future
political
changes
in
in
must therefore be
first,
one of two
If the
we
favour of
more and not less individual enterprise and Free Trade by throwing land, as we have already thrown corn, into the free and open market. We shall aim
at
discouraging
monopolistic
tendencies,
and
at
55
and production.
idea that State
Such a theory
will
management
is
in itself desirable in
army of State
later,
officials
conduce either to
Yet, as will
political
freedom or national
there
will
wealth.
appear
be
local
and imperial
in
the control or
Red
tape,
however,
is
on
this
our theory to
be
we
assert that
up on individual wealth and individual and that in the mutual play between the two forces the most positive and also the most important action is that exercised by the individual
character,
on the community.
be, a
Our State is not, and never will deus ex machind who is to provide overpaid
unemployable and
equalise
at the
work
for the
expense of the
the
employable,
the
advantages of
deserving and
the undeserving.
new
morality,
the
under
shillings in
pound a plunderer
The upholders
1
Colleclivist writers,
may be
only that their ideal of a State ought to come, but also that
coming.
56
the
Liberalism and
Wealth.
concern
a combination
the
permanent adoption
of two
errors
monopoly
rise
little
and protection
both
of which
imply a
For
the would-be
ployees have
of,
find
it
impossible
mastering motive for economising the methods and improving the products of their manufactures. The State, therefore, must first pass a law forbidding
private
cotton
mills
it
to
compete
lost
against
its
own.
Then
it
finds that
has
On
is
the contrary,
being poured
into the country from America, Germany, India, and The monopoly is therefore protected by Japan. tariffs against foreign competition, and the heavy
In
fact,
is
made
a prominent
" argument
The
subjective certainty
:
complacently established by what I will call the Fabian syllogism Major PrcDiise : By our law of evolution, nothing that did not exist in Minor the past, but does exist in the present, can exist in the future. Pretnise : Capitalism, which did not exist in the past, does exist in the
present.
future.
is
Conclusion
Therefore, Capitalism
will
not
exist
in
the
Quod
erat fabiandum.
57
whose
partial adoption
(when England
in
of those citizens
who
may
if
poverty will
beggars,
universal
brotherhood
that
may
will
exhibit a fine
harmony of moral
in the
natures.
There
be a touching equity
procedure of the
is
State
when
paid
say oneamount
console
O U
thirds
real earnings
perhaps to only
old
wages
will
want of boots and coals by the thought that now he is a gentleman with an
official
status
and earning a
salary.
will reply
To
these
by placing individual independence above State dependence, and comfort (even when extorted from a
capitalist)
of the State).
Agamemnon
company he
is
which manifested
itself
ancestors,
Law
days.
58
Liberalism and
Wealth.
of
the
friends
unprotected,"
for lunatics
and
for the
whom
their
In 1839 Sir
James Graham,
neat thatched
the
The
Laws
all
would
lead,
Three
Anti-Corn
years
later
way
"
to Sir
James
said,
ironic reference
"
!
What
he
for
birds,
six
shillings a
week and
all this
And
but merely to pay your rent, buy your food, and lay
Happy people " by something for old age " Merrie England " shows plainly enough that the modern monopoliser has the same idyllic cant in
! !
The
man
Vidc]Q\\\\ Morley's
"
Cobden,"
i.
157, 2io.
59
his condition
is
which year by year are being added to his lot. They attempt to distract his reason and excite his imagination by vulgar and overdrawn pictures of the
squalor and wretchedness in the worst quarters of our
great
cities.
revolutionist
Here we detect a temper worthy of the who wants to upset society to its own
and then
strut over the ruins he has
certain misery,
himself created.
social
On
reformer,
who nowadays
frankly
recognises
the splendid progress of the last half century. the revolutionist, he refuses to acquiesce
Like
in inaction.
only
they
proceed
from
same great
It is
same desired
goal.
conditions to
Society
is
so totally different to
Cobden and Bright. Humanity itself has undergone some violent change. Burns was wrong a man is not a man " for a' that."
what
it
was
in
the
days of
We
The
;
up-to-date ephebe
a Socialist, an Evolutionist
he
an imperial
instinct.
Let us admit
much
it
at
whicli destroys so
of the vahie of
6o
once
:
Liberalism and
there has been a change
is
Wealth.
in
terminology.
The
young man
different
deceiv^ed
from what
his
homely terms.
The organic
iniify
of the Slate
is
one of those
biology
to
pretentious metaphors
politics
transferred from
and
part,
totally
The good
of the com-
sacrificing the
whole to the
greatest
Corn
Law
who
abolished the
Test Acts.
for progress.
common
run
of
occasional "eccentricity
"
Where
It
free
play
out
is
and there
strike
new adaptations
was not
made
Stephenson and
vacuo.
the nega-
play,
and consequently
evolution
its
appropriate
The
imperial
in the
than pride
Empire, and
Lastly,
Empire
itself
Revolution of Terminology.
we
i.e.
6i
all
members
The
truth
is
much
is
futile
argument that
defined.
it
an equivalent
a Christian
member
of society.^
Our
is
religious ancestors
spoke of
"Brother"
is
antiquated.
Apparently
sympathy with the submerged tenth. The young man, therefore, who has
at his
this
command
is
different being
come
across
debased sense as a synonym for one who cannot see the difference between meum and tuiini, wherever "mine" or "thine" " Yet into whose pockets does the happens to be landed property.
the
word
whole of
this value
it,
go?
Not
who
create
they are the sons of their fathers, are the owners of the ground-rents
and values.
Robbery
is
Now
if
what
they
we
is,
to carry
them twenty
values
for
consumption, and by degrees to tax the land values, till at last, taxing shillings in the pound, you take the whole of the land
No. 42.
father."
the benefit of those who create them." One wonders whether any money ever went
Fabian Tract,
into the pocket
his
He
is
Socialism
seems to think that the conjunction of terms in Christian meant to be not a truism, but an oxymoron.
62
thirt)',
Liberalism and
or forty years ago.
IVea/.tn.
is
But there
one striking
difference.
Then
guiders of Reform
ability
and enthusiasm
Nowadays reby the great body of the people. There is no coherence because
no knowledge.
has contrived to surmount the barrier of the Pass
who
new
who has surmounted more feeble barrier which the publisher opposes to want of matter, form and style, thinks that he or she has a social mission and is its
born
and accredited
political
leader.
A
a
hold on
economic
and
science,
is
with
wide experience of
many quarters regarded as a An hour's conpositive obstacle for " The Work." versation in any East End Collectivist club, or the
different classes,
in
good West End dinner are an excuse for a pamphlet on the Social Problem and a few pages will suffice
;
to abolish property
and reconstitute
ignorance for
mistaken
for
light,
of
some
fanatical upheaval
reac-
of
broad and
liberal views,
class
Cause of Reaction,
legislation yields to nothing
63
Plato's
?
philosopher,
in
despairing
political inactivity
England, happily,
revolutions
;
does
but the
an
De
Tocqueville has so
in his
own
country.
in
The government of
Louis Philippe
was upset
The
opposition
terriiied
on finding themselves
revolutionaries.
There was an
interregnum of anarchy.
"
From
strange systems
came
issuing
pell-mell
from the
among
. .
the troubled
for-
Everyone came
.
These theories
of them, aiming
were of very varied natures, often opposed and sometimes hostile to one another
;
but
all
striving to
rests,
reach
on which Government
of Socialism."
adopted
tells
common name
History
us
The momentary
success
property.
The
64
Liberalism and
Wealth.
"
come
to
try
to
turn
to
account any
If
whom
have
it
one had
in one's family.
who
if
one could
;
in a fair
way
to succeed
and
any height.
men
of
The
the
result
Throughitself in
displayed
upper
circles
of
society,
descended
into
the
depths of the people, and universal terror took possession of the whole country."
general
election
fol-
promoters the
an
infinitely greater
number of landed
it
proprietors and
the days
when
in
money."
In short, in the France of
infinitely
'49,
a population in-
our
own
65
it,
those
who owned
So
fasten
"
must
the
attention
of
"
political
thinkers.
The
at
thriftless.
But
"
vox populi
it
An
illus-
tration
of the
may
be taken
The English
land laws
are undoubtedly
relics
of class misrule.
is
There
much
is
Government
into
pauper mortgagee.
policy
principles in addition to
must be respected.
On
ought to be
capital
and unimpeded
that no industry
freely.
Secondly,
"
^ have quoted from a recent translation of De Tocqueville's Recollections " by Mr. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos.
We
F
66
they
maxim
that,
other
distribution
of
is
the
amount of happiness.
It is
many problems
that
of the past.
to
through them,
too,
solution
of agricultural distress.
But, although
diseased for want of the one and only cure. Free Trade
in
land.
fat
and
them
in their
discontent
sent conditions
that the
among the landlords themselves with premay fairly be taken as an indication question is now well within the sphere of
Indeed,
it it is
practical politics.
so clearly a matter of
common-sense
to the country
ficial
that
at
An
arti-
monopoly
and cheap
is,
resting
on
entail
sale in so
many
ways and
places,
like the
be enlightened and
cloth trade continue
How
67
however incompetent or unsuited to business, was declared sole heir by the law, and forbidden under
any conditions
parallel
to
sell?
case
to
that
of
non-entailed
property,
how
would Bradford flourish if every sale of cloth or machinery were only efifected by means of a long
legal process
forty, sixty, or
a
?
hundred per
the cost
of the
thing sold
laws,
Yet such
is
the
and
is is
England
which Mr.
we
may
happened
will
after our
be
difficult to
make an exaggerated
which
will
prediction
of the
prosperity
mortgaged and
enterprise.
opened
for individual
yeoman
enterprise,
removed, agriculture
become a
protected
"
free trade.
class,
too
new
a man
who
will prosper
by under-
out by law
(at
whom
he ought to be
by
merit.
Then
at last the
prophecy
F 2
68
Liberalism and
" If
Wealth.
the farmers," he said,
exercise their
own
I
of self-reliance,
am
convinced that
this
country,
with the finest roads, with the best markets, and with
a favourable climate, will be found to triumph not
only
in
When
will
and
to
encourage
But
which
this is
one
be
in
of
the
all-important
minutiae
various
in
would
seems
will
worked
their
out
by
;
the
for
local
authorities
it
own way
that
the
future
probable
only
the
great
measures
be
framed
in the
House of Commons.
will
Municipalities
in
and
ance
local
bodies
local
arrange
details
accordof
with
needs.
But
the
Parliament
will
have
of
think
lines
and deviations
which
local
own
becoming more and more necessary to the existence of a political party, and the tendency to be
overwhelmed by detailed schemes should be stoutly resisted. The country does not want to be flooded
with particular measures, but
it
does want to
know
what general
Emphasis of Principle.
The
ism
as
69
Liberal party
is,
is
that
an
of regarding
itself.
State activity
its
end
in
Why
recent
Simply because
defended
members
measures,
have
such as
frequently
particular
in
Factory Legislation,
spirit
without
making
clear
the
Yet the right course was plain and obvious. Thus it is by a straightforward reference to the doctrine of Economic Waste that the strictly materialistic as
distinguished from the moral justification should be
and
for the
women,
The
economic
is
reason
for
the
State
sending
children to school
for training a
young horse
identical with
at present
predominant
the plain
at
any
rate,
academic
circles
but
man
will readily
distinct
and equally
measure,
a
by which the
an
political philo-
sopher
general
may
advocate
or
individual
principle,
complete
system.
They
may
be
briefly represented
yo
Virtue.
Liberalism and
Happiness
is
Wealth.
their connection.
And what
!
itself
on the ambiguity of
one
middle term
knows well enough the danger of directing attention, even in a single essay, to the proved laws of wealth
and material prosperity.
"
"
brutal
Manchesterian,"
are
applied
to
those
who demonstrate
v^-ealth
" for
Fair
By
the
The
be
may
Liberals.
It
matters
little
whether
the
the
pockets of the
of the
State
average
man
arc picked in
name
An
artificial
monopoly
a tax
less
less
not
impoverishing, than
an ordinary Customs
effect as
duty.
heavy duty.
a case
in
point.
The
Governments by monopoly
Germany has
is
The
consequence
that
in
cigars
of equally good
little
quality
may
be bought
Germany for
more than
Effects of Monopoly.
half the
countries.
71
sum which they cost in the other three As a natural result, Germany alone has
is
an export trade.
This illustration
not, of course, intended as
an
If
taxation
is
unavoidable,
luxuries
are
ob-
What
do point
out
is
monopoly upon
prices
and
production.
My
example only
illustrates the
truth
monopolistic Utopia
and England
poverty to
will
only have
emerged from
fraternal famine.
feudal
sink
back
into
We
no foreign trade
no markets
mercial
com;
rivals, for
we
shall
have no commerce
the
gramme advocated
more
easily
is
less nebular,
destroyed.
Now
English Collectivists
may
see
and the economically unenlightened, and those who are blind to the and Protection.
who
evils of
monopoly
The
first
comparatively small
/class
LiBERAT.ISM
AND WeALTH.
tion
composed almost entirely of a leading secof the Fabian Society, which (since the publication
is
of the
towards an appreciation,
not
admission,
of the
is
The change
marked by some recent declarations quoted by the Economic Journal for October, 1896, and by the publication
"
The
life,
plane, to
make
it
competition of character and positive social quality." The Fabian idea of industrial combination "is not an development of creation, but a normal artificial
monopoly not of He admits that now privilege but of efficiency." enterprise is kept up to the mark by municipal
modern
business.
It
represents a
its
disappearrivalry
ance
the
"
same
results
will
accrue
from
between
civic self-consciousness
of municipalities,"
been
in
continue to be so
founded on sand.
larger
The
other
far
class
of
Collectivists
Two Types
proportion
tion.
of Collect/vist,
73
voting popula-
tionary
who
in
all
way
"
to reform.
Mr.
Keir Hardie
accuse Liberals
of
want of
submerged tenth
schemes
because they
for equalising
true
sympathy
of before
is
the
;
ledge,
not
ignorance
a
examination
recent
Royal
Commission
ele-
Labour
Liberal party as a
wild, reckless,
and ill-informed agitators. Yet the record of the past is but the earnest and future usefulness.
in
of present
Society
is
ever
changing, ever
need of reform
and administration,
modification to-
even
if
perfect to-day,
would
call for
morrow.
And now
especially the
thoughtful Liberals.
On
the financial
side
there
are
the
difficulties
faced.
for
An unexampled
applying Liberal
is
here afforded
conditions.
new
one
will
74
Progressive
Liberalism and
;
Wealth.
is
indeed,
it
is
most fond of choosing for his violent attacks upon the Let us first remind him of older Liberal economists.
an incident
Liberal
in
the past
it
will
serve to illustrate
tradition
and
to
em.phasise
steady and continuous determination, but also the long line of successful reforms, which have marked
the party in
its
management by vested abuses a new power and a new authority in the administration and control of local affairs and local rates by the people of the
locality.
In
Cobden
just started,
which
his
undivided
attention
was
necessary.
petitioned the
Crown
in
passed.
muddy
up by
this
per-
missive clause
: "
The
close
and self-chosen
members
sion,
Commis-
and the
Town
Hall
endure the prospect of a system in which the public business would no longer be done in the dark, and the
public
bility
money no
to
those
who
paid
it.
The
battle
between
75
and popular representation which had been fought on the great scene at Westminster in 1832 was
who had
^
lost
the
Everyin
an
abuse
"
the low-
minded and corrupt rabble of the freemen and potwallopers," upwards to the wearer of the feudal livery
himself, resisted the
movement
"
in favour of a charter.
it,"
alone.
wrote
"
Cobden
to a
friend, "
He
calls
it
"
an unholy alliance."
it
But
surely,
as
is
uncommon
for bigotry
Now
conclusion
movement
incorporate
the
borough of Manchester, Cobden worked heart and soul, making what must have been enormous sacrifices
of
town.
For three weeks he was constantly occupied at the Town Hall merely in exposing a great bogus petition
got up by the Tories.
1838, to his
When he wrote on July 3rd, Edinburgh publisher, he had been "incesyour modern CoUectivist
in
And now
1
the
same
p. 122.
"j^
Liberalism and
Wealth.
vilifies
the fame of
;
Cobden.
The
irony of things
is
is
often pathetic
but
in
the thought that " strikes along the brain and flushes
all
the cheek."
Political ingratitude
life.
is
fast
becoming
The
local
first
was
competent
laborious.
The work
of construction was
Between the great measures of 1835 and 1882 no less than fifty-five Acts having reference to
corporations
received
municipal
Still later
1
the
royal
assent.
888^ and
intended, to
quote a
competent authority,
Thus
the
structure of local
government
to
in
the
in Ireland) is in
is
some
it
the
working of
direct his
new system
must now
attention.
And
is
the party
of reform
to
which
it
development:
'
for in
England the
stability of
an
in-
Government.
77
its
be threatened provided
utility
can be proved.
Now
opportunity.
The attempt
to
"
capture
"
the Board
"
orthodoxy has
been accompanied by a
parallel
attempt to "capture
the municipal councils in the interests of economic Both attacks should be repelled, but they heresy.
in
munici-
and
a limited
time, willingness,
and
It is
highly necessary in
many
and
in a period of reaction
a valuable leaven to a
lump of
councillors
who
erect
But there
is
a certain school of
or
quasi-Liberals
the
opportunists
middlemen of
step in at this
If a
whom
who
measure proposed by
Liberal
ranks,
seems to
front,
and
advertise
their
connection with
a winning cause.
to those
in
what they
fondly imagine to be
At
the
"
who
are less
advanced
than themselves,
the
long-winded and
meaningless phraseology
is
to avoid being
pinned
78
Liberalism and
to
Wealth.
belief,
down
" that
while
prepared to affirm that the case for complete Collectivism has yet been
satisfactorily
established, or
by any means
in
necessarily con-
There
is
all
the difference
clear-
marked out
for us
on the
And
yet this
also
same
direction
as
the
Socialist
party.
These
stages
may
be
all
Now, opposition
economic grounds
been suggested.
past
to
monopoly
is
of
course
The
political
and
Hence our political policy. In the we have swept away many of the monopolies in
in
trade,
government, and
in
religion
monopolies
squires,
established in their
or clerics.
own
interests
by kings,
to re-establish
Monopolies Distinguished.
79
Land
for
is
complicated but
does not exist
in
indubitable
instance
land
absolutely
unlimited
quantities.
in
most countries
in
land
cannot be contemplated
patriotic statesman.
in
This, of course,
was an element
idea
the
philosophic
and
statesmanlike
in
which
Sir
W.
Harcourt's
Now
the Tories, as
we have
make
bad worse,
artificial
to turn a natural
and unprotected
into an
Squire legislators
piled
up a vast
Thus a
natural
evil,
comparatively harm-
intensified
class legislation.
When
the
the
House
duty of voting on
are
questions,
as
brewers
already relieved
licensing
from
the
duty
of
adjudicating on
Bill will prise,
questions,
field
a good
Land
enter-
open up a new
at the
to
individual
and
relieve land-
locked municipalities.
the
problem
is
compass of
this
8o
essay
;
Liberalism and
and
Wealth.
we must pass on to a somewhat more novel application of these same economic principles these same time-worn and timeThe problems of honoured tenets of Liberalism.
taxation of land values in towns,
and
if
our
may be
admitted
in
hand a
" natural
monopoly
Take one or two clear and undoubted cases of monopoly coinage, sanitation, water, gas, and tramways. In each of these cases some individual or corporate body must carry on the undertaking all five are for in a modern municipality, at any rate
prise.
natural
the citizens.
The
question
is,
Shall
the
consumer (deprived of the guarantee of reasonable prices which competition would give him) have any
control over these industries
?
suggest themselves
ment
Now
in his
calmer
is
theproperfunction
8i
any
rate every
Macaulean
currency
was
monarchs, and
how
the
absence of
sanitation
in
The
irresponsible
fortunately,
however, be
impossible
left
with
whose
coinage
and sanitation
authority.
The reason
is is
case
profit
But what
instances?
opinion.
There
consensus of
produce
And
here,
un-
and
down
subserve or prejudice
brief
which he
happens to
be meditating.
It
is
many
cases of gas
regard to water.
cost price.
He
held that
it
The
82
tramu-ays,
actual
municipality has
stepped
into
the
and
the
politically justifiable
and that
public
interest
its
has invariably
demanded
in
as
minimum from
vigilant control
public representatives
the most
granting
and framing
leases.
is
The reason
facts,
far
For
it
is
Two
Two
sets of
will a
tram
lines
street.
Nor
custom.
natural
and necessary
difficulty for
Where
is
the
supposed
an old-fashioned follower of
is
Cobden
Laissez-faire
them by
so
many
^3
The
collective
bargaining, along
with
the
right
to
in the Liberal
;
con-
and from
and conditions of monopolies. Indeed, almost every Liberal movement from the 'forties to the present
effective onslaught
legalised exploita-
the
consuming public
Nor has
explicit in
expounding the
But
theorist,
the
often
monopolies.
the
Liberal
politician
is
behind the
in
more
great
exhibition
of
municipal achievements as
Mayor
of
Birmingham,
singularly
And, generally speaking. Liberal leaders have been backward in grasping and enforcing the
activity.
Its vast
and grow-
indeed,
splendidly recognised
84
Liberalism and
Wealth.
by Lord Rosebery in accepting the chairmanship But have Liberals of the London County Council.
defined
its
its
field,
explained
its
limits,
and supported
enthusiasm of
proper
manifestations
?
;
with
the
discernment
We
fear not
intellectual
coldness exhibited
legitimate
some quarters
of
towards
enterprise
the
extension
municipal
has
Whigs tremble
thin
and
"
Progressives
"
water,
and
tramways
and
all
the
end of the
other trades.
But, as
for
we have
municipal
The men who on principle uphold public control or management of gas will throw their whole weight
into
the
scale
against
any agitation
in
favour of
by a
single organisation.
upon competition
for giving
8$
a
Two
The Council
may
form a committee to control the private company, or may themselves take over the company's works at a valuation and form a committee to adeither
Every thorough
free-trader
must agree that in such cases one or other of these alternatives ought to be adopted by the community In deciding which, vague talk in its own interests.
about the municipality as an ideal wealth-producer
may be The
in
at
once dismissed.
upon
certain local
circumstances.
obvious,
for
instance,
that
number of
limited,
is
exert them-
local
administration,
always
those
And
town
to
its
if all
who com-
would be
folly for a
manufacture
of
gas
other
functions.
In
consumers
by
management
ability
private
the
requisite supply of
it
may
still
private hands.
S6
Liberalism and
Wealth.
its
clients'
an investment.
So thorny
so
is
the Liberal
which
natural
that
For, in his
practical
qualifications
he
admit,
even
to
the
dictum
industry
is
the
sphere
of voluntary trans-
actions^
will
The
It
State
play
proper part
than
in
commerce by superwill
vision
rather
by
participation.
re-
and
of
controlling
or
owning
natural
monopolies.
In
1
another sphere
here
it
will
recognise
that
vast
And
we
new "Aristotle
For Mr. Stewart's otherwise admirable commentary here and there betrays a strange mania for Stagirising modern conceptions of the part which a State should play in industry. In the new Aristotle the farmer " receives the reward of his labour in the form of the coat which a settled social system allows him to get in exchange for his corn from the tailor." Aristotle, it will be remembered (" Nico-
machean Ethics," Bk. V.), carefully distinguished "Reciprocal" or Commercial justice from both " Distributive" and "Corrective." Mr. Stewart ranges it under " Distributive," and makes Aristotle regard
trade as the mo.st important instance of State distribution.
The poor
viewed a commercial transaction in a simple enough light, i.e. as a perfectly voluntary " deal " between two or more voluntary agents exchanging
to
their property.
make
himself plain.
He
But
Aristotle,
is
we
arc to suppose,
is
trying
obscurely no doubt,
is
but
still
he
trying
Monopolies in America.
87
gambhng
by which they are hastily accumulated, but also on account of the evils with which when cunningly manipulated they menace the consumer. Some very striking illustrations drawn from
finance
the United
States
Notes on a
very
That astute
is
political observer
also a
means
to their
Rings,
trusts,
pools, combinations
community
at large."
cannot
many
instances quoted
by Sir Henry Wrixon. Not that we need go so far Anyone who has bought a novel at a railway afield. bookstall knows from practical experience the effect However, we can hardly of monopoly on prices.
parallel
a custom
like the
following
"
A
its
railway
company
siderable
a constation
town on the
where
it
prairies,
and
fix
further on,
what price
it
any
rate,
:
" The practice grievances that have made Bryanism was (I was told by those who had practical knowledge)
of the crying
88
Liberalism and
Wealth.
produce carried, to
leave
their
rates accordingly,
and
them the alternative of submitting to it or letting Thus, while the their crops rot upon the ground." foreign trade of the States is hampered and plundered
by
is
spreading at
home and
trade.
Of one
monstrous swindle
due to
an underhand piece of
jobbery between plutocrats and a railway monopoly " It a leading New York paper recently remarked
:
by such conspiracy between railroads and favoured capitalists that enormous monopolies are built up to
is
money."
which no amount of
"
popocrat
is
It
hardly
Bellamy
looking backwards."
The
income tax,
which tends to check these huge swellings of wealth, an encouragement is therefore, properly regarded,
rather than a
menace
and
to private property
free competition,
it
provides
Principles of Taxation.
its
89
is
general form,
and may be said to be reached whenever the scale becomes steep enough to suggest to reasonable and
impartial
men
the
decrease
national
wealth
and well-being
by
the
driving capital
among
Than
more
the
latter
contingency
nothing
could
be
loathsome.
Can
it
be
ever
will
agance
The two
separates a Hooley from a Bright,^ or a Keir Hardie from an Adam Smith. That " representation implies taxation " is a principle which might under certain
circumstances deserve as
platforms and
in
much emphasis on
press
as
Liberal
the
Liberal
that which
" Taxation implies repreis now being laid upon Each represents an important aspect of sentation."
1 John Bright's public motto was " Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform." Mr. Hooley has lately taken upon himself to suggest that the working classes should be bribed to support a tax on corn by a promise In other words, put a heavy and wasteful tax of Old-Age Pensions. on the labouring poor, nominally to support the aged poor, really to
90
Liberalism and
Wealth.
is
individual liberty.
The
latter
now demanded by
power
;
who
will
It
We
in
recently proposed
right,"
he
remarks, " to
incomes
of the
exempt from such a tax the small but it must be poorer classes
;
demoralising to
the
sense
of citizenship
and
the
power
for the
On
No
sentation
Every
class
an
if it
can
money without
Every human
public
control.
in
The
feelings of the
nowise
charity
abnormal.
who "at
collects,
though he does not subscribe," would welcome relief from the intolerable strain. And the manager merely
wants to draw
the
whole of his
"
voluntary
"
subscrip-
91
them
but everyone
who
community
is
in
Privilege, indeed,
the
keynote of what
tion.
is
But of
all
class
form which
community
their direct
pecuniary interests
At any
rate,
is
clear.
It is
our
duty to oppose each clamorous demand that " a nuisance, a social crime, or a wrong, shall not be
extinguished without paying the wrong-doer."
discrimination
is
is
But
"
all-important.
"
No
compensation
"vested
abuses."
more
properly,
"vested
are,
on
cases
where
tinctly
(to
last generation) a
man, or a
for
class of
men,
"
have
dis-
intelligible
contract, the
payment
which cannot
in justice or
equity be refused."
The
tionary
difference
is
seen in their
distinctions.
and
false
92
are
in
Liberalism and
their
is
Wealth.
distinctions of
practical
manifestation
degree
for ignoring
them
states-
man
And
out
in
it
may be urged
of the com-
minute distinctions
of our
application.
What
historian
own
has time after time meted out to the beaten advocates of privilege in
will
.''
And who
Cobden and the Not that this triumphant eloquence of Bright attachment to principle which has marked the Liberal party in England is a characteristic which has been entirely wanting to reform movements in other
part of the battle-winning logic of
.-*
countries.
it
a large
measure of
success
and
it
may
be said
This record, so
has been hinted at
far as
it
in these pages,
93
as
away from
among
all
ranks of
specially great
labouring classes,
tedious
been
illustrated
at
perhaps
length
from
statisticians,
the
substantial
is
much
acerbity
shown
in attacking those
who make
con-
diametrically opposite
statements
(especially
and
he was often at a
objectionable to attribute
great
national
heroes
warmth
have
in
controversy
with
Tory
"
economists
scarcely avoidable.
laid
The
Socialists
dissimilar reproach.
In
that
movement
there
are
many good
social side,
elements
in fact,
own
deserves the
title.
But
the
for social-
94
is
Liberalism and
not
Wealth.
Mill,
borrowed
from
Cobden,
Gladstone,
Harcourt,
and
Asquith.
economic grasp of the present, coupled with political vigour and interest in so remarkable a degree, that
one
is
more pleased
than surprised
to
see
them up the
Instead
of vituperating
Manchesterianism, they
good purpose
But
of
the
party
which
has
flung
away
the
solid
the
Diomedean character of the exchange has caught up the tenets, or at any rate the catch-words,
Collectivism for these opportunists the writer cannot help feeling a contemptuous sympathy.
of
for for
armour armour
perforce
voters.
worth nine.
retire
Some
will
return,
some
will
lives as
Tory
For
cannot
be too
is
earnestly
insisted
its
:
that
the
Collectivist
Utopia
as vicious on
its
economical
vicious, for
as
it
it
is
inhuman on
practical side
monopoly and
Liberal Ideals.
inhuman,
for
it
95
the
is
ultimately
postulates
non-
invoked
fine
industrial
State
we may expect
educating
their
from
men who
are
assiduously
followers
The
the
Liberal party
rich,
is
the greater
;
prosperity of the
community
it
as a whole
and
for
has initiated.
By improved
is
being
produced and
food
and
to
clothing,
by amending
yeomen, by
thel
and laws to
between
foster a fresh
race
of
encouraging
co-operation
antithesis
labour
and
mob
of middlemen
labouring
lines
capitalist
these
and
are
some of the
individual
possible
of future progress.
national
But
would
State
freedom
and
prosperity
be
as
incompatible with
as
Collectivism
monopoly
Protectionism
and
monopoly.
On
the other
elevation
socially,
morally,
illusive
and
intellectually, are
not chimerical
or
catch-
g6
Liberalism and
in
Wealth.
These ideas are
they
fruit
words
the
in
party programme.
Liberal
principles,
embedded
flourish
grow
and
on
Liberal
soil,
and
their
may now
be seen
in the solid
Francis
VV.
Hirst.
97
of
The
Socialistic Atti-
Liberal Tradition
The
Socialistic Proposals
Need
of a
more
Definite
Effects
of this
Want
of Definiteness on the
New
Whig Liberal
in Politics Dangers of Programme-Making Abstract Principles need not divert Liberal Energies from Concrete Reforms The Lesson of the Local Veto Bill The Real Principles of Temperance Reform Liberalism as the Party of (i.) The Idea of Ideas Two Ideal Forces at work in Liberal Policy The Idea of (ii.) Individuality freed from Legislative Regulation
Attention
to
Industrial
Politics
Legislative
encouraged by the
for sup-
Champions
in
of Individual
Freedom
Ultimate Reasons
porting
How State
it
not inconsistent
may be The Adcriticised from Two Points of View, Moral and Economic vantage of separating these Two Aspects in Discussion The Ethical
Contract between Master and
Workman Labour
Legislation
Aspect
towards
promise,
"
of
Industrial
Regulation Ultimate
is
Opposition
the
between
Attitude
Socialistic
and
is
Liberal
Industrial
it
still
Liberal
Idea Employers'
Common Employment,"
in
No
Principles of Industrial
Legislation
and
their
Application Liberal
Liberal versus
versus Socialist
Tory.
1"^HE
title
of this essay
is
lost
all
claim to novelty;
"
alliteration
has
been used by
" Labour leaders to point a contrast and adorn a brand new programme, and by " Liberal
98
mend
as
in
renewed
alliance.
For,
serious
as
the
when regarded
in
avowedly un-liberal
and patently illiberal in policy, the diffiit from without are insignificant by the side of the dangers which threaten it from These dangers are the foes of its own household.
tradition
culties
which meet
aggravated by the
spirit
in
which they are met. On the one hand, the prophets of the New Labour, though they are willing enough to claim that the mantle
and by the
spirit in
of Liberalism
own
shoulders,
appear to be particularly anxious to repudiate the nay, even to doubt inspiration and the authority
the
honesty
it
of
That
all
is
all
monopoly,
is
a truth which
who
are
now
fain
How
characteristic
claim
that
is
is
extreme section of the Labour party such a will be apparent from reflecting on the use
the more ignorant Socialists of such the
as
"
made by
a phrase
Manchester
school
"
phrase
which no
for
longer calls
99
fast
taking a place
among
by a part of the
This un-
population
in
moments when
is
of abusive words
of
little
consequence.
hostility displayed
and encouraged
to the success of
combination
of
the
is,
as
has
been
said,
an
aggravation
difficulties
;
but in
the circum-
does
it
and
selfish
dis-
unfounded suspicions.
the policy of the
New Labour
of,
is
Liberalism
and there
complete excuse
The attitude of " Labour" (to give the new movement its self-chosen title) to Liberalism would thus be
of slight importance save for the changing attitude of
its
wider
It
is
characteristic
icxD
members look with indulgence and sympathy on any revolt which claims
of a Liberal party that
to represent a progressive force.
And
the influence
less
its
of the Socialist
it is
than
turn
were
it
not that
sympathies of
The reason
tion taken
far to seek.
for this want of definiteness in the posiup by Liberals on Labour questions is not
The
imme-
power
in
the
interests
units.
of oppressed,
disorganised,
and down-trodden
is
So long
is
as the employer
not misrepresented
is
if it
put
in a
even the
sole,
concern of
But
it
well to
remember
that a time
may come when the very success of this policy may make it necessary to change the form of its expression.
The need
;
for
such emendation
it is
it
is
not, perhaps,
pressing as yet
but
seriously
uneven
the
weight of
in
Liberalism can
the
Sentimental Progressives.
lighter scale.
it is
ioi
To employ
a mathematical metaphor,
infinite, in
re-
who speaks
of
"
equality of
;
opportunity" as the watchword of his party but in practice the truth has been obscured through the
circumstance that inequalities have
ably been to the advantage of one
tunities
in
class,
and oppor-
claims
of
have been invariably equalised by urging the Hence the problem of the the other.
to Liberals to possess
more than a theoretic interest. immovable mass, as the schoolmen In opposing an remind us, it is never excessive to employ an irreand many earnest Liberals have no sistible force
;
the
new
is
"
labour
a vague sentiment,
which
posal,
however
if
terous,
only
is
new problems and with new remedies, and their attitude towards them is often wavering and uncertain. The present social policy of the party is ill-defined
with
and
ill-supported,
and
it
is
so because
it
is
not, as
102
heretofore, directed
it
method which
success
to
in
the past
the cause,
of
this.
posals in an opportunist
without grasping or
to
calculated
show which
left.
The
result could
The
as
policy as
tion of
its
is
content,
by the new.
:
And
the cool-headed
in
emotions of the
latter-day
he contents
Whig.
He
purpose
and
less
betrayed no than by
the
by the
of
the
Smug
is
altogether
Liberal Disintegration.
103
often distorted.
"one
As
a consequence of
this,
the great
name
of Liberal
language," as
of losing
Lord Rosebery
of
in
its
said
runs
the
risk
much
traditional dignity.
For, as
critic
always happens
which
is
furthest
removed
from
himself
While
late
capitalists
Government
to
Hardie points
the
first
the unsolved
never remembers
Factory Act,
in
the
unemployed
factories
which
It
is
more
workmen
were
critic
rival.
affected).
in turn
by pointing
general
who
is
derive
army
be forced to maintain
its
ground by an equally
;
and opposite
rest, it
is
104
body
is,
What
above
needed
of
is
the
details
its
development, and
of
its
order to
parts.
establish
the
interconnection
several
life
The
increasing
complexity of
civic
and
the
in-
many
easy for
is
each of us to sec
how
his
own
political
hobby
even
if
that theory
be but vaguely comprehended but it is difficult to appreciate the justice and importance of applications on which others lay chief stress. And thus we have
the uncdifying sight of teetotal Liberals negligent of
of a champion
of undenominational education hinting repudiation of Home Rule, because, forsooth, certain Irishmen are
willing to get
and
to
of a
Scottish
member
retiring in high
dudgeon
Government which he
was elected
chief place in
to
its
programme! more philosophic view of the Liberal programme a view which, if it details of a does not embrace " all time and all existence," at any
To
its
true setting
amidst larger
centration
is
issues
it
may
Temperance Reform.
branches of
is
105
"
human
energy.
"
One
thing at a time
political,
no
same
moment,
(and,
at the
same
spot.
Were
indeed,
it
expresses a
truth which
not only
!
mark
explains
;
is
useless to ask in
we have
fully
is
to
express.
is
life
there
categorical
imperative
the
rule
to
act
from
principle.
An
instance will
and the slightness of the attention which is often paid The Local Veto Bill of the late Governto them.
ment
so,
is,
rightly
or
wrongly,
regarded as
largely
If
it
Tory majority.
be
but
itself,
with the mistaken view taken of its leading principles. Had the Bill been what its opponents were allowed
(too often, alas
!
tion) to describe
to be,
its
enough.
serving
Why
did
in
not
Liberals,
of
pre-
a silence
itself
suspicious,
or giving
io6
was
If
it
by magistrates and landlords, what would have become of the contention that it was the new-fangled Liberals had creation of a revolutionary party ? in illustrations for their argument ready to hand
:
many
upon which the landlord permitted no public-house to be built once it was known that the Bill proposed to transfer the power of regulating the
some
estate
position and
trates
and landlords
to
those
who have
and
that
the
best reason
knowing
it
their
usefulness
their danger,
how
could
have been
in
it
maintained
the
"
poor
?
peril
of
was seen
would have
permitted to
a conspiracy
If the
secured
the control
which
it
is
who
to declare it "
champions
in resisting
it,
by the champions of
was
irrelevant
and disgusting.
107
that
it
ought to be much
In
we
an idea, by and
the
in
cannot
political
mould.
Such an
its
attitude
unique com-
pensations.
The
reason
why
the politics of
Labour
if
precisely because
two ideas
vaguely, held
are exerting two divergent forces upon The precise magnitude even the direction of each of these ideal forces a
is
;
each
vigorously,
matter of dispute
those
who
their
the ex-
tremists on
either
go so
far
as to
deny the
;
and the
neither
of the
regular.
Liberal
It is
whole
is
homogeneous nor
important, therefore,
two tendencies
to
examine
that
in order
may be
seen to have a
its
party of principles.
The
first
of these tendencies
may
be represented
io8
choice.
The
of the
population
or
creed
they were
by a minimum of
legisla-
tive regulation.
stepmotherly
life
"
than
man's
his
was
controlled
by an agency which
own
interests
far
as
it
but survived
after
demanding
better
109
The
for
improved pay
all
such changes
was
all
to attain
community.
Mill
one of the principal ingredients of human happiness, and quite the chief ingredient of individual and social
Side by side with this idea of individuality as
progress."^
secure
from
grown
Without enterthe
is
metato
wont
is
apparent
not leave
If
that the
mere abolition of
restrictions will
our
of
man
the
maximum
development,
is
"
iii.
The answer
of
On
"Liberty," chap.
no
competition
of industry
tions
modern statesmanship
is
may
it
be entrusted.
which
is
in the highest
impose
on
industry,
and
to
which
the
general
opinion of the
favourable.
industrial
classes
Yet
in
the words
of the great
exposition of political
all
to every individual a guarantee that his competitors will pursue the same course as to hours of labour and
him-
Thus we
are
confronted
by the
seeming
paradox that the party which sets the highest store upon untrammelled individuality, has yet been the
most eager to
for
call
in
the
regulation
result
of
the conditions of
industry.
Neither the
itself,
played by
Liberalism in producing
regretted
by any present-day
Instead of the
be found
"
Political
referred to will
xi.,
12.
hi
find their
mine and
by Government departments and enforced official inspectors. The vigorous and of the law between employer compulsory intervention and employed an intervention for which Liberal influences, both in legislation and in administration,
by
has
in
now proceeded
"
to
we
find," as
the
amazing
in
result
that
country where
country
Europe,
its
principles
extensively applied."
On
many
there
"
this
claim of
"
Socialism
its
"
applications
of "
principles "
every inter
much
"
is
that
might
be
said.
all
The word
it
Socialism
itself fast
losing
claim to be an
;
instrument of value
in
political investigation
is
meeting the
tions
fate
the more
it
less definite
grows as an
no doubt,
is
that in
large field
is
approved alike
by the
party.
scientific
But
this coincidence
it
is
agreement, and
is
entirely gratuitous to
112
that
both
schools
of theorists
are
point of view.
To
the
Socialist
(who
qualitative difference
and of an ordinary competitive trade) every regulation controlling the conditions under which the
artisan
competes
of
it
for his
wage
;
is
abolition
competition
is
to
the
on the
but a
his
contrary,
a step
mockery.
"
The
individualist does
not renounce
faith in individuality
because he
is
ready to abolish
factory inspection
he
still
ance to the
workman
choice between
tions
name
of individual liberty,
employes,
in
return
for some form of consideration, to forego their title to compensation from the employer in whose service they may be injured, he not only ignores the repeated
and unanimous desires of the men, as expressed by their own organisations, but he entirely misses the
point of Mr. Asquith's
Bill.
It
is
precisely because
no individual liberty
is,
113
new one
is
imperatively demanded.
The trade
is
unionists assert
for
we have on an authority which, combined enwithout a thusiasm and knowledge, country "that the workman's consent to forego his
rival
in
this
legal claim
is
man applying
employment has no
free
option
whether or not he
and so relieve his employer from that pecuniary inducement to guard against accidents which the Act was intended to
afford."
^
may
join
hands with
he
the
same
ideals in view.
same
change
be attained
widely
different.
fact that
in-
real
freedom of choice
may
it is
be denied to the
dividual
workman
while
by some very different means than the desperate method of annihilating freedom of choice altogether. The proper regulation of industry by law is only
an extension of the principle of collective bargaining
just as a trades-union
may
maintain a
its
minimum
in
rate
of wages by associating
1
all
members
in
one comReviexv,
Mr.
and
Mrs.
Sidney
Webb,
the
Progressive
14
may
lay
in
employment,
of a whole
unit
is
class of workers,
tablished at
alike.
Liberal
not
sacrificed
by the
citizens in
State interference
;
striking
he would
otherwise
this point
it
From
:
records,
compact, but
it
does not at
all
attempt to import
choice
in
directions in which
can be reasonably
exercised.
While retaining
his hold
on the idea of
shadow of freedom
is
for
its
material
In optics, what
in
lost
in
area illuminated
;
may
be gained
intensity of illumination
in
is
and
in
in
politics,
what
free
is
lost
for ex-
ercising
choice
sometimes gained
is
the
chosen.
115
The object of the preceding pages has been to make some examination into the ideas which should
inspire Liberals in dealing with " labour " problems,
with
those
questions which
touch
most directly
men.
of working
This examination has been conducted rather from an ethical than from an economic standpoint, rather
with a view to investigating the effects of industrial
regulation upon character than upon wealth.
These
ment has
in
its
hidden
mental
dis-
of
bar
within
it.
But
subjective
and
dis-
associated
in
phenomena, may
w^ell
be
sociated
discussion,
and with
all
the
greater
may
;
wholesale revolution
ment
it
may
;
be no
attractive to attempt a
economics
to
but
it
is
a thankless
step,
estimate,
step
by
the
changes
in
individual
character which
might
be
expected to
Signs, indeed,
Socialists
accompany
are
I
not wanting
2
a few
thoughtful
ii6
of
its
life
is
denied to
spirit.
But
this
danger, though
the
dimly appreleaders
hended
indeed,
by
is
it
some
of
intellectual
of
Socialism,
and,
the
is
cannot be
met
is
at
all,
so
long as
communistic hypothesis
the
maintained.
in
Meanwhile
country
mass of
Socialistic
opinion
this
any misgivings as
upon
the inner
life
none the
less
important because
it
is
difficult
itself to
accurately to
statistical
lend
to a question of profit
theless,
is
and
loss
so
subtly
intertwined with
social
its
life
that
Socialists are
misled
ignoring
significance altogether.
" ethical "
It is in their appreciation
of this
aspect
of
social
problems
and
civic
opposed.
To
the
former,
individuality
only tolerable
117
promotes
legal
real
stituting
restriction
;
the
harsher tyranny
of unequal circumstance
of private wills
all
is
to be
swamped
in
Utopia where
evil,
themselves an
is
elevated
an absolute good.
is
Between these
;
if
we
we
in
of catch-words,
is
that
ultimately
there
nothing
Liberal
common between
This
is
idea.
neither
party
a truth
common
be obscured by a
of
of
the
injustice
unrestricted
competition,
and
by
common
remedies.
The
for
Socialist,
who
mistakes identity of
treatment
difficult
identity
of
diagnosis,
may
find
it
to understand
why
a principle which
all
prowill
workshops
manage-
ment of
all
workshops
to
them
end
of a
want of courage
principle
the
underlying
the
Factory Acts.
the
spirit
Such a condemnation
industrial legislation, as
entirely misses
it
of
;
is
understood by Liberals
ii8
and amid such suspicions of unworthy compromise our it is more than ever necessary to remove from
policy
clear
the taint
that
of opportunism,
principles
and to make
also
it
our
in
not
only justify
certain
advances
industrial
reform, but
provide a
direction
and scope.
Now,
tions
is
reference to two
as secured
main ideas
to the
idea of freedom
by the absence of legal restraint upon one's own private choice, and to the idea of freedom as secured by the imposition of legal restraint upon others, or rather upon the community at large, in
one's
own
lies
private interest.
policy
we may
call
and we may admit that every case for State interference must be decided on its individual merits. But this is not to say that the Liberal must roam at
large between these
moment.
His object
is
path of
least resistance
quagmires of Socialism on the other. At the very moment when he appears to be abandoning ideals in
a compromise between
opposing tendencies, he
is
No
common
Compromise.
119
in the direcpolitics
end.
We may
apply to
ethics, that,
regarded according
is
nature, virtue
a middle state,
it
but viewed in
is
its
relation to
what
to
is
ideas which
we have found
not really
opposed
deserts
practical politician
Even the
details of a
and
it
is
An
will
illustration
this
make
more
The
recent
history of
employers' liability will show at once the twin tendencies which are to be traced in
all
Liberal reform,
Mr. Asquith's
it
Bill
consisted
first
two points:
the
proposed, in the
common employto
ment
and
in
second
place,
prohibit
"
all
con-
of the law.
Here are
I20
Government
In
Bill.
Yet the
fiction
first
proposal asserts a
by the second.
declaring
the
of
"
common employ-
ment " to be no longer recognised by law, we are removing a pettifogging restriction which limits the
individual rights of the artisan
;
we
who
crosses his
path
we
are
securing to the
been entitled
if
in receipt
been maimed
we
are
abolishing that
parody of
be denied
may
Such
and employe
;
it
puts the
workman
in
by the
rest of the
But the refusal to recognise an undertaking given by a workman to forego his rights to compensation for injury, in return for some consideration, appears
Employers' Liability.
to
it
121
embody a very
looks as
if
different principle.
Bill,
At
first sight,
Mr. Asquith's
while restoring to
common employment,"
is
depriving him
"
by abolishing
contracting
The
No
"
Tory democrat
isations he
to
many thousands
of
Act through
own
To speak
said,
of the
"
as Mr. Asquith
pure and
neither
men
that
sham which
of
the
a long series
it
Trades
Union
limit-
to be.
Thus the
common-law right of contract is workman the full benefits of the common-law right of compensation for inThe two parts of Mr. Asquith's Bill involve no jury.
necessary to secure to the
contradiction
;
they
may appear
to be applications
122
of
dififGrent,
yet behind
Alike
in
in the abolition
view
to
relieve
" free
agent
when he
is
only free
;
and starvation
in
not
to exist as a
machine
in
self-reliance
not
'
The
clearness by Mr.
third person
8,
1897
: "
If
who
not in
my employ
;
is
any servant of mine, I am held responsible to the uttermost farthing of but if the injured person happens to be a the damages he may sustain working man in my employment, althougli I might be supposed to be he under some obligation to take special care of his safety cannot recover a single halfpenny." Mr. and Mrs. Webb have pointed out that ihs case upon which this view of the law is based (Priestley v. Fowler, 1837) is now considered by some eminent authorities to have
...
123
ference with
some
of
tlie
conditions of labour.
The
be
modern
will
of capitalism,
until
community throws
But
to
;
admit
it
is
only to
petition,
of wealth
be equalised by
Parliamentary action.
Liability Acts
old principles
press
the truth
when
it
it
immunity from
often
is
control
does not
(and
does
not)
by the community
interest.
is,
the
in
public
its
interest,
own
private
interference
were, a homoeo-
which
it
seems
itself to
embody.
On
the possibility of
is
workman's
is
self-respect
based.
True,
amid
into
hostile surroundings in
an anarchic community
power
and
in industrial
no
less
124
than moral
free.
It is
shall
become
draw
in
this essay to
out
a detailed
programme
are
of industrial
reform
been
logic
laid.
We
of Labour
in
legislation
we
are
advocating a
method
politics
which
in
these
latter
days has
Our main
it
is
what
firmly
is
essential
is
Of
the
nature of these
said
:
much has
already been
true Liberal
still
shall
do or
shall not
do
matters
to interfere
as
and
health,
life,
or property, and
Parliament should do
of self-reliance which
spirit
125
it
progressive
:
wherever
is
prevails."
the pity
is
so often misconceived.
What wonder
denounce
principles
its
defence of a
selfish disregard of
hardships of labour
And
and
potent
and to
Socialist
may be supposed
to
inquire, "
No
complete answer
it
will
in
be enough to indicate,
and negatively,
of the
;
rich
and
minimum
of the poor
thrift
by penalising the
better conditions
for
industry
employable
industrious.
^
efficient,
or shorter hours
inability
make
of
p. 31.
the idle
Admitting the
a wage-
Law,"
126
community
weaker
party
free
men
no
should be equal
less
in
the
own
lives
than
in the
eye of
oppose
it
ideal a society
all will
where
all will
be equally enslaved.
Tory may
object, in
why
Has
not
Mr.
Chamberlain a
social
pro-
gramme
? Are not you arrogating to yourself a sympathy with the worker and a desire to improve his lot which every honest man, be he Liberal or be
democracy
"
To
such a
difficult to
Let us make a member of the present of arrogance. Tory Cabinet the scapegoat. " Can we forget," said the present Duke of Devonshire in 1885, "what is
the composition of the Conservative party
.''
Is
it
so largely exists.
Shortcomings of Toryism.
really desire
127
in
any
radical
the
Land Laws?
is
it
Do
which which
aimed
at the
have become
too impoverished to
do
justice to
them
Are we
and the
clergyman anxiously and sincerely desire to divest themselves of the power which they now exercise over the affairs of the country and the parish, and
to
hand
?
it
people
to
which the Conservative party has hitherto owed so much, is really anxious that the power of granting
licences
ferred
and of dealing with licences should be transfrom benches of magistrates to locally elected boards ? I must admit that I find it somewhat hard
to believe these things,
and
may be the promises which Conservative statesmen may make with the object of gaining power, whatever may be their sincere conviction as to what ought to
be done on these subjects, they
material of which their party
will find great
and
the
men and
in
composed,
^
applying
diffi-
any adequate and complete solution to those culties which they themselves see,"
his
:
title.
Can we
1
forget
"
and
Lord Hartington
October
lo, 1885.
128
the
Duke
it
of
Devonshire
is
has
ah'eady
forgotten.
Unionism,
virtues, for
would seem,
it
covereth a multitude of
its
author.
lie
the seeds of
weakness.
What
is
true of
its
house,
is
doubly true of
" Is
it
its
questions.
adopt the Duke of Devonshire's young bloods who attacked the Board of Trade
desiring to arbitrate in the
Penrhyn
quarries' dispute,
can
fairly
?
men
bury
"
Are we
Lord
Salis-
is
willing
demands of
when he denounces trades unions as "cruel " Are we to believe " that workmen organisations " ?
labour,
will obtain better security for life
the
?
repeated
of
party
which is identified with limited material interests, which adopts the standards of one prosperous class as
its
ideal order,
normal,
is
129
who have no
special clients
to serve
late
protect, to formu-
social reforms,
which
shall
be
as far
Tories on the
ALLSEBROOK
SIxMON.
131
LIBERALISM IN
I.
OUTWARD RELATIONS.
Applied to General
:
Politics And
;
more
(2) of
definitely to
Foreign Tradition
(i) of abstaining
from Criticism
Mechanical Continuity The Remedy To evoke Public ?"eeling ? Armenian Agitation no true example Crete compared Fear of such Control a Tory motive The Midlothian Campaign gives the Answer. II. National Morality Two Postulates Honour a motive
of the State
false
The Jingo
considered
(A
in.
Individual
Late
it
general reaction
in
this
matter as elsewhere.
III.
Why
of
tions
we unpopular in Europe ? Egypt Foreign Suspicion England someway justified Italy Pan- Anglican Empire The
are
Empire as
What the Principle guide Liberals these Questions Nationalism Applied Colonies To Ireland Further extended to Transvaal A caution against misconstruction IMilitarism of Essay defended and specified Legitimate spheres of War and Arbitration England and U.S.A. Democratic Control makes for genuine Continuity France. IV. Party Foreign Affairs Has any place?
to
in ?
to
this
in
it
Should
tion ?
modified
Yes
How
an
till
to
elicit
Party direction
antipathies
national
initiative
Party
by
France
determining
reinforced
Germany
Italy Dynastic
:
influences
dismissed.
suming Summary
Shibboleths
evoked
err
Democracy
And
Clear
Political
to be
Feeling
directed
Jingoism
realised in
and the other extreme How we Foreign Affairs Its Aims suggested
Conclusion.
CERTAIN
of national
English characteristics
may
be traced
in operation
life
;
they are
in
nowhere
more
is
signally
exhibited
than
the
these
department of Foreign
characteristics
J
Affairs.
Chief
among
that
modified
materialism
which
132
Liberalism in
itself in the
Outward Relations.
expresses
We
live,
To
altar
Englishman
hold gods
of
;
sets
up the chief
among
his housesacrifice
to this he offers
up an unfailing
at
in
compromises compromises
life,
relation of
in
art,
in thought,
above
all,
in politics.
which most of us
evident
:
in
many
of
our
most
cherished
institutions
perhaps
Government.
Napoleon's dictum of the " nation of shopkeepers
"
might stand for the text of a sermon on the subject, and the homily might be pointed and embellished with abundant quotations gathered from any leadingarticle in the Times on any subject, at any date,
by any hand.
things
It is
temptations, this
:
truckling
the
various
bias
in
not the
mind
to
straight
English Materialism.
133
from actual nature to indicate the true course. And the true course so far as material success can pro-
claim
it,
or
the
consideration
of
past
experience
has
lain unquestionably in
To
treat of
the value
and
of philofact that
the
English are
not with
ideal,
truth
or
idea,
any
except in the sense in which the word has been incorporated into the mechanical and unmeaning
claptrap of the stump orator from Cabinet Ministers
downward
any
"
logic,
of " consistency
which sometimes
driven arguvientiiin
in
ad crumenam
of
its
supremacy
political
reasoning.
its
proceed to
this essay.
In practice
shapes, which
may
servatism
where
Conservatism
is
is
madness,
and
great
sacrilege.
In comthe
mon
politics,
it
matters where
"
Time
is
reformer"
is
native Toryism to
reckless revolu-
tionary
spontaneous
degeneration
escapes
the
But
matters of
134
Liberalism in
Tory hands
certain
Outward
are
Relations.
sentiment,
Let
only
the
forms
and
husks be observed,
Conservative
the
spirit
it
and
modern
or
revolutionary
will
stolidly
cynically
deny
morc.^
that
and
kernel
to
are there no
Or, to bring
still,
down
as
more
in
definite
point
our
habit
is
nation
national
;
outward
relations
in
apathetic
unconsciousness
is
Foreign Policy
tradition.
is
First,
Affairs
traditionally
.setting
;
viewed,
accepted
in
a the
traditional
secondly,
the
form
of
answer
is
tradition.
this
To
is
take the
let
it
mere discontented
tinuity
in
railing
Foreign
Policy
a
is
matter to be
not here conis
presently considered
more
fully,
demned
all
:
in anticipation.
The complaint
this
above
a
in
of the
public eye.
They
beyond
for
the
slippery
and elusive
anything but the dry tentacles of the professional We acquiesce. If ever our leaders and diplomatist.
^ Between the writing and the printing of this sentence a perfect example has opportunely pointed the assertion with actuality. A Bill conferring sufTrage on women p.issed its second reading by a majority
of 71
150.
in a
House
of
Commons
Traditional Apathy.
13S
we
some shadowy analogy for or against Irish Home Rule, drawn from Austrian examples imperfectly apprehended and appreciated, and still more imperfectly interpreted to an audience bewildered but
delighted.
Or
our enemy,"
;
or, "
We
are
"
"
Turkey must be
or,
map
of Europe,"
"
We
maintain the
is
integrity
of
speaker applauded to the unintelligent echo. But that an English audience should ever have explained
to
by one of the hierophants of this mysterious and esoteric caste, the Why and the Wherefore, any
it
inkling
of
causes,
conditions,
principles,
policies,
figures,
that
it
might be enabled
form
its
that
is
more than
is
opinion to the
English elector
whatever class he
falls,
and
his
answer
will
in-
fallibly be,
"We
is
"the unction
manureturn,
mouth.
factures
Bread
go out
and
raw materials
136
money moves
what can
be wrong
Now
and then
poHticians tickle our ears with a luxurious suggestion of fear and danger from invasion
;
we
cannot believe
it
possible
we may
die to-morrow,
because
essay
is
we
eat
to
Not
that this
meant
;
least hint of
an alarmist
pessimism
most
we
are
if
verge of a catastrophe
only
we
it,
ninety-nine
have heard
nothing
it,
know nothing
of
believe
Our political do pretty well as we are." obscurantists play upon the weakness expressed in
"
We
that
smug
in
refusal to reason,
allies
oneself or others.
lives in the
dark
if
at the
mercy of a
you
or selection of data.
modicum
ever
of trustworthy information.
No
specialist
respected
newspaper's
is
opinion in his
own
subject.
Their
influence
the
Few
this
can
travel,
fewer
still
kind of knowledge.
show the
traveller
the
False Continuity.
omissions to instruct and propensity to mislead
137
of
English foreign correspondents. When every Englishman spins his own red tape, less many and less
various
tied
and bound
the
name
Now
tional
the
judgment
our
to the tradi-
which
enclose
view
when
of
formed.
a tangle
line of action
has
been traced.
tion,
Chances land us
stick there
till
in a particular situa-
and we
again.
down
We
game on
a com-
Certain powers,
certain
attitudes, combinations,
We
The
effects
therefore, the
French rapproche-
ment
of
is
clique
one-idea'd
certain
provinces
of
all
thought
138
Liberalism in
together,
Outward
blood,
Relations.
Germans
character,
by
by
language,
by
and deluded us into glorying in our partial and remote connection with, perhaps, the most uncivilised of the nations in Western Europe therefore
;
through
all
temporary
strains
{ainantiiim
irce)
we
many, content
witted, because
cousins.
to
it
and out-
Disraeli,
Western
garity,
civilisation
West
in
the
of Christian empire
therefore, while
other terrors wax and wane, the bugbear of danger from Russia dominant on the Golden Horn (and vulnerable from the Mediterranean) remains too
obtuse
for
any
light
of scepticism
to
penetrate.
Learn nothing, forget nothing: that is continuity. If that is the complaint, where must the remedy be sought ? Whence must we seek to add the note
of the masterly, the imperial, the greatly conceived,
to
our pottering
feebleness.?
A
bred
great
at
statesman
intervals
could
do
it:
but
they are
of
centuries.
it
if
given a motive
forces.
municated
trustee of
political
confidence of the
rational
citizens.
Public Feeling.
half
its
i39
anxious burden.
;
foreign affairs
let
Englishmen
have a voice
in
deciding whether they will label themselves "splendidly isolated," or deliberately take a part in Europe.
Is this
possible?
The
late
Armenian
agitation
in
melodrama
scarcely
to
to
lynch
the
villain
an
enthusiasm
If
be
criticisms.
an
issue, plainly
by some
were to be presented to the English people fresh turn in the struggle against Turkish
would be
different.
proposal to
foreseen
cast
the
possibility of
being
;
and
probably no other
appetite of
for
more
efficient
in
the
by fully disTory programme, than the hope tracting the people with local government and
parochial
still
to prey
The
Armenian
agitation intro-
1 Where events succeed each other with rapid change from day to day, no correction could bring this sentence up to date. ActuaHty of detail, greater or less, does not affect its function in the argument.
February, 1897.
r
140
Why
analogies?
speeches
1879 punctuated
after night,
thousands night
morrow
"
dictum of a great
in
And
heart:
the
those matters
they form
an
made
There
is
manner
in
made
to
wear
Englishmen can be
of
impersonal
officials,
parcel
diplomats
and
chancellery
of
^
body
men
It is
to a lively sense of
Expert Obscurantism.
Then
tration.
141
who
de-
defences of
privilege
administration.
Nobody
The importance
of technicalities
and adapted, and applied afterwards as the experts But to the people these questions must go choose.
in
principle,
To
in fact,
and
intricate to
vexed
it
Here
law
must
tion
suffice to
dogmatise summarily:
existence of
(i)
the posi-
that
is
the
international
is
and
inter-
comity
in
some kind of
foreign
matters
the
year
its
1848;
stages
War;
the
leaving
142
Liberalism in
morality
;
Outward
(2) the
Relations.
reservation that in
in
national
and
the inall
we must
stop short of
That
is,
all
is
consciously sanctioned
by
to
his
membership of a community,
State
;
inapplicable
in
no larger
a term
Cosmopolis, a
"
"
is
wanting
possible.
to the
making
calculation im-
present in
citizens
is
State equally.
of
ship, hatred,
sympathy, jealousy
the
summed by
;
saying
is
among
States
exists.
Citizenship
in the individual
citizenship exclude
before.
State
in
into
this
flat
Jingoism."
And
we may most
it
ap-
For a disease
is
most
Jingoism.
surely
:
143
in its
boasting, conceit
upon
and
fleet "
overflowing Treasury
"
that a vulgarian in a
minor
field
might display
in
in telling
has
the bank, or
how
iron
high, richly
railings
and imnewly
the
round
is
his
purchased park.
not equally
condemned
matter
as offensive in the
cases.
And
may
the question.
Why
the
fat,
unwarlike
little
man who,
in-
territories
red
in
his
mind's
beards
treated
all
handed,
braggart
as
comic
Why, when we
man
asserting
of
an
Englishman
over
two
Frenchmen,
three
and so on ad
libitnvi,
do
we
down an
ass, if
what we have
:
written,
To
want
to fight,
but by Jingo
^we
do,"
etc.
144
L/BF.RAus.\f /N
it ?
Outward
(It
is
Relations.
he
is
identified
it
with them.
the
For the
purposes here
treated,
is
same whether a Jingo proclaims the belief that a for spiritual is an armed mission organised purposes, or a joint-stock company for the acquisination
tion
by
all
means of the
greatest possible
itself
area of
as a divinely
in-
The answer
selves
is
because he
is
a ludicrous repre-
sound, natural
and wholesome
ludicrous, but
grotesque
That fact alone lends him any strength or importance, and it may at him effectual strength and certain seasons lend importance. As you might say, we have determining no safety valve but this steam-whistle. What, then,
caricature where
we have no
portrait.
mutilated
Jingo?
nation
is
and satisfaction in its own strength and resources are dormant or extinct. Patriotism divorced from the academic military instincts becomes a nominal,
shadow
though these
may
The
feeling
Misrepresented Patriotism.
which,
if
145
stirs in
the
heart of an Englishman
who beholds a great English fleet or a body of English troops who reads of some courageous behaviour of an Englishman who meets a British blue-jacket in a strange port, or hears " God
; ;
"
played
in
a foreign country
feeling.
that
is
And
for
some time
till
no outlet was
It
but the
Jingo.
for the
type of
man
whose
novel
:
ideals in
are a
as expressed
by the
done
to discredit
it.
Similarly the
physical
sense of
is
strength
a sane and
healthy attribute
in the individual, but for more than a generation in England it has been misdirected into a coarse and
trivial athleticism.
An
outlet
was necessary
to
it
and the
not opened
temperate,
more
real
forms of patriotism
collective prestige
and honour
by the Jingoes who stole and abused the representation of them. Meanwhile the causing mischief has
146
abated.
Of
late
we have seen
mind
patriotism.
Here, as
we
are
an
be a
sanity from a
in
number
of morbid
perversions
life.
and exaggerations
every direction of
And
not to cry
"
Progress,"
and
blindly without
more
ideals
book
in
We
is
turned reactionary,
its
by principle
;
it
has steadied
from
opportunist shiftings
we may
We
ments
:
have
been witnesses of
in
a potent, almost
it
has given
us an
enormously
to
against
movement which
all
felt
' II is perhaps hardly necessary even to hint a caution against confusing the normal (the ideal, as simply expressed by sane instinct) and the average, as considered earlier in this essay.
English Unpopularity.
ences dare to penetrate.
47
This change
its
in the
public
is
;
spirit
with
manifested powers,
at
common
property, unenclosed
ground
the
the
desire of every
must be
to capture
;
it,
own impress
adopt,
and
direct this
impetus on the
lines
it
of
;
its
own
principles.
The
instinct
is
precise, con-
and
articulate
this
vague groping
Because he
without,
it is
is
we
offer to critics
an easy transition
England.
The important
1
question,
Why
are
we
unpopular
in Europe " is Recent events abroad, with the stirring of some recent ideas on foreign policy at home, have caused it to be asked often enough, but always to be answered
with a
so
smug impenitent satisfaction. Hypocrisy is much the besetting sin of the race, that it is all
for
an Englishman
justly
It
in
any public
The
the
pharisaically
sets
alleged,
increases
odium
it
up
to account for.
unpopular from
very
strength
and
Nor was
2
it
true
or, if true,
a comparatively
far
more
148
Liberalism in
Outward Relations.
Power
;
in cause.
We
are a selfish
but
all
Powers are
at his
that.
clients'
What
statesman dares to be
practise
altruistic
in
that
Why
are
we we
to
deceive no one so
still
in
Egypt ?
the
fortify
is
we wish
prestige
control
in
the
world,
Mediterranean.
nine Englishmen
"
But that
do
justice, sol-
West had been unknown." Your apologist's heart warms as he recounts it, and it becomes more than ever impossible for him to analyse his motives to the bottom. The natural
of the
passion in every Englishman cries out so strongly for
step
in
wherever there
is
mis-
management
siderations
To
set
doctrinaire pedantry to
him.
If Continental
must be
government.
Motives of Policy.
Interest
is
149
the
every
nation
acknowledges
some with
sincerity,
some
under pretences.
against us
is
it is
the meanness
Here, as elsewhere,
for
morals
the
more
Our
that
heart
when by some
curious
anomaly of character a
takes us, foreigners
are
in
the
background.
The
commercial
lady
traveller
in
Our conception of
interest
mean, because
it
prestige
place.
among advantages
Yet consider the striking example of Italy the one people in Europe which has a real affection
for us, affection expressing itself in every
imaginable
the good
word spoken
in
Italian,
affection
other
Where does the come from Two men, more than any cause, we have to thank for the kindly feelings
from prince to cabman.
.''
of our Mediterranean
stone
ally
two
men and
rare
warm
in
enthusiasm
enough
question.
150
Liberalism in
" interests "
Outward
we
to
is
Relations,
undoubtedly
;
Common
sure
to
in
have,
but
are
weak
Italy
friendship.
whom we
exchange
money nor
own
we
of
provinces.
Ser-
vices
actuated
by
disinterested
in
enthusiasm
coin
;
have
alone
repaid
themselves
their
there
there would
feeling in
be a responsive
outburst of
popular
a
to be involved in
danger, or threatened by a
alliance
calamity.
a
That
is
an
not
in
the
sense
business
contract
that
at
purposes
is
of the
actual
battlefield.
That, surely,
consideration
which
may be urged
business
without
matters
the
reproach
sentiment.
of
desecrating
with
Indeed,
we do
at
any
Certain
Anglo-Saxon
prophets
The
the theory
tions
is if
based on numerical
futilities
calcula-
which
made
Empire.
test
too
rarely
is
applied
foolish
;
to
to
But nothing
view
too
ing in an adversary
and
in
consideration
we may
Principle.
fitly
introduce
two important
tional
topics
the
if
Before
is
well to reflect
what
such
if
one
may employ
the
an unprophetic method.
English
element
hybrid hordes
territories of the
United States
the empire of
a race
a very
different
thing,
master-people
powerfully,
by government and
itself
civilisation, training
kindred successors to
lish
like
Rome.
every
The Eng;
genius
the
is
rather
colonising than
imperial
in
Canada
difference
English
become
remain
year
more
a
Briton,
fruit-
American,
the
French
a
French.
What
between
Romanised Gaul, or
!
To
be permanently
great superiority
What,
for
Or even
fifty
Far East to-day ? Think of Petty's forecast of London Mr. John Morley admirably described prophecy as the most gratuitous form of mistake ; if so, prophecy by the ready-reckoner is certainly the most
war.ton form of blunder.
153
Liberalism in
Outward
Relations.
of one civilisation
to
assimilate.
among
Empire
are
the
true
sense
of the
word
so
it
is
:
well to
we
have not
empire.
much
colonies
not
properly an
The French
we speak
"
not paying,"
not
Precisely
that
it
would would
mean a
many
of the advantages
of an
empire.
We
now combine
:
a curious
com-
a compromise, as usual,
to
say absence, of
Indeed, only
It is to
be sought
in
of main purpose.
the world
is
not to colour
maps
and
indefinitely
its its
figure of
highest
perfection
Governments
and
of such
expression.
and glorying
will not let a
own
race,
patriotism
for
looking beyond
its
own
waist-
153
The
language
and habits
all
disgust
say, as
like,"
and contempt.
If Liberals
some once
it is
did, "
they
like the
them in union by other bonds than shackles. If any Colony were likely or able to develop itself into a distinct national type, it would be no longer
to hold
We
find
no
Duke
of Devonshire's state-
ment
much
destined
in the
own
shores.
But the
same
tain
principle which
compels us
No
particular essay in
to a restatement of
Home
:
Rule
those
the
for
moment
To
say that
Home
Rule
is
is
a frank
statement of
write,
^
tactics
and
of
While we
is
the
suggestion
material
grievance^
"The
154
Liberalism in
Outward
Relations.
opposition,
storation of
justify
the
re-
Home
to a practical
prominence
even in
corresponding to
affection,
it
interest,
We
our
itself,
as
demands,
of
in
national
government.
sense of
Conthe
siderations
political
convenience,
affairs
present, desire
to
these
all
Home
as
Rule
is
that
unshaken
in
all
nationalism
the the
prime
noblest
principle
for a century,
and which
fortify
the
dullest
and
establish.
sufficient to decide
tlie territories
by
(let
may
free-
be
most
clearly
and unmistakably
Transvaal.
hooters, themselves
i5S
Just as
so
nationality,
other nationalities
civilisation,
included
though those be
insignificant,
unsympa-
thetic, or
public (for which we have no reason to pretend the slightest sympathy or liking) was and is absolutely
justified in not largessing the privileges of citizenship
among
who gathered
is
to exploit
resources.
its
Else,
nationality,
when
it
master of
The
hardly come
home
nation
of forty millions.
But that its right was not more readily and universally acknowledged in England is only one proof among many how suppressed and apathetic the sense
and very conception of citizenship are become among
ourselves.
We
say
here
no word either
all
;
for
or
against
in
South Africa
lies
that
not only
to
We may have
is
to prevail
but
method
is
156
Liberalism in
Outward Relations,
for scale
burglary, rather
more romantic
and scene,
And
let
us
by the
false
analogy of
who
time
high
the
glamour was
men
not under
unctuous rectitude
is
"
;
the
justified.
But
if it
all
grease,
we
shall
rubbed.
more than the grease has been Expansion " is, no doubt, a taking hobby,
its
but
it
not a few of
Newgate.
phrase occurs,
may
";
chivalry or brutality
gests that
great
part
of the
public
opinion
in
difference
little
Apparently, a
inferior
reck-
scale
was quite
National Principle.
v/ith
157
Admiration
for a
;
for
such courage as
was shown
tions
ditions)
(it
deduc-
number
but
in
of other con-
the
vacuum of
was
Poet
this
minds unbalanced by
We
inquire
how much
to
the
Laureate's
contributed
least,
quieting
enthusiasm.
congratulate
At
itself
the
it
Liberal
party
consider
may
the
that
did
not
And
the
failure
of
the
attempt
far
if
spared
us
the
eventual
demonstration
how
their
justified in the
might be repudiated by
Government, success
this digressive
it
was sure of countenance and adoption. But the main point recalls from
illustration
this
is
difficult to
make an
It
has already
men
be no
less patriotic
for
same national
is
unit,
our
of membership in which
past
itself patriotism.
;
Our
enthusiasm for
Italy
a nation
our late
158
Liberalism in
respect
Outward Relations.
for
uncongenial
the
Boers a nation
our
all
together, as kindred
has become a
There
include in
is
any great
province of opinion.
The
scale leaves
is
it
open to the
hinted in outline,
and
to distribute
ance of
number
detail
insufficient
determine
their
proportions.
gramme composed
topics
less
than
than
producing,
of suggestion
rather
demonstration
of indicating
and
inspiring,
difficulties
more
of the
The
method can
be only
partially
neutralised
by an
attempt to anticipate the more obvious misunderstandings and objections. But one thing has been
so specially emphasised in this essay in particular as
perhaps to prove a stumbling-block a form, if a modified form, of militarism. The prominence given
it is
justified equally
159
many
years past,
to a
more
*
human view
of the question.
am
free to confess
my
(if
equality,
whose home
is
objections
unconditionally against
war
are
very
imperfectly
upon
our
;
general
materialism.
this
in
parenthesis
too
personal,
me
to be justified in in-
What
been written
above upon
the wholesomeness
instinct
is
not to be
in the offensive
Germany
the claim
to
impose himself on
who
are
it
not
is
where
does flourish,
In an article of extraordinary interest and brilliant ability by a publicist, who is as well informed about other peoples as he is critical of his own, I find the admirable phrase, " The army has
French
become
iSs
at
patriotic virtue."
once the bulwark of national security and the school of (M. de Pressense in Revue des Deux Mondes, Feb.
These words are a text I should much have liked to if the whole of this matter of conscription were not so subordinate, as well as so personal, as scarcely to justify more than a hint at two main heads of argument in its support.
1897.)
enlarge upon,
i6o
Liberalism in
Outward
Relations.
largely
due perhaps to such service not being repreNeither does this essay
;
for
war reckbeliever
lessly
and unconditionally
you may be a
and honourable
Arbitration
;
institution,
and
all
by the sword.
convenience
is
an admirable
is
universal
arbitration
sane, civilised
No
man
would
in in the
dispute
but no honourable
man
takes damages
Divorce Court.
a satisfactory
common-sense
if
disputes
It is well
much
should
the better.
alternative
be
formulated
(it
is
and
no
organised.
Though
to put
mere paradox
is
in
that
way
as
remote kinship
:
what South
he
German
hates a
Frenchman
profoundly as
But those
much
as to
will
not
kindle.
The more
the
we welcome
logical
assignation
of
suitable
Democratic Continuity.
remedies to a particular class of they do not supersede war
the sphere of
It
its
;
i6i
difficulties.
But
proper employment.
this essay to enter
made
itself felt in
little logic,
The
re-assertion
it is
of
only to
presenting principles
the
direction of outward
Details, to
was addressed.
the range of
common
popular consideration.
Their
by And,
sacredness
of continuity in
in justification.
understood, appeared to
Opportunism.
If
we
we
to the
is
Europe.
France
lished
principle
regulating
i62
Liberalism
is
/.v
Outward
The
Rblat/ons.
determining
is
continuity
apparent and
cardinally
through
all
minor variations.
reason
patent.
ambition.
preEng-
force of a personal
sentiment.
Have we anything
there
of the kind in
land
Is
relations
which the average Englishman clings to with passion We have the preor is indignant to see outraged ?
dilections of individuals, as
we have
;
the half-academic
genius
in
matters domestic
seems
rarely awakened.
We
;
it
as
if
amusements,
interpret
fix
generally
authorised
delegation
to
ad-
return.
the
details
of the world.
It
another
light.
Party in Foreign
Affairs.
163 a party
Has
Is there a difference,
beyond the
personal, between
Lord Salisbury
as
at the
Foreign Office
that his
work there
is
much
as, say,
Home
The
and a
of extreme delicacy
Deny
it,
you
for a traitor
affirm,
of preferring party to
the answer here given
definite affirmative.
country.
will
be a qualified but
to admit
that
in
their foreign
been often
always
unfortunate
the
past
perhaps
almost
sin of sectional
The
ing for
to
all,
invariably the
Yet
it
is
still
doubtful
if
this danger,
and
election of
sufficient
party common-sense.
that point,
it
may
be observed that
our foreign
in
a cause
those are
the
64
desiderata to
make
us once
nor
is
by
fact
there
more frequent and grievous than those of our rivals, with the reason for such inferiority, and resuming the question of difference between parties at the Foreign Office, I would repoint it and ask, Is there
difference of direction as well as of execution
"i
Has
is
Liberalism at
home
Put
sympathies
yes, with a
in certain quarters
b7it.
it
And
the answer
in this
way.
Suppose a body
of English electors
whose duty,
informed, at
after
all, it
to be their instructors) of
so well
are
dis-
Germany
many names
is
foreign
questions
suppose,
further, that
asked
its
preference
whose
distinctions
one
will
at least, in
broad
lines
and rough
colours
will
in virtue
DEAfOCRATir Affinities
a Liberal
165
make him
result
of
view
by regard
?
to
his
own
Surely a Democrat
will
;
discover affinities to a
the Liberals will surely
with enthusiasm
to
the
country whence
the
of privileges
is
the
history of Liberalism in
England during
this nine-
teenth century.
not once
that
England and
France,
civilisations
more
deeply inter-influential
in past
universal civilisation.
And more
than that
we
see in
France actually presented those principles which were once the backbone of Liberalism
in
England
proud,
or
directive
common
State.
The most
faithful
convinced believer
the aptness
rule,
of
the English
maintainer of the aptness of our Royal Family for sovereignty in England, will do no violence either to
66
Liberalism ix
Outward Relations.
by admiring the people
of government as a Republic.
Liberalism
intended
;
But a hint
is
all
here
be
freely supplemented.
And now
sympathy
factor
This active
still
for other
democracies
will
be
only one
arc
among many. A number of considerations summed up in the golden rule of minding your own business as a nation though the rule is far from
;
State
is
in
no case of
Still, it is
civil
war or revolution
to be
permitted.
a revolution.
Individual
in
may
sympathise
Foreign
with
Nihilism
is
Russia,
but
Liberal
Minister
nothing inconsistent
the Russian despotism, though nine Frenchmen out It is of ten may detest that type of government.
A good
is
Christian
who
is
not incon-
AND Antipathies.
sistent,
is
167
On
thoroughly justified
is
refusing
dine with
a notorious wife-beater
and
tyrant.
a private difference.
sacred
though we
many
nations.
In
fact,
may have
antipathies
an
and keeping a
of
particular
course
in
Europe
but
opinion will
a certain
;
us
if
a certain nation in
essential unoriginality
has been
drilled to conceive a
then the
maa
for a
civil
be
powerfully reinforced in
Liberal's
mind by
contempt
people
who
liberties
which they are incapable of realising to be reduced to a humiliating pretence by a morbid egoism aping the effete forms of mediaeval sovereignty. Once more the strongest bond, knitted of both kinds of tie,
may be
in
exemplified
in
alliance,
i6S
Liberalism in
Outward
Relations.
:
entente, etc.
it
be
officially registered
cares
little for
these pigeon-holes.
to
It
hardly ne-
cessar)'
here
dynastic
in
connections.
the
to
instance
perhaps,
upon bad,
its
Royalties, to
hold or to exercise.
and
reiterate,
must
it
emphasise
anew the
dominant
certain
notes.
If
began by a complaint of
only against the
mischiefs
chargeable not
party to
book appeals, but against the national character as a whole which harbours them,
this
whom
this
could
fine
psychologist
has
spoken of the
must be
said,
in
an abstinence.
;
Prophets
Jeremiads on
the rage
preachers of whole-
But
in
politics things
run
to
otherwise
is
by no means
a popular cue
its
reproach the
dull
materialism,
when
Summary Apathy.
as sound
its
169
British
common-sense
with a neglect of
confuse such
rights
and
duties,
when
flatterers
modern democracies. The whole of the opening of this essay was directed against faults which, if
to
in their acuter
pronounced
The
for a
moment,
away headlong
six
years of
Tory administration.
us
:
We
there
have
are
standing
odds
against
certainly
moments when no
the adverse party
;
Liberal
regrets the
satisfaction
effect
strength of
is
and one
constant,
upon such a
material
is
a strong and
abiding impression.
shortcomings
propaganda.
And where
their
much
of
work no foundation of knowledge was laid. Nations and Powers, provinces and places are unmeaning symbols
and ciphers unless previously explained. " France," "Germany," "Concert of Powers," "Balkan Questions" these are idle shibboleths chucked about as
freely
as
"
such
deplorable
Social
Legislation
and
I/O
Liberalism in
Outward
Relations.
" Social
of poHtical
politics
humbugs
of every kind.
To dehver
this
little
masculine
and
definition in thought
If
and expression
be
suffice.
"social" could
tabooed,
the
With
trouble
former kind,
is
even easier
little
it.
Go
to a village
Frenchman
from thembegin
how
selves
tirades
he
lives,
what he
eats
how he
then,
with
upon our
relations
" 0?te
knows nothing of the life and government of the other," is one of those dicta which all the brag of material
science
and
improvement
it
leaves
very
little
less
was four hundred years ago. Partly because we prate about the Governments without first realising the life which inspires the
Governments.
The first object, then, is to produce make opinion possible. Next will come
will
feeling,
and
the question
take to express
itself
Here
it
much
Bad Extremes.
dirt.
i/i
We
purposes
much good sentiment and crude patriotism about outward relations, till we can turn out an intelligent citizenship, master in its own house, conscious and proud of its own resources, fitted and
resolved
to
exercise
Little
its
right
of determining
their
employment.
succumbed
idol of the
the barbarous
The
an idol set up by a
unessential things
clique
and accepted,
as so
us,
many
are fetishised
till
among
at last a turn of
to dust
sanctity
and
its
exist-
ence
an existence which
its
:
had caused
in the actual
So blindly do we acquiesce
its
fad without
hindrance
and
in a little while
we can hardly
believe
it
ever was
on our shoulders.
our apathy
that
it
:
is
a good patient
but
will
a master of catching
illnesses.
people,
and
the
for
autonomy,
in
individually independent,
foreign
round and
the world.
freely select
its
friends
and enemies
in
1/2
LiBF.RAriSM
/.V
OuTWARD
RELATIONS.
filling
experts must
membership
in
indeed been
confusion
between
politics
the
reasonable spheres
of
:
religion
and
the
world
politics.
an
we must look first vaguely to Europe, as far as Europe is an individual civilisation, and next, far more definitely, to the precise and organic unity of the West proper. We hav^e admitted, frankly, that England is selfish; Liberalism need not hope to do more than interpret
extended unit
in politics
own
selves.
We
more
;
to be
done
in
the world
in past
experience
we have
shown ourselves capable of acts of heroic justice and movements of generous enthusiasm. The merchant can
lose
himself
in
the
man, the
trading
company
in the nation.
and the
Conclusion.
petty huckster.
i73
vulgarity of
We, too, can redeem the adventitious commerce by magnificence of scale, and
in the aristocracy of nations
by
employing our material wealth and industrial resources not as an end in themselves, but as rich and
proper means to the attainment of greater triumphs in fields of more ideal and lasting achievement, some-
way
the
Athens
or
the
Rome, not
S.
merely the
Phcenicia of a
new
cycle in history.
J.
PHILLIMORE.
175
State The activity of the Citizen The place of Education Hostile influences The forces of political and religious monopoly Historical summary Oligarchic obstruction before 1870 Confusion of thought Later Reforms The Modern ProblemAttacks upon Education An ignoble spirit Contrast with Liberal
this
to
(a)
Its
fallacies
Sectarian
of the School
motives The
its
injustice of private
Government The
Liberal
instance of
violation
The
paralysing compromise Differential religious mistake of 1870 Sectarian control, not Sectarian teaching, the real evil instruction Suggested scheme Other Reforms The age limit Evening Schools
The
Technical Education
other Countries
Its relation to
(Denmark) Skill,
not protection,
needed Technical
Education and industrial success (Wurtemberg) A striking instance But the primary school the basis Urgent Its relation to Labour need for increased efficiency Relation of Education to Liberal Ideals
The
'"T^HE
J_
civic spirit
State
is
the terms of
difficult to
some
find.
The
reason
is
not
in
There
is
an absence of exactness
human
rela-
But
will
176
Liberal
View of Education.
content myself with a simple expression of the view which I think is implicitly recognised in Liberal
policy that
it is
its
form, those
are
first
which
are
;
specifically
human
and the direct value of common more apparent than when the whole action is never of a society combines to mould its future citizens.
This
conception of
the
State
again
underlies
the great Liberal principles of freedom and equality The State makes freedom possible of opportunity.
certain
restraints
upon
be
to an ordered
form of coonly
Equality of
opportunity
equitable
can
recognised
as the basis of
relations
common
interest.
by These
ideals are incompatible with an oligarchic constitution which restricts political rights, and degrades citizen-
ship
by making
it
members
of the State.
It
is
the
in
capacity to
freedom
this
it
is
the ability
similar
its
achieve
a continuity of
its
method by the
is
education of
citizens
which
the measure of
177
State
fails
its
to
stimulate
;
such
falls
short of
its
object
if it
actively
it, it
defeats
own
end.
clearly
The
Liberal
doctrine,
its
then,
does
not
application to the
form of
Government.
There
are
other
conditions
which
if
make
for
opportunity
restricted
first
to
and the
in
rich
and the
of these
conditions
lies
the
nature of the
education.
is
a proposition
command immeis
at the
mercy
He
is
equally exposed to
And
if
hopelessly de-
The
if
disability of poverty
stereotyped and
the means of
in
intensified
instruction.
riches
alone
command
in
career,
whether
is
politics,
the
professions, or in trade,
It is
line of cleavage
The
country
this
history
education
in
this
illustrates
relationship
for the
between
advance
for
question and
Liberal ideals,
of
education
has
strengthened
the
the
agitation
popular
Government, whilst
development
of
1/8
Liberal
View of Education.
for
Education makes a
sonality,
man
;
and impatient of an
distinction
the
Reform
in
Bills.
The Education
1867 preceded by
of Mr.
Forster's
Reform
Bill.
The
introduction
Act of
in 1884.
The wider
enhances
in
distribution of political
power further
importance
of
another
respect
the
popular education.
demoexer-
number
of citizens
who
some direct influence on Government, imperial or must be largely increased, and the absence of provision for education means that Government tends
local,
to
unscientific.
Cobden
in
184S
"In my
poor a stronger motive to educate their children, and the same lime a greater power to carry the motive into practice."
will give the
at
179
monopoly of education
criticism
is
is
The
weapon of
disarmed.
diabolical
Thus
it
of a religious
Hostility
to
educational
this
measures
in
century has
for the safety
Sympathy
rather
in the
the
House
that
Sir
John Gorst,
Review,
his
article
in
speaks
of
that
is
"dislike
development which
aristocracy."
characteristic of a territorial
This dictum
may
be abundantly
illus-
England during
which
It
II.,
p.
204,
"History of
:
England
Eighteenth Century
"The
Charter Schools offered a people thirsting for knowledge a cup which they believed to be poison, and sought, under the guise of the most
seductive of
faith."
^
all charities, to
till 1834. Doubtless, the landlords of the early century recollected Plato's
The
p. 66.
So
Liberal
View of Education.
The House
of Lords rejected
Mr. Whitbread's
Bill in
offered
ment
in
1839,
and
the
succeeded
rest
obtaining
the
withdrawal
educational
of
of
Lord
year.
John
Russell's
proposals
in
of that of
Conservative
statesmen
the
House
Commons,
have
been
with
few
honourable
exceptions,
equally
hostile.
The
friends of a religious
monopoly
in
education
can also boast a record of strenuous and uncomThere has always been a strong promising vigour.
party in English politics which has frankly regarded it as of greater importance that the schools should be
controlled
The Bishops
It
this view.
was
Ignorance was a
dangerous
enemy of "virtue" than secular knowledge. It was idle for an educational reformer to explain that his
was merely intended to give the State some authority to insist upon a certain standard of efficiency, and was not directed in any hostile spirit
policy
The Bishops
An
upon
religion
Unequal Struggle.
i8i
and morality.
Lord John Russell's Bill in 1839 was bitterly by Bishop Blomfield, who contended that the State had delegated to the Church its functions in
assailed
Mr. Fox's
principles
Bill in
drawn up on
the
general
which
Bill
twenty years
later, suc-
cumbed to Commons.
in
1861
for
im-
who
resented the
any standard
and
religious
monopoly
efforts
the past to
frustrate
Liberal
to
further
in
confronted
the
Education Party
the
upon
this question.
To-day
as
it
seems incredible
in
Government
But
education
regarded
an invasion of the
it is
and
scarcely
The same
attempt in 1876
more
Government
grant,
is
Acland's circular
82
Liberal
View of Education.
The Manchester
School of Economics
supervision beyond
will
scarcely be suspected of
legitimate
limits.
And
of
yet the
most prominent
fell
who
naturally
The
root of this
Anglicans
control the
The
necessary funds.
State
interference
Nonconformists
thought that
merely
meant
the co-operation
of proselytising Churchmen,
name for the most invidious form of now acknowledged on all hands that
duty owed by the State to
schoolmaster
policeman.'
is
education
;
its
children
But
The Act
was the
first
It
this
compulsory
"
and
Compulsory
in
Of.
'
Is
it
not almost a
self-
evident axiom that the State should require and compel the education,
up
human
being,
who
is
born a citizen
"
Latest Reforms.
practice
183
and sound
in
principle.
Education
is
a
the
condition which
must comply.
" forced to
In this
free."
is
sense
citizen
must be
be
Free education
It is not, as is
measure.
pauperising policy
vicious,
because
it
and individual
initia-
Free education
is
to these forces.
like the free
The
free school, in
whatever grade,
city,
library in a
modern
its
or the free
vindication in the
encouragement
it
of education.
Yearly
statistics
show
clearly
The passing
tury.
is
of these Acts
is
The gradual
won
in
inspired, first of
by an
ill-
of
had agitated
since 1869.
>
184
Liberal
View of Education.
by the
Church.
Extensions
of
the
for a
demand
its
by the glaring inadequacy of voluntary institutions. The Act of 1870 was a tardy recognition of the State's duty. A generation had grown up since Carlyle^ had uttered his bitter protest and Dean Alford ^ had drawn his lurid contrast between England and other countries. It was at last acknowledged that the State owed a duty to its children, and that it was a mischievous
condition to
leave
the
in
ignorance.
from
The modern problem cannot be understood apart its historical context. The forces which com1870
is
The
no longer
an education department or
spirit
a national system.
But the
alive
and potent.
regards
it
There
is
still
"To impart the gift of thinking to those who cannot think and yet would in that case think this, one would imagine, was the first function Chartism. a Government had to set about discharging." Carlyle
'
Dean Alford
;
in
is
1839:
"Prussia
is
before us;
Switzerland
is
before us
There is no record of any people on earth so highly civilised, so abounding in arts and comforts, and so grossly generally ignorant as the Enghsh."
France
before us.
185
should be
efficient.
There
is
still
a reluctance to
Nor must
it
be
for-
gotten that
if
a century ago,
has
many enemies
?
to-day.
What
concerned
is
principles to the
modern question
Firstly,
we
are
Education
make
possible, that
its
dearly bought.
No
arbitrary limit
can be placed
upon
tribute a
as the boundaries
of the nation
the
first
is
restricted
the
for
out
of place
of the
working man.
The
State
is
regarded as a society of
into
men who
;
fall
certain classes
the
enough
instruction to
some degree
of
intelli-
committing
is
any
flagrant
breach of the
law.
Learning
to be a strict
86
A Liberal View
;
of Education.
poor
is
rich
to be
This senti-
ment
is,
cherished in sullen
by
inarticulate
murmurs
in
many
only
incapable
To
is
to intensify the
;
to banish that
which
is
And
to prescribe
intellec-
after
all,
a truth which
ently,
new
to the
Prime Minister
whose suggestion
to the
Board
Schools as a
education enthusiast,
^
rate should
"At
one time
it
was an almost
a liberal education for a gentleman and a limited one for a peasant. John Knox taught us that there should be one education for a man who
ought to be able to equip himself for any vocation in life that his " Subjects of Social Lord Playfair talents justified him to assume."
Welfare,"
p. 335.
Attacks on Education.
not exceed threepence,"
187
his
immortal declaration
readily be
that the
agricultural labourer
And
will
like this,
of the
State to
provide the
is
conditions
of
either
tantamount to a denial human, or humanity a two propositions which are bound up rational aspect principles. alike with common-sense and Liberal
intellectual
development,
The
from
this spirit
is
no empty
It
is
adthe
by
Conservative
statesmen.
During
Lord
Cranborne made a
the
bitter attack
pianos
their
schools.
Lord
the
Salisbury,
the
autumn of
1895, deprecated
;
payment of high
salaries to teachers
to
it
which
may demand
It is
should be
more com-
manding
influence than
country squire.
The
88
Liberal
View
of Education.
ill
complaint
comes with an
grace,
as
Mr. John
the
facilities
contribution
to
the cost
supplying
elementary
who have no
other resources
re-
back upon.
flections
on the
of
surround-
ings
of luxury
instincts
mankind.
The
proposal
to
place
an
for
arbitrary restriction
The
at
in
temper
large
is
in
which
it
and Sir John Gorst has taken an early opportunity of disowning it in his article in the North American Rcvieiv. "To attempt to limit by a hard and
this direction,
fast line the cost of
elementary education
is
as absurd
But
its
inclusion in the
proof were
the step-
Ministry
mother of education.
tent
The
to
spirit
of jealous disconof
education,
occasionally
the
break
out
into
noisy
of
a
expression under
sympathetic
influence
will
But
it
be an
evil
189
country when
it
comes
to
dominate the
Council Chamber
of the nation.
form
in the
Any
action
School
Boards
It
is,
is
objectionable
to
in
the
first
place,
an
authority.
School
re-
who have
upon
if
the opportunity
policy every
is
of pronouncing judgment
three
years.
their
The remedy,
lies in
the
School Board
extravagant,
Such a policy is, in the second place, a serious menace to the progress of education, for the history
of the advance which
education has
made during
recent years
is
The
services of these
by
Sir
John Gorst
"
and
in
own School
members have been most generally elected from those who are sincerely desirous of promoting good education, and who take
most satisfactory
;
Act manner
the
efficient schools."
190
A Liberal View
Board
is
of
E ducat/ox.
to the
large School
body attaches
its
is
charge.
example,
not content to
daytime.
It
which
may
be attended by
own.
fruits
The
increase in the
struction,
number
of children
who
receive in-
instruction
tion
is
Elementary educa-
arithmetic
schools
inspected
only
offered
those
subjects
for
examination.
subjects
physics,
matics,
amongst the
subjects
in
subjects,
in the
or
subjects taken
classes.
by individual children
are
upper
But these
in
generally
Board than
grant
Voluntary schools.
larger percentage of
earn the
1
highest
85 per cent, of Board schools earned the highest grant for and 87 per cent, for iccond ; Voluntary schools, 68 per cent, in both cases.
1894
:
first
class subjects,
Educational Progress.
19 per cent, of
191
presented
1894,
for
examination
cent,
in
specific
subjects
in
of those in Voluntary
schools.
It is
understand what
of the Board
most striking testimony to the value of the system. The Higher Grade schools which have been
by some School Boards are absolutely indispensable, in the absence of any definite organisaThese tion of secondary education in the country.
established
schools
are threatened
by any proposal
to
hamper
For, although
many
Continental
the university, in
England there is no such system. Twenty years ago Matthew Arnold drew attention
to the chaotic
country
schools in
in
many
places
on
this
is
There
history of
is
not
without
its
192
A Liberal View
its
of Education.
it
rescued from
was
ac-
The
history of the
twenty-five years
shows
conclusively
the
The
ad-
branch of
domestic administration
has
effected
Democratic
self-government
been
Two
motives underlie
tlie
opposition
to public
expenditure on education.
The counsels of shortmany who have little and who grudge the money
Such a
spent upon
it
as an unprofitable investment.
view has no claim to serious consideration. To argue with the man who would apply a commercial standard
to the results of education constrains an apology, as
Exchange.
But
it
is
possible to
this
source,
man who goes to his The following passage is ledger for his principles. taken from Sir John Lubbock's book, "The Use of Life " : "The year 1870, the year of the passing of the
overwhelming case
to
the
in
the
False Economy.
social
193
that
history
of
our country.
At
time the
number of
1,400,000.
was
has
now over
5,000,000.
And what
the
First, let
me
take
criminal
Up
to
the average
number was
20,800.
now
only 13,000.
It
in
If
instead
case,
In that
of
even
Turning to poor-rate statistics, more satisfactory. we find that in 1870 the number of paupers to every
thousand of the population was over
as high as 52.
47.
It
has been
Since then
is
it
The
it
proportion, therefore,
less
used to
rates
is
be.
;^8,000,000,
it
had remained at
;^i6,ooo,ooo,
more than the present amount. If, then, at the same rate as twenty years ago, the cost of our criminals would have been ;^4,ooo,ooo more than it is, and our poor rate
194
Liberal
View of Education
The
nation
is,
;^8,ooo,ooo larger.
therefore, saving
;^ 1 2,000,000 annually
expendi-
ture on education."
The
These
figures
give
literal
accuracy to Victor
Hugo's assertion that "he who opens a school closes a prison," and .should satisfy even the uneasy apprehensions of the party of economy
in education.
There
is
School Boards.
efforts
to raise the standard of education are discountenanced by some who consider that the interests of
Voluntary schools
suffer
in
consequence.
is
The imwatched
provement
in the
necessitates
some improve-
ment
we have
by the sectarian
party.
The
friends of
Voluntary schools are willing to sacrifice the highest interests of education for the immediate advantage of
their
own
own
party.
"
Lord
Salis-
capture the
' Mr. Roebuck in 1850 "You make laws, you erect prisons, you have the gibbet, you circulate throughout the country an army of judges and barristers to enforce the law, but your religious bigotry precludes the chance or the hope of your being able to teach the people so as to prevent the crime which you send round this army to punish."
Sectarian
School
spirit.
Bias.
illustration
is
195
of
this
Boards
"
is
striking
The
in
progress of education
not regarded as
it
an end
itself.
raises
is
in-
fluence of
tary subscribers.
part
The
sacrifice
of the whole to a
the
statesmanship
determines
are to
to
be proscribed,
is
instruction
to be deter-
mined
solely
by
resistance.
No
effort
must be
is
possible that
found necessary
have thought
it
The view
is
bounty of the
196
Liberal
View of Education.
prominent adherents. Nothing
many
of the
men on
ties
of a
common
history and a
common
There
is
another question
definite
in
the
modern problem
made on
It
is
their behalf
by Conservative
great
common assumption
that
of the Conservative of
politician
the a
mass
of
societies.
the
people
deliberately
is
prefer
system
education which
directed
by
religious
But
can
it
be
reasonably
extension
of
contended
of
that
the
comparatively
slow
the
School
Board
system
for
is
evidence
the
general
enthusiasm
?
definite
In the
first
place, a parish
School Board.
first
The consent
to be gained,
and such consent does not always There is little liberty Government in office,
Who
amongst the
VOLUNTARYIST CLAIMS.
I97
in
The
autonomy
in this
respect
is
from
extinction.
One thousand
is
of
these
schools
due to voluntary
content with
The Government
The
it
present
Duke
of
to
Devonshire
said,
in
1876, that
was important
demand
tions,
a particular neighbourhood.
It is
unnecessary to
thousand parishes.
of
all
is
by the managers of a
defiis
The appeal
for
for help
not justified
by enthusiasm
Mr.
Balfour's
religious teaching,
The
ratepayers are
warned,
in
threatened
with
School
Board.
contrast
is
98
Liberal
View of Education.
rate.
and an involuntary
The
is
love of
and
their
common watchword
in
some
sub-
To
investiis
gate
the
origin
of voluntary
of
subscriptions
to
discover
the
motive
is,
That motive
But even
is
in
many
in his
be found
in
his
conscience.
the
strength
is
Conservative
contention
There
no better
which
it
of enthusiasm
than the
if
sacrifices
can command.*
Even
the in-
some
com-
in
enormous
resources
of
wealthy
Churchmen,
But
the
in
profession
that
these
schools
in
are
maintained
the
majority of
is
instances
it
is,
the
interest of religion
original.
not honest,
further, not
The
party
which
seeks
to
perpetuate
in-
Conservative
It is
only
fair to
Roman
199
who
tion to regard
the Established
It
was
in the
name
its
training of
society
teachers
in
secular
instruction."
What
sacrifices are
?
to-day demanded of
us for the
built
same object
perpetuity
and
ill-
taught
at any
rate, in
intelligent foreigner,
is
the undenominational
teaching, which
regarded
it
with
is
^ Lord John Russell's proposal to establish a State Training College 1839 was defeated by the opposition of the National Society. There are to-day 43 Training Colleges, of which 30 are Church of England,
Roman
-
Catholic,
2 Wesleyan,
and 8
British
Vide Report of
Duke
It is interesting to
that the
managers of the Voluntary schools were mainly, if not only, interested in religious education, the recent threat of the Guardian to the effect that the Church would employ her schools exclusively for the purposes of re-
demands
were
satisfied.
200
which
is
Liberal
all
View of Education.
day boys
continued
in the
given to
higher schools
of the country.^
We
justified
by a
general
and
deliberate
is
Now
is
governed by a body of
men
and
of
over
whom
government
and
carries
with
it
opportunities
of unfair
ungenerous treatment
Nonconformists.
Churchmen
is
formist parents.
The
trust
deed of
the
many
of these
schools
incorporated
with
National
Society
the
staff,
substantial hardship, as
means
that in a
is
closed
number to Nonsuch
a
at
The
school
position,
in
therefore,
is
of
Voluntary
^
village
J.
flagrantly
of
December
Control.
variance with
Liberal
principles.
it
201
The
school
is
receives assistance
Its
manageassociait
ment
tions,
is
private, secret,
is
of the school
necessarily influenced
by
its
large
number of the
if
inhabitants regard
hostility
;
with indifference,
the
self-government,
and
there
is
no
room
for
Such a
results.
situation
clerical
is
The
it
manager
petty.
not
the
always be respected. ^
schoolmaster
is
It
often happens
that
called
who
receives an inadeis
little
consideration,
one of the
"We
We
appointment of the teachers that the true securities for fair play and freedom from the danger of proselytism are to be found. "Royal Commission, 1888: "Minority Report," p. 363.
in the
203
Liberal
View of Education.
which might be devoted to
Energies and
abilities
There
in
is
which revolts
the villages, as
does elsewhere,
ex
by a private and irresponsible person. The officio becomes the measure of all things.
rector
The extension
The English
knowing that
and
in the care of a
of
injustice),
by private
such
for
bodies
over
which
he
no
control,
as
a Grand
county.
of the
true
it
the
we except
local
the licensing
it
distributors
of drink
and knowledge,
interest
is
of
almost
every
public
that
is
Education, which
of
yields
terests,
importance
in
to
no
other
these
still
in-
the
majority of villages
in
the
The Voluntary
school draws
its
scholars
from the children of a public compelled by law to send them to that school. So long as its manage-
ment continues
to be
private,
it
occupies a unique
Need
position
for Reform.
203
amongst
local institutions.
^
Here
itself.
"
taxation
without
representation,"
that
major
premise
of
maintaining
private
This fortress
of
the
administration
of
by Liberals with
Opportunities there
have been
for firm
idle,
of
Liberal
this
Government
in
1870 gave
its
countenance to
march of progress
left
it
unremedied.
is
principle
fatal
to
first
clear
;
from
of
the
hesitating,
;
our declarations
from
the
hopeless spectacle
to
lift
a hand to
its
inaction
the
name
of a truce which
rather resembled a
surrender.^
To break up
villages
this
from an
and
these
It is scarcely
worth while to notice the ridiculous subterfuge that Department extending merely to observance of
Cf. the
204
a
Liberal
effort
View of Education.
be none the
less
Liberal
which should
it is
determined because
tardy.
When
cussion.
There
is
it
comes
venture to
contempt
will
be found
in
some scheme
in all schools,
in
none.
A scheme could
time
in
denominations
upon
their
own
religious societies.
None
The
would be given at the expense of the denominations. The teachers would not be subject to religious tests,
Religious Instruction
for
Scheme.
205
they would
;
only teach
or
necessarily teach
secular subjects
all
by
in
policy of
many good
Liberals
the past)
is
control over
the schools.
see,
We
work of education,
of
conflicting
distractions
satisfy
interests.^
We
should
the
sense of justice of
minority which
religion
and
be-
certain definite
We
should
compromise
(to
which we have
sacrificed the
freedom
The
may
Note the
well
be turned to
office
revolting than the treachery of men who take on a Board with the deliberate purpose of obstructing its work ?
2o6
A
more
Liberal
View of Education.
is
urgent need
active
policy.
There
is, first
The Education
which children
the
Bill
of last
proposed that
may work
is
half-time.
An amendment
In
till
a later age
in
par-
the
facilities
for technical
education.
The
veriest
it
too young.
If the question
it is
be restricted solely to
economic considerations,
an equally short-sighted
away from
England
school
suffers,
and sent
to
work
at
an early age.
in
and deserves to
school.
suffer,
competition
with other
There
last
is
that
of attendance
evening schools.
The
growth of these schools, and the encouragement which they have received by a special code from the Education
The evening
among
Evening Schools.
great services
to
207
girls
education.
Boys and
who
add to
the
and
in
to grasp
some of
principles
It
of the
industries
engaged.
very considerably
attendance were
marked success by a
manufacturers/ who
make
a condition of employ-
ment
in
their
service
that boys
up
to the
age of
is
Nor
the
compulsory
his
is
come to recognise the advantages The effect of making such attendance to protect a man from the consequences
as a
boyhood, at an age when he could not be regarded competent judge of his own interests.
There
is
much
still
to be
of elementary education.
widely
this
country to these
The Science and Art Department was till 1890 the sole public authority which was able to give financial assistance to the teaching
important questions.
of technical subjects.
'
in
Messrs. Brunner,
2o8
Liberal
View of Education.
work during the
last six
many
The Technical
West Riding
results.
The importance
is
now happily
receiving
wider recognition, and the prejudice against substituting the methods of science for the traditions of age
is
It is
now
acknowledged that the sting of Continental competition lies in the Continental school.
This
is
true in
has
been directed
is
for
some
time.
Agricultural deat
pression
every rent
homage
were
to
Conservative promises
in-
The
legislation
of
last
Land Rating
they look
Act the
salvation
of
agriculture,
and
Agricultural Education.
209
now
life.
The
future of
should
agriculture to
remove the
which hamper
help him
to
and
to
make
An
must be
more widely
It is
distributed.
I
am
concerned.
lately established
to be earnestly
hoped
example
will
be generally followed.
is
The
in-
illustrated
by the
Committee.
We
regular system
since 1848,
and that Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Bavaria, and Hungary have, one and all,
The
upon the
is
skill
and resource-
of Danish farming.
The
Denmark
O
is
up within the
last
2IO
Liberal
View oe Education,
in
last
During the
last
Denmark
Technical instruction
is
The Report
some
Wurtemburg.^ "Forty years ago, Wurtemburg," in the words of the man who had most to do with its subsequent uplifting, "was purely agricultural and impoverished by over-population." Its condition was then deinteresting information with regard to
scribed
as " deplorable."
To-day
it
is
one
of the
is
types, drugs,
paper,
hats,
carving, clothes
toys,
gunpowder,
and
stays.
of gunpowder,
a speciality of
and blasting
and Servia.
famous
England,
now
for
its
repeating
rifles."
Pp. 57-58.
211
Royal Bank
at Stuttgart
there
is
dom
in
of Wlirtemburg."
sion of trade
Europe and
Government that
No
to
describe the
of
County Councils that we must look for the extension agricultural and technical teaching in its more
But the Provincial Colleges render
in the provision of special training, assist-
elementary stages.
admirable service
in
autumn of 1895
to request that
been granted.
this object
The
result of a
generous provision
for
would be enormous,
influence of
is
technical
has played
If
in
building up
industrial
other countries.
the
212
Liberal
it
View of Education.
ought to mean, the substitution
revolution means, as
successfully confronted.
much towards
increase
Education
does
It
not
merely
mind of the
skilled labourer
It is
men become
active^
and
sympathetic
it,
members of an
service
is
industrial society.
Without
their
unintelligible system. to
To
is
make
tion
reasoning and
the
also
it
It
helps to equalise
for
laid
Promoting
Co-operative Production.
achievement of the splendid ideal of this society. The efficiency of the school has contributed, with other obvious causes, to the growth of the
movement
in
France.
Secondary Education,
the status of employer
213
It
is
and
employed.
an
important factor
fictitious,
in
The mutual
it
employed
is
Secondary education
condition.
is
in
still
more inchoate
The supply of such schools is hopelessly inadequate.^ The important part which they play in
the
making of
solely
citizens
is
an immediate
preparation
It is
for
interesting also
Mr. Plunkett's Recess Committee. " It must be observed, however, that endowed schools, whether good or bad, afford very inadequate provision for the secondary education of The total number of scholars in the endowed the whole country.
schools
2
in
the selected
schools, such as
counties, even when we include non-local Rugby and Charterhouse, amounts only to 21,878, or
Report of
Secondary Education
214
-^
Liberal
View
op Education.
farmer
is
in part attributed in
to the training
in the rural
in history,
literature,
and language
distribution of land
High Schools, the other factor being the amongst small freeholders.
authorities, suggested
is
and many
local
by the Se-
urgently required
some systematic relaendowments and, by means of scholarships, to place good schools within reach of every boy of ability. But to combine
tion, to
make
beyond the
Session,
limit provided
by the Technical
at
of
last
is
enormously to discount
the
of such organisation.
To
bring
girl
who
is
vantage of
it, is
an object which
generous
this superis
to be built
in
Any
weakness
Elementary
renders
^
Education
vitiates
John Gorst
has
p.
435.
An Educated
incapacitated
Plebiscite.
215
elementary subjects
the
the children
of
peasantry from
Higher educa-
and
it
attempt to teach, for instance, the principles of agriculture to a boy who has not grasped the
idle to
elements of arithmetic.
If
primary
instruction
does
not
develop
further.
the
Thus
Hie fons
for
et origo mali.
have claimed
education that
freedom.
it
is
an
indis-
pensable condition of
those
For
this
reason
activity,
who
monopoly of
whether
effort,
in politics or in
discourage
its
progress,
themselves of the pretext of economy to restrict in virtue of this quality It is distribution. its
that the cause of education
is
sacred to Liberals.
chief ally
in
They
citizenship
recognise in
it
their
their
more
real,
and national
life
more
self-
conscious.
They do
of an hereditary
tration to
reason to
chamber and decentralised adminisan educated tribunal, and they have no shrink from an educated judgment upon
of
local
the questions
form.
stupid.
law
re-
2i6
It is
is
The
ideals of
by
It is
this
principle, are
con-
Government.
once express and foster the character and the This doctrine of
faith
and the denial of the arrogant claim of an hereditary Liberal principles chamber to legislative authority.
find expression again in the
community
minimise the
at
large,
and also
in
the endeavour to
and the limitations of poverty by adjusting the incidence of public burdens and regulating the conditions of employment.
disabilities
shall
be
efficient,
personal
character
and individual
choice.
It
is
because education
character that
in its results
on
to
direction to
any
all
217
if
No
influence has the power of education to foster or to starve the civic spirit, to nurture or to poison the
enthusiasms of a democracy.
that
For
it
is
in
the school
you begin
to
mould
who will one day make between true principles of Empire and Government and the false ideals of men who wish
rather
as the sacred trust to preserve, but as a brute force to destroy the liberties of nations.
If the surface
be
ill-prepared, you may stamp upon it impressions of civic freedom and civic duty, and they will not survive order well your groundwork, and you to-morrow
;
print of reverence
Lawrence Hammond.
219
Law Free
gathers Strength First Reform Bill at last Trade Movement 1848, and Ireland
at
Progress
Home and
Abroad Followed by Mr. Gladstone Disraeli and his Ministry The Berlin Treaty Evil Effects of, till Present Day Mr. Gladstone's
Second Cabinet Third Reform Bill Mr. Gladstone accepts Home Rule The Split: its Meaning Home Rule rejected Appearance of Labour Question Strikes and Riots The Education Election of Home Rule again Rejected by the Lords Retirement 1892
of Mr.
Gladstone 1895, the Great Defeat Dalliance with CollectivismBack to the Earlier Ideal The Promises of Socialism Its
Materialist
Ideals
Aims
Leader
" The
City
of
Pigs
"
Liberalism
v.
False
? The
IN changed
there was
the
Enghsh people
substituted the
of
Parliament.
thing
it
displaced ministers,
policy
in
dictated
it
the national
all
did
Parliament stood by
In
17 14
isolated.
describing
the
to
Revolutions
1688
and
we
are
wont
say
that
they established
220
Parliamentary government
is
the
word
"
established
"
well chosen.
it
The
itself,
and
system of
could
"
"
live
harmony with
Parliamentary
Estates.
will
you
The makers
of
then existed.
of providing
any means
It is to
for the
itself
we must
look
if
far
was the people from a share in government. Broadly speaking, the Commons were all members
the actual
squires
barrier.^
They were
was
only
often
cadets of a great
Whig
the
merchant
element
scantily
,rom Assemblies of
need hardly remind readers that the House of Commons differs tiie Third Estate in other countries, in that, from Abroad, the the very first, it contained members of the noblesse. noble, however poor, was sharply divided from the burgher and the
I
peasant.
The "Knights
of
the
Shire,"
con-
and became,
this
On
point,
see
any
constitutional
best
of
all,
lioutmy,
An
represented.
statute
Aristocratic Parliament.
221
And
tendhig
directly to
powers and privileges by imposing a property qualification of i^300 a year for the borough and 600 a
year for the county members of Parliament.
the
To
get
modern value of these sums we must multiply by more than two. As this qualification was to be derived from real property, town and county alike were represented by members of the territorial class. Only from their ranks could members of Parliament
be chosen.
little
no control.
The
qualification
for
the
county
franchise
was fixed by an Act of 1430 at a freehold Though this entirely cut out annum. leaseholders, and tenants at will the copyholders, did not set up a very it an increasing class
of 40s. per
high
test,
especially
in the value of
the
past
three
when we consider the great fall money that had taken place during The freeholders were centuries.
numerous down
to 1760.
But
numbers
already
on the
go down with alarming and extraordinary decline By the end of the Napoleonic wars the rapidity. Nor can we attribute the class has ceased to exist.
change solely to the pressure of economic conditions. Improved methods of agriculture had doubtless much
to
do with
their
disappearance
322
compete with the great capitalist landowner. The growth of the towns struck at their cottage industries, and also provided them with a refuge whither they might
retreat
when driven
But
after allowing
impossible to acquit
yeomen and
force
them
to sell their
lands.
of sport,
by
legal chicanery,
theft,
by constant
sold
pressure,
and
sometimes by open
yeoman
and the
the
was made
villages
unbearable.
He
his acres,
There were
left in
How
them
few but the labourers and tenants at will. the squires and justices of the peace dealt with
will
be shown later. But if the independence of rural England was thus gone, what was the condition of the towns, where
The spirit of the territorial class had no footing.? The corporations had dead. civic life was utterly
long been close oligarchies, jealous of all outside their The municipal franchise belonged to a minute pale.
section of the inhabitants, wherever the corporations
up by co-optation. In the hands of of the the corporation lay the whole government town, and in many cases the election of the memA large town electorate was bers of Parliament.
were not
filled
utterly
unknown
in
any borough
in
England.
But
It was a seat in Parliament was eagerly coveted. of perhaps twenty or thirty men this small body,
223
the
outside,
who
controlled
the representation.
Besieged on every side by wealthy landowners with political ambitions, who can wonder that they gave
way
as
to
temptation, and
allowed themselves to be
bought and
sold as readily
and
as
many
?
times over
Government stock on a
rising
market
Few
insti-
more corrupt
dominant
class,
corruption.
As
for the
The
England abounded
were a feature of the Constitution too famous to but since they have been require denunciation here
;
"
a covered
way "
for
men of more ability than wealth may suffice to point out that they into public life, it brought in ten men like George Selwyn or Bubb
Doddington
for
one
like
William
Pitt.
With such a system, one is not surprised to learn that in 1780 some six thousand men returned an absolute majority of the House of Commons.
The
institutions
to
and teaching
Universities
which should have given light the people the Church and the
were
its
slothful
and stagnant.
Careless
of
its
those without
224
Acts were
yet recent.
in force as
mementoes of persecution
it
Their provisions,
is
true,
were evaded,
Dissenters
that
their
on
sufferance.
filled
up on party
was a hard-
The
rector
The
bodies
outside
the
Established
Church.
its
The
great
faults
and
its
Only
mass of the
in
by the
also.
It
is
materialist rule of
:
political privileges
not
my
intention to
that
lie
Reform
in
Bill in
any
detail.
But there
is
English social
movement.
mean, the
"
The Speenhamland
Act'.'
225
Speenhamland Act" of 1795, and its consequences. What that "Act" was is well known. The justices of the peace of Berkshire met and passed resolutions The wages of the on the state of the peasantry.
"
labourer were
insufficient
to
support
therefore,
life
if
corn
continued
dear.
is.,
Whenever,
the
gallon
week This allowance was to be made up allowed him. As the labourer rarely makes a out of the rates
loaf rose to
3s. a-
Therefore a further
for
6d. a
every
adopted
over
England
supplementary
little
grants
What
taken away
be,
work
as
might
knowing
him from
starving.
rates
He
married
and
begot recklessly
the
came
system
By
18 19 one-fifth of
This was
they
action.
had been
in
As
before,
we can
classes.
all
trace
conscious
policy
of the
rural
landed
the
To
maintain
226
longer,
drive
the
labourer
into
veritable
serfdom, it was necessary that the landlord should Only by preprocure for him a bare subsistence. venting wholesale starvation could they save themselves,
their
power,
and
the
their
privileges.
The
War
can
is
one
count
in
be
framed
against
the
landed
gentry as a
ruling class.
To sum up
;
tury shows us a close oligarchy tending to become ever closer towns without freedom or healthy life
a peasantry pauperised, debased, and almost without hope. To right these wrongs was an imperative necessity,
and as a
result
the
Liberal
lost,
movement
early
the character of an
on every-
which derogates from the dignity and freedom of the individual man. The attack must be based on principles freedom and equality must be
;
put
first
very existence.
To
this
first
news of the
a highly abstract form. is swept away in a All Europe stands form. highly practical, concrete round expectant and interested. In England the
Social injustice of long duration
Political rights,
long dormant,
Revolution
is
The Ideas of
'Sg.
227
for
wide reforms
in
In
Fox
of immense power, ardently attached to progress and Pitt,' the Premier, to Liberal nay, Radical ideas. a disciple of Adam Smith, was a believer in Parliamentary and economic reform and though he had
;
several
views,
times
failed
to
convert
Parliament to his
he had yet good hope of ultimate success. There was a stirring in the minds of men and an impulse towards a larger and truer national
life.
The
as,
who should
say, an earnest of
The
men
on.
Fox
de-
They held meetings and published maniand kept up communication with some at
Revolutionary leaders across the Channel.
all
least of the
But amidst
Burke.
this ardent
the writings of
one of those extraordinary contradictions which could only have been produced in England. He was an almost fanatical believer in
Burke
is
justice
his
sympathies
went
beyond
1
his
own country
Whig
to the
they
his
embraced
life.
end of
P 2
228
humanity
error
He
fondled
until
he came to be the
His "Reflections on
any other pamphlet or piece of writing. They marked a turn in the tide then came the September Massacres
;
This,"
to
men
drift
end of Reform
Are
ive, too,
}
to
the
same end
lose,
the
same excesses
propertied
classes,
the
Church, everyone
anything to
The Habeas Corpus England a White Terror. suspended, numerous statutes were passed Act was
against any
a society or publish a
any purpose which the judges might twist Thus we have that celebrated series of into sedition. trials in Scotland which form Lord Braxfield's best claim to the affection of his countrymen.' But though
book
for
no
and misery
were
^
were numerous,
Hermiston."
R. L. Stevenson has pictured Braxfield to us in his " Weir of Chap. iii. of that book gives a specimen of his demeanour
on the bench.
229
and
it
was probably the knowledge of the profound tion of many among the working classes which
duced Napoleon to think of invading England.
Great
disaffecin-
War came
to an
end
in
1815.
now
at liberty to take
up once more
The Tory
because
position
simply
The power
find
it
no whit weakened.
hard to realise
ideals of their
Englishmen of
age would
how
utterly
followed 1815.
military flavour,
The
territorial class
had acquired a
officer
and the
insolent,
debauched
who had
tempt
"
vanquished
the
French,"
became the
He
plebeian which
has
succeeded
name and
idea of
^ Thackeray, upon whom the times of George IV. had exercised a deep influence, has supplied us with many admirable instances of this more especially in the " Book of Snobs." Possibly, Englishmen class
who have
230
Thf.
steadily.
self,
The want and misery of the people increased The Government was perfectly sure of itand passed the Six Acts of 18 19, with a view to Only by leave opinion whatsoever.
magistrate could public meetings be held at
of a
all,
censorship.
and newspapers were subjected to a merciless The most peaceful gathering was liable
to a dispersal
ments
Baird.
for
in
arc
among
is
the darkest in
To
a proper comprehension
of
the
some
insight
necessary into
natural,
new
of
"
freedom
"
in
be sneered at as
in this
Whiggish
and out of
So they are
year
of grace 1897.
the work
they
herculean
comparable
in
;
in
greatness to
Long Parliament
the
summer
quated.
of 1641.
we have
But we
may
work that
only.
it
crisis,
was
Lord
The
Men
of i8p.
231
Thomas Babington Macaulay these are names well known to everyone still. They were men of very
diverse
power, and of
various sympathies.
Lord
but an aristocrat
still.
convictions
and an unshaken
the people,
but neither he
middle
class.
who were
movement.
wit,
almost
originality.
detests
shams and
sees
who had
the
innate rottenness.
that
intellects
in
eighteenth century,
He
holds
mass of
and
petits-mattres
pick
holes
in
his
doctrines
at
their
James Mill has been almost merged and the fame of his greater son, but, as editor of
'
viii.
232
the
Libi-ralism.
Westminster
He was
if
in close
His mind,
somewhat
were
arid
These,
thinkers
then,
the
and
themselves at
the
disposal
of the
popular hopes.
lend their
They
order,
many
in
later times,
intellect
to
the existing
to bolster
up
privilege
And
to
The
attacking the
swept away.
Nonconformists
In
could at
century and a
half.
Roman
with
the
benefit
was
somewhat
neutralised
by
At
need not
The Rrform
enter in detail.
Bill.
233
out that the
Reform
Bill
landowners.
clared
The Duke
The
this
Universities
were
shrill in their
condemnation of
revolutionary measure.
the king openly hostile.
force
of
aristocratic
displeasure
from
classes
who
less
sought to forward
Scarcely
am
in many parts of England, that Nottingham Castle was burned over the head of the owner who would " do what he liked with his own," that Bristol was for several
days
in a state of
anarchy.
class,
our
mind the behaviour of the men of Birmingham, led by Thomas Attwood, He and his a worthy forerunner of John Bright.
countrymen.
Let us bear
in
234
collcac^ues
numbered by the
mind,
all
All
were of one
announced
en
uiassc
the
They had intention of marching to London Lords did not bow to their just
;
demands.
and
if
the
peaceful
army, bent
was
theirs,
revolution.
The
only
it
first
Reform
Bill did
It
people as a whole.
;
benefited
middle class
to the elec-
torate.
As
it
a document, of
it
bears traces of
;
comin
promise, even
partiality
but to the
spirit
which
was conceived full justice must be done. The opposition was envenomed and unscrupulous, and it was only by doing less than they wished that
the
Reformers
could
accomplish
anything at
all.
Earl Grey and his followers said plainly that the Bill was but a portion of the wider justice that should be Even the "Finality" speech of Lord in the future.
John Rus.sell does not really imply that he regarded Moreover, as we have the Reform Bill as perfection.
said, there
in
Parliament a
and
who
did
first
not
success.
The
virile
minds of
235
method whereby
be carried into
and
Bentham
Bill
enough
to see the
Reform
for
carried
into
effect.
James
Grote was to be
many
if
But
any proof were needed that the men of 1832 were no mere timid " Whigs " intent on their own privileges, it would be found in the torrent of remedial First legislation which marked the next few years. and greatest of all stands the Poor Law Reform of 1 834. We have mentioned the " Speenhamland Act," and
have alluded to the enormous evils it inflicted on the The evil had no whit abated. The rates labourers. were enormous, the land was in some places going
out of cultivation, the condition of the agricultural labourer was miserable beyond words. Yet, thanks
to the
were
in
in
relation to
the misery of other classes, the fattest prosperity. The system of socialism under which the labourer
lived
was complete.
"
making of
artificial
a citizen,
was
he was an
creation, not a
At one blow the whole fabric was swept away. The workhouse test was imposed. Outdoor relief was
236
limited
it
indeed,
if
Once
community.
succeeding
generations.
same time that this great reform was passed something was done to remedy the abuses of the Irish Church and the tithe question. Slavery was finally abolished, and public money was at last devoted to
the
education,
country.
At
patent
needs
of the
The town
basis.
and
space to enumerate
still
unhappy
the
extreme.
an
monopoly created for the benefit of the There was much want and discontent evil effects of half a century of Tory government the were not so easily got rid of. About 1840 came the
artificial
landowners.
Chartist agitation.
The
charter
was a demand
for
was a natural
will
be seen that
provisions have
by no means
237
into law.
As
to annual Parlia-
For
(in
some
occult
reason, the
years,
mystic number
to
seven
practice, six)
seems
work
satisfactorily as
doubtful
it
but, at
any
rate,
little
against
Universal
manhood
matter.
still
however,
vote
is
more
important
"
" is
an all-important but
unfulfilled item
gramme. We are still some distance from ment, and the road thither has been one of
But assuredly that has been no
party.
fulfil-
difficulty.
Laws became
the
The
The amount
was necessarily
tion.
It
limited,
it
was
was
the popula-
great crisis
of
At consummate
One
first
of them, the
Hon. Charles
Villiers, is
among
member
of the
;
House
he
did,
of
Commons
will
Trade
but, without in
it
sterling
work
238
men
to
Richard Cobden.
They
England, and they are two of the best examples of When the Liberal mind that could well be found.
Sir
own
"
unadorned eloquence of
great
Richard Cobden."
That
thinker
took
his
He
gave up time
it
and money
to the cause in
was
his
made England
free-trading country.
Of John Bright it is hard to say anything which He would not sound the merest commonplace.
embodied some of the best
nature because
pose,
qualities
of the race.
was
moral
with that
seriousness
which
to
is
con-
character even
excess.
marked the words and thoughts Everything he said came from the
to
humanity
it
was
to
of
materialism.
It
may
not be amiss
spirit
which
animated John
Bright.
Speaking
in
favour of Free
John Bright.
Trade
in
239
19th,
1845, "It
struggle,"
he
said,
all,
"between the
in
the
;
fact
of
the
classes,
the
and we
have to decide
whether
in
now
in
in
this
great
live,
struggle,
this land
we will longer bear the wicked legislation to which we have been subjected, or whether we will make one effort to right the vessel,
which we
to
keep her
in
if
possible, to
and impartial
whole people,
Our object, as we should have good government for everybody. As the we can by no possibility have the
;
we do
most powerful
quotation
whole people."
This
but one
been chosen to
He
stood for
and
his
whole
political life
was a
long struggle
Almost alone of English statesmen, he sided with the American Federals from the very first.
is
interesting
from
of classes.
had
dominated English
We
240
power and
in
trade and
manuBut,
and that a
little
needful.
the
Law
of 181
which
not
to refine
overmuch
wheat.
The landed
was on no higher
for the
The
attitude
of Protectionists
was naively
selfish
best to
exasperate the
between
and poor,
to bring
on a
strife
of classes
tion
The
political situa-
of the
;
day
is
largely an antagonism
of classes
difficult
Another characteristic of the Free Trade movement was that it lay outside party lines. At first the Whigs many of them great landowners were as hostile to Free Trade as the Tories themselves. Lord Melbourne spoke solemnly of the " madness" of the
movement,
and
there
were
many weaker-minded
Free Trade.
Liberals
241
who
felt as
he
did.
Whigs alike soon came round they were convinced by the eloquence of Bright and the From the moment Sir Robert Peel, logic of Cobden. the Conservative leader, avowed his conversion, the
Liberals and
Though
by
Disraeli
who
now
weak-kneed
compromise which
defaces nearly
England
at
influ-
her history.
Her
the
prosperity
all
knowledge
fetters
were
freely at last.
fited less
by the reform than should be the case, and used their power nearly as
which they
years
dis-
placed.
fifty
we
shall
classes
in
immense
rise in
The
the
the revolution of
848. at
Holy Alliance
last
?4-
arms.
England escaped
riots.
few
The
had
fore-
and
wisdom
of
the
Liberals
been
of view
it
was so
that
little
year.
Our own
lent
security
blinded
us
to
the
wrongs of Ireland.
Had we
more willing attention to the complaints of that land. As it was, the Fenian agitaThe methods tion of that year produced few results. But the of the agitators were doubtless indefensible.
wrongs of Ireland were great enough
most peaceful
into revolt.
to
we might have
goad the
Every agrarian evil which flourished in England was exasperated tenfold on Irish soil. The stranger ruled, the stranger enjoyed, and the native starved.
During the
grain.
famine,
the
monopolists
of
England
survivors
Men
died
in
hundreds, and
the
emigrated.
yet
The
bitter
remained grew
more
against
the step-mother
who had
those
impulses stopped short of Ireland, and the question of the Irish peasantry was left untouched till Mr.
Lord Palmerston.
In
fact,
243
moment worn
was past
its
Lord John
Russell's career
meridian.
and
ward but
From 1846 to 1867 the nation moved forlittle. The causes are not far to seek the middle class had settled down to enjoy its victory.
Its ideals
its
rule
had a perceptibly
years of
Twenty
smug
Lord
epochs of
in
Palmerston a
fitting leader.
the
home
and a
was,
His influence
He
Pelham
and
North
not
excepted.
His
With high-
He had
no love
for
He was
the
bluff,
off-hand
man, whose
essentially Philistine
pleasing to
average middle-class
was
But
in his foreign
244
different role.
existed a genuine
Somewhere in his commonplace nature sympathy for oppressed peoples, and this sympathy he showed on many occasions. He lectured Foreign Governments on their iniquities, and explained to them that they could not hope to rule
successfully
till
institutions of England.
insurgents
of
Hungary
or Italy.
men, money,
is
materiel
which
On
the whole,
it
aries of
their
cause.
Side by
short-
side
with
however, was
the
amazing
Palmerston to approve
1,
Louis Napoleon's
cotcp
d'etat of 185
and thus to
commit England
adventurers
to an approval of
who
Palmerston's
supremacy
is
not
particularly
zeal during
Reforming
administration was
at a very
low
ebb
a
necessary changes
Liberal feeling.
as a Tory,
and remained with that party till middle age. He formed a strong attachment to Sir Robert Peel, and was converted with him to Free Trade. For some
245
Peel's
death he was
;
still
to
outward
seeming a Conservative
self
had proved
his denunciations of
sympathy with the oppressed by King " Bomba." He established his position by his attack on Disraeli's Budget of 1852, and by his own Budget of the year following. But the fall of Lord Aberdeen, owing to his mismanagement of the Crimean War, deprived Mr.
Gladstone of
office
till
1859.
tion of Palmerston's
last
again
the
Chancellorship of the
The
Mr. Gladstone
was
to
to begin the
new
a private
announce himself a Liberal once for all. In 1864 member brought in a Reform motion more,
we may
imagine, to
ease his
own
conscience than
was
"
prove
incapacity,
classes."
and
the
this
misconduct
the
working
From
moment
Mr.
Gladstone
;
had
he
broken with
Earl Russell
better
known
as
Lord John
Russell
became
in the
Leader
Commons.
246
Bill
immortal
"
Cave of
Lord
Adullam."
little.
concessions,
the The second great stage had been reached working men had at last been admitted to political Though this measure created inresponsibility.
finitely
less
noise
and
it
disturbance
than
its
more
famous predecessor,
tion.
was
that
far
greater
revolu-
The
to
Bill
voters
the register
of 1867
added some
1,300,000.
When
November of 1868, the Liberals swept the country new voters recognised who had given them their power, and returned them as their representatives in
the
the
a majority of nearly
old,
130.
Mr. Gladstone stood forward as unquestioned he became Prime Minister, and held office leader
;
till
1874.
He
in
faith
after another.
of Ireland
Its position
tenets
Irish
The
were so
This
247
from
ended
for
him with
this
his retirement
public
Bill
life.
Following
land.
The
Bill
England than
any
No
where ignorance
Since
its
is
introduction,
another
the
among
to
us.
But as the
the
politics of
it is
unnecessary here
Compromise of
last
1870.
One
of
reform
followed
another.
tests
University
bigotry
remnant
in
religious
Purchase
the
army
that
was abolished, Mr. Gladby a species of coiip d'etat. Finally, after a long struggle, the Ballot Act became law, and some of the worst forms of electoral intimidastronghold of aristocracy
stone securing his end
tion
From
this
moment
the employe and the tenant could vote as he the employer or the squire
The General
The
undecided.
!
248
of the
struggle
remains unaltered.
classes
The
land,
education, the
still
privileged
these
three items
lack settlement
It is
or finality.
mous amount
of
work.
Its
labours can
only be
first
The
privileges
tests
of the Irish
had disappeared,
and the effort to create a national system of education had at last been brought to a successful issue.
There arose the inevitable
too
fast
!
cry, "
The country
is
;
going
"
Many
many The
who, at the General Election of 1874, drew away from the Liberal party in large numbers. A section of the people " oriented " from their old creed,
in
The
They
and
their
hard to describe adequately the character of the Disraeli Ministry of 1874 to 1880 without using
It is
No
praise while in
power
no
his Party.
249
supporters.
Its
was lauded
to the skies
watchwords and
Yet it is safe to say that no Ministry modern times has been more thoroughly bad or It left worked greater harm to the community. behind an evil trail of false glory and false ideals
present day. of
from
which
the
nation
suffers
even
now.
;
The
leader
man
its
of
importance.
till
eminence
its
Lord Salisbury hardly last two years, and of Gathorne Hardy and Sir
To
criticise
to
His
to
much
Nor
is
this
wonder unreason;
at any by the prejudices of his His career had been chequered. fellow-countrymen. He had once posed as a Radical. He had risen to
He was
quite
uninfluenced
notoriety
interest
by
his
virulent
at the
Law
repeal.
For
economic
fallacies,
heart the
But
"
hit."
From
the
moment
250
only
the Tory party in the more than a quarter of a He had to wait future. century for the consummation of his triumph but it came at last, in 1874. Then for the first time he led
;
the
Commons
His
infinite
it
.^
had come.
What would
He had
as "the
known
in
Tory Democracy,"
in
the concrete
If this
idea
is
men and
their
votes are to be used by the dominant classes for their own ends. They are to be deluded by promises of
" social
reform,"
life,
better
dwelling-houses,
healthier
conditions of
wise providence of a
new thing
for the
body to
pose as the guardians of the classes below. It is a familiar device in politics one that needs no explanation. as
it
But two
criticisms
may
a
flagrantly
dishonest
and,
secondly,
lower classes
in time.
will
not
fail
is,
Such a cry
manoeuvre
its
of a despairing
privileges
oligarchy,
driven
to
maintain
by feigning
to protect those
whom
it
has
oppressed.
Let us see
how
251
Statute
Book
the
is
labourers
various things.
They
to
have better
to
"
encouraged
to acquire allotments.'
in
its
The
Conservative Government,
graciously allowed
rights,
paternal
wisdom,
permissive
which
in
any
sound,
healthy community
But the
do
"
anything, for fear of taking something from the privileges of their class.
result.
little
or no
And
by the
classes,
cently
them
again.
But
Disraeli's
political
home
Among
ent
reforms,
insist-
A Bill
for giving to
by
Sir
George
Trevelyan
in
1875,
1876,
1878,
and 1879.
majorities.
In each case
large
And
this
during
these
years,
the
of
the
aericultural labourer
^
was wretched
extreme
good instance of this kind of legislation is the Agricultural I' allowed compensation for unexhausted Holdings Act of 1875. improvements, " in cases where landlords and tenants have not objected to coming under the Act "
!
252
Matters were
going
ill
interest
its monopoly is not to be With the other items of Disraeli's home policy we need not deal. The opposition to Plimsoll was dictated by a different
sacred,
and
violated
by
reform.
oligarchy
the
trading and
shipping interest
but
call
none the
less
Tory
even
is
in its
most
elementary form.
interesting
He
He
was,
we are suffering from it to this day. as we have said, an Oriental, and his
false ideals of
Empire
he
set
whom
he asked us to worship
he ended by linking
most
rotten, cruel,
To
parallel the
rule
of Disraeli in
modern
his
times,
^
we must
is
look
to
This
no figure of speech.
Low
in-
Wildly evil though Christian Governments have at times been, they have always condemned their excesses in anticipation by pointing to the extraordinary
tolerance, and massacre as a system of government.
253
Each
in
strove to
Each succeeded
corrupting
Each sought to perpetuate his power by leading the people away from the true line France, in 1850, England in of national advance.
with false ideals.
1874, were equally in need of internal reform, of an Both received extension of political responsibility.
who
desired
their
flatter all
We may add, that had more vulgar instincts. island, she would have met a England not been an
similar
The facts of Beaconsfield's policy are well known. The Turkish Government was not worse than usual
only
little
more
outre.
And
Bulgarians
rose.
They were
suppressed, and
with
Ashmead-Bartlett^
now disbelieves
"
for
one moment.
No man in the habit of weighing evidence should have disbelieved them in 1876. But the Government chose
to
express
"
unqualified nescience
concerning the
By
ways,
and treated
England
of those
as
254
^'^^
had never raised a finger to carry these articles into Russia undertook to perform this vital office effect. After great difficulties and many mistakes, for her.
the
Russians took
Plevna,
last
Turkish army
in the
Shipka
was
Constantinople
gates.
England
was
allow Skobeleff to right the wrongs of centuries, or she might boldly oppose Russia's further advance.
In the event
she
did
neither.
She
tore
up
the
San Stefano Treat)', and forced the compromise of Berlin, whereby she received Cyprus, and guaranteed
the further existence of a despotism which has not
its
savagery since
it
came under
the patronage of Tory Cabinets and Cockney musicThe past two years are a sermon on the text halls.
of the Berlin Treaty, so striking and so awful that I The year of the Treaty of Berlin will add no word.
Central Asia.
powerful, and
in
The
the
Afghans were
over them.
great
ideals
cost,
not
particularly
triumphing
at
Yet
this
triumph
to
When
and it which animated Beaconsfield's foreign policy. he returned from Berlin, he announced to
illustrated
the false
England that he brought ''Peace with Honour." During the weeks when it lay in the balance whether
255
not, the
and
music-halls
unintelligent
Scientific
applause.
section
of
the
nation.
the
fatal
Government
of
all
policies
" willing to
strike."
"
But they were so enchanted with the vulgar, mysterious " attitude of Lord Bcaconsfield and his
applauded to the echo
moral
his rarest
Berlin.
needed
all
Mr. Gladstone's
force
and
its
away
all at
But a bad thing once done is not swept once, and traces of Lord Beaconsfield's
The Jingoes
had no
sus-
Gladstone's windows
was
"
putting his
did
"
wrong
horse,"
and
they
Lord Salisbury already felt the it has taken him nineteen years
Beaconsfield
is
misgivings
which
"
to express.'
Lord
dead
"
dames
cannot
is
We
Lords,
speech on the
Address
in
the
256
glamour
can
we
1880.
The General
was not
away by
of
and debasing
Con-
As
may
be as well to point
It
attempted resoIreland
relief
its
Mr. Gladstone's
Bill of
and
to begin the
now
not
healed
and gave some justice to the Irish That it met with violent opposition from the House of Lords was only what might have been expected. Something in the same direction was acpeasant.
many
in
Act of
1883.
Unlike
its
predecessor of 1875,
its
gave
provisions.
But
was
1884
the
third of that
name
The Liberals of
and the most sweeping.
voters to the electorate,
It
iS8o.
257
and was
numbers
It
go, a greater
Lords and
were
Commons.
plausible
clear.
;
The
reasons
for
this
opposition
in
any case
The
their stronghold
and assuming the duties of citizenship. That the Ministry of 1880 was guilty of very
grievous mistakes
may be
is
at once conceded.
all.
Let
me
The
in
story
Gordon
an unfortunate page
to
our hisrealise
meet
perhaps to
late.
His
by Tory speakers
blotted
foreign
minds the
remains,
wand, and
Berlin.
It
worst,
it
is
moment
done to the country by the Ministry of 1880. After that Ministry had disappeared on a side
issue
the
R
Ireland
suddenly
2 58
became
of
burning question
"
of the day.
Mr.
Home
Rule.
How
far the
Conservative leaders
will
hardly be
known
in
Home
Rule as one
up.
need repetition.
Many
him
a
the
way and
it
that
And, indeed,
needed
man
new
We
much
perplexity as to
do.
Briefly, the
Home
the
Rule
Bill
the
Commons, and
it
" Unionist
to
give
its
accepted
name
swept
This
for
the
country at the
polls.
Once again
down
Rule
to
six years of
Conservative
movement
Home
a calm light.
It
is
it
is
a story of which
conclusion
is
the end
its
inevitable,
it
may
be
in
coming.
indicated.
It
Two
may, however, be
has been a
common
Home
returned parties so
Home
to the situation.
trivial
Rule.
259
and impertinent.
first
The General
Election
of
that
widened
for the
franchise.
first
And
now
cast
Home
The
Irish nation
its
had spoken
there could
utterance
now be no
Of
those
who
left
felt their
interests threatened,
who
Secondly, that
man
arose to
show
it
the early
They had been taught to distrust and fear the Home Rule movement they had condemned its tactics and its champions. Yet when
;
the issue
wrongs of Ireland so
sacrifice
is
them
lay.
That
it
was a
from
only
the
1
superficial
Lord
view.^
But,
that
moment,
franchise in Ireland
strength.
Randolph Churchill had prophesied that the widened would mean a serious diminution of the Nationalist
*
'
- "I do not understand the word sacrifices applied to a movement which has for its end something which those who took part in that movement believe to be of sovereign good both for Ireland and for this island." Rt. Hon. John Morley, M.P., at Oxford, Feb. 20, 1897.
26o
in
the
society, Liberalism
the
Nationalist
turers,
adven-
tion, of sneer, of
Yet
dis-
whenever we get a
cover
how they
and
lived
their
constancy,
we
their
shall
applaud their
Their
is
devotion
struggle
reverence
patriotism.
and
injustice
But the
Coercion
land
Bills
were passed,
like
and
many
war.
parts of the
were
treated
besieged town.
civil
Lidecd, for a time, there was almost That comparative peace reigns once again
in Ireland
may
much
to the
Land
Bills
enacted at
it
Credit be where
is
the
Land Act
of 1887 did
peasant.
help the
crushing,
land
easier
terms.
Eor the
rest,
those years
Men
still
dispute as to
;
Parnell
Commission
and the
Whether
Home Rule
261
be accomplished shortly or not is a question but, at any that may be left to the political prophet the Irish Question is very far from the state of rate,
may
it.
we
shall
in
face
of a
yet
more
The
at all
;
the capitalists
anxiety
or
want.
A
any
depression
in
trade,
which
the
may mean
at
literal
starvation to
rate,
from
itself to
1886
onwards,
is
now
We
can
summarise the mental change by saying that we now hear the word " social " where " political " used to be
the
common
epithet.
It is to
and to the
their eyes.
men now
turn
In seen in the attitude of thinkers and publicists. fact, the older political economy, in the eyes of many,
has
some
The
capitalist it
is
262
the ignorant
has
reaped
all
The workman has been used and thrown on one side. The unemployed are
crease in national wealth.
ment
working
man
is little
better off
The
distribution of wealth,
we
are told,
is
is
now accused
Property,
rights.
it
of having introduced
is
the
inequality.
argued,
duties
than
If necessary, property
must be confiscated by
This
is
the
theory urged by
all
Collectivist writers.
The data
upon which the attack on the Manchester school is based are examined elsewhere in this book, and
arc found to be distorted or non-existent.
The
ideas
are not
new
they found
many
upholders
in the early
ten years
men's mouths.
On
so
tention.
for
we must
absorbed
riots
in
There were
atin
November,
in
The
its
trades
strength,
nearly every
union, to
which most of
the
workers
of
adhered.
Then came
it
Dock
Strike
1889.
26
in
the
London was
filled
with workers on
it
To
was
at once
right.
clear that
were
They had been working in a most precarious wise, They had been oppressed by for a miserable wage. if they were not to be ground the Dock Companies
;
into serfdom,
resolutely.
was necessary that they should The struggle was long and bitter.
it
resist
The
and
companies held on to
oppressive privilege.
a rotten
How
how
Cardinal
quarrel,
everybody knows.
place
claimed the
first
The
cry
grew
for
steadily,
"We
Heaven's sake,
its
let
Thus
:
Ireland lost
it
above
questions,
its
and
place.
On
But before dealing with the present situation we must just touch on the main events of the past few The Conservative Government of 1886 had years.
no
lack
of
energy.
It
fulfilled
an
essentially
Liberal
pledge by
It
increasing
the
scope
of local
self-government.
created
County
Councils.
Of
264
their
would
be
premature
to
speak.
whereof the Tories have been account the condition of the capital
proved very greatly.
Its state
system was a disgrace to the empire. London was It is now the worst-governed capital in Europe.
in a fair
way
to
be the
best.
by the moribund
It
vestries
is
and
it
has nearly
always possessed an active and progressive majority. It has become a parliament in miniature, of an importance that grows daily.
But by
work
among Londoners
a civic feeling
In
(1891) the
Conser-
It is difficult
some
that
not a mistake.
They
small
is
it
modicum
for
of education
enough
shows a singular blindness not to recognise that has been most inferior in
past
to
that
of foreign
countries,
and
that
England has
suffered in consequence.
But
this point
A
is
265
developed elsewhere
of
or
only to
educated and
the effect of
invention.
You cannot
faith.
new
is
value
is
a matter of
in
That
are
to say, those
who
believe
education,
its
who
eager
for
its
animated by that belief in ideals which characterises This state of mind involves a the real Liberal.
struggle, as
far
1892
the
the
passing
of
the
Education Bill came a dissolution, and the country returned Mr. Gladstone to power with a majority
of
forty
superiority
small,
hilt
but
to
sufficient.
The
bring
in
Home
saw a
House,
Session of
1893
Home
Rule
Bill
An and was rejected by an enormous majority. Juvenile whip had been sent round. urgent peers, whose laborious boyhood had been passed
anything but the study of great political problems, came from long distances to vote against a Bill they
in
266
thrown away.
have done at
this
moment.
But, surely, a
as well as the
dissolution
boldest course.
The
had loyally
question
pledges.
The House
of Lords stood in
the
way
the
country
between them.
Never again did the Liberal Government possess a programme so clear and explicit. Never
country
hension.
again
a
were
they
able
to
ask
from
of
the
verdict
on
an
facts
so
easy
compreit
would
honourable
giving
the responsibility of another General Election within The position must have been one of fifteen months.
great difficulty.
file
of the
Liberal
members were
would have been the more honest course to As it was, the Ministry dragged on a pursue. humiliating if not ineffectual existence, and was
Yet
it
latter
in
struggling with
led Liberalism
life
great difficulties.
for
from active
into
his idleness.
Mr. Glad-
Mr. Gladstone.
267
Politics
it
is
Nor can we
at
final
judgment on what he
Only we can say, that of the great statesmen of England there is not one
has accomplished as
who
much
as he in destroying
Can we say more ? Is it possible for a ruler of men to leave behind him a nobler or greater Perhaps it is only now that the record than this ? leader is gone that we can see how commanding a
place he held in the
loss
life
how
great a
retirement.
At any
rate,
The
some
length.
Their analysis,
fall
of the
Liberal party in 1895 was an almost unprecedented We can scarcely call to fact in our political history.
at the
polls
so overwhelming.
If
which
it
had on the
country
in 1880,
and
effort,
One
is
268
confidence in
whom
ism,"
they
say,
"is
controlled
file
by
gang
of
capitalists.
but
the
all
may
be
sincere,
controls
the
councils.
With
Liberals
do
anything
for
the
working
classes.
Some
will
work
them.
will
Liberals have
we
push
it
forward
The
indictment
in
is
true,
and
they
the defeat.
;
Some
work
have encouraged
in
its
direction
belief in
the institution
One
or two
at
any
rate,
democrats
in
capacity, as well as
many
Collectivist agitators,
have
worthy
for
They
cannot understand
why
Socialism in iSgs-
269
whole doctrine and write "Socialism" on their banners. From their own point of view nothing could be more
natural.
What
?
to them
It is a
word
in
common.
has no leader;
tell
it is
not homo-
geneous.
No man
can
One man
the Lords.
and another wished to end few put Home Rule first. No one
To
all
these discordant
indif-
demands
ference.
the
They had
too often
full
meaning
they
information
possessed
having dissolved on
Against
solid hosts of
and often unscrupulous, opposition of The Liberals went the Independent Labour Party.
and the
down.
fiery,
They would not speak out their seemed mean and timid. The Collectivists
;
attitude
declared
that they
had no reason
is
for existence.
Here, then,
the
which has
again base
Its
fallen
upon
is
But where
this.
is
the remedy.?
The remedy
its
simply
measures aim to
270
and Cobden, Liberalism appealed to great abstract It was fighting for rights which should conceptions. belong to every man. Its aim was to make each man a worthier citizen by giving him the capacity for
citizenship.
If
;
there
there
was
was
privilege,
injustice,
the
Liberals
attacked
abolish
it
it.
if
they strove to
They fought
for
workers, but their struggle was based on higher considerations than shillings
and pence.
materialist
The Anti-Corn
crusade
;
Law
agitation was no
it
was
human
equality
Though
And,
lofty
cerns.
like the
and
and
their
No
And
won
But of
late years
The philosopher
notes a
He
or
sees that
at best lies
It
dormant.
has
The wave
the
flooded
platform
and the
polling booth.
A Materialist
Everywhere we
that of the past.
find
Reaction.
271
men
addressing themselves to
way from
The
"
first
question the
this
is,
How
will
affect
How
will
the
worker
and
the
be
benefited
pecuniarily
to such a to
by such-and-such a change?"
To speak
is
man
ears.
of liberty,
of justice,
to
talk
closed
He
stands
on different ground,
different
medium.
arises
He
is
is
the case.
Thus we
problem as
it
question of
Land
Nationalisation.
favour of this thesis will be as " originally belonged to the whole people
tion,
a proposimoment's
It
examination, but
pass
it
by a dominant
everyone
class
few
in
numbers.
must be
rent
community, that
may
profit
by
it
may
go to the payment of national burdens. Thus the cultivator will be paying rent not to one individual, a
member
he
Ergo,
and
will
be
easier."
This
is
273
case for
by the
Collectivist.
this
matter to be approached
is
question to be asked
national
it
comfort be
increased?" but
?
"How
"
affect
Land
than such
Nationalisation would,
as searching
we
hold, set
up a despotism
thrift
if
and
far
more destructive of
its
worst.
And
Land
Nationalisation
But an
any
higher question.
best towards
at last.^
I
They,
at least, will
"
do
their little
"
making the
City of Pigs
a reality
this atti-
tude of mind.
as
I
But
shall
The
Liberal
party has
been
beaten
because
his
it
own ground
in
'
because
:
with him
materialist
riato
False Ideals.
of increased comfort.
better ideal.
It It
273
to its earlier,
must return
its
must take
justice.
patriotism,
and he
will
improve
his surroundings.
To
shown elsewhere what are the economic conwhich we would wish to bring about.
All
I
ditions
need
and
is
profit-sharing.
am
no compromise.
future as
it
We
it
in
the
we have done
if
the past.
ideal
We
an
It is
to
despotism,
not to national
philosophy,
Its
watchwords,
its
run counter to
the
it
is
As we
believe
men
in
wrong paths and towards an end profoundly false, we will combat it as resolutely as we did the Tory oligarchy with
its
But the mistakes of less than a decade ought not to be allowed to weigh against a century's successful battle for the downtrodden and the oppressed.
Liberal ideas have carried the workers out of the
1
274
frightful
lot
they
is
will
be
mainstay
in the future.
The work
principle
but half
done.
of
The House
;
reform
the
hereditary
life
everywhere
franchise
is
of England.
The
restricted,
in
put
the
is
way
his.
of
the
vote which
mediaeval
more than
in
their
made them.
voters,
the
registration
of
land,
as
of
is
legal
There
Home
Rule,
There are a
Liberalism
thousand
remnants of
injustice
which
tellects as clear
must grapple with and overthrow. There are inand as virile as of old, ready for the
But our leaders keep
remain
silence,
struggle.
in
and believers
Liberalism
perplexed.
evils
Until
someone
Time presses, and time is of The opportunity may easily be lost. Until one of our leaders has the courage to fhngaway the scabbard and commence the attack, the rank and
and incongruous body.
priceless value.
file
We
have been
withf^.ut
we
ask for a
man
is
to be.
275
We
basis
historical
created
present,
its
its
blunders in the
its
hopes
We
can see
how
it
how
it
But
its
has taken a
stances of
England
is
is
in the
nineteenth century.
is
Yet
are
eternal.
Wherever there
inequality,
wherever there
men
To
creed
demands
is
constant
effort,
constant
struggle.
its
name
Liberty.
s 2
INDEX.
Army, Purchase
Acland's, Mr., circular, i8i
in,
abolished
by
Gladstone, 247
Age-limit in
elementary
I22;
his
Employers' Liability
119
seq.
206
Agricultural distress, Mr. Chaplin's
Bill, 112,
view
tion,
of,
67
B
?vlr., 109, 112, 121, 126; on threat of School Board, 197 Ball, Mr. Sidney, 72
Agriculture, Basis
22,
209
not
ruined by
40.
(See
Bill,
33W
Bentham, 231, 235 the Benthamite maxim, 66 Berlin, Treaty of, 244-5 Birmingham, Mr. Chamberlain and,
81W, 83
Blomfield's, Bishop, attack on
of,
160
Eduwith
grant
Board
Territorial, 25,
schools
compared
schools,
;
Voluntary
in
The
229
earned, 190
teachers' salaries,
"Aristotle
;
according to Stewart,"
2/8
London
hchool
Essays in Liberalism.
Board,
187
for
;
Chartists,
Demands
of,
236-7
his
209
"capture," 194, cf. 205; Mr. Balfour on, 197; mischievous attempts to
fetter,
189
in
Church, The, in
last century,
195
religious
instruction
of,
Church
Schools.
{See
223-4 Voluntary
199
Tory treatment
197
Schools.)
Churchill,
Boers, 155
phecy
Citizen,
259;;
i,
The
Liberal,
6-9
Mr.
A.
L.,
on
Wage
Socialist ideal,
Statistics,
51-3
19,
231
;
quoted,
Brougham, Lord, 9
Bryanism, 87 Brunner, Mondt&Co.
Bulgaria, 16
,
56-7,
71,
115,
262;
4-5
on,
;
an
Messrs., 207
attack
on
thrift,
Liberals
and,
99-101,
popular, 6
268,
272
Mr.
;
Gladstone
x
to
Burke,
Edmund, 227-8
(preface)
why
Colonies,
British,
152
how
Common Employment,
120
Doctrine
of,
in,
46
{See Dis-
Commons, House
of.
{See House.)
of.
Competition, Foreign,
German, 44-7
Board
Schools,"
ism,
"Capture
the
72
in
agricultural pro-
ducts, 66, 67
Corn Laws,
Compromise,
132-3
;
English
in
habit
of,
on Education, i84 Catholic schools, 179, I98 Chamberlain, Mr., 126 ; as Mayor of Birmingham, 8i, 83 43
;
Compromise
Index.
Conservatism, Revolutionary, 134 victory of, in 1874, 247-8.
{See General Election, Tory.)
;
279
of,
Democracies, Afhnities
another, 165
to
one
of,
250
policy,
Constitution established
in
1688,
foreign
219-20
Continental competition, 20S
Continental Liberalism, 16
162
Contracting-out, 112-3, 121
Conveyancing, 24
Co-operation, 95, 212;? Carlyle Corn Laws, 9
;
204-5. Devonshire,
(^''^'
Education.)
of,
Duke
quoted, 126-7,
agitation
against,
on, 43 237-41
Need
269
of,
14, 94,
effect of repeal
on agriculture,
241,
248-9,
251-6;
his
40 Cosmopolitanism, 172 County Councils and Technical Education, 207-9 County Franchise, 221, 251 " " Winter Evening Cowper's
quoted, 48
Orientalism, 138
Distribution of wealth, 15, 50, 53, 66, 261-3.
E
Economic
causes. Unconscious action of, 23
Cranborne,
of,
69
Crime diminished
statistics,
by Education,
Liberals,
193-4
quoted,
31. 32 Education a condition of freedom, 177, 215; economic reasons for public, 69,
206
;
diminishes
Ireland,
184;;,
crime,
193-4
in
202
191
on the Continent,
diminishes
pauperism,
for
D
Davies's, Rev.
J.
193
letter,
trolled,
necessary
184-6,
Llewellyn,
national
welfare,
195,
of,
200
216
"Recollections of,"
Irish refomi,
De Tocqueville,
Delay, Dangers
188, 192
quoted, 63-5
of, in
Education
of,
1
Department,
Creation
22
280
Lords,
1
Essays in Liberalism.
80
;
supervision
by,
9,
227
l8l
203
Ediication, Higher,
Bill (1850),
on,
191
France,
165
178
Mr. Forster's Act (1870), 178, 181-2, 184, 189, 247-8; Bill of Mr. Whitbread (1807), 179, 180 ; of Lord John Russell Fox {1839), 180-1 ; of Mr. Lowe of Mr. (1850), 181
;
Free Education Act of 1891, 178, l82-3, 264, 265 Freemen, Corrupt, 74, 75 Free Trade. {See Protection.)
Free
Trade
68
;
and
distribution
of
a political axiom,
on,
33-5
37
(1861),
181
of 1896,
187-8,
Lord Salisbury
46M
of,
;
36,
205-6,
214
Lord
Sandon's
effect
261
effects
French Revolution,
1
on Eng-
1-2
Employers'
liability,
11^
seq.
England,
why unpopular
abroad,
147-8
Entail, 26, 66-7
122-3
Ethical z'^^'JWJ
Economic
.Standpoint,
69-70, 115
167
Mr.,
;
92,
his
242-6,
248,
Fabian Essays,
words on Collectivism, preface x ; speeches of, in 1879, 140 ; and Italy, 149; and France, 165; and Home Rule, 258-60 Irish his retirement, 266
265, 267
I53.
Forster,
154
E., his Education Act,
W.
178, 181
214
Index.
Graduated Income Tax, 87-9 Graham, Sir James, 58 Grant, Government, to elementary schools, igow
Grote, George, 235
281
Ideals,
Moral,
in Liberalism,
269-
70
Idealism, Political, 14, 17
of,
68
vulgar forms
H
Harcourt,
Sir William,
106
his
of State, 18
108-9
Industrial ideals, 29, 95 Industrial reform. Twin tendencies
in,
107-9, 118
Home
Rule,
10,
12,
104,
153-4,
sacri-
first
Home
;
Rule)
in,
Rule Bill, 258 ; second, 265 and House of Lords, see below Hooley, Mr., 89 and note
202
past injustice
to,
242
13
Hours House
of labour, Limitation
of
10
Irish Party.
Commons
aristocratic in
House
66
of Lords
;
an anachronism,
\\\n
England,
and Home Rule, 12-14, and Irish land, 13 265-6 need of reform of, 216, 274; opposed Education Department, 180 rejected Mr.
; ;
friendship
with
Whitbread's
Jameson's
raid,
154-7
of,
Jingoism, Analysis
tinguished
142-5
dis-
220
Victor,
from
patriotism,
Hugo,
on
education
and
16,
144-6
171
;
how
to supplant, 147,
;
crime, 194
like Socialism, 5
origin
;
Hungarian independence,
244
10,
of the
nickname, I43
why
282
Essays in Liberalism.
Local
Government
Bill,
achieved
by
KeirHardie, Mr.,
Kidd's Mr.,
Local Veto
105-6
Council, 84, 264
London County
M
Labour Party, The, 98, 99, 268 Labour Questions, two points of view, 69, 70, 115; present prominence of, 261
Laissez-faire, 82
Made
in
Germany, 44-7
75
33,
of,
Land.
iSee
Agriculture,
Entail,
241
Protection.)
270-1
Middleman
in Politics, 54,
94 i82
Land Monopoly, 18, 24, 66, 79 Land Nationalisation, 271-2 Land Values, Taxation of, 80 con;
MiUtarism, 159-60
Mill, J. S., quoted, 109-10,
fiscation
of,
by
Christian
Missouri,
Member
in
for,
quoted, 39
Socialist,
6i
on
Charter
Monopoly
ficial,
land,
it
;
11,
24;
arti-
how
raises
prices,
56-7,
of,
72,
of,
of,
87-8
;
of education, effects
of,
179-80
Morality, International, 141-2
1892-5,
national
movements,
9,
10,
151-7
Liberalism on the Continent,
16
Morley, John, quoted, 188, 259 on prophecy, I5i his "Life of Cobden " quote 1, 58, 75,
; ;
10, III
;
and Socialism, 69
ism)
;
[see
Social-
{See Monopolies.)
Index.
283
N
Napoleon
III., 16,
253
1885, 258-9;
5 1-8
Penrhyn Quarries dispute, 1 28 Pessimism of exceptions, 44-7 Petty, Prophecy of, 15IM
Pharisaism, English, 147, 156
Piers the Plowm^an, 17
Nationality a principle,
Plato
on
Education referred
to,
Newspapers, foreign news incompetent, 136-7 Nonconformist grievance against Church schools, 182, 200-1
179, 272
Playfair, Lord,
on Education, 186
Plunkett's,
Poor Laws,
cialistic
Reformed, 235
before 1834, 236
So-
Poor-rate
limited
by Education,
Obscurantism,
Official,
in
foreign
193 Population, 151 and note Pressense, M. de, quoted in footnote, 159
Prices
and Wages, 41, 42 raised Artificial Monopoly, 56-7 Priestley v. Fowler, xizn
;
by
269-70
Palmerston, Lord, 149
policy
of,
86
10,
Property
badge
of
fraternity,
Particularism
163, 165,
in
Foreign
Policy,
65 Prophecy,
Protection,
Numerical
Futility
of,
269
150, 151
163
Pauperism
limited
by education,
of,
American view of, 39 involves " a and Rents, 40 truth," according to Lord Salis; ;
bury, 40
225, 226
36
sion,
208
;
recent popularity
of,
35-43
39.
38,
men.)
284
Essays in Liberalism.
S
Salisbury,
203
Lord, in
office,
Board school
capturing the
rates,
37 186
on on
Railway
103
Raleigh,
Servants'
Hours
Act,
Elemertary
politics,
23 1 Ratepayers
189, 197
Board schools, on impossibility of Protection, 36 ; on on the teachers' salaries, 187 truth " in Protection, 40 ; on the "wrong horse," 255 on trades unions, 128
194
;
on hops, 36
'
'
and
Education,
187,
Sandon,
Reform
Bill, First,
;
Men
of, 8, 9, 17,
San Stefano, Treaty of, 254 Lord, and educational grant, iSin
School Boards, Difficulty of obtaining, 196-7. [See
230-2, 234-5 history of, 232, 299; Second, 245, 246 Reform followed by Education Bills,
Board schools.)
in,
178
Registration of land, 26-8, 274
I95
.Secondary Education Commission,
Religious
teaching
in
elementary
2I3, 214
Shibboleths, Political, 169-70
Shipbuilding, Statistics
of,
44-5
Small holdings, 23
166
of 1848, 241-2
of 1688
establishes constitution,
219
Socialism,
262
in in
compared
;
with
of,
Rhodes, Mr. Cecil, 156 Richarck, Rev. W. J. B., on Conscience Clause, 201
Jingoism, 5
false
ideals
271-3 267-9
election
of
1895,
Roebuck,
Mr.,
on value of edu-
235-6, 273
term, 61,
Socialist,
I94 Rosebery, Lord, quoted, 103, 163 and London County Council,
cation,
in, 170
61 and "
ttote
Christian,
to
equivalent
member
of
84
Russell,
Society," 61
Lord John,
;
171, 231,
234,
245-6
educational
purposes
Demand
for the,
22
abolished,
(1839),
180-1
proposes State
Russia,
Speenham Land
138,
Act, 225
235
Stambuloff, 16
Index.
State, Liberal conception of,
285
175-6;
U
Unemployable, The, 55
Universities
in
individual character
prior to,
18
Stevenson, R. L.
Stewart,
228^
A.,
stagirising
the
i8th
century,
Mr.
J.
223, 224
Socialism,
86
in,
Venezuela, 160
Veto
{see
Local)
of
House
of
Lords, 14
Villiers,
Taxation
Denmark, 210;
in Switzer-
237 Managers, 90, Voluntary schools 91 ; V. Board schools in grant for class subjects, igow; policy, 194 ; claims examined, 196-8
58,
:
;
land, 213
subscriptions,
197,
198;
one
197 201
Vote,
in
teachers,
Univer-
income, 202
One man
Tory
legislation.
Typical,
251
W
Wages,
for
Labour
Tory theoiy
rise
in,
that
;
they
Towns, Constitution
in,
of, in
;
nominal
corruption
42
891), 52-3
doubled in value
Mrs.
Sidney,
Foreign
in thirty-six years, 53
Webb,
Mr.
and
I99
Trevelyan, Sir G. O., 251
" Weir of Hermiston," 228 Wheat, Prices of, compared, 42 Whiggism, 102, 268 Whitbread's, Mr., Education Bill,
286
179;
'
Essays in Liberalism.
rejected
by
House of
,
.
Y
Yeoman
of last century, 19, 221,
<-
^ E.,
,,,,
"Made
in
Women s
h\xms.ge,Jootnote, 134
88,
Z
Zollverein. 47
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L. T. Meade.
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He Conquers who
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if I
Can."
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;
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of
By Edward S.EUis.
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iiy
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If
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City.
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or.
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The "World
IS. 6d. each.
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Cheap Edition.
A Ramble Round France. All the Russias. Chats about Germany. The Eastern Wonderland
(Japan).
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gilt
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\\ ith
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Chit-Ch.at throughout
Album.
Cassell
Catalogue
free on a/'/nication to
This book
is
DUE
on the
last
Rp-rvlMIRl:
SEP 18
JAN 211986
MAR
2 8 1986
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