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Proceedings of the 10th International Congress of Thracology.

Athens 2006 (forthcoming)

The Lantern-Roofed Tombs in Thrace and Anatolia: Some Evidence about Cultural Relations and Interaction in the East Mediterranean *

Nikola Theodossiev

The lantern (or diagonal) roofing is specific technique applied in the ancient architecture, well attested in a number of rectangular chambers of tumular tombs in Thrace and Anatolia. Several scholarly works deal in details with this particular technique,1 which is perhaps best described in English by Janos Fedak: This type of roof is made up of long flat slabs forming a series of superimposed frames of more or less square shape; the slabs of each frame were laid diagonally across the corners of the frame below. The squares gradually decreased in size from one course to the next, until the remaining opening was small enough to be closed without difficulty.2 However, the different publications related to such monuments usually give various accounts of the lantern roofing and very often, those descriptions do not provide clear idea on the architectural features of the constructions. In fact, this specific technique became widely known to the scholars with the excavation of tumulus C near Karalar in Galatia, where a Late Hellenistic lantern-roofed tomb presumably built for a burial of some Gaulish chieftain was discovered in 1933.3 Shortly after, the lantern-roofed tomb at Karalar was designated as Galatisches Kuppelgrab4 and later, the

diagonal roofing was even described as a Galatian corbeled roof system5 or vote galate6. Actually, the lantern roofing was applied in the Anatolian funerary architecture much earlier than the Karalar example and was first attested in the Archaic tumular tomb at Belevi7, while many scholars consider that this type of stone roof originated in timber construction of Anatolian houses contemporary to the earliest monumental tombs8. Therefore, any terminology bearing particular ethnic or strict regional implications, such as a Galatian corbel, may not be correct when referring to this technique. Three approximately synchronous tombs with lantern roofing are known in ancient Thrace so far. The first one was discovered in 1931 in Kurtkale locality near Mezek.9 The funerary monument is situated on the ground level in the eastern part of a big tumulus and consists of faade, rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and beehive tholos burial chamber. The Kurtkale tomb dates to the last decades of the 4th or first decades of the 3rd century B.C. Another similar tomb was excavated in 1976 in Zhaba Mogila tumulus, which is about 20 m in height and 80-90 m in diameter, and is located near Strelcha.10 The monument is situated in the southeastern periphery of the mound on the ground level and consists of faade, rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and beehive tholos burial chamber. It is dated to the last decades of the 4th century B.C. The third Thracian tomb with lantern roofing was excavated in 1952 in a tumulus in Golemiya Aigar locality near Plovdiv (ancient Philippopolis).11 The monument is situated on the level of the ancient terrain in the central part of the mound and displays a ground-plan different from the previous funerary constructions, consisting of faade, rectangular antechamber and rectangular

lantern-roofed burial chamber. The Plovdiv tomb comes from the end of the 4th or first decade of the 3rd century B.C. However, while in Thrace only three monuments displaying such technique are known, this kind of roofing seems to be widely used in Anatolia. The tumular tomb at Belevi near Ephesos, first noted in 1827, dates to the 6th century B.C. and provides the earliest example of lantern roofing in the ancient world known so far.12 The funerary monument is situated in the southern half of a big tumulus surrounded with krepis and consists of long dromos, rectangular antechamber, a second rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and rectangular burial chamber. The finds from the mound clearly indicate that the Archaic monumental tomb was presumably a heroon and was used for secondary ritual activities during extended period until the Early Hellenistic Age. Actually, in Anatolia, the lantern-roofed tombs became widespread only during the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age and the architects who built these funerary monuments were presumably inspired from some early remarkable constructions, such as the tumular tomb at Belevi. Hellenistic lantern-roofed tombs were discovered in several parts of Anatolia. The closest region to Thrace appears to be Bithynia where four funerary monuments of this type are known, thus forming the most significant regional group of lantern-roofed tombs in Anatolia. Two of them are located on the southern shore of Propontis. The tomb at Mudanya (ancient Myrleia) was unearthed in 1926 during digging of Alakbayir tumulus, about 30 m in height.13 The monument consists of long dromos and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. It dates to the second half of the 4th century B.C. Another tomb was accidentally uncovered in Kk ukur locality near Gemlik (ancient Kios) in a tumulus, which was destroyed
3

during construction works in the middle of 1960s.14 The funerary monument consists of short dromos and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber, and comes from the second half of the 4th century B.C. Two other tombs were discovered in the inland of Bithynia towards the border with Phrygia and Galatia. The first one was investigated in 1974 in a tumulus close to Idir Ky.15 The monument consists of short dromos and rectangular lanternroofed burial chamber. It dates to the 4th century B.C. and most probably to the second half of the century. The other tomb was excavated in 1989 in Yalacik tumulus close to Yukari Badere.16 The monument consists of long dromos, rectangular antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. It is dated to the 2nd 1st century B.C., but an earlier date in the Hellenistic Age could be also considered. Close to the West of Mudanya and Gemlik, in Propontic Mysia, another tomb of this type was excavated in Kzemtg tumulus at Daskyleion during the 1990 campaign.17 The monument consists of long dromos, rectangular antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. It is proposed that the tomb comes from the first half of the 4th century B.C., but a presumable later date to c. 330 B.C. should not be excluded, too. Another tomb with lantern-roofed burial chamber was unearthed in the middle of 1950s near Kepsut, located in the inland of Mysia.18 The brief information on this discovery allows supposing that the monument could be dated to the Late Classical or Hellenistic Age. A third similar tomb was excavated in the beginning of 1960s at Musahocaky in the southern part of Mysia close to the border with Lydia.19 It is situated in a tumulus and consists of long dromos, rectangular antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. The tomb most probably comes from the Late Classical or Hellenistic Age. In fact, among all other Anatolian tombs of this type, the
4

monument at Musahocaky is located closest to the Archaic Belevi chamber tomb, which presumably was one of the significant funerary constructions that exercised impact on architects to begin widely applying the lantern roofing during the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age. Close to the East of Mysia, in Phrygia, three lantern-roofed tombs are known. The first one was discovered in 1954 under tumulus O at Gordion.20 It consists of rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. The funerary monument dates to the 2nd 1st century B.C. Two other tombs are situated at Hierapolis.21 Unless almost all lantern-roofed funerary monuments known in Anatolia and Thrace, the Hierapolis tombs are constructed in rectangular pits under the ground level not within tumuli. The monuments consist of rectangular lantern-roofed burial chambers and are approximately dated to the 1st century BC, although an earlier dating may be considered, too. As mentioned above, in 1933, a lantern-roofed tomb was excavated at Karalar in Galatia, to the East of Phrygia.22 The monument is situated under tumulus C and consists of rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. The tomb comes from the 1st century B.C. Finally, quite unusual example of lantern roofing is attested in Paphlagonia, to the East of Bithynia and to the North of Galatia. This is the rock-cut tomb in Gerdek Boazi locality near Karakoyunlu.23 The monument consists of impressive faade, rectangular antechamber, two rectangular side chambers one of them with lantern-roofed ceiling, and rectangular burial chamber. The rock-cut tomb is approximately dated to the second half of the 4th century B.C.

Obviously, the lantern-roofed tombs in Thrace and Anatolia provide a welcome opportunity of studying the exchange of ideas and the various interrelations in the tomb architecture between these parts of the ancient world. Moreover, the monuments allow exploring the level of multilateral interaction between different ethnic groups who inhabited both areas. The limit of the present article does not allow studying in details all these important topics. However, it is clear that while during the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age the barrel-vaulted rectangular tombs became most spread in Macedonia24 and the beehive tholos tombs became widespread in Thrace25, the lantern-roofed tombs appeared in Anatolia already in the 6th century B.C. and were typical of this particular area. Therefore, the appearance of the lantern roofing in Thrace during the end of the Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Age was a result of Anatolian influence on the Thracian funerary architecture. In this particular case, the process of cultural interaction and adaptation of new architectural design happened most probably in the region of Propontis inhabited by neighbouring Thracian and Bithynian tribes, besides other ethnic groups. In fact, a number of ancient records reveal well the close ethnic relationship between Thracians and Bithynians, and give information on multifarious contacts between both ethnic communities.26 Undoubtedly, these circumstances resulted in similarity of the funerary constructions and mortuary practices in Thrace and Bithynia. Just on the contrary, some scholars believe that the lantern roofing may have been an original Thracian design, which was introduced to Anatolia by the Galatians on their military routes in early 3rd century B.C.27 However, considering the fact that the lantern-roofed tombs appeared in Anatolia and are much earlier than the Celtic settlement in the region, such hypothesis
6

may not be accepted. Moreover, having only a single 1st century B.C. lantern-roofed tomb in Galatia is not enough to suppose that the Galatians borrowed the lantern-roofing from the Thracians on their military passage trough the East Balkans in the 270s B.C. Actually, the Galatians became influenced from the native Hellenistic civilizations and adopted some complex architectural traditions from the local ethnic groups in a later period, only after their settlement in Anatolia.28 Although the lantern roofing seems to be confined to Anatolia and Thrace, several monuments may reveal more contacts and interaction further to the West. On the first place, one should consider the late 4th century B.C. mosaic in room A of The House of Dionysos in Pella, whose design resembles a lantern roof.29 While the Pella mosaic may indeed reflect Anatolian or Thracian influence, no any lantern-roofed tombs are currently known in Macedonia.30 In Italia, several Etruscan tombs at Chiusi, dated to the 5th century B.C., have ceilings that resemble the lantern roofs known in the East: Tomba della Scimmia,31 Tomba del Colle Casuccini,32 Tomba del Pozzo a Poggio Renzo,33 and Tomba del Leone a Poggio Renzo34. A later variant of such roofing is attested in two chambers of Ipogeo dei Volumni in Perugia, which was built in the end of the 3rd century B.C. but was used up to the 1st century A.D.35 However, there is a clear structural difference in the Etruscan pattern the visible sides of superimposed rectangular frames were laid perpendicular to the visible sides of the rectangular frames below (not diagonally across the corners like in the Thracian and Anatolian examples), while the rectangles alternate in width as they go up into the roof.36 In this particular case, one may only speculate about possible relations and interaction that reflected in resemblance of the tomb designs.
7

However, when discussing the lantern roofing, two tombs in Thrace and Etruria may indeed provide better possibility to consider any presumable interrelations. The Thracian example is the monumental heroon in Ostrusha tumulus near Shipka, which dates to c. 330-320 B.C.37 The ceiling of the sarcophagus-like burial chamber consists of coffers with painted decoration, while the central part imitates a lantern roof. Almost identical imitation of diagonal roofing is attested on the ceiling of one of the side chambers of the already mentioned Ipogeo dei Volumni in Perugia, dated to the end of the 3rd century B.C.38 Although a significant chronological gap of more than hundred years divides the two monuments, such resemblance may indeed testify to exchange of ideas and interaction in the tomb architecture between Thrace and Italia during the Hellenistic Age.39 Further archaeological discoveries may provide us with more options to consider the various topics discussed in the present article.

Department of Archaeology Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski bul. Tsar Osvoboditel 15 Sofia 1504 Bulgaria E-mail: nikolatc@poshta.net

Footnotes

* I am deeply grateful to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Council of American Overseas Research Centers for continuosly supporting my studies as well as the various fellowships, which have enabled me to do research on Thracian tomb architecture and art at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, the American Academy in Rome, the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the University of Edinburgh and the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences in Wassenaar. I am also very grateful to the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art in Washington D.C. where I was appointed Podhorsky Scholar to work on my projects. I would like to thank warmly the staff of these institutions for their responsiveness and help and also to thank all colleagues who gave me advice and support.
1

Among earlier publications, commenting lantern-roofed monuments and

discussing this technique, one may refer to the works of Schachermeyr (1929, 104-5), Mansel (1943, 47-8, 53; 1946; 1974), Lawrence (1996, 173), and Orlandos (1968, 189-94). Recent comprehensive studies were provided by Fedak (1990, 170-2), Ginouvs (1992, 148, 154-5), Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994), and Hellmann (2002, 268-9). Brief comments in: Young (1956, 250-2), Demus-Quatember (1958, 68-71), von Gall (1966, 812), Schneider Equini (1972, 132), Waelkens (1982, 431), Archibald (1998, 283-4) and Theodossiev (2004, 353-4).
2 3

Fedak 1990, 170-1. Ouz (1934, 134-46) provides a comprehensive publication of the

Karalar tombs; cf. also Ouz and Coupry (1935, 136-40), and recently Mitchell (1993, 55-7).
9

4 5

Bossert 1942, 86-7, 296, figs. 1123-6. The designation was used by Mellink (1967, 173) in her report on

Gemlik tomb. However, in earlier publication Mellink (1963, 189) described the Musahocaky lantern-roofed tomb as having a pseudo-vaulted roof of the type also known in Phrygia and Galatia, and more recently Mellink (1992, 148) cited a report by Tomris Bakir where the tomb at Daskyleion is described as roofed in the manner of Thracian vaulted tombs.
6

Used by Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994), and Hellmann (2002,

268-9). In a similar way, the Late Classical and Hellenistic barrel-vaulted tombs widespread in Macedonia and Thrace are often called Macedonian tombs and this terminology originates in some early scholarly publications, such as Perdrizet (1898, 335-45) where the barrel-vaulted tomb at Amphipolis is attributed to type macdonien. However, barrel vaulting applied in the funerary architecture is attested in the Near East, Levant and Egypt during the late 2nd and early 1st millennia B.C., and also, this technique is well known in tombs of Archaic Lydia, Cyprus and Etruria many centuries before being applied in the chamber tombs of Macedonia and Thrace. Cf. discussion on barrel vaulting technique in Fedak (1990, 1667 with op. cit.).
7

Kasper (1975; 1976-1977; 1978) and Vetters (1971-1972, 42-6; 1972, 3-

6) provide recent detailed studies on the tumular chamber tomb at Belevi.


8

Suggested by Mansel (1943, 53 with op. cit.; 1946, 8-9; 1950, 478;

1974, 189 with op. cit.), Young (1956, 252), von Gall (1966, 81-2), Fedak (1990, 171 with op. cit.), and Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994 with op. cit.), who provide a number of mediaeval and modern examples of diagonal roofing in stone or wood applied in cult and house architecture of East Turkey, Armenia, Afghanistan, Turkmenistan and elsewhere in Asia.
10

The tomb was accidentally unearthed and first published by Filov (1937,

5-7, 79-83, 91). Cf. later discussions in Mansel (1943, 39-41; 1974, 188), Orlandos (1968, 190, 210), Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvs and GuimierSorbets (1994, 316), Archibald (1998, 283, 339-40) and Rousseva (2002, 149-50, no. 47).
10

Excavated and published by Kitov (1977a; 1977b; 1979, 2-7; 1989).

Later comments are provided by Archibald (1998, 288-9, 343) and Rousseva (2002, 147-8, no. 46).
11

Published in details by Botousharova and Kolarova (1961). Additional

comments by Mansel (1974, 188-9), Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 316), Archibald (1998, 283, 296-8, 338), and Rousseva (2002, 113-6, no. 25).
12

The tomb was first published by Weber (1878-1880, 91-2, 96-104), and

soon after discussed by Perrot and Chipiez (1890, 280-4). Later study was provided by Keil (1935, 107-16). More recent explorations conducted by the Austrian expedition were published by Vetters (1971-1972, 42-6; 1972, 3-6), and by Praschniker and Theuer (1979, 170-2). Kasper (1975; 1976-1977; 1978) publishes the most detailed studies on the tumulus and the funerary monument, and discusses the very complex question of the tomb chronology. The Belevi chamber tomb is also commented by Schachermeyr (1929, 104-5), Mansel (1943, 46, 48; 1946, 7; 1974, 186), DemusQuatember (1958, 68-71), Orlandos (1968, 190, 206), Kurtz and Boardman (1971, 282), Fedak (1990, 81, 171), Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 316), and Archibald (1998, 284), among others.
13

Published in details by Mansel (1946; 1950). The tomb is commented in

Mansel (1943, 47-8; 1974, 185), Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvs and GuimierSorbets (1994, 312), and Archibald (1998, 283-4).
11

14

The tomb is published in details by Mansel (1974). Cf. brief reports in

Firatli (1966-1967, 229) and Mellink (1967, 173). Later comments are provided by Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312), and Archibald (1998, 283-4).
15

Published in details by Tokgz (1975-1976). Commented by Waelkens

(1982, 431), Fedak (1990, 171), and Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).
16

Detailed publication by Mermerci, Yaci and Gle (1990). Brief report Brief publication of the tomb in Bakir and Gusmani (1991, 157, 159).

in Mellink (1992, 148).


17

Reported by Mellink (1992, 148).


18

Mentioned by Mansel (1974, 187) who provides a photograph.

Discussed in Fedak (1990, 171).


19

Brief report by Mellink (1963, 189). Comments in Mansel (1974, 186-

7), Fedak (1990, 171), and Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).
20

Detailed publication by Young (1956, 250-2). Later, the tomb is

discussed by Schneider Equini (1972, 132), Winter (1988, 64), Fedak (1990, 171-2), Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312), and Sams and Temizsoy (n.d., 90-1).
21

Published by Schneider Equini (1972, 132). Commented by Fedak Detailed publication by Ouz (1934, 134-46), and Ouz and Coupry

(1990, 171), and Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).


22

(1935, 136-40). The tomb is widely commented in later studies, e.g. in Bossert (1942, 86-7), Mansel (1943, 48; 1946, 8; 1974, 187), Young (1956, 252), Lawrence (1996, 173), Orlandos (1968, 193-4), Schneider Equini (1972, 132), Fedak (1990, 171-2), Mitchell (1993, 55-7), and Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).
12

23

Detailed publication and study is provided by von Gall (1966, 73-82).

Some earlier publications also give information on this tomb: Leonhard 1915, 269-77; Bossert 1942, 85; Gkolu 1952, 110-3. Recent comments in Fedak (1990, 171).
24 25

Pandermalis 1972; Gossel 1980, passim; Miller 1993, passim. Archibald 1998, 282-303; Rousseva 2002, passim; Theodossiev 2002;

2004.
26

The written sources are collected in Detschew (1976, 63-65), who

specifies Bithynoi as a Thracian tribe who immigrated in Anatolia. Cf. the main records: Herodotus I 28, 1 et VII 75, 1-2 (eds. Stein-Hude), Thucydides IV 75, 2 (ed. Smith), Xenophon, Anab. VI 3, 1-9 et 4, 1-2, et Hell. III 2, 2-5 (ed. Marchant), Strabo VII 3, 2 et XII 3, 3 (ed. Meineke), Diodorus XIV 38, 3, 6-7 (ed. Vogel), Plinius Secundus, Nat. hist. V 32, 145 (ed. Mayhoff), Arrianus, Bith. frg. 20 (ed. Roos). The Thraco-Bithynian relationship is discussed in details by Fol (1972). A recent study on the history and culture of Bithynia is provided by Hannestad (1996). The most detailed study on Propontic Thrace is provided by Loukopoulou (1989, passim), cf. also Archibald (1998, passim).
27

Such speculation is proposed by Young (1956, 252), Schneider Equini

(1972, 132) and Fedak (1990, 171).


28

Cf. Winter 1988, 64; Cunliffe 1992, 83-5, 176-80; Mitchell 1993, 51-8.

Cf. a recent study on Celts who settled in the Balkans: Megaw 2004.
29 30 31

Ginouvs and Guimier-Sorbets 1994, 319-21 with op. cit. Cf. Pandermalis 1972; Gossel 1980, passim; Miller 1993, passim. Steingrber, Ridgway, and Serra Ridgway (1986, 273-4, no. 25);

Steingrber (1993).

13

32

Steingrber, Ridgway, and Serra Ridgway (1986, 266-8, no. 15);

Steingrber (1993).
33

Steingrber, Ridgway, and Serra Ridgway (1986, 272, no. 24);

Steingrber (1993).
34 35

Colonna (1986, 494, fig. 351); Steingrber (1993). Presented and discussed in various publications: Durm (1905, 133-4),

Gurrieri (1963, 13-9), Bothius and Ward-Perkins (1970, 66-7, 81), Boitani, Cataldi, and Pasquinucci (1975, 68-9), Steingrber (1993), and Nielsen (2002, 100-1).
36

Professor Nancy de Grummond kindly drew my attention to the

Etruscan examples.
37

Kitov (1994); Barbet, Kitov, and Valeva (1995); Kitov, Barbet, and

Valeva (1997); Valeva (2002).


38

Cf. various publications by Durm (1905, 133-4), Gurrieri (1963, 13-9),

Bothius and Ward-Perkins (1970, 66-7, 81), Boitani, Cataldi, and Pasquinucci (1975, 68-9), Steingrber (1993), and Nielsen (2002, 100-1).
39

The interrelation and interaction in the funerary architecture between

the Balkans and Italia during the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age are discussed in details by Oleson (1982, passim), Steingrber (1999; 2000, passim; 2001). Cf. Fedak (1990, passim).

14

Works Cited Archibald, Z.H. 1998. The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace. Orpheus Unmasked. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bakir, T., and R. Gusmani. 1991. Eine neue phrygische Inschrift aus Daskyleion. EpigAnat 18: 157-64. Barbet, A., G. Kitov, and J. Valeva. 1995. Tombeau-mausole dOstroucha. Archologia 313: 62-6. Bothius, A., and J.B. Ward-Perkins. 1970. Etruscan and Roman Architecture. Baltimore Ringwood: Penguin Books. Boitani, F., M. Cataldi, and M. Pasquinucci. 1975. Etruscan Cities. New York: G P Putnams Sons. Bossert, H.T. 1942. Altanatolien. Kunst und Handwerk in Kleinasien von den Anfngen bis zum vlligen Aufgehen in der griechischen Kultur. Berlin: Verlag Ernst Wasmuth. Botousharova, L., and V. Kolarova. 1961. Kupolna grobnitsa pri Plovdiv. In Studia in memoriam Karel korpil, 279-97. Sofia: ditions de lAcadmie des Sciences de Bulgarie. Colonna, G. 1986. Urbanistica e architettura. In Rasenna. Storia e civilt degli Etruschi, 369-530. Milano: Libri Scheiwiller. Cunliffe B.W. 1992. The Celtic World. London: Constable. Demus-Quatember, M. 1958. Etruskische Grabarchitektur. Typologie und Ursprungsfragen. Baden-Baden: Bruno Grimm. Detschew, D. 1976. Die thrakischen Sprachreste. 2nd ed. Wien: Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Durm, J. 1905. Die Baukunst der Etrusker. Die Baukunst der Rmer. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Alfred Krmer Verlag.

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Fedak, J. 1990. Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age: A Study of Selected Tombs from the Pre-Classical to the Early Imperial Era. Toronto Buffalo London: University of Toronto Press. Filov, B. 1937. Kupolnite grobnitsi pri Mezek. BIABulg 11: 1-116. Firatli, N. 1966-1967. Brief Archaeological News. IstArkMzYill 1314: 225-9. Fol, A. 1972. Thrako-bithynische Paralellen im vorrmischen Zeitalter. Thracia 1: 197-212. von Gall, H. 1966. Die paphlagonischen Felsgrber. Eine Studie zur kleinasiatischen Kunstgeschichte. Tbingen: Verlag Ernst Wasmuth (= IstMitt-BH 1). Ginouvs, R. 1992. Dictionaire mthodologique de larchitecture grecque et romaine. T. II. lements constructifs: supports, couvertures,

amnagements intrieurs. Roma: cole Franaise dAthnes cole Franaise de Rome. Ginouvs, R., and A.-M. Guimier-Sorbets. 1994. Vote galate et charpente macdonienne. RA: 311-21. Gkolu, A. 1952. Paphlagonia. Kastamonu: Dorusz Matbaasi. Gossel, B. 1980. Makedonische Kammergrber. Berlin: Monaths Kopie Druck. Gurrieri, O. 1963. LIpogeo dei Volumni. La necropoli del Palazzone, LIpogeo di San Manno, LIpogeo di Villa Sperandio. Perugia: Azienda Autonoma di Turismo. Hannestad, L. 1996. This Contributes in no Small Way to Ones Reputation: The Bithynian Kings and Greek Culture. In Aspects of Hellenistic Kingship, edited by P. Bilde, T. Engberg-Pedersen, L. Hannestad and J. Zahle, 67-98. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
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