theSun | THURSDAY FEBRUARY 12 2009
INTERVIEWS VIEWS
keep my independence. But I did
work closely with some of the
DAP members like Kit Siang, (P)
Patto, and V. David.
I didn’t join any organisation
until August 2005 when I joined
DAP. And this happened when I
was told to leave the university.
In May 2005, I reached 56 and
had to retire. Normally the
practice is if they need your
services, they give you a two-
year contract.
By then I had already received
a number of warning letters (for
activism) from the university,
but they never took any action.
How did you get involved
in the Sri Lankan peace
process?
The issue about the Tamils was
incidental. I read about the Sri
Lankan situation and I started
writing a lot on the ethnic ques-
tion until they had a ceasefire
brokered by the Norwegians in
2002. After that the leadership
invited me to give training to
their top cadres on politics.
The Tamil Tigers?
Tamil Tigers, yes. I ac-
cepted because at that time
they were opening up, they
wanted to explore federalism,
decentralisation and all these
things. The training was on
politics, the constitution and
different models of federalism.
So I gave their political cadres
a 10-day course in Killinochi. I
also drafted the interim admin-
istration proposal to kick-start
the peace process. But the Sri
Lankan government rejected
that proposal, and today there is
open conflict.
At the same time I was
developing contacts with the
Acehnese. I had many Aceh-
nese students working for their
PhDs and Masters. And I took a
particular interest in this.
When no Malay Muslim
dared to support the cause, I
supported it in Malaysia.
They were asking me
to get a mediator for
the peace process.
So I approached
the Norwegians.
They were ready
but they were
a bit slow. And
after the tsunami,
a Finnish NGO
approached them
and also saw me.
I was
adviser to GAM (Gerakan Aceh
Merdeka or Free Aceh Move-
ment) in the Helsinki peace talks
from January to August 2005. I
was still in UKM at that time.
Six rounds of peace talks
and they clinched the MOU
in August 2005. Finally, it was
working. The killings stopped,
and the Acehnese are happy. To-
day, the peace deal is working in
their favour. They have got their
autonomy.
There were horrific killings
during the civil war. I devel-
oped a good relationship with
the Acehnese and I now have
developed a very good relation-
ship with the Indonesians. They
consult me on peace issues. I
was also in Mindanao, and
became consultant to the
organisation UK Aids,
on peace issues,
on how to resolve
ethnic strife.
You have been
a political scien-
tist, an academic,
an activist and a
part of an inter-
national mediat-
ing team. Now you
are a political ad-
ministrator. What is
You have your vision of society?
All these are related. I think there
all kinds is an underlying vision among all
of constraints. these. In the case of Malaysia, we
But I am have always fought for a genuine
treading very multiracial society where all the
races are respected, where there
carefully. I is human equality. Where a per-
think one has son would not be discriminated
to be sensitive. on the basis of race or religion.
One has to be To me this is an idealistic con-
careful. But cern, this is a position we move
towards. To me idealism is
at the same important. Without this sense of
time I believe idealism, I don’t think I would be
we must able to function. And this was the
not forget idealism that guided me when
I was fighting for the workers
our original in the 80s. This is the idealism
mission. Why that guides me in championing
I am here international peace issues.
and why my I believe that a political solu-
people voted tion is important to resolve the
conflicts. There is no such thing
me. Because as resolving conflict through
people voted armed struggle.
for change,
and they When you see movements
like these that represent
want not just individuals who have been
superficial waylaid, and then you see
changes, they similar movements in Malay-
want very sia, like Hindraf, do you see
concrete and any similarities?
To put in a historical perspective,
substantive the Indian community had un-
changes.” dergone this kind of movement
– Dr P. before. The first movement of
Ramasamy, Indians was in Klang in 1941
deputy chief when hundreds and thousands
of Tamil labourers went on
minister II, strike, on the eve of World War
Penang II. Many were deported to India.
They fought for better wages,
better living conditions against
the European capitalists. After
the war, after the collapse of
the INA (Indian National Army)
11
campaign, that was a phenom-
enal movement of Indians.
Subash Chandra Bose (INA
leader) was in Malaysia?
Chandra Bose was able to unite
Indians across class, across the
ethnic divide, to mobilise the ef-
fort to liberate India from British
rule. To me that was a phenom-
enal movement. I don’t think you
can reproduce such a movement.
Muslims, Christians, Hindus… It
was the most interesting episode
in the history of this country.
Hundreds of thousands, they
gave jewellery, all in the name of
liberating India. That liberation
never took place, Chandra Bose
died in an accident, but it sped
up Indian independence in 1947.
Without INA you cannot explain
Indian independence in 1947.
Without INA you cannot explain
why Indians joined the left-wing
movement, why Indians joined
the communist party in this
country. In the fifties, there was
a struggle by the socialist par-
ties. In 1967 you had the historic
march of Bukit Asahan workers
from Malacca to Kuala Lumpur
because they lost their jobs to
agitate against exploitation in the
plantations. After that, you have
Hindraf. And there will be future
movements.
There have been other
groups that have also been
marginalised – orang asli
and many others. What about
them? Do you see them com-
ing up like the Indians?
The orang asli is a very sad
aspect of the Malaysian picture.
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