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To Keep and Question Tradition: Identity Formation in the Second-Generation of the Unification Church Bryan Flynn University of Maryland AMST 450 Spring Semester 2012 443-840-0127 b.flynn06@gmail.com

Abstract: In this essay, I will explore the ways that identity is formed, understood, and performed within the second-generation of the Unification Church. The Unification Church began to have practicing members in the 1970s. During that and the following decade, the church faced a lot of aversion, and many people accused the movement of being a cult. As members became older, they settled into family life and began having children. The experience of being raised in a new religion in the United States offers a very unique experience, and further, an understanding on self-identity that is in many ways very different from other, while also sharing interesting similarities. In conducting my research, I interviewed ten people who grew up within the church. I looked for specific and shared themes within the experience of the second-generation of the Unification Church, and asked and wondered how those experiences impact the overall understanding of identity to the individual. I found that certain aspects of the Unification experience influenced the overall perception of identity to the second-generation. The most important of those themes was community. Every participant expressed the importance of having the opportunity to relate with others who have a shared experience. The second-generation community, which spans the entire country is a network that every person growing up in the church is very aware of and is usually at least somewhat connected to, and interacts with. Guiding Questions: 1. What aspects of Unification Culture have the most impact on second-generations idea of self? 2. How connected are the second-generation to the theology and ideas of the movement? 3. How does the second-generation connect their identity status within the church with other social roles? Thesis: While there are many aspects to an individuals formation of identity, the unique experience of growing up in a religious community such as the Unification Church creates very specific markers of identity. There are many avenues of experience within the Unification movement alone that influence the formation of identity. The most salient of these experiences is the strong sense of community experienced throughout the second-generation of the church. The close-knit network of peers with shared experiences provide, according to my findings, one of the greatest sources of identity confirmation to children born into the Unification Church.

History and Terms: In order to put this research in a proper context, it is necessary to give some background and history of the Unification Church in the United States. It is important to understand the basic ideology, as well as the understanding of the role of the secondgeneration to the churches overall belief system. Finally, there is certain terminology used in this paper that is very common within the social context of the church. but may need clarification to enable a clear understanding of the findings and research. The first Unification Church missionaries came to the United States from Korea and Japan in 1959. During the 60s and into the early 70s, their focus was establishing centers throughout the country; and set up major centers in Berkley, Denver, Los Angels, New York, and Washington D.C. It wasnt until the mid 70s that the church truly took off as a national movement. During this time, many young students joined with a strong enthusiasm. Throughout the decade, members participated in mobile fundraising teams and witnessing missions. A particularly important date for the purposes of this research is July 1, 1982. This marked the blessing ceremony, or marriage, of 2,075 couples. It is from these marriages that many of the second-generation come from. This moment also marked a shift in the dynamic of the church atmosphere, as it shifted from a movement of young, single people, to a family centered environment. It is important to give a basic overview of the theology of the Unification Church, mostly for the reason that it sets the significance of the second-generation into perspective. Through a basic understanding of the church, it will be much more clear why the social role of the second-generation is so unique. The Unification Church draws

 a lot of its theology from Christian thought. However, it departs in the interpretation of the Bible, namely in the story of Adam and Eve and in the mission of Jesus. According to Unification doctrine, the story of Adam and Eve, referred to as the Fall, is a symbolic representation. In Unification thought, the Fall was a sexual encounter between Adam and Eve before they reach full maturity, and before they had a blessing from God. This thought is central to the Unification ideology. Similarly as important is the churchs understanding of the mission of Jesus. Within the church, it is believed that Jesus was intended to establish a family, however was unable to complete his mission. Further, it is held that Rev. Moon, who established the church, inherited this mission from Jesus when he was a teenager. It is the belief of the church that through the teachings of Rev. Moon, the world will be returned to its original intended state with God. The Blessing: Essentially, the Blessing is the term used in the Unification Church for marriage. However, there are much more ideological implications within the blessing besides that of a union. For the church, the ultimate goal of the Blessing is to eradicate the satanic blood lineage and restore the lineage through engrafting onto True Parents [Rev. Moon and his wife] (Kim). For the first generation, this was a very important moment, and

much of the work and experiences they went through during the 70s was preparation for the blessing. It is equally important for the second-generation, as it is the ultimate hope that BCs will eventually receive the blessing, that is to marry within the faith, and continue the traditions and practices of the church into the future.

BC: The term BC, which comes up many times throughout this research, is an acronym for blessed child. It is a term that is used for anyone born into the church; each secondgeneration member is considered a blessed child. The reason the second-generation are referred to as blessed is because they it is thought that they have been born without sin. The role of blessed children in the movement is very important. Concepts of lineage run very central to the ideology of the church, so maintaining one that is connected to the faith, and to its belief system, is extremely important. For one first generation member, the difference was stated as, [being a] second generation is totally different from other children and totally different from us, the first generation, as well. The difference is lineage. They were born of Gods lineage. We, the first generation, were engrafted into God's lineage but were born of the satanic lineage. This is the point that separates us apart and makes us different from them (Otomo). Background: I approached this research project from a very personal standpoint, as I myself grew up in with Unification framework, and have dealt with the implications of being a second-generation member. At times, I have felt very connected to the church, and being a BC was a central part of my identity. Conversely, I have experienced times of great confusion about my relation to the church, and how my role as a second-generation fit into my own perception of myself. Growing up, I never felt the need to consider how being a BC played a part in my identity, never considering the possibility of alternative

 options. Even into my high-school years, the assumption always remained that I would

follow a certain path. It has not been until recently that I have began to consider critically exactly how my identification, or lack there of, as a BC has been consolidated with other social roles and personal identifying markers to create a full identity. I share the experience that nearly every child growing up in a religious family encountered. That is a childhood of assumed and adopted devotion. I participated excitedly in all church activities because that was what my parents were doing. In addition, there was a close group of children generally the same age in our congregation, and the friendships that developed through the church were extremely valuable to me. I remember taking a lot of pride in my active participation in church activities. At a young age, I felt a strong desire to meet the criteria for what I considered to be a good secondgeneration member. The church was always part of my reality, and I would constantly be having some interaction with that aspect of my identity. However, I can say I was much more committed to the social aspect of being a BC as opposed to the ideological side. I would try very hard to engage in church doctrine, and invest energy in the various practices of the church. This included things such as daily readings of speeches and other writings from the founder of the church, Rev. Moon. Practices such as those were important to me insofar as they were important to my parents. What most solidified my identification with the church was the extended BC community throughout the country. Not only was there the close community of kids in my hometown, every state had a collection of BCs of some sort. During the summer I would attend summer workshops, which were half camp and half religious school.

Similar to my experiences at home, it was the friendships I made at those workshops that had the biggest impact on me. It was with other BCs that I had the closest relationships. I never considered myself to be a part of a religious minority, but I do remember not being open with people outside of the church about my connection with it. When asked by my friends at school about religion, I simply deferred the question my responding I was Christian. This separation between a church and school identity continued through middle and high school. While I continued to value my role as a second-generation, it was not the only lived experience I had growing up. Moving from elementary to middle, and finally to high school, I began to spend less and less time involved in church activities. Even though I associated less with the church, it was still an integral part of who I was. Many of my decisions and behaviors were very much influenced by what I perceived to be the expectations of the church, and the requirements I imposed upon myself to be considered to be a BC. This increasingly dualistic concept of my own identity stayed with me for some time. Even after high school, when I took a year off to devote all of my time to a church leadership program, I had the feeling of split identities, and did not feel a sense of selfsameness. During that time, my faith was displayed in a very public way, as I spent a lot of time fundraising for various projects that we had planned. Even then, I continued to dodge the fact that I was associated with the Unification Church, and instead focused on the youth leadership aspect of the program. Throughout my entire life Ive had a hard time linking my role as a second-generation church member with my everyday life, and it has not been until recently that I have began to feel comfortable talking about my upbringing in the church.

 Further, I feel this sort of research is very important to the BC community at

large. As with any religious community, each person has had a varied experience. Many BCs have always been very proud and open about their faith and their connection to the church. However, many have had similar experiences as myself, and the opportunity for many of the second-generation to express their experiences and interpretations of their role as BCs has not been entirely available. It is my hopes that through this research, there can being to be a platform and discussion for BCs to think through and talk about how their experiences growing up in the Unification Church have impacted the way their identity developed. Methodology: In beginning my research, I looked at many books and articles regarding the nature of identity development. I started from a very broad perspective, reviewing the literature that exists about the general process of identity formation. Through that, I was able to get a general understanding of the psychological and sociological implications of identity formation. Namely, the existing research I found spoke primarily to the importance of identity formation during the time of adolescence. Similarly, I found a lot of existing research highlighting the relevance of identity formation in relation to a given social context. Through that lens, I was able to find some research about the specific implications of a religious context on identity formation, and was even able to get as far as to find literature about religious minority identity. To begin to explore the very specific questions about identity formation within the second-generation of the Unification Church, I turned to the collection of narrative-style testimonies from various second-generation members. I choose the narrative approach to

 the interview process to allow the participants to express a wide range of experiences. This paper is based on the synthesis of these narratives. I received accounts from 10 individuals who grew up in the church. All the participants were college ages, half of these being male and half being female. The geographic make-up consists mostly of the

Maryland area, however some participants are from the Seattle area. Each participant can be said to come from a middle-class background, although economic factors were not considered for this thesis. The participants wrote most of the narratives, as they were provided with four open-ended questions, aimed simply at guiding their stories. Two of the interviews were conducted in person, and one was conducted through an online chat program. I know each of the participants personally, which allowed for an open narrative. However, I did specify that I was not looking for very personal experiences, rather general experiences of growing up in the church. Finally, to provide anonymity for the participants, their names will not be used in this paper. Review of Literature: The discussion of identity formation is universally synonymous with one name, Erik Erikson. It is for this reason that I begin my research with his ideas and writings. Erikson was the first person to begin to really think through the process of identity formation, and in his view the most crucial moment in ones life for identity development occurs during adolescence. For Erikson, and surely for all other theorists, a strong sense of identity is essential for people to achieve and maintain a healthy life. Following along these lines, a strong identity, for Erikson, is the perception of the selfsameness and continuity of ones existence in time and space and the perception of the fact that others recognize ones sameness and continuity (Erikson 50). That is to say, a person must be

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able to connect the collection of their life experiences to the social and historical context they are in, as well as have a confirmation of that sameness from a community. These two issues are central to the question of the role of the Unification Church in identity formation, which makes Eriksons writings on the matter of particular relevance. The task of identity formation has become increasingly important and difficult for youth in light of the myriad of choices and options available in the current social context. Erikson established the notion that identity is something that is in constant flux, always interacting with a given context. The search for identity involves the establishment of a meaningful self-concept in which past, present, and future are brought together to form a unified whole (Muuss 10). This idea is summed up again by Erikson, saying, identity could be said to be characterized by the actually attained but forever tobe-revised sense of reality of the Self within social reality (Erikson 211). Building on those basic assumptions about identity, namely being the importance of its development and its connection to context and community, the next step is to consider the ways an individual gets to a point of identity realization. For many researchers, the next big gain in understanding identity came from the work of James Marcia. Building off the foundation of Erikson, Marcia proposed four stages in identity formation based on two fundamental experiences, exploration and commitment. He posits two polar opposites of the identity spectrum as identity achievement and identity foreclosure. These statuses are categorized by opposite experiences with exploration and commitment. Someone who is identity achieved has explored many identity options and has made a strong commitment to a chosen identity. On the other end, an identity foreclosure has experienced no form of exploration and has no

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commitment to an identity. In between these statuses are Moratorium and Diffusion. A person in the moratorium stage is in the process of exploration, and can be considered to be facing a moment of crisis for their identity. The diffusion status is similar in its middle-ground nature, but this person is committed to an identity without experiencing a full period of exploration (Marcia 551). The theories of Erikson and Marcia still stand as the basis for almost all inquiry into the nature of identity and its development. From there, there has been a lot of exploration into the specifics of how identity is formed. The principals established by Erikson and the statuses given by Marcia give researchers the grounds to be able to pinpoint where an individual is within the identity formation process. However, there is a lack of insight as to how an individual gets from one status to another. Further research has revealed that, changing social structures may directly impact and limit the conditions under which one experiences adolescence (Yoder 96). The identity statuses alone, it seems, is not enough to describe the full experience of identity formation. In addition to the varying experiences a given context can provide for an individual, there is also community to be considered. The way one interacts with, and values a given community can have an outstanding impact on their identity formation. From these ideas on identity formation, my research then turned towards specific ideas concerning religious context for identity, as well as belonging to a particular kind of community, much like the BC community. Going further, I attempted to find any theoretical work that could begin the process of describing the experience of a BC and their unique process of identity formation. Aspects of the BC experience which I find to be particularly salient in the discussion of identity formation is the relationship to parents,

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and their hopes and expectations of their children continuing the faith. I want to explore the ways in which BCs have interpreted their position as the second-generation of a religious movement. To understand this, I want to first return to Erikson, who briefly speaks to issues of generativity, saying that adolescence is a vital regenerator in the process of social evolution, for youth can offer its loyalties and energies both to the conservation of that which continues to feel true and to the revolutionary correction of that which has lost its regenerative significance (Erikson 134). The sentiments about generational interactions introduced by Erikson nicely set up concepts that other theorists have presented on the same subject. It is true that within the Unification Church, as with many other religions, there is a lot of hope that subsequent generations will continue to practice the faith and maintain traditions. However, this is a very important issue in the Unification Church, because many of the first-generation drew strong boundaries between themselves and the rest of society, thus being strict and creating their distinctive identity that leads to their strength they [felt] embattled with the broader culture (Evans 469). This feeling of being embattled reoccurs in some of the second-generation, as will be shown in my own findings. Another component of Eriksons initial quote that comes up again in the discussion of religion and identity is ideology. Pamela King examines identity development in a religious context through a three-dimensional framework consisting of ideological, social, and spiritual aspects. For purposes of this paper, I will highlight her thoughts on the ideological and social components. For King, an ideological context provides youth with a sense of meaning, order, and place in the world (King 198). While this notion depends heavily on a

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persons commitment to an ideology, King also makes an interesting point that religion can provide opportunities for youth to use their analytical capacities to think through and question beliefs and values, which may be especially helpful in the consolidation of identity (King 198). This is of interest because it links with Eriksons, as well as many other theorists ideas that identity can always change. In this instance, religion acts as an opportunity for exploration rather than a constraining context. Not only does religion have the possibility to provide individuals with an ideological framework in which to develop their identity, it also creates a strong social context. For King, personal integration is facilitated not only by abstract ideology but by having it lived out in the flesh. Religions often provide opportunities for adolescents to interact with peers and build intergenerational relation- ships as well (King 199). Not only is the immediate community of importance, but also religious context presents the opportunity to connect with the previous generation, thus giving a sense of continuality across history. Regardless of the ideological implications of a religious context, as well as the commitment of a given individual, religion is a web of support, where young people experience trustworthy parents, friends, and adults with whom they can dialogue and interact, is an ideal environment for young people to wrestle with issues of identity (King 199). In this sense, the value of a religious context for identity formation is not in faith, but in community. This kind of connection with a tight knit community is especially relevant to the experience of the Unification Church, and even more so for the second-generation. The experience of connectedness to such a specific group can be expressed best through fidelity. The term fidelity can be defined as the ability to sustain loyalties freely pledged

 in spite of inevitable contradictions of value systems (Markstrom-Adams et al. 454). The work of Carol Markstrom-Adams explores the specific implications of a religious minority context. Placing identity formation in such a context places religion as an

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assigned identity. For her, a religious minority status is characterized by the absence of self-selection or self-definition (Markstrom-Adams et al. 456). With this, fidelity is experienced most through the social context of the religion, because for individuals born into religious minority families who exhibit strong adherence to religious traditions, intense religious socialization is likely to occur throughout the first two decades of life (Markstrom-Adams et al. 457). According to this research, a tight community in a minority religious status facilitates identity formation. Findings: Through the review of literature surrounding the theories of identity as well as the interviews conducted with individuals born into the Unification Church, I found that there are two salient points about identity formation. Through my research, it became clear that the experience of a BC identity is best explored against the social context as well as the community of other BCs. In other words, there appears to be very distinct experiences of a BC identity in relation to the church structure as a whole, as well as a very different experience within the social community of BCs. These varying experiences as points of research are expressed by Jane Kroger, when she says, must consider the individuals interpretation or experience of context as an important mediating variable. The same context will not be associated with a uniform pattern of identity development for all individuals therein. Much valuable information about identity formation will be gained by examining the meaning an adolescent makes of

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elements in his/her social context. By exploring these two avenues of interpretation of the BC identity, I hope to begin to develop an understanding of the ways identity works within the Unification context. Growing Up Special: The role of the second-generation in the Unification Church differs in a very dramatic way from other faiths. The position of a BC is said to be of the utmost importance, as the church doctrine states that it is only the second-generation who are born without any sin. The emphasis on such a coveted position brings varying responses within the BC community. Despite the differences in interpretation, the feeling of difference is common among all the narratives of each participant. Starting from a very young age, BCs are taught that they are in a very unique position, which they have been born with no original sin, and thus are in an elevated spiritual position. These feelings resonated throughout many of the narratives; as many of the participants expressed an understanding that they were suppose to be different from other people. This sentiment is demonstrated in one of the narratives, when a participant offered their experience in Sunday School: [Our Sunday School teacher] taught my sisters and I, and like 6 other kids what it meant to be a BC. She told us that we were special, more special than anyone else because we were born perfect. My Dad also used to tell us that when we died, we would be in heaven because we [were] BCs This experience was shared by many of the participants, however, it occurred in varying degrees. Another participant gave a much broader depiction of the special role that BCs occupy in the context of the church: What does it actually mean to be a BC for me? I know the technical side, which is that through the conditions and sacrifices of our parents we were able to be the first generation of youth born without original sin and without a direct connection to the

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human fall. Our parents once believed that this would make us perfect children and so many of the early 2nd Generation were raised with harsh standards that were unreachable. This is one of the reasons so many of the older 2nd Generation hold resentment towards our church, understandably so. Since then perceptions have changed and Im grateful to see our parents recognizing the validity of the struggles of our generation. Although both of these passages discuss the similar experience, it is clear that there are different interpretations going on within the similar context. In some cases, this special position was inspiring, helping to strengthen the commitment to the church as well as the notion of an identity as a BC. However, in some cases, there was a feeling of isolation, or of pressure, which caused a challenge both the understanding of identity as a BC as well as commitment to the faith. These varying interpretations brought a number of changes in the perception of the BC identity to participants as they became older. For one participant: I didnt know how to interact with people outside the church. Within the church I was very open and talked and was cool, but outside in the real world I was awkward. Over time and finally getting to actually know people I got to realize that I wasnt that different and that there were great people outside the church. I wasnt that special and I grew angry at all these walls I was raised with. The seclusion and the pedestal I was put up upon only made the crash towards reality in the end worse. Similar sentiments were expressed in another interview: I feel like I started to understand myself not soley as an individual, but as part of a larger picture, whether in my family or church community. I also felt special as a second generation who God had been waiting for so long. Through this I developed a sense of privilege to be born into a new lineage, but also repressed in society as I felt marginalized as part of a small religion. Continuing with this thought, another participant experienced the BC identity, and what can be expressed as a sense of uniqueness, through the specific ideological ideas within the church about lineage, saying: I think one of the ways I felt my identity was in terms of lineage, in a way I felt purer than others and I held my purity in high regard. This idea was upheld pretty much

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through out high. I had a couple experiences where my standards were tested and failed and had a hard time adjusting to these failures as I felt it was lost and in a way stolen from me. After that it became a slow downward spiral until I didn't place the same importance on purity and identify as I used to. I think in a way there is still some subconscious self judgment that has been so ingrained its been hard to fully break away from. This moment provides a different viewpoint to the occurrence of the pressures involved with being raised as such a special person. With such an emphasis on purity and lineage, it became difficult to continue to identify so heavily with that aspect. In this case, the special feeling brought feelings of self-judgment. These excerpts help to underline some of the conflicting experiences felt by some of the BCs within the church community. Being raised in such an elevated role brought both feelings of commitment and belonging, but also feelings of tension and stress, which challenged the salience of a BC identity within the individual. The experiences and interpretations of each individual offer a unique look at the context plays into identity formation. It is clear that certain identities, such as religious identities, are not experienced in the same way. Even within the same context, there are a number of identities intersecting in an individuals experience. Some experienced a challenge when the identity role of BC went against other experienced identities outside of the context of the church. Belonging with the BCs: Another common aspect to the narrative of the BCs interviewed was their connection and relationship to the BC community at large. Regardless of the commitment to the church theology, or the self-identification with being a BC, many of the participants expressed an affinity and closeness to other BCs. Interactions with other BCs are a different experience than with those who did not grow up in the church. In

 this sense, the BC identity is experienced in a very different way. As opposed to the experience of being special, the BC identity also gives a sense of belonging to a broad community. As one participant put it:

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While growing up I felt I had an extremely diverse family. I was raised to call the parents of my friends Aunt and Uncle, and so I naturally saw others as part of my extended family. It made me feel really comfortable whenever I spent the night at friends houses because I knew they were my family. It also meant that although my family was relatively small (I have one older sister who is 6 years my senior), I felt like I had many other siblings through my friends and their families As a young child being a BC just meant that I had a million friends and family. As a teenager the same was true. I could go to any state in the USA and easily find a family to stay with that I felt comfortable and at home with. Interestingly, the exact same feeling was expressed in another interview: A big part of being a BC, as is with every exclusive group, is the community. Like being a smoker, you go outside and see other smokers at a party and you guys are tight friends for a few moments. That is how it is. BCs have an innate connection. We were all raised in a similar unique way that drew us together. Being a BC as a kid was about constantly making best friends and that sort of brotherhood. I had tight friends all over the world. It was pretty wild. If you go on a road trip you have friends everywhere whose houses you can stay at. Another way that the connectivity of the BC community was felt was through the sharing of a familiar narrative. In the context of a religious minority status, some find it hard to explain why they behave in certain ways to people outside of the faith. This not only has implications of identity presentation but also drew one individual closer to the BC community: To me being a BC also felt like family. I always felt there was a special connection that I could have with them that I didn't find with others. I still feel a sense of comfort being around BCs but more recently have come to also really trust and appreciate the friendship of open-minded people outside the church. I think one of the main things that helped connect me more so to BCs was the understanding of our unusual story, which is so difficult, I felt, to explain to others. I had real fear trying to figure out how to explain to others why I do things so differently and was raised in such a way. I think mainly the most common issue was with dating. People often wondered why I didn't and I had a hard time telling people.

 By sharing a common experience, as well as not having to explain certain behaviors,

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created an early sense of a close community within the network of BCs. This experience changed over time however, as it became easier for the participant: Although later on in high school I had a "hardcore" phase and told my friends most of the things about the church. The reaction was accepting and they often actually helped me out in cases where my dating was in question. I still find it hard to explain to people now, even though all my experiences with telling people have been mostly positive. I think my shy nature as well as being very sheltered from the outside world had made it difficult for me to create relationships outside the church, it still takes me longer than with people I have just met inside the church, even though logically I know they aren't very different and most likely will be receptive. This passage indicates the progress of identity formation very clearly. Although there is familiarity in the BC community, and relationships seem to develop more naturally, there is still a draw to explore, even if that is just in the instance of connecting with other people outside of the BC community. Although it is difficult for the participant to immediately connect with some people, there is indication that an identity that provides a sense of selfsameness is present. This passage shows both exploration and commitment, and is very much in line with Marcias description of an identity-achieved status. The range of experience within one aspect of community or context is just as numerous as the varied identities one encounters in their everyday life. By highlighting these two unique experiences from the BC identity, I hope to begin to explore the intricacies of just one aspect of identity. Discussion and Conclusion: Based on the research and readings I have encountered, my understanding of the way identity development occurs in relation to the context of religious minority has begun to take shape. It appears that there are very important aspects of identity that are present in each person who grew up in the Unification Church. These recurring aspects

 of identity occurred regardless of commitment. Going along the lines of commitment, however, there remained some level of commitment to the church, despite ideological

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exploration and contestation. Prevalent in each person interviewed was a commitment to the community, and to the basic ideals presented in the church. A certain sense of morality is present in each of the participants. Even if this morality is not linked to the specific structure of the church as an organization, it is linked to a sense of belonging to a community. No long are the rules of being identified as a BC connected exclusively with following the exact, structured path that we were told was the way as children. The collective understanding of what it means to be a BC has shifted. A sense of fidelity is still crucial to the overall identity of a second-generation church member. To understand the intersection between identity formation and religion, especially one as unique as the Unification Church, there are a number of paths of further research I would like to pursue. Firstly, following up with the same participants many times to continue to investigate the ways their perceptions of self-identity and religious ideas continue to evolve would provide a useful viewpoint into how identity develops over time. This is something that many identity researchers have pointed to as being the next step in understanding better how identity is formed, maintained, and presented. Along similar lines, I would like to do a similar study with the first generation, in order to understand how religion and identity interact in later years. Also, I would be interested in looking at second-generation members of other faiths and comparing their experiences with those of people growing up with the Unification faith. What kind of parallels can be drawn between multiple second-generation faith experiences? And further, what does that say about the relationship between identity and faith more generally? Finally, there

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are some specific aspects of the Unification experience in which I feel could provide very intriguing insights into the overall experience; and, if connected to a larger conversation about identity, be very valuable to the larger discussion about how it perceived by individuals. The blessing ceremony and emphasis on marriage within the church is one of the most talked about within the community. It has been, and continues to be, the most salient aspect of the Unification experience for the second-generation. Whether or not one participated in the blessing, the ideas surrounding it undoubtedly impact their overall perspective and identity in very profound ways. I would like to have a more focused research project focusing on such topics, although it is a topic that is very personal and for many, difficult to openly talk about. Recognition of a similar life story, of similar experiences, as well as simple familiarity with other BCs is what holds the community together. While it is often hard to explain exactly what it was like to grow up in the church to someone without intimate knowledge of the way the church, the BC identity does not require any kind of seclusion or isolation. In contrast, it is through the multiplication of roles the status of BC becomes more prominent. The variance of ideological commitment is expected with any religious group. The ideas that religious minority groups have a higher rate of commitment in connection with a lack of exploration of other identity options is clearly not the case within the context of the Unification Church. Those who continue to identity with the theology are only fully able to do so into late adolescence after experiencing very meaningful identity-forming moments or going through great times of exploration. The case of the second-generation identity formation brings into question the assumptions of religion as an assigned identity.

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Bibliography Church Documents: 1. Bromely, David, and First Bobbitt. "Challenges to charismatic authority in the Unificationist Movement." Sacred Schisms: How Religions Divide. Ed. James R. Lewis. Cambridge University Press , 2009. 129-146 2. Kim, Yun Jin. "Education of Our Second Generation." tparents.org. N.p., n.d. Web. 10 Apr 2012. http://www.tparents.org/Library/Unification/Talks/Kim/Kimeduc-2gen.htm 3. Mickler, Michael. "40 Years in America." tparents.org. N.p., 23 Feb 2012. Web. http://www.tparents.org/Library/Unification/Books/40Years/40Years.pdf 4. Mickler, Michael. "Future Prospects of the Unification Church." The Future of New Religious Movements. Ed. David Bromley and Ed. Phillip Hammond. 1st. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1987. 175-185. Print. 5. Otomo, Yuji. "Second Generation Problems and Solutions." tparents.org. N.p., 15 08 2010. Web. 10 Apr 2012. 6. Parsons, Arthur. "Messianic Personalism: A Role Analysis of the Unification Church." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 25.2 (1986) 7. Robbins, Thomas, Dick Anthony, Madeline Doucas, and Thomas Curtis. "The Last Civil Religion: Reverend Moon and the Unification Church." Sociological Analysis. 37.2 (1976): 111-125 Religion and Identity:

23 1. Ammerman, Nancy. "Religious Identities and Religious Institutions." Handbook of the Sociology of Religion. Ed. Michele DillonCambridge University Press, 2003. 206-224. 2. Barker, Eileen. Of Gods and Men: New Religions in the West. Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1983. 3. Brace, Catherine, Adrian Bailey, and David Harvey. "Religion, place and space: a framework for investigating historical geographies of religious identities and communities." Progress in Human Geography. 30.1 (2006) 4. Cheong, Pauline, Jesse Poon, et al. "The Internet Highway and Religious Communities: Mapping and Contesting Spaces in Religion-Online." Information Society: An International Journal . 25.5 (2009) 5. Eggebeen, David, and Jeffrey Dew. "The Role of Religion in Adolescence for Family Formation in Young Adulthood." Journal of Marriage and Family. 71.1 (2009) 6. Elkind, David. "Age Changes in the Meaning of Religious Identity." Review of Religious Research. 6.1 (1964) 7. Elkind, David, and Sally Elkind. "Varieties of Religious Experience in Young Adolescents." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 2.1 (1962) 8. Evans, John. "The Creation of a Distinct Subcultural and Denominational Growth." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 42.3 (2003): 467-477 9. Hammond, Phillip. "Religion and the Persistence of Identity." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 27.1 (1988)

 10. Hardy, Same, Michael Pratt, et al. "Community and Religious involvement as

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Contexts of Identity Change Across Late Adolescence and Emerging Adulthood." Internation Journal of Behavioral Development. 35.2 (2010) 11. Hunsberger, Bruce, and L.B. Brown. "Religious Socialization, Apostasy, and the Impact of Family Background." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 23.3 (1984) 12. King, Pamela. "Religion and Identity: The Role of Ideological, Social, and Spiritual Contexts." Applied Developmental Science. 7.3 (200): 197-204 13. Maclean, A. Michael, Lawrence Walker, and M. Kyle Matsuba. "Transcendence and the Moral Self: Identity Integration, Religion, and Moral Life." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 43.3 (2004): 429-431 14. Markstrom-Adams, Carol, Greta Hofstra, et al. "The Ego-Virtue of Fidelity: A Case Study of Religion and Identity Formation in Adolescence." Journal of Youth and Adolescence. 23.4 (1994): 453 15. Layton, Emily, David Dollahite, and Sam Hardy. "Anchors of Religious Commitment in Adolescents ." Journal of Adolescent Research. 1.33 (2010) 16. Parsons, Arthur. "The Secular Contribution to Religious Innovation: A Case Study of the Unification Church." Sociology of Religion. 50.3 (1989) 17. Proctor, James. "Introduction: Theorizing and Studying Religion." Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 96.1 (2006) 18. Seul, Jeffrey. "'Ours is the Way to God': Religion, Identity, and Intergroup Conflict." Journal of Peace Research. 36.5 (1999)

 19. Smith, Timothy. "Religion and Ethnicity in America." American Historical Review. 83.5 (1978): 1155-1185 20. Rochford, Jr., E. Burke. "The Sociology or New Religious Movements." American Sociology of Religion: Histories. Ed. Anthony Blasi. Koninlijke. Netherlands: 2007. 253-276. 21. Warner, Stephen. "Work in Progress Toward a New Paradigm for the Sociological Study of Religion in the United States." American Journal of Sociology. 98.5 (1993): 1044-1093 General Identity Studies: 22. Cote, James, and Charles Levine. Identity Formation, Agency, and Culture. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002.

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23. Dumas, Tara, Heather Lawford, et al. "Positive Parenting in Adolescence and Its Relationto Low Point Narrationand Identity Status in Emerging Adulthood: A Longitudinal Analysis." Developmental Psychology. 45.6 (2009) 24. Erikson, Erik. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1968. Print. 25. Kroger, Jane. Identity in Adolescence. 3rd. New York: Routledge, 2004. 26. Leary, Mark. Self-Presentation. West View Press: Boulder, 1996. 27. Marcia, James. "Development and Validationof Ego-Identity Status." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 3.5 (1966) 28. Muuss, Rolf E. Theories of Adolescence: Eric Ericksons Theory of Identity Development. New York: McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc

26 29. Schacter, Eli. "Identity Configurations: A New Perspective on Identity Formation in Contempory Society." Journal of Personality. 72.1 (2004) 30. Tesch, Stephanie, and Susan Whitbourne. "Intimacy and identity status in young adults." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 43.5 (2009) 31. Yoder, Amy. "Barriers to Ego Identity Formation: A Contextual Qualification of Marcia's Identity Status Paradigm." Journal of Adolescence. 23. (2000): 95-106

Narrative Studies: 32. McAdams, Dan. "The Psychology of Life Stories." Review of General Psychology. 5.2 (2001) 33. McAdams, Dan, Jack Bauer, et al. "Continuity and Change in the Life Story: A Longitudinal Study of Autobiographical Memories in Emerging Adulthood." Journal of Personality. 74.5 (2006) 34. McAdams, Dan, and Ed de St. Aubin. "A Theory of Generativity and its Assesment Through Self-Report, Behavioral Acts, and Narrative Themes in Autobiography." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 62.6 (1992)