Careers Open to Talent: Educational Credentials, Cultural Talent, and Skilled Employment Author(s): Bruce Garnett, Neil Guppy

and Gerry Veenstra Reviewed work(s): Source: Sociological Forum, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Mar., 2008), pp. 144-164 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20110250 . Accessed: 20/11/2012 04:48
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Vol. 23, No. Forum, Sociological DOI: 10.HH/j.1573-7861.2007.00049.x

I, March

2008

(?

2008)

Careers

Open

to Talent:

Educational

Credentials,

Cultural Talent,
Bruce Garnett,

and Skilled Employment1

and Gerry Veenstra2

Neil Guppy,

and social mobility the status attainment "talent" is often literatures, as educational or mental attainment conceptualized ability. We adapt notion of embodied cultural capital and Goffman's notion of Bourdieu's In
"staging a character" into another dimension of talent, what we call

that an ability to wield cultural talent in "cultural talent," and hypothesize scenarios facilitates attainment of skilled, complex jobs. hiring or promotion Bivariate analyses and multiple regression modeling performed on data from an original survey show that educational credentials and cultural talent both skill and complexity. predict occupational
KEY WORDS: talent. Bourdieu; cultural capital; Goffman; skilled occupations; staging characters;

CAREERS OPEN TO TALENT: EDUCATIONAL CREDENTIALS AND CULTURAL TALENT

"Careers open to talent" neatly captures an idea deeply embedded The linkage of talent in contemporary of social mobility. understandings an inno to careers was originally posited in seventeenth-century Europe, at a time when prosperous families vative conceptualization routinely their offspring considerable economic handed advantage (Sennett, 2003).
a Healthy of Health Research funded the "Toward British Colum Institutes the auspices of Gerry Veenstra's New Career under Investigator project to the design Ana Sandrin contributed and administra Award substantially (2000-2005). We of the UBC thank the members tion of the survey questionnaire. Sociology Workshop on the article. The authors to the contributed Series who read and commented equally order. of this article and are listed in alphabetical 2 writing Marine of British 6303 NW of Sociology, Columbia, Drive, University Department bia" research Vancouver, British Columbia V6T1Z1, Canada; e-mail: gerry.veenstra@ubc.ca. 1 The Canadian

144
0884-8971/06/0300-0031/0 ? 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

145

and fortunes certainly continues inheritance of titles, positions, Although to this day, its influence is considerably muted (Baker and LeTendre, of wealth, it comes to successful careers and the generation 2005). When in to shrink the power of legacy. talent has essentially muscled literatures have packaged "careers open to talent" in Sociological literature has adopted novel ways. The status attainment/social mobility labor force outcomes the basic premise that various (careers) depend, at in part, on talent. Blau and Duncan's theoretical and empiri least (1967) cal contribution position. Using while ascriptive and credentials?deemed educational achievements attainment, personal measures talent?are forces in determining who of individual powerful the major clout of families in shaping the gets ahead in life. Importantly, life chances of their offspring now works indirectly via the schooling of their children. remains relatively unexamined in attainment/mobility research What often talent is conceptu is the multifaceted notion of "talent" itself. Most as educational for example, alized and measured attainment, years of or highest diploma or degree, although at times it is defined as schooling mental ability or cognitive development (Cawley et al, 2001). These are of talent. The European literature on undoubtedly important dimensions social reproduction, attain too, has stressed the centrality of educational ment in mobility processes. For example, Pierre Bourdieu has argued that an academic such as a master's is a "certificate of qualification degree constant cultural competence which confers on its holder a conventional value with Bourdieu respect to culture" (1986:248). legally guaranteed notes credentials allow for objective of that educational comparisons on the "magic" of imposing recognition holders, performing qualification this formal recognition, would be constantly required people who, without to prove themselves. For employers in particular, credentials carry impor tant signals of technical skills and abilities (Lareau and Weininger, 2003). as "institutionalized Bourdieu (1986) refers to academic qualifications cultural capital." However, he also highlights another dimension of talent what been incorporated into attainment/mobility research? "embodied cultural capital." A person's embodied cultural of socially valued capital refers to his or her accumulated knowledge and beliefs, especially those norms, behaviors, information, competencies, beliefs and tastes manifested class. A large investment by the dominant of time and personal effort is required to acquire a store of embodied arena and cultural capital. Strongly linked to success in the educational he calls serving as an important resource in the labor market, embodied cultural that has seldom statement of this represents a powerful have demonstrated researchers that their model, mobility to play a role in occupational family origins continue to this literature

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146

Garnett

et al.

a sense of "cultiva to encompass technical abilities capital goes beyond that is, a culturally of conducting oneself. tion," way sophisticated Embodied cultural capital is not simply possessed, it is enacted, demon strated in common, interaction rituals. This kind of cultivation everyday refers to the art of mis en sc?ne (putting on a show) (Bourdieu, essentially 1983), also resembling what Erving Goffman (1959) called "the work of of course, is known for high successfully staging a character." Goffman, the application of social tal lighting the art of impression management, ents that enable successful interactions in social settings. The "staging of
characters" and "putting on shows" are impression management processes

and strategies that are enacted in everyday micro interactions. Embodied cultural capital was first used by Bourdieu (Bourdieu and Passeron, among children 1990) to explain uneven scholastic achievements from different social classes. Rather than accept the view that achievement stemmed primarily from natural aptitude, Bourdieu argued that the trans to the children of the dominant mission of valued cultural competencies classes ensured their success in the French education system. In Distinction that these kinds of cultural competen (Bourdieu, 1984), he demonstrated for life chances beyond the classroom. In this cies were also consequential of empirical important work, he utilized multiple modes inquiry to argue that embodied in a social space of cultural capital is distributed unequally on the basis of possession social classes (which is constructed of economic to Bourdieu, cultural capital). According pos capital and institutionalized session of the right kind of cultivation enabled French elites to define and between themselves and members of lower classes.3 maintain boundaries Bourdieu's of a multidimensional cultural capital has not description escaped criticism. For instance, it has been suggested that, in North Amer culture (the culture of the upper ica at least, it is not so much highbrow success but, rather, cultural for labor market class) that is important matters most. Erickson that diversity (1996:219) has shown that members are not "cultural of the upper echelons of workplaces snobs but cultural a wide Their lies in having 'omnivores.'" strength variety of cultural that they can employ appropriately, rather than a particular knowledge located at the top of a founded on cultural knowledge type of cultivation Emmison the importance of cultural (2003) similarly notes in these especially fluid times. It seems reasonable mobility culturally to think that familiarity with many different cultural forms, a kind of cultural omnivorism, coupled with the ability to talk about things in the right place at the right time, enables people to succeed in job interviews, hierarchy.
3 In the United class "sense States, Lareau (2003) has identified its success. of entitlement" that fosters a "concerted cultivation" of a middle

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

147

to cultural competency this approach and so on. In our opinion, essence of "staging a character," the represents specially focused on the to stage (or "ad-lib") appropriate characters for different settings. ability success need not The kind of staged character that facilitates occupational in a specifically highbrow manner?a be refined and cultivated rounded, at work, and agile cultivation may matter most.4 multifaceted, to the status attainment and social mobility We seek to contribute this relatively unexplored literatures by applying dimension of talent to career success in the workplace. Rather than focusing exclusively on talent as educational defined credentials, cognitive ability, or skills fostered and in the educational in the mobility litera system, as is common developed the importance of talent in the form of par ture, we additionally highlight ticular kinds of embodied cultural capital, what we refer to as "cultural talent." We investigate cultural talent in the form of cultural omnivorism and as highbrow cultivation Erickson) Bourdieu), (following (following to investigate Canada using original survey data from British Columbia, to which the different of talent?creden the degree conceptualizations occupations tialed and cultural, highbrow and omnivore?facilitate the attainment characterized by high levels of skill and complexity. of

Research

Questions goal

is to examine how fruitful a multifaceted concept of talent?encompassing both the magic of credentials and the wielding of as a predictor of occupational location. Our empirical cultural talent?is focus in this article centers on whether occupations that depend on profes sional-type judgments (highly-skilled jobs requiring creativity and the appli are more or less frequently cation of abstract knowledge) occupied by achievement and greater stores of people with higher levels of educational cultural talent. In so doing we focus on the distinction between cultural-tal ent-omnivore here as breadth of cultural knowledge) and (operationalized as highbrow cultural knowledge). cultural-talent-highbrow (operationalized The specific research questions guiding our analysis are: Our overarching 1.What attainment roles do of credentials and cultural talent play in the are characterized and occupations by complexity levels of skill? Specifically, that educational given experiences that cultural outcomes and occupational competencies (thereby associations between cultural talent and occupational
Swidler's (1986) conception of

educational

require high influence may making

4 This

empirical

to conceptualizing cultural talent resembles approach "cultural of action." toolkits" that enable "strategies

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148 success

Garnett

et al.

of skilled spurious), does cultural talent influence the attainment above and beyond the well-established influence of educa occupations tional credentials? 2. Which forms of cultural talent are most useful in this regard, omnivore or highbrow? We use an original suited to assessing the survey data set uniquely role of various forms of talent and their linkages with skilled occupations. in order to investigate this data set was not originally collected Although between cultural talent and occupational success, it contains relationships various measures of occupational skill and complexity, educational creden items that we have oppor and a wide variety of cultural knowledge tials, tunistically marshaled to pursue our research questions.

DATA
Survey Sample

A mailed questionnaire survey of adult residents living in 25 commu was conducted in of British Columbia nities5 in the Canadian province from each community was drawn 2002. A random selection of households from the most current telephone random sam listings using a systematic was then administered and a survey questionnaire by mail pling technique, in a five-stage process. To select a household member the reci randomly, letter was asked to give the survey questionnaire pient of the introductory to the person in the household aged 18 and over whose birthday was first in total and an overall in the year. The survey produced 1,435 respondents rate of 56.5%. As a rough indication of how well our survey response we the British Columbian population sample matches demographically, of adults aged 18 and over the survey sample to the population compared from the 2001 Census: 47.5% of the survey sample in British Columbia were female and 13.4% were aged 65 and over, whereas in the province as a whole, 51.5% of adults were female and 17.5% were aged 65 and over. to uncover factors that facilitate occu Because our analysis attempts "cultivated" individuals success, possibly by making displaying pational career to employers control prestigious who cultural talents attractive opportunities,
5

respondents

who

were

not

employed

full time or part

time

Gold River, Kitimat, Duncan, Gibsons, River, Comox, Courtenay, Ladysmith, Campbell Port Alice, Port Hardy, Port McNeill, Port Alberni, Powell Nanaimo, Parksville, Masset, Van Prince Rupert, Beach, Tahsis, Sechelt, Torino, Ucluelet, River, Qualicum Squamish, on the communities information and and Victoria. See Veenstra couver, (2005a) for more rates by community. survey sample sizes and response

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

149

at

excluded from our analyses. We also and respondents who did not provide excluded self-employed respondents answers to survey items comprising the dependent variable, occupational The sample size was therefore 702, further reduced skill and complexity. to 621 in multivariate models due to missing values. Regarding missing the two samples did not differ exceedingly from one another along values, the time of the survey were 47.8% 21.7% lines: 47.4% of the larger sample were female demographic in the smaller sample), the mean age was 41.4 (vs. 43.2), had a university degree (vs. 23.2%). (vs. and

basic

Demographic

Variables

affilia status, number of children, First Nations Age, gender, marital were to an Indian band), if they belonged asked (respondents mother's and father's educational and the employment status attainment, are described in Table I. (full time vs. part time) of survey respondents We that cultural talent may influence acknowledge occupational careers differently in different settings. Brown (1995) claims that organiza in the labor market has featured a shift in recent dec tional restructuring structures ades from bureaucratic to inherently insecure, corporate tion flexible, flat, and career is associated structures. Whereas lean corporate the bureaucratic with a "predictable linear progression within corporate flexible careers are invariably and retrospective" hierarchies, contingent talent may in cultural (Brown, 1995:36). Clearly, operate differently bureaucratic and flexible settings. In light of other mobility research that also emphasizes the importance context (e.g., Kalleberg, of labor market 1988; Lin, 2001), we identified the industry setting of our employed survey respondents
bureaucratically

and and

then distinguished
organized industries

respondents
(i.e., government

employed
service,

in the most
education,

healthcare, other, more

and legal policing flexible, industries.6

services)

from

those working

in the

Occupational We order
6 The

Skill and Complexity of their work activity in to their occupations. As

construction,

own descriptions employed respondents' to assess the skill and complexity inherent
band

flexible industries were aquaculture, finance/insurance/real farming/agriculture, ging, hunting/trapping, manufacturing, saw mill, tourism/service mill, industry,

estate,

council/band administrator, fish processing/fish plant, oil and gas),

mining (including and transportation.

forestry/log paper mill/pulp

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150
Table Variable Age Gender Marital status Female Male Married Not First Nations Children Employment status Other Has children No children time time Bureaucratic Flexible Less than high school High Community University University Doctorate Mother's attainment educational Less High Some Full Part or common-law or common-law I. Characteristics of Survey Respondents Categories (Employed Sample, N

Garnett =

et al.

702) of Responses

Distribution Mean (N = = 44.4

699,

SD

10.4)

married

First Nations

Bureaucratic/flexible organization Personal educational attainment

school

school college or technical degree: bachelor degree: masters or professional degree school

than high school

Father's

educational attainment

postsecondary Community college or technical University degree Less than high school High Some school or postsecondary Community college technical school degree

school

344 (47.6%) 378 (52.4) 496 (70.8%) 205 (29.2) 41 (5.8%) 661 (94.2) 514 (73.5%) 185 (26.5) 536 (76.4%) 166 (23.6) 236 (35.3%) 432 (64.7) 42(6.1%) 332 (48.0) 167 (24.2) 107(15.5) 22 (3.2) 21 (3.0) 218 (32.8%) 222 (33.4) 88 (13.2) 86 (12.9) 51 (7.7) 295 (44.8%) 139(21.1) 55 (8.4) 96 (14.6) 73 (11.1)
Mean (N Mean (N Mean (N Mean (N Mean (N Mean (N Mean (N = = = = = = = = = = = = = 3.69 = = = = = = = 0.76) 10.9) 3.6) 5.2) 3.2) 2.1) 5.0) 702, SD = 26.4 702, SD 2.43 702, SD 8.92 702, SD 6.07 702, SD 2.90 702, SD 8.49 702, SD

University skill Occupational and complexity Cultural-talent-omnivore Cultural-talent-highbrow Cultural-talent-books Cultural-talent-artists Cultural-talent-magazines Cultural-talent-sports

of occupational Reitz (2001) observes, existing taxonomies prestige or sta tus often possess considerable within-category variation in the set of skills In addition, the most current Canadian occupa required for occupations. is now more tional prestige measure than 20 years old (Blishen et al,

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

151

skill and complexity such, we chose to understand occupational the meanings that respondents rather than through give to their work that through broad, externally imposed and possibly dated classifications may mask skills and complex thinking. We utilized five survey items, each scored on a five-point Likert scale ranging from strongly disagree to 1987). As
strongly agree.

1. My 2. My 3. My 4. My

job requires job requires job requires

a high

level of skill. things. about the ideas behind my work. knowledge that require a high level of complex problems

creativity. that I learn new

job requires abstract 5. My job produces highly abstract theory to solve.

We created an

occupational

skill

and

complexity

index

by

summing

to these five items, with higher scores representing more the responses skilled occupations. an acceptably Scale reliability analysis produced high Cronbach's 0.83. Our measure of occupational skill and alpha value of = correlated income complexity fairly well with personal .237, (tau b = < .001, N = < .001, N = p .310, p 675) and the Pineo (tau b 623) = = and Blishen .294, p < .001, N (tau b 623) occupational prestige measures. mean score for the skill/complexity The overall index was 3.69. To further illuminate the nature of our index, we calculated mean scores for the most in the data set. We obtained mean popular occupations scores of 4.33 for 31 self-identified teachers in the sample, 4.19 for the = = electricians (N 1), 3.92 for the registered nurses (N 10), 3.68 for the = = assistants (N millwrights 8), 3.54 for the administrative (N 7), and 3.15 for the cooks (N = 8).

Talent Seven
constructed.

variables
Educational

assessing

talent, both
attainment

credentialed
was

and cultural,
in six

were

credential

created

ordered

from a questionnaire item assessing the highest level of educa categories tion an individual had completed (Table I). Our conceptualization of cultural talent, like recent North American into the manifestation of cultural capital more investigations generally, stresses the importance of cultural knowledge. Lamont and Lareau (1988) whether in cultural the dominant events, along participation of cultural capital in North American is an operationalization studies, indicator of cultural capital in that setting. Erickson adequate (1996), too, has demonstrated the utility of cultural capital in various social relations question

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152 in a Canadian context; crucially, artifacts. with cultural familiarity empirical The analysis cultural

Garnett

et al.

she operationalized cultural capital as We route in our follow Erickson's of the relationship between talent and career success. talent variables were created from a series of 71 survey

items assessing familiarity with various works of literature, artists, maga zines, and sports figures (see Table II). The works of literature encom a wide and popular and Canadian books, range of classic passed the artist names included obscure and well-known whereas international,
artists, sculptors, and painters, Canadians and non-Canadians. The maga

a range of topical areas, from architecture to finance, encompassed science, and current affairs, while the sports figures spanned both popular and less well-known cricket, figure-skating, sports, for example, boxing, and wrestling. With football, hockey, motor-racing, respect to literature, were asked to identify from a list of 15 books those that they respondents had heard of, coded 1, and those that they had read, coded 2 (and coded were asked to 0 otherwise). familiarity with art, respondents Regarding names a list of 18 names, from indicate which artists' they recognized zines coded 1 (heard of the artist) and 0 (had not heard of the artist) in each was coded 1 if the magazine was read and 0 other case. Each magazine wise; each sports figure item was coded 1 if the name was recognized and 0 otherwise.
We created a measure of cultural-talent-omnivore by summing

and sports figures for all the books, artists, magazines, together we do not have a priori reason to believe items listed in Table II. Although the alpha value that this index should necessarily be internally consistent, for this index of 71 items was very high at 0.90.7 This measure represents a and proximate measure of breadth of cultural knowledge. rough of the highbrow Literature and art are traditional domains (Lynch, to identify the highbrow cultural argument to in the list of books and artists presented knowledge a cultural form familiar to a small segment of arguing that respondents, to than is a form known is more the population likely to be highbrow the total survey almost everyone 1991). Here, sample of (Erickson, to indicate rarefied knowledge within the entire TV= 1,435 was employed 2004). We (Table II). If fewer than 30% of the total sample of respon population culture: seven books dents had heard of a book, it was deemed highbrow artists were defined as those of whom fewer fit these criteria. Highbrow had heard: 11 artists fit this than 30% of the total sample of respondents
7 Because were awarded two points the books variables for having read a book, respondents measures This than did the other variables. in the cultural knowledge carried more weight with a cultural form because of the deeper imbalance was deemed familiarity appropriate a name. that comes from reading a book vs. simply recognizing

scores

used a "rarity" items contained

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment =

153
N 1,435) % Read 53.1 41.8 26.2 20.3 16.6 14.3 11.3 8.9 7.9 6.1 Digest 5.5 4.9 4.9 3.6 3.1 Review 1.2 % Heard 93.9 92.0 84.3 58.5 53.7 52.3 50.0 39.7 34.4 29.8 27.2 26.3 24.9 22.4 21.3 18.5 17.0 14.1 10.4 6.9 4.8 of

Table Books

II.

Cultural

Knowledge of

Items

(Full Sample, Magazines

% Heard 87.6 86.5 76.9 75.6 74.0 58.5 57.6 46.1 27.8 19.4 12.8 12.7 11.1 8.6 6.4

Out of Africa Oliver Twist The Pelican Brief For Whom the Bell Tolls Pride and Prejudice Sophie's Choice The Wealthy Barber The Handmaid's Tale The Stone Angel Two Solitudes Kamouraska Sunshine Sketches Sophie's World What's Bred in the Bone The Golden Notebook

Macleans Time Chatelaine Newsweek Sports Illustrated The Financial Times Cosmopolitan The Economist Scientific Penthouse Architectural Saturday Night The New Yorker Harper's Forbes Harvard Business American

Artists Emily Carr Pablo Picasso Robert Bateman Andy Warhol The Group of Seven Salvador Dali Degas O'Keefe Georgia Henry Moore Cornelius Krieghoff A. J. Casson Pratt Mary Marie Cass?t Michael Snow Harold Town Joyce Wieland

% Heard 93.3 85.9 83.1 71.8 65.0 58.9 43.6 25.9 23.3 18.7 17.3 11.6 10.7 6.1 4.3 3.9

of

Sports

Figures

Elvis Stojko Michael Jordan Eric Lindros Jennifer Capriati Bourne Shae-Lynn Roger Clemens 'Stone Cold' Steve Austin David Duvall Danny McManus Bobby Allison Brett Favre Patrick Carpentier Joe Thornton Jim Furyk Rob Boyd Felix Trinidad Shannon Stewart Todd Martin Hunter Hurst Helmsley Vin Baker Don Bradman

criterion.

These highbrow books and artists items were merged to create a = 0.85 single index of cultural-talent-highbrow (Cronbach's alpha among the 1,435 respondents).8
8 a principal Veenstra on factor analysis (2005b) performed components various class position to predict indicators several of the items, utilizing knowledge tant cultural knowledge factors. The less-well-known books clustered into one factor, the less-well-known artists clustered in another. The clustering of knowledge items to our contention lends support a 30% cutoff that a rarity argument way utilizing Elsewhere, identify highbrow cultural knowledge forms. the 71 resul while in this may

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154

Garnett

et al.

cultural genre, toward the goal of determining Finally, we considered a cultivation success whether cultural talent) that enables occupational (a comes in the form of familiarity with culture (as literature, art, popular or sports. We created four new cultural in current magazines), displayed set of 71 cultural knowledge talent indices from the original items: a
cultural-talent-books = produced index alpha produced alpha 0.85, = index a 0.85, constructed by summing the books variables similarly-constructed a cultural-talent-magazines cultural-talent-artists index had an

alpha of 0.62 and a cultural-talent-sports all cases N = 1,435).

index had an alpha

of 0.89

(in

RESULTS
Zero-Order Relationships Skill/Complexity Between Talent and Occupational

We with zero-order between begin our investigation relationships talent and occupational skill and complexity (Table III). Educational was fairly strongly and significantly attainment related to occupational and cultural-talent-highbrow vari skill, while the cultural-talent-omnivore ables were somewhat less effective at predicting occupational skill (the cul note that the variables were even less effective). We tural-talent-genre skill of both forms of talent were perhaps stronger effects on occupational for women than for men. This follows a typical pattern where women often experience greater need to earn their places in the workforce through individual talent than do men. For instance, Boyd (1985) and Wanner attainment influences the career paths (2000) have shown that educational women more than those of men in Canada. of

Multivariate Next, to control

Predictors we

of Occupational

Skill/Complexity

on occupational created multivariate models skill in order for demographic variables that might influence both talent and influence occupational skill. For example, age might skill (if occupational in a given business or of skills grows with time and experience mastery sector of industry) and cultural talent (to the degree that cultural knowl over time), making accumulates their association edge and familiarity Table IV displays results from a series of multiple linear regres spurious. sions on degree of occupational skill and complexity for the N = 621 respondents who answered all the pertinent survey questions. The first

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

155

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

157

the second adds educa model contains controls, only the demographic to the basic demographic model,9 and the third addition tional credentials the cultural-talent-omnivore variable. The remaining ally incorporates and cultural models the cultural-talent-highbrow successively incorporate
talent-genre variables in place of cultural-talent-omnivore.

After controlling for the other demographic variables, we found that men were more women to occupy jobs with higher skill levels, likely than as were respondents with a father with a university degree, who were full or were employed context in a bureaucratic time employees, 1, (Model Table IV). Personal educational credentials were of occupa strong predictors after controlling for the demographic variables skill/complexity to the explained variance (the 2) and made a sizeable contribution 1 to Model adjusted R2 increased by .077 from Model 2). (We suspect that the effect on occupational 1 skill of father's education evident in Model reflects its influence on educational attainment and hence occupational (Model credentials facilitate entry into occupations skill.) Educational apparently as the research necessitating professional judgments and decision making, literature has long demonstrated.
When

tional

.135 (adjusted R2 = .121), lower shown), the model's R2 was were used (although educational credentials the increase in 1 was still sizeable). Upon variance explained from Model for controlling the demographic variables and educational cultural-talent credentials, omnivore remained a significant predictor of occupational skill (Model (model not than when
3).10 This finding shows that cultural-talent-omnivore assessed is associ

using

cultural-talent-omnivore

as

the

sole

measure

of

talent

ated with
of educational

attainment
credentials.

of skilled

occupations
credentials

above
and

and beyond

the effect

Academic

cultural-talent-omni

vore

attainment. seemingly influence this particular form of occupational But is a widely based cultural knowledge form the most appropriate or might a highbrow or sophisti of cultural talent (following Erickson), to succeeding cated knowledge be more it comes in helpful when the workplace
9 Years part

(following

Bourdieu)?

Table

III shows

that the zero-order

to the multivariate of schooling made lesser contributions models than did the six are not credentials version of educational attainment (results for years of schooling shown). 10 Because the zero-order between cultural-talent-omnivore and occupational relationships to some degree skill differed for men and women in Table II, we added an interaction term between and cultural talent to Model 3?it was not statistically gender significant term between and so was not included in the model. An interaction cultural-talent-omni vore and organizational vs. flexible) a significant did not make (bureaucratic setting contribution either. This means that the main results from our analysis of the effects of are not gender cultural-talent-omnivore for occupational skill and complexity specific or vs. flexible). context (bureaucratic specific to organizational

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158

Garnett

et al.

between and occupational skill relationships cultural-talent-highbrow were very similar to those manifested and by cultural-talent-omnivore skill. Upon for demographic characteristics occupational controlling and educational the cultural-talent-highbrow variable was attainment, also statistically that significant (Model 4, Table IV). It seems, therefore, as cultural knowledge cultural talent operationalized in either highbrow or success. omnivore form may be influential for occupational the right kind of cultural talent be based on familiarity Finally, might with themes or perhaps instead on knowledge of literary and artistic or familiarity with popular culture, and so forth? From the zero sports between the genre-specific indices and occupational relationships skill presented in Table III we note that the cultural-talent-books, -artists, and -magazines variables were all significantly related to occupational the cultural-talent-sports variable was mostly unrelated skill, whereas (for both women and men).
We ran separate regression models for the cultural-talent-genre vari

order

for the demographic variables and educational creden ables, controlling to Model tials in each case (in manner 3). The beta and analogous were similar and cultural-talent-artists p values for cultural-talent-books to one another but, in contrast with the zero-order findings of Table III, to be the best predictor of skilled cultural-talent-magazines appeared remained irrelevant.) We interpret the occupations. (Cultural-talent-sports of familiarity with authors and artists from the reduction of importance to the multivariate to reflect the effect of educa zero-order models models on such knowledge. tional attainment Thus cultural-talent-books and cultural-talent-artists both possessed predictive capacity for occupational above and beyond the ownership of academic credentials, skill/complexity were muted by their interrelation although both cultural talent measures attainment. This was not precisely the case with ships with educational which better held its predictive power net of cultural-talent-magazines, was mostly educational credentials. irrele Finally, cultural-talent-sports vant for facilitating attainment of highly skilled and complex occupations.

DISCUSSION
with the well-established that began our investigation premise is critical in shaping career trajectories. We in this article, sought to broaden the dominant of talent in the status however, understanding attainment and social mobility literatures, typically assessed by variables or linked to formal education (most often as either years of schooling as cognitive and sometimes credentials) conceptualized development. We talent

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

159

interac cultural capital and Goffman's notion of embodied Bourdieu's of "staging a character" provide a broader vista tional conceptualization for thinking about "cultural talent." We argue that cultural talent can be in terms of cultural competencies and impression fruitfully understood interactions. management strategies enacted in micro research support Not surprisingly, given the long history of mobility credentials were a predictor of ing this finding, we found that educational career characterize skill and complexity the extent to which occupational a contribution to cultural talent also made Nevertheless, placement. career placement, above and beyond posses of this dimension explaining certificates and degrees. As such, cultural talent sion of formal educational can be thought of as a "productive resource" (Lin, 2001) operating along side educational credentials. Indeed, our analytic strategy may actually mask for educational the full power of cultural talent; by first controlling models we may have parceled out some of in our multivariate talent. In effect, to the degree that cultural talent the effect of cultural and occupational intervenes between education skill, we may have artifi cultural talent of the relationship between cially reduced the magnitude to our multi of the cultural talent variable contribution and skill?the a skinnier have otherwise variate models story than might represents credentials obtained. of talent allows individuals We contend that this cultural dimension to put on the right kinds of to stage the kinds of characters?to perform, enables them to successfully shows?that compete for skilled positions. A of high traditional suggest that knowledge reading of Bourdieu would that facilitates best indicate the kind of cultivation brow culture would Our characterized of an occupation by skill and complexity. acquisition (1996) in that advantage may also accrue to findings parallel Erickson's culture. those conversant with popular and highbrow cultural omnivores, one has, the better able The more varied the base of cultural knowledge one will be to "ad-lib" appropriately in different workplace settings, be they the human resources office, the lunch room, or the board room. we do not wish to understate the relevance of highbrow Nonetheless, context. First, of course, highbrow culture culture in the North American in our multivariate but second, our analysis proves analyses, significant of literature and art in of knowledge of genres indicates the importance status in accorded cultural forms persistently highbrow particular?two the long history of studying culture (Lynch, 2004)?in predicting more This finding contrasts starkly with the complex and skilled occupations. the most egalitarian of the four irrelevance of sports knowledge?perhaps genres under discussion?for providing occupational Erickson (1996) again, sports knowledge may allow advantage. Following one to stage the type

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160

Garnett

et al.

of character in the workplace, that coordinates well with others but it attain likely does little to enable the surpassing of others in occupational ment. The more well-read and artistically savvy person can put on a better set for occupational show when the stage is advancement. Magazine to be among in particular the more valuable of the appears knowledge genres. Although magazines probably do not contain the depth of books or paintings, they are current in a way books and paintings clearly are one of the most valu not. In the accelerated pace of late modern society, talents may be to stage a character that is hip, relevant, able workplace
and au courant.

Careers Similarity

in theMaking:

The Importance

of Trustworthiness

and Social

to stage talent in the form of an ability claim that cultural career trajectories. But exactly how does cultural characters is relevant for and competencies affect attainment talent in the form of cultural knowledge of skilled and complex occupations? We think that cultural talent plays an for such positions within important role at times of hiring and promotion We by virtue organizations of generate perceptions
need not necessarily stem

of

incumbents'
from educational

abilities and social

to stage similarity,
or

trustworthiness

characters abilities
encompass

that that
the

experiences

wielding of credentials. This argument would be immediately crippled if educational measures measure were a perfectly valid and encompassing of talent and if employ ers primarily used educational credential information and assessments of when making and promotion decisions. Employers hiring cognitive ability to such matters, however, stressing instead a report paying little attention and Rosenbaum, of other factors (e.g., Miller 1997; see review by range These other factors include experience, and job history, 2004).n and Winfield, and 1998; Moss (Bills, 1988; Mencken personal qualities 2003). As Petersen et al (2000:764) argue, "subjective Tilly, 2001; Mouw, assessments in hiring." They undoubtedly influence carry great weight Bills,
promotions as well.

11

The

status

despite hiring and/or nal or points

traditions demonstrate that research and human attainment clearly capital is often used to make education what employers report to interviewers, key might and promotion decisions. Multivariate show that education analyses routinely as a key sig is a strong predictor of career success, acting perhaps mental ability the sizeable variance filter (Bills, 2004). However, by these models unexplained to unmeasured to unmeasured factors, and possibly aspects of talent.

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

161

And how are such subjective assessments derived? With regard to hir is a prevalent recruitment ing, it has been suggested that "word of mouth" strategy (Petersen et al, 2000). This likely occurs because word-of-mouth channels information. "Trusted information" flows carry high-quality connections that provide quality, depend connections, through personal able judgments in the eyes of employers because they can rely on the "word" of their associates. Based on ethnographic work, Kanter (1975) provides one of the most robust accounts detailing why these mechanisms are integral to smooth workplace operation. Building explicitly on Wilbert a "bureaucratic Moore's of description kinship system," she argues that the modern relies heavily on team players, colleagues corporate workplace with strong peer acceptance. As Elliot and Smith (2004:369) describe it, the "underlying idea is that communication, and trust are facil discretion, itated by social similarity." Weeden and Grusky (2005:150) similarly argue that "employers on the basis of and other gatekeepers filter applicants ... individual-level thus creating the attributes, homogeneity by matching traits of new recruits with those of current employees," at least in part to
promote "workplace harmony."12

that the social similarity of occupational incumbents suggests with managers and executives in corporate contexts ought to be high. The recruits that managers and senior executives seek for such jobs are people who share with them the "right stuff (Mencken and Winfield, 1998), and what is important in hiring is ensuring that new hires will fit in with their this idea, Miller and Rosenbaum peers. To investigate (1997) interviewed 51 employers in Chicago, used to make inquiring about the information for entry-level in the primary labor market. hiring decisions positions were made that decisions on "trustworthy" They concluded primarily
information about candidates. For employers, trusted information came

This

interviews or via the testimonials of close associates through personal network contacts). Miller and Rosenbaum (e.g., key employees, (1997:504) of "applicant's report employers being skeptical of the trustworthiness
teachers, employment agencies, tests, and applicant's past employers."

Trusting "gut instincts" was prevalent. Some evidence suggests that similarity and trust may be more impor tant in skilled settings than in less skilled ones. Elliot and Smith (2004) used face-to-face interview data from the Multi-City Survey of Urban to examine the extent of ascriptive matching Inequality (1992-1994) between workers and their immediate that supervisors. They concluded most to fill power positions that they supervise with superiors prefer
12 a social psychological "Rational bias theory" presents variant of this argument. According to this approach, believe with others who share people they can work most effectively similar interests and a "common et al, 2000:297; culture" see also Roth, (Erickson 2004).

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162 people
"trust"

Garnett

et al.

who
relations.

are

ascriptively
Supporting

similar
Kanter's

to

themselves.
where

Why?

Because

of
need

reasoning,

supervisors

to rely on the decision making of their subordinates, trusting them to and discretion wisely, social similarity is at its highest exercise autonomy (Elliot and Smith, 2004).13 To conclude, those that reflect subjective assessments?especially influence hiring. Cer and social similarity?undoubtedly tainly, "social capital" is relevant here, to the degree that social networks are important means trust and confirming social similarity. for generating in skilled occupational for workers settings, we argue that cul Especially also influential, during tural talent?the ability to "stage a character"?is as well. Human capital in the form of educa hiring and for promotion trustworthiness tional credentials may get one's foot in the door, and social capital in the assurance communicate of social connections form of well-placed may we claim that an ability to successfully trustworthiness for employers, but is also important stage a character who appears to "have the right stuff to career
contexts.

trajectories,

especially

in highly

skilled,

complex

occupational

so are speculative, and interpretations Our conclusions necessarily It is especially to the nature of our data and analysis. important that our survey data do not directly capture the ritual enact acknowledge is required to access this ment of cultural capacities?ethnographic work given rule out also cannot level of detail 2003). We (Hallet, 2003; Lareau, reverse causality. We have taken an important theoretical step in linking to the longstanding traditions of mobility the micro bases of stratification accounts research, and our results are consistent with some ethnographic itmay be that longitudinal data will of workplace dynamics. Nevertheless, facilitates show that entry into occupations high in skill and complexity of cultural talent, talent that either develops or is further the development to the extent in such work. However, honed as one learns to be successful that cultural talent is a deeply engrained flair that takes time to nurture and mature, as Bourdieu and others have argued, then the ity posited here seem reasonable. If Menken and Winfield (1998) are correct in claiming is important for occupational the "right stuff success, it to those with the is accorded that an advantage surprising cultural
Staging rewards cernment, especially that you

lines of causal that displaying is perhaps not widest variety we suggested

of
13

talent

in staging

appropriate

characters.

As

a character, are directly tact, and

supervisors, have the "right

or "face work," in many is critical tables) where jobs (e.g., waiting where dis to performance. is that in occupations Our point related are important, trust of character and standards co-workers, among talent helps in demonstrating talent. This is reinforced by cultural stuff."

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Educational

Credentials,

Cultural

Talent,

and Skilled

Employment

163

in above, some of this cultural talent could be gained through experiences a broadened of talent helps the educational conception system. Still, are between employers who claim that credentials explain the disconnect in hiring and the fact that such credentials not the most important factor attainment of occupational remain strong predictors (e.g., Bills, 2004). are a critical part of the career success story, but talent, at Credentials about people's decisions least in the eyes of those making occupational careers, also includes cultural competencies, especially the talent to stage a tal As working muscle, for a complex occupation. character appropriate ent has multiple fibers.

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