Notes for Maehara Yuko. Negotiating Multiple Ethnic Identities: The Case of Okinawan Women in the Philippines.

Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 2001. Introduction The Masters thesis of Maehara Yuko Negotiating Multiple Ethnic Identities: The Case of Okinawan Women in the Philippines discusses how post-war Okinawan women in the Philippines straddled across three ethnic identities. According to Maehara, most of the scholarship on the topic discuss pre-war and wartime Japanese migrants and very little is known about those who migrated after the war. The pre-war migrants were mostly male workers and professionals, while the post-war migrants were mostly wives of Filipinos who worked in Okinawa and returned in the 1950s and early 1960s. Because of this difference in demographics and time period, Maehara believes that it is essential to also study post-war migrants. In her thesis, she focuses on the first-generation Okinawan women who are also members of the Philippine-Okinawan Society. To collect the necessary data, Maehara attended the monthly meetings of the PhilippineOkinawa Society (POS) from 1998 to 1999 and again in August 2000, and other events such as Foundation Anniversary parties and semi-annual bazaars. She distributed 83 survey questionnaires to POS members over five years old, of which only 58 were returned. Following the focus of her study, only the answers of the 21 first-generation Okinawan women were analyzed. Of the 21 respondents, Maehara conducted in-depth interviews with eight. Her only criterion for choosing the eight key informants was their willingness to share their stories. According to Maehara, the women rarely spoke of their past even to the other members of POS because of the pain of reliving difficult experiences. Being a member of POS, Maehara believes that she was able to establish rapport with the other members, especially her key informants. Maehara gives an extensive review of literature on pre-war Japanese migrants in the Philippines. Noticeably, the works that she includes are by Japanese writers such as Amano Youichi, Shirota Kichiroku and Arakaku Yasuko. Then, she gives a historical background on post-war Okinawa. Maehara provides that Okinawa was the only battleground in Japan during World War Two. The battle destroyed lives and property, and further plunged the area into poverty. After the war, Okinawa hosted a number of U.S. military bases and its American and Filipino employees. Filipino men went to Okinawa as Philippine Scouts tasked to maintain peace and order, or as employees of the PHIL RYCOM, a command of U.S. Military Department tasked to transport strategic supplies from the Philippines to Okinawa. Okinawan women also worked in the bases, mostly as housekeepers of American and Filipino families. Many Okinawan women were attracted to Filipino men who were economically better than their local counterparts. When the contract of the Filipinos expired, many of them returned to the Philippines accompanied by their Okinawan wives. Maehara follows Benedict Andersons definition of ethnic identity as based on a peoples imagined community. She distinguishes it from race and national identity (citizenship) because it may change every generation, albeit rooted to a core. She outlines that there have been two ways of studying ethnicity: Caste and Miller (1993) see identity as innate and primodal, while Geertz sees identity as generated and socially constructed. Following the perspective that ethnic identity is generated, ethnic identity of migrants may be assimilationist on the one hand or integrationist on the other; somewhere in the middle of these two extremes are the acculturationists. Maehara infers that to

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Notes for Maehara Yuko. Negotiating Multiple Ethnic Identities: The Case of Okinawan Women in the Philippines. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 2001. adapt and survive in their new environment, the first generation Okinawan women initially became assimilationists by subsuming their Okinawan identities. Later, when they had adapted to Philippine life, they regained their primordial identity. In this later stage, they were no longer assimilationist, but neither were they integrationists. They might be called acculturated; however because they also have a third ethnic identity, that of the Japanese, it is more appropriate to term their identity dynamic. Because people are connected not only by family and friends but also by interest, they shift from one identity to another depending on the situation. Like class identity, ethnic identity is not definite and is negotiated. History and Profile of POS The first POS was established in 1916 in Davao by Oshiro Kozo, the renowned Father of Okinawan Migration. Because at that time most migrants in Davao were Okinawans, the group became influential. Aside from POS, there were other Okinawan organizations such as sojinkai and kyokukai, associations of people from the same municipality and the same region, consequently. During the outbreak of the Second World War, these associations were disbanded. Currently, there are a number of Japanese-related organizations all over the Philippines. These organizations usually hold Japanese events such as the Bon Festival Dance, run Japanese school, teach Nihongo, and give scholarships to descendants for schools in Japan. Some organizations help Japanese descendants enter their names in the Japanese registry so as to get a Japanese citizenship and/or get a job in Japan. The organizations also organize Japanese-Filipino friendship events, run social welfare facilities (such as the Cebu Welfare Center) and conduct environmental initiatives (such as cleaning the Manila Bay). In all, Maehara mentions the Japanese Association, Manila Chapter, which was founded in 1972; the Manila Japanese Residents Society; the Filipino-Japanese Foundation of Northern Luzon, Inc. which consists of descendants of pre-war migrants; the Cebu-Japanese Association; the Cebu, Baguio, Davao, Iloilo and Cagayan de Oro chapters of the Federation of Nikkei-jin Kai; the Philippine Nikkei-jin Kai based in Davao; and the Philippine-Okinawan Society. POS was revived in 1982 and consists of first-generation post-war Okinawan women, their husbands, children, and immediate kin. During the time of Maeharas study (2001), the POS did not yet have a permanent office and held meetings in the houses of its members. It was headed by Rumiko Oyadomari who also worked for the Japanese Embassy. As membership fee, it collected P50 per month per family. It also conducted semi-annual bazaars, the income from which goes to POS fund. Members prefer to join POS over other Japanese organizations because of the perceived discrimination against Okinawans; some members attested that they were rejected by the FilipinoJapanese Foundation of Northern Luzon, Inc. The members mostly come from the middle to upper class. According to the interviewed women Okinawans in the lower class do not like to join the POS. Also, they shared that there are Okinawan women who are prohibited by their husbands to join the group. Currently, there is no official count of POS members: There are about 20 active members (mostly businessmen) who attend the monthly meetings; however, the number peaks to around a hundred

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Notes for Maehara Yuko. Negotiating Multiple Ethnic Identities: The Case of Okinawan Women in the Philippines. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 2001. during other affairs such as Foundation Anniversary parties, Christmas parties and bazaars. The women themselves rarely attend the monthly meetings and prefer to attend the other events. The POS encourages its members to support each others merchandise; for instance, the women prefer to buy the taho and soy sauce of a co-member. The organization also maintains a mutual financial system which in Okinawa is traditionally known as moai. During the monthly meetings, the women also cook traditional Okinawan cuisines; they consciously try to preserve this practice and hope to pass it down to their daughters. The member who benefits from the moai is usually the one who cooks for everyone. Okinawan food, dance performances and folk songs are also featured in Foundation Anniversary parties to promote Okinawan culture. Because more members attend parties, the officers use these events to cull attendees family trees. Other activities include visits to the Okinawan Tower for the war dead in Batangas. The POS maintains a newsletter which consists of reports deemed relevant to its members, for example names of donors, obituaries and cash flow statements. It is tapped by the Japanese Embassy to disseminate information, such as the migrants entitlement to vote in the national elections in Japan. POS also has a monthly subscription to Ryukus Shimpo; its subscription is handled by the International Exchange Division of the Okinawa Prefectural Government. The POS also accommodates members of the Okinawa Prefectural Government and other Philippine societies based in Okinawa (such as the Davao Society) whenever they come to visit. In summary, the POS serves for the promotion of mutual exchange and support among members, the promotion of Okinawan culture, a window for interaction with Okinawans worldwide, and for revitalizing Okinawan identity. Case Study of Okinawan Women As mentioned, of the 58 returned questionnaires only the answers of the 21 first-generation women were analyzed. Of the 21, fifteen are 65 to 69 years old and twelve are widowed. Most of the respondents finished high school, but looking the year that they moved to the Philippines, it seems that they married immediately after graduating. Considering that the women grew up in the 1930s to 1940s, a time when women were perceived to belong at home and need no education, this is not surprising. Under occupation, five identified themselves as tourist guides and four as housewives. It seems, however, that more had been tourist guides and merely interpreted the question as present occupation. Similarly, there seems to be more housewives, but the women do not consider this as an occupation because they are not waged. Most of the respondents have visited their birthplaces after settling down and establishing themselves in the Philippines. Moreover, most of them maintain ties with their families in Okinawa. Thirteen already have children working in Okinawa and six answered that they want their children to live in Okinawa; fourteen want to pass down Okinawan ways. Maehara infers that the few who do not want their children to live in Okinawa might have answered thus due to bitter experiences in the area. She explains the overwhelming number of those who wish to stay in the Philippines by their marriage to Filipinos and having already adjusted to Philippine lifestyle. Maehara reminds us that citizenship may

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Notes for Maehara Yuko. Negotiating Multiple Ethnic Identities: The Case of Okinawan Women in the Philippines. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 2001. not be considered as a gauge for ethnic identities because some of the respondents re-acquired their Japanese citizenship for purely economic reasons. Maehara deems it important to note that aside from being Okinawans, the women also considered themselves Filipino. Eight of the 21 were interviewed in-depth. During the time of the interview, all key informants were 65 years old or older, had worked in the U.S. bases, and were wedded in Okinawa. The initial reactions of the key informants families to their marriage to Filipinos were varied, but it was clear that mixed marriages were frowned upon because the Americans were considered enemies and the Filipinos were associated with them. Most of the key informants moved to the Philippines with their husbands in the 1950s, expecting a new beginning and a life different from the poverty-stricken Okinawa they were leaving. Upon arrival in the Philippines however, their expectations were shattered by Filipino animosity towards the Japanese. The Philippines, like Okinawa, was also ravaged by war. To blend with the Filipinos faster, the wives worked hard to learn Tagalog. Aside from Language, the women were also conscious with what they wear. They avoided classy dresses so that they could look like normal people. Most husbands did not find jobs after returning to the Philippines, and when they found one, it paid lower than what they got in Okinawa. During the 1970s to 1980s when Japanese economy was booming and the Philippines saw an influx of Japanese tourists, most of the women became tourist guides. Even now, some still do occasional tours. Most of the wives took on jobs and worked hard to send their children to good colleges. Their hard work paid off as their children are now gainfully employed and are high-income professionals. Like many others, most of the eight interviewees maintained strong ties with their families in Okinawa, even visiting them occasionally, despite the bitter way that they first departed. Some also received financial help from their families during difficult times, for instance, the Martial Law period. Aside the financial help from their families, interviewed women also depended on other Okinawan migrants in times of need. They supported each other ever since they arrived in the country and even before they became members of POS. Most of the interviewed women want to stay in the Philippines even thought their husbands have passed away and their children are in the Japan. This is true even when they find the Philippines dusty and Japanese markets cleaner. One reason given was the fairer climate. More importantly, they have already adapted to Philippine life, while maintaining access to links to Okinawa and to Japan. At least one already sees herself as a Filipino at times. Moreover, Okinawans and Filipinos share values such as high respect for elders. While some of the women feel that Filipinos are extravagant (frowned upon by traditional frugal Okinawans), they say that their husbands are not. The key informants shared that Filipinos often associate them with the Japanese because they could not see the difference. Moreover, they have children working in Japan and are sent Japanese items such as Japanese dolls and Japanese tea. Those who have non-POS friends shared that many nonPOS Okinawans cannot send their children to college and return to Japan as soon as their Filipino husbands die. Because most do not have their names in the Japanese registry, many have applied for but could not be given Japanese nationality. During World War Two, many family registries in Okinawa

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Notes for Maehara Yuko. Negotiating Multiple Ethnic Identities: The Case of Okinawan Women in the Philippines. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of the Philippines, 2001. were burned and temporary books were used. These temporary books are no longer recognized by the present Japanese government. To further complicate matters, the women migrated, not with a passport, but only with passage certificate issued by the U.S. Military. Upon arriving in the Philippines, the women, being married to a Filipino, automatically became Filipino citizens. However, some of the marriages were not reported, thus making some women stateless. In summary, the interviewed first-generation Okinawan women successfully straddle across three ethnic identities. Their Filipino identity is manifested by their adaptation to Filipino life, in the education of their children, in their decision to live in the Philippines despite the opportunity to return to Okinawa, in learning the Philippine language, and in acquiring some Philippine values such as pakikisama. They retain their Okinawan identity by getting in touch with their families in Okinawa, by preserving Okinawan values such as frugality, and by observing Okinawan practices such as moai. Their Japanese identity is basically manifested in their Japanese passports, but also in their fondness for some Japanese activities (like gardening) and products (like dolls and teas). Summary and Conclusion When they first arrived in the Philippines (1950s early 1960s), the interviewed women had to subsume their Okinawan identity in order to survive their new, harsh environment. They avoided speaking Japanese or Okinawan, tried to learn Tagalog and engaged in typical Filipino work such as selling balut. During the economic boom of Japan and the influx of Japanese tourist in the Philippines (1970s 1980s) the women grabbed the economic opportunities and became tourist guides. Once they have established their Filipino identity, they become comfortable in expressing their non-Filipino selves. This coincided with the waning of Filipinos anti-Japanese resentment and the resumption of diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines. By the 1980s they were able to return to their core selves, joined POS, spoke Japanese and the Okinawan language, observed Okinawan practices, etc. At present, they are socially and economically stable. Their children had graduated in premier colleges and are now professionals, and they can travel at will. Symbolically they are stable because they can freely express themselves in three ethnic identities. Maehara concludes that the interviewed women showed both primordial and situational ethnic identities which they negotiate in the course of their daily interactions. The dynamics of their identity are dictated by: (1) social dynamics in the adopted country, (2) political dynamics between the Philippines and Japan, and (3) intensity of ties with their kin in Okinawa. According to Maehara, her thesis validates the theories of writers such as Oda, Castles and Miller, and Kondo which purport the positionality and negotiatedness of ethnic identities. It also reconciled the theory of Hutchinson and Smith of a primordial identity with a negotiated identity. For future studies, Maehara suggests investigation of second- and third-generation Okinawans to gain a more comprehensive view of post-war migrants. Particularly, she notes the potential of tracing family trees of pre- and post-war migrants, and to see if there is a relation with the Filipinos who went to work in Okinawa after the war. The most urgent, however, is to study the nationality of Okinawan women, especially non-POS members, and their children who up to now remain stateless.

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