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JT

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Inttritatbnal Critical Comnuntarg

on

% Polg

gmpturts

of

tfct

#Ib anb

UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF

The

Rev.

CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS,

,

D.D., D.Litt.,

Graduate Professor of Theological Encyclopedia and Symbolics, Union Theological Seminary New York /

The

Rev.

SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER,

Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford;

D.D., D.Litt.,

The

Rev.

ALFRED PLUMMER,
College,

M.A., D.D.,
Durham.

Sometime Master of University

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The International Critical Commentary

On
the Holy Scriptures of the Old and

New Testaments
EDITORS* PREFACE

THERE
written
Schools, the

are

now

by

British

or homiletical

many Commentaries, and American divines, of a popular character. The Cambridge Bible for
before the public

Handbooks for Bible Classes and Private Students, The Speaker's Commentary, The Popular Commentary (Schafi), The Expositor's Bible, and other similar series, have their special place and importance. But they do not enter into the field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such series of Commentaries as the Kursgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch sum A. T. ; De Wette's Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch turn N. T; Meyer's Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar; Keil and Delitzsch's Biblischer Commentar fiber das A. T.; Lange's Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk; Nowack's Handkommentar turn A. T. ; Holtzmann's Handkommentar sum N. T. Several of these have been translated, edited, and in some cases enlarged and adapted, for the English-speaking public ; others are in process of translation. But no corresponding series by British or American divines has hitherto been produced. The way has been prepared by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott, Kalisch, Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others; and the time has come, in the judgment t>f the projectors of this enterprise, when it is practicable to combine British and American
scholars
in

the

production

Commentary

that will

of a critical, comprehensive be abreast of modern biblical scholarship,

van.

and in a measure

lead

its

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The International
&

Critical Commentary

Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons of

New

York, and Messrs.

series

T.

T. Clark of Edinburgh, propose to publish such a

of Commentaries on the Old and

of Prof. S. R. the Rev.

New

Testaments, under the

editorship of Prof. C. A. BRIGGS, D.D., D.Litt., in America,

Driver, D.D., D.Litt,

for the for the

and Old Testament, and

Alfred Plummer, D.D.,

New

Testament, in

Great Britain.

The Commentaries will be international and

and
will

inter-confessional,
bias.

will

be

free

from polemical and

critical critical

ecclesiastical

They

be based upon a thorough

study of the original texts

of the Bible, and upon

are designed chiefly for students

methods of interpretation. and clergymen, and

will
it,

They
will

be

written in a compact style.

Each book
still

be preceded by an

Introduction, stating the results of criticism upon

and

discussdetails

ing impartially the questions

remaining open.

The

of criticism will appear in their proper place in the body of the

Commentary.

Each

section of the Text will

be introduced

with a paraphrase, or summary of contents.

Technical details

of textual and philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept

distinct

from matter of a more general character ; and in the Old Testament the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as
possible, so as to

be serviceable to students not acquainted with

will

Hebrew.
dealt

The History of Interpretation of the Books with, when necessary, in the Introductions, with

be

critical

notices of the most important literature of the subject. Historical and Archaeological questions, as well as questions of Biblical

Theology, are included in the plan of the Commentaries, but

not Practical or Homiletical Exegesis.
stitute

The Volumes

will con*

a uniform

series.

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The International

Critical

Commentary

ARRANGEMENT OF VOLUMES AND AUTHORS

THE OLD TESTAMENT
GCNESIS. The Rev. John Skinner, D.D., Principal and Protestor of Old Testament Language and Literature, College of Presbyterian Church [Now Ready. of England, Cambridge, England.

EXODUS. The
LEVITICUS.

Rev. A. R. S. University of Edinburgh.

J. F.

Kennedy, D.D.,

Professor of Hebrew,

Stenning, M.A., Fellow of

Wadham

College, Oxford.

NUMBERS.

The Rev. G. Mansfield College, Oxford

Buchanan Gray, D.D.,

S.

Professor of Hebrew,

[Now Heady.
R. Driver, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Pro[Now Ready.

DEUTERONOMY.
fessor of

The Rev.

Hebrew, Oxford.

JOSHUA. The
JUDGES. The

Rev. George Adam Smith, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew, United Free Church College, Glasgow.

Rev. George Moore, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Theol[Now Ready. ogy, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

SAMUEL. The
KINGS.
Seminary,

Rev. H. P. Smith, D.D., Professor of Old Testament [Now Ready. Literature and History of Religion, Meadville, Pa.

and Professor

The Rev. Francis Brown, D.D., D.Litt., LL.D., President of Hebrew and Cognate Languages, Union Theological
City.

New York

CHRONICLES.

The Rev. Edward

L.

Hebrew, Yale University,

New

Haven, Conn.

Curtis, D.D., Profeisor of [plow Ready.

of St. Mark's Church, York City, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.

EZRA AND NEHEMIAH. The New

Rev. L.\V. Battkn, Ph.D., D.D., Rector sometime Professor of Hebrew,

PSALMS.
lessor of

Seminary,

The Rev. Chas. A. Briggs, D.D., D.Litt., Graduafe TroTheological Encyclopaedia and Symbolics, Union Theological New York. [2 vols. Now Read"

PROVERBS. The Rev. C. H. Toy, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Hebrew, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. [Now Ready.
JOB.

The Rev.

S.

R. Drivir, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Professor of He-

brew, Oxford.

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The International Critical Commentary

ISAIAH.
Chaps.

I-XXXIX.

The Rev. G. Buchanan Gray, D.D.,

Rev. A.

Professor of Hebrew, Mansfield College, Oxford.

ISAIAH.

Chaps.

XL-LXVI. The

S.

Peake, M.A., D.D., Dean

of the Theological Faculty of the Victoria University and Professor of Biblical Exegesis in the University of Manchester, England.

JEREMIAH. The

Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick.D.D, Dean of Ely, sometime Regius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge, England.

EZEKIEL. The Rev. G. A. COOKE, M.A., Oriel Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture, University of Oxford, and the Rev. Charles F. Burn ky, D. Litt., Fellow and Lecturer in Hebrew, St. John's College, Oxford.

DANIEL. The Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D., D.D., sometime Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now Rector of St. Michael's Church, New York City.

HOSEA. W. R. Harper, Ph.D., LL.D., sometime Presi[Now Ready. dent of the University of Chicago, Illinois.

AMOS AND

MICAH TO HAGGAI.
Prof.

Prof.

John

P. Smith,

University of Chicago;

Charles P. Fagnani, D.D., Union Theological Seminary, New York; W. Hayes Ward, D.D., LL.D., Editor of The Independent, New York; Prof. Julius A. Bewer. Union Theological Seminary, New York,
and
Prof.

H. G. Mitchell, D.D., Boston University.

Prof.

ZECHARIAH TO JONAH.
P.

H. G. Mitchell, D.D.,

Prof.

John

Smith and

Prof. J.

A. Bewer.

ESTHER. The Rev. L. B. ford Theological Seminary.

ECCLESIASTES.
cal Literature,

Paton, Ph.D., Professor

of

Hebrew, Hart-

[Now

Ready.

Prof.

George

Bryn

Mawr

College, Pa.

A. Barton, Ph.D., Professor of Bibli[Now Ready.

RUTH, SONG OF SONGS AND LAMENTATIONS. Rev. CHARLES A. Briggs, D.D., D.Litt., Graduate Professor of Theological Encyclopedia and Symbolics, Union Theological Seminary, New York.

THE NEW TESTAMENT

ST.

MATTHEW.

The Rev. WlLLOUOHBY

C.

Allen, M.A., Fellow and

f

Lecturer in Theology and Hebrew, Exeter College, Oxford,

Now Ready.
New Testa-

ST. MARK. Rev. E. P. GOULD, D.D., sometime Professor ment Literature, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia.

of

[Now Ready.

ST. LUKE. The Rev. Alfred Plummbr, D.D., sometime Master of [AOtv Ready. University College, Durham.

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Th International Critical Commentary

T.

JOHN. The

Patrick's

Very Rev. John Henry Bernard, D.D., Dean of and Lecturer in Divinity, University of Dublin.

St.

HARMONY OF THE GOSPELS. The Rev. William Sandav, D.D., LL.D. Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Oxford, ana the Rev. WlLlouohby C. Allen, M.A., Fellow and Lecturer in Divinity and Hebrew,
,

Exeter College, Oxford.

ACTS. The

Rev. C. H. Turner, D.D., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and the Rev. H. N. Bate, M.A., Examining Chaplain to the Bishop of London.

ROMANS. The Rev. William Sanday, D.D., LI..D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and the Rev. C. Headlam, M.A., D.D., Principal of King's College, London.
[Now Ready.

CORINTHIANS. The

Right Rev. Arch. Robertson, D.D., LL.D., Lord Bishop of Exeter, the Rev. Alfred Plummkr, D.D.,and Dawson Walker, D.D., Theological Tutor in the University of Durham.

GALATIANS. The Rev. Ernest D. Burton, D.D., Professor of Testament Literature, University of Chicago.

New

Rev. T. K. ABBOTT, B.D., sometime Professor of Biblical Greek, Trinity College, Dublin, now [Now Ready. Librarian of the same.
D.Litt.,

EPHESIANS AND COLOSSIANS. The

PHILIPPIANS AND PHILEMON. The Rev. Marvin R. Vincent, D. D., Professor of Biblical Literature, Union Theological Seminary, New York City. [Now Ready.

THESSALONIANS. The
Biblical Theology,

Union Theological Seminary,

Rev. James E. Frame, M.A., Professor of New York.

THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.

of Keble College

The Rev. Walter Lock, D.D., Warden

and Professor

of Exegesis, Oxford.

HEBREWS.

The Rev. A. Nairne, M.A., Professor

of

Hebrew

in

King's

College, London.

8T. JAMES. The Rev. James H. Ropes, D.D., Bussey Professor of Testament Criticism in Harvard University.

New

PETER AND JUDE. The

Rev. CHARLES BlGG, D.D., sometime Regius

Professor of Ecclesiastical History and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford.

[Now Ready.

THE EPISTLES OF
and Divinity Lecturer

ST.
in

Rev. E. A. BROOKE, B.D., Fellow King's College, Cambridge.

JOHN. The

REVELATION. The

Rev.

Robert H. Charles, M.A., D.D., sometime

Professor of Biblical Greek in the University of Dublin.

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THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES

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The

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CRITICAL

AND EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY

ON

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES

BY

EDWARD LEWIS

CURTIS,

Ph.D., D.D.

PROFESSOR OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN THE DIVINITY SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY

AND

ALBERT ALONZO MADSEN,

NEWBURGH,
N.

Ph.D.

PASTOR OF THE FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH AT

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1910

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$$*<
-).(,

|0

Copyright, 1910, by

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

Published June, iqxo

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TO
BENJAMIN WISNER BACON FRANK CHAMBERLAIN PORTER
AND

WILLISTON WALKER
OF THE

FACULTY OF THE YALE DIVINITY SCHOOL THIS WORK IS DEDICATED IN

RECOGNITION OF AFFECTIONATE COMRADESHIP

DURING MANY YEARS

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PREFACE
/
I

SHIS Commentary has been

of the

prepared not less for the readers

J[

of the Revised Version of the English Bible than for those

times in the

Hebrew Text. Hebrew words, it is true, appear at main comment. They have been frequently introthrough

duced to
a

illustrate the origin of different readings arising

similarity of letters; then their force is clear without

a knowledge

of the language.

They

also

appear in connection with certain

i

genealogies, notably those of

their introduction critical

Ch. VII, VIII, where without

impossible.
Elsewill

comment would be

where

in ignoring

them the reader unacquainted with Hebrew

clear though less ample.

find the

comment

The Books

of Chronicles are secondary;

they are of interest

Israel's history

mainly through the new view which they give of

compared with the

stantly kept in

earlier narratives.

This

fact

has been con-

mind

in the preparation of this

Commentary.

Certain readers will doubtless feel that conclusions in details should

have been given with more dogmatism and that the word "probably" should
I

less often occur.

am

far

from

certain, although I

But about many matters of detail have no doubt of the general

I

historical,

or rather unhistorical, character of Chronicles.

have

aimed

also to

make

the

work comprehensive in giving the opinions

i

of others.

In regard to the literary structure of

follow the view of those

and

2 Chronicles I cannot

who

regard the author throughout as a

mere copyist, nor yet of those who hold that apart from his Old Testament quotations he composed freely with no recourse for
information to other written sources.
free
I

have given the view of a

style in portions alleged

composition but allowed a recourse to non-canonical written

I

sources.

have given marks of unity of

vii

by some to come from other

writers, although I

am

fully

aware

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Vlil

PREFACE
if

marks of unity might sympathy with that subjective criticism which prescribes beforehand an author's scheme of composition and then regards all contrary to this scheme as
that

the Chronicler were a copyist these

I

be due to his main source.

have

little

interpolations or supplements.

Inconsistencies or redundancies

are not proofs of a lack of unity of authorship, especially in the

work of the Chronicler.

Agreeably to the other volumes of
regularly as the
this series,

Yahweh appears

name

of Israel's deity.
(1)

But

this transliteration of

Yodh

(i)

by y and

Wow
i

by

has not been applied in other

proper names, since in a commentary on books containing so

many

proper names as

and

2 Chronicles, designed to
it

in connection with the

Revised English Version,

be used seemed best to

retain the spelling of the proper

names given

in that version.

Medial Aleph (K) and initial, medial, and final 'Ayin (J?) in italicised names on their first appearance, but not necessarily on their
immediate repetition or in juxtaposition with the Hebrew
letters,

have been represented by the smooth and rough breathings (").

The hard

letters

Htth

(n),
h,

Teth (B), Sadhe (X), and

I,

Koph

(p)

have been represented by

instead of z
these

z,

and

k.

would have been too violent marks have been introduced, except incidentally, in the Roman type, and in some familiar names like that of Israel they do not appear. Modern geographical names appear in the spelling
of the authorities cited.

(The introduction of s a change.) But none of

The

completion of this volume had already been

illness,

much

delayed

through serious

when

in January, 1906, I suddenly lost

I felt

the sight of nearly one-half the field of vision in both eyes.

then that I should relinquish

general editor, persuaded
to use the services of

my

task, but Professor Briggs, the

it and kindly allowed me was fortunate in securing

me

to continue
I

an

assistant.

those of Doctor Madsen, a pupil of Prof. C. C. Torrey.

He

has

worked
I

jointly with

me upon
The

the book since that date,

and while

am

solely responsible for the

work, his name properly appears

upon the
under

tide-page.

parts which he has especially prepared

my

direction are sections seven, eight,

Literature, of the Introduction, the

and of nine the commentary and notes on

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PREFACE
i

IX

XXI-XXIX, which had formed the subject of his doctor's and the textual notes on 2 Ch. XX-XXXVI. He has also amplified my own comment and textual notes on other portions and contributed notes on the composition of 1 Ch. I-IX, XV, XVI, and 2 Ch. I-IX. He worked out the restoration of the genealogy
Ch.
thesis,

of Zebulun,

Ch. VII, and

am

also indebted to

him

for

most

efficient aid in

preparing the manuscript for the press and in

proof-reading.
I

wish also to express

my

appreciation for assistance rendered

University.

many ways by Prof. C. C. Torrey, of Yale much cannot be said of the care exercised by
in

Too

the publishers in

carrying this work through the press.

This volume has many shortcomings, but

I trust that it will

fill

needed

place, since nothing similar has

been published

in English

later than Zoeckler's

commentary

in

Lange's Commentary in 1876.

EDWARD LEWIS
New
Haven, Conn., May, 1910.

CURTIS.

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CONTENTS
FAQS

PREFACE
ABBREVIATIONS
.

vti

xiii

INTRODUCTION:
{
i.

3. { 3. { 4. { 5. { 6. { 7.

Name and Order The Relation of Chronicles to Ezra and Nehemiah

Date
Plan, Purpose, and Historical Value Religious Value Sources Peculiarities op Diction Hebrew Text and the Versions The Higher Criticism and Literature

6
16
17 37

The

{ 8.
{ 9.

....

36 44

COMMENTARY ON
I-IX.

CHRONICLES:
57

Genealogical Tables with Geographical and Historical Notices

X-XXIX.

The
2

History op David

180

COMMENTARY ON
I-IX.

CHRONICLES:
History op Solomon
313

The

X-XXXVI.

The History op Judah prom Rehoboam until

the Exile
363
537

ADDENDA
INDEXES

539

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ABBREVIATIONS.
I.

TEXTS AND VERSIONS.

*

s
ARV.

Arabic Version. American Revised

Version.

Original

Greek
leading
(uncials)

where
MSS.

ARVm.

American Revised
Version, marginal reading.

are corrupt.

M
"
Comp.

AV.

Authorized
sion.

Ver-

Sinaitic codex. Alexandrian codex. Vatican codex (as

pub. by Swete).

Complutensian edition (1514-17).

Deuteronomlc portions of the

Old
or

Ludanic recension
(Lagarde's
tion).

Testament,
their author.

edi-

Dtic.

Deuteronomic.
Elohistic
imitic)

Basilian - Vatican

codex

(= XI

(Ephraportions

Holmes and Parsons).

of the Hexateuch,

or their author.

ERV.
EVs.
ft

English

Revised

Hebrew consonantal text.

Version.

H
Greek
text of

Holiness

Code

of

English Versions.

the Hexateuch.

Hex.

Hexateuch.

Received
Version.

<K (of i Esd.)

The Greek
i

Yahwistic
portions

(Judaic)

Esdras (prob-

of

the

ably original Sep-

Hexateuch,
their author.

or

and available for Ch. 35.

tuagint
36).
XIII

JE

The

narrative of J

and

combined.

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XIV
Kt.

ABBREVLVnOXS
Knhib, the Hebrew text a* written.

Or.

Q"it, the Hettncw

text as read.

Old Latin Vernon.

R
RV.

Redactor, or editor.

Rerised Version.
Revised
Version,

The Matsoretic
pointed text.

RVm.

marginal
ing

read-

M
M

Kittel's

primary

Midrashic source
of the Chronicler.
Kittel's

secondary

Syriac

Peshitto
codex.

Version.

Mid rash ic source

of the Chronicler.

Ambrosian
9
Version.

NT.

New

Testament.

Targum or Aramaic

or. V

Old Testament.
Priestly portions of

*
Vrss.

the Hexateuch, or
their author.

Vulgate Version Amiatine codex. Versions, ancient.

<S

OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.

Ez.
Ezr.

Am.
IIS.

Amos.

Ezekiel.

Ezra.

The

Wisdom

of

Jesus Ben Sira,

or Ecclcsiasticus.
i,

Gal.

Galatians.

Gn. Hb. Heb. HgHo.

Is

Genesis.

t<'h.

i,

a Chronicles.

Oh.
Col.
i, i

id.,

taken together.

Habakkuk.
Hebrews.
Haggai.

Colossians.

Cor.

i,

a Corinthians.

Cl.

Canticles

- The

Hosea.

Song of Songs.
Dn.
Daniel.

Isaiah.

m.
i-v.

Deuteronomy.
Kcvlesiastes.
K.i>he*ians.
I, t

JbJn.
Jo-

-Job.

Jeremiah.

John. Jonah.

K|>h.
i
,

-Joel.

Vm\

Esdras.

Jon.
Jos.

IM.
*N.

Esther.

Exodus.

J-

Joshua. - Judges.

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ABBREVIATIONS
i,

XV

aK.
K.

"i,i Kings.

Ps.

= -

Psalms.
Revelation.

id.,

taken together.

Rev.
La.

Lamentations.

Rom.
Ru.
i,

Romans.
Ruth.
3 Samuel.

Lk.
Lv.

= =
-=

Luke.
Leviticus.

aS.
S.

Mai.
i, a

Malachi.

i,

id.,

taken together.

Mac.

ML
Mk.
Mt.

i,a Maccabees. Micah. Mark. Matthew.

S.-K.

= The books of Samuel

and

Kings

taken together.
a Thes. a

i,

Na.
Ne.

Nu.
Ob.
PhiL
Pr.

= Nahum. Nehemiah. = Numbers.

Tim. Tob.
i,

i,a Thessaloniann.
i,

Timothy.

Tobit.

Wisd.

Wisdom
mon.

of

Solo-

Obadiah.
Philippians.

Zc.

Zechariah.

Proverbs.

Zp.

Zephaniah.

III.

AUTHORS AND WRITINGS.

Ball

AHT.
AJSL.

Ancient Heb. Traditions, see Horn.

SBOT.

id.,

C. J. Ball. Genesis in Sacred Books of the

American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures.

OT.
Baud.

BDB.

W. von Baudissen. = Hebrew and English

ATC.

Apparatus for the

Textual Criticism

Lexicon

of

the

of Ch.-Esr.-Ne., see Tor.

OT., edited by F. Brown, S. R.

Driver,
Briggs.

C.

A.

Ba.

W.

E.

Barnes,
The
Bible.

Be.

E.

Chronicles in

Bertheau, Die BUcher der Chronik*

Cambridge
Baed.

Karl Baedeker,
Palestine and
Syria
(cited
in

buch
Bennett

Handin zum A. T.
Bennett.

W. H.
id.,

SBOT.

second and fourth

editions).

Joshua in Sacred Books of the

OT.

Digitized by

Google

XVI
Bn.
J.

ABBREVIATIONS
Benzinger, Die
Del.

Franz Delitzsch
(alw.

Backer

der

when not

K&nige and Die BOcher der ChroKurxer nik in

followed by Par.,
v.
.).

Del.

Hand - Commentar.

Par.

Friedrich Delitzsch.
id.,

Wo

lag

das

Parodies?
Dill.

Arch.

id.,

Hebrdische Ar-

August Dillmann.
S.
id.,

chaologie.

Dr.
Dt.

Bocb. Boe.
Bu.

S. Bochart.

R. Driver. Deuteronomy in

F. Bsttcher.

The International
Critical
tary.

K. Budde, Richler und Samuel in

Kurxer A. T.

Commen-

Handturn

Gn.

id..

Genesis in

Commentar

Westminster Commentaries.

SBOT.

id.,

Samuel

in

Sa-

LOT.

id., An Introduction
to the Literature

cred Books of the

of

OT.
Bue. A. BUchler.
F. Buhl.
id.,

theOT.

TH.

id., A

Treatise on the

Buhl

GAP.
Bur.

Geographic des

Use of the Tenses in Hebrews.

Allen Paldstina.

TS.

id.,

Notes on the

C.F.Burney.iVotej

on the Hebrew Text of Kings. EBi.

Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel.

CHV.

Composition
Historical

and
Value

Encyclopedia Biblica.

of Ezra-Nehcmiah, see Tor.

Cor.

EHSP.
Ew. Ew.

Early Hist, of Syria

C. H. CorniU.

and Pal., see Pa. H. Ewald.

id.,

COT.

The Cuneiform Inscriptions and

the

Hebrew GramHistory of Is-

mar.
Hist.

OT.

(Eng.

id.,

trans, of

KAT.*),

rael (Eng. trans.

see Sen.

of his Geschichte
d.

V. Israel).

Exp. Dav.
Syi.$

A. B. Davidson.
id.,

Expos. T.

- The Expositor. The Expository

Times.

Hebrew Synof the

tax.

DB.

Dictionary
Bible,

GAP.

Geographic des Allen Paldstina

usually

by

Hastings'.

F. Buhl.

Digitized by

Google

ABBREVIATIONS
GAS.

XVII

George Adam
Smith.

H-J.

- W.

-

R.

Harvey-

Jellie.

HGHL.

id.,

The

Historical

HJP.

History of the Jewish

People,

Geography of the Holy Land.

J.
id.,

see

Schttr.

Jerusalem from

Hob.
Gn.

H. Hobinger.
id.,

the Earliest
to

Times

Genesis in Kur-

A. D. 70.
Gesenius,

ter

Hand-Corn-

Ges.

W.

HeHorn.

mentor.
F.

brew
ed. E.

Grammar,
Kautzsch
trans,

HommeL
Ancient

AHT.

id.,

He-

(Eng.
Collins
ley).

by

brew Traditions.

and Cow-

HPM.
Hpt.

History,

Prophecy

and

the

GFM.
Gin.
Gl.
Skit.

George
Moore.

Foot

ments, see

MonuMcC.

C. D. Ginsburg. E. Glaser.
id.,

HWB. a

Paul Haupt. Gesenius' HebrOisches

und

Araitber

Skitse der

m&isches
wSrterbuch

HandT.,
ed.

Geschichte und
Geographie Arabiens, vol. II.

das

A.

Buhl.

Graf

GB. Gray

K. H. Graf.
id.,

Gesch. BUcher

JBL.
JE.
Jen.

A. T. G. B. Gray.
d.

Journal of Biblical
Literature.

HPN.
Nu.

Jewish Encyclopaedia.

= id.,

Hebrew Proper Names. id., Numbers in International Critical

Kosmol.

P. Jensen. id., Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.

= J.

Commentary.
J. in

H. Mich.

H.

Michaelis,

Gu. Gn.

H. Gunkel.
Genesis

id.,
t.

Uberiores

Adnot.

in Chron.
Jos.

Handkommentar
A. T.
Ant.

HC.

" Kurter HandCommentar

A. T.
turn

BJ. c.Ap.

" Fl. Josephus. Antiquities. - Bell. Jud. contra Apionem.

=-

JPT.

Jahrbucherfurprotestantische
ologie.

The-

HCM.

Higher Criticism and the Monuments, see Sayce.

JQR.

Jewish
Review.

Quarterly

Hdt.
Hits.

Herodotus.
F. Hitzig.

Kamp.

A. Kamphausen.

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XVIII

ABBREVIATIONS

KATf
Kau.

Die Keilinschriften u. d. A. T., see Winck.

E. Kautzsch, Die
heilige Schrift d.

HPM.
Mov.

id., History, Proph-

ecy and the

Mon-

uments.
F. C. Movers.

MuNDPV.

Mittheilungen und

A. T.

Nachrichten
Deutschen

des

KB.
Ke.

Keilinschriftliche
Bibliothek.

Pal-

astina-Vereins.

C. F. Keil, Chronicles

MVAG.

Mittheilungen
der
vorderasiati-

in

Biblical

Commentary
the

on

schen Gescllschaft.

OT.

Kennic.

KL BH.
Gesch.

B. Kennicott.

NCB.
Now.
Arch.

R.
id.,

Kittel.

Biblia Hebra-

New Century Bible. - W. Nowack. id., Lehrbuch d.

HebrHischen Archiologie.

ica.
id.,

Geschichte der

HebrOer.

Kom.

id.,

Die BUcher der Chronik in Handkommentar turn

A. T.
Chronicles
in

Oe.

S.

Oettli, Die BUcher der Chronik in Kurzge-

SBOT.

fasster
tar.

KommenLit-

id.,

Sacred Books of

theOT.
Klo.

OLZ.
Onom.
=

Orientalische

August
roann.
Fr.

teratur-Zeitung.

Kloster-

Onomostica
(ed.

Sacra

Koe.

E.

KSnig,
der

Lagarde).

Lehrgebdude
Sprache.

OTJC*

"-

Old Testament in

He br&ischen
Kuenen
Eint.

the

Jewish
see

A. Kuenen.
id.,

Church, WRS.
Pa.

HistorischEinlei-

kritische

tung in dieB ticker

d.

EHSP.

L. B. Paton.
id.,

A. T.

tory of Syria
Palestine.

The Early Hisand

LOT.

An

PRE.
Introduction to
Literature of

Herzog's Reai-En-

cyclopadie

fitr

the

protestantische

the
Dr.

OT.,

see
PtoL

Theologie und
Kirche.

Claudius Ptolemy.
E. Riehm.

Mar.

- J.

Marquart.

McC.

J. F.

McCurdy.

Ri.

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ABBREVIATIONS

XIX
'id.,

HWB.
Rob.

id.,

Handworlerd. bibl.

List.

Die Listen der

buch
terth.

AlSS.

Biicher Exra

und

BR. or

Res.

- Edward Robinson. Re- id., Biblical

searches in Palestine,
etc.,

Nehemiah. C. Siegfried and B.

Stade,r*r<JjeA-

es Worterbuch.
St.

also

Later Biblical Researches,i.e.,Vo\.

Gesch.

m B. Stade. id., Geschichte des

Volkes Israel.

Ill of second ed.

SBOT.

id.,

with Sw., The

Sayce

HCM.

A. H. Sayce.
id.,

Books of Kings in Sacred Books of

cism

Higher Critithe and Monuments.

theOT.
Sw.

Pat. Pal.

=*d., Patriarchal Palestine.

SWP.

F. Schwally, v. s. = Survey of Western

Palestine.

SBOT.

The Sacred Books

of the Old Testament, ed. by Paul

Th.

TKC.
Tor.

O. Thenius. T. K. Cheyne.
C. C. Torrey. id., Apparatus for the Textual Criticism of Chronicles-E.tr a-Nehe-

Haupt.
Sch.

ATC.

COT.

= -

E. Schrader.
id.,

scriptions

Cuneiform Inand the

Old Testament.
Schttr.

miah
mitic

in

OT.

Se-

E. SchUrer.
id.,

Gesch.

Geschichte des

Studies, Harper Memo-

jUdischen

Volkes

rial 11.

im

Zeitalter

Jesu

CHV.

id.,

The Composiand
Hisof

Christe.

tion
torical

HJP.

id..

History of the Jewish People in

the

Value

Etra-Nehemiah
in Zeitschrift

Time of Jesus

CAm/(Eng.trans.
of the second ed.
of the above).
Sk.

die

attest.

far Wis-

senschaft,

Bei-

hefle 2.

J. Skinner, in

Kings
Century

Trom.
Concord.

New

A. Trommius. id., Concordantia

Gracce in Septuaginta Interpretes.

Bible.

Sm.

H. P. Smith, The Books of Samuel

in

International

Critical
tary.

Commen-

We. Comp.

Julius Wellhausen.
id..

Die Composides

tion

Hexa-

Smd.

R. Smend.

teuchs.

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XX
DGJ.

ABBREVIATIONS

id.,
,

De

Gentibus

el

ZA.

Zeitschrift

/Or As-

Familiis

Judttis

syriologie.

qua in i Chr. 2. 4 numerantur Dissertaiia.

ZAW.

Zeitschrift

fur

die

AlttestamenUiche
Wissenschaft.

Prol.

id.,

Prolegomena
History

to

ZDMG.

Zeitschrift
Deutschen
GeseUschaft.

der

the

of

Mor-

Israel.

genl&ndischen

TS.
Winck.
Gesch. Isr.

id.,

Der Text der BUcker Samuelis.

ZDPV.

Zeitschrift
Deutschen
dstina-vereins.

des

Hugo Winckler. - id., Gesckichte Israels.

Pal-

Zoe.

KAT*

id.,

with H. ZimAlte

Otto Zockler, The Books of Chronicles in

mem, Ke ilinschiflen
u.

Eng.

trans,

of Lange's

Com-

Testament.

mentary.

WRS.

W. Robertson
Smith.

Numerals raised above the

indicate
cited.

line

im-

OTJC?

id.,

Old Testament in the Jewish

Church.

mediately following the abbreviation

the
edition

of the

work

IV.
abs.
abstr.
ace.

GENERAL, ESPECIALLY GRAMMATICAL.

ace. cog.
ace. pers.
ace. rei.

absolute.
abstract.

art.

Assy.

article.

Assyria, Assyrian.

accusative.

cognate ace.
ace. of person.

Bab.
B. Aram.

Babylonian.
Biblical Aramaic.

= ace.

of thing.
c.,cc.
c.

ace. to
act.

adj.

adv.

aw.

= according to. active. adjective. adverb. dra( Xeyoiuror,

word or phr. used
once.

chapter, chapters.
circa,

about.

caus.
<f-

cod., codd.

cog.
col., coll.

alw.

always.

com.
cp.

= causative. = confer, compare. codex, codices. = cognate. - column, columns. commentary.

apod.
Ar.

Aram.

apodosis.

Arabic.

concr.
conj.

compare. concrete.

conjunction.

Aramaic, Aramean.

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ABBREVIATIONS
consec
constr.
cstr.

XXI

consecutive.
construction.

1.

list

of the peculi-

arities of

Ch. in

construct.

Introduction, pp.

d.f.
def.
del.

dittog.

dub.

daghesh

forte.

I.e.

loco

citato,

in

the

defective.
dele, strike out.
lit.

place before cited.

literal,

literally.

dittography.

dubious, doubtful.

masc.

masculine.

mod.
ed.

modern.

elsw.
esp.
etal.

edition. elsewhere. especially. et aiiler, and

n.

note.

NH.
Niph.
else-

New Hebrew. Niphal of verb. object.

often.

where, and others.

obj.
oft. =-

/./
fern.
figf.

and

following.
p.,

feminine.
figurative.

pp.

pers.

=>

page, pages.
person.
passive.
perfect.

n.

foot-note.

freq.

pass.
pf.

frequentative.

PL
gent.
gentilic.
pi.

Piel of verb.

gen.

genitive.

pred.

Preghaplo.

Heb.
Hiph.
Hithp.

= = =

prep,

haplography.

Hebrew.
Hiphil of verb. Hithpael of verb.

prob. pron.
ptc.

Pu.
q. v.

= = = =

plural.

predicate.

pregnant.
preposition.

probable.

pronoun.
participle.

Pual of verb.

id.

idem, the same.

imperfect.

quod
see.

vide,

which

impf.

imv.
indef.
i.e.
inf. ins.

imperative.
indefinite.
refl.
is.

reflexive.

id

est,

that

rel.

- relative.

infinitive.

inscription, inscriptions.

Sab.
sf.

Sabean.
suffix.

in trans.

=> intransitive.

sg. sq.

Intro.

Introduction.

subst.
juss.

jussive.

Syr.

singular.

followed by.
substantive.
Syriac.

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XX11
t.

ABBRI

times (following a

vide

infra, see be-

number).
trans.
text. n.

low (usually
tual note
verse).

tex-

transitive.

on same
namely,

textual note.

v.,

videlicet,

to wit.

vide

supra,

see

w.

verse, verses.

above
general

(usually

v.

= vide, see.

remark
verse).

vb.

verb.

on same

V.

OTHER
"
*

SIGNS.

t
t

indicates all passages cited.

indicates
all

Yahweh.
has not been followed, but
either Vrss. or conjectural

passages in Ch.cited.

indicates that Massoretic text

Ezr.-Ne.
||

parallel, of

chiefly

words or clauses synonymous.

emendations.
Biblical passages are cited accord-

equivalent, equals.
plus, denotes that other pas-

ing to the

Hebrew enumeration

of

sages might be cited.

chapters and verses: where this differs in the English, the reference to

^
'

"

the root, or stem.

sign of abbreviation in

He-

the

latter

has

usually (except

in

'ui

brew words. -ipuj, and so

textual notes) been

forth.

added

in paren-

theses.

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INTRODUCTION.

I.

NAME AND ORDER.

i

The Hebrew name

for

and

2 Chronicles,

which were counted

as one book in the Hebrew Canon, was Dibri hayyamim ("^21

O'DVI), The events of days or times, Daily events. This expression preceded by the word book is of frequent occurrence in 1 and 2 K.
(cf. 1

K.

i4'- 15'-

'

and

oft.), also in Est.

2" 6 io and
1

Ch.

27" and Ne. 12", but always (except Est. 2" 6' and Ne. 12") with the days defined, as, for example, the book of the days 0/ King

David

(1

Ch. 27"), or of the days of the Kings of Israel

(1

K. 14").
title

Thus
It is

also the

Targum

further defines the days of this

as

"from the days

of antiquity"

(Koty 'DV
the

JD"t)

(PRE.*

iv. p.

85).

not altogether unlikely that originally of the Kings of Judah

title (cf.

belonged to this Hebrew

mentioned).

title

in <8

A immediately

the

was originally The things omitted concerning Judah in a twofold division (irapaXeiiroaevwv A Bao-iXemp lov&a a, ditto tow BaaiXeicov lovBa <g Swete). The other uncials omit BaaiXetov lovBa and rmv B' I', but the
tide

The Greek

kings of

by the nomenclature in Church and by the Syriac version (Bacher, ZAW. xv. 1895, p. 305). This Greek title was appropriate, since the material of 1 and 2 Ch. apparently supplements the narratives of 1 and 3 S. and 1 and 2 K. Jerome, while retaining the Greek title Paralipomenon, suggested that of Chronicles, "since," he said, remarking on the Hebrew tide, "we might more significantly call it the chronicle of the whole of sacred history." (Quod significantius Chronicon
originality of this addition is witnessed

the Ethiopic

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CHRONICLES
divina historia possumus appellare) (Prol. galeat.).

totius

Thus

arose the
the

name adopted

in our English versions.

Luther used

same

in his translation

Die Chronika.
is

In the printed Hebrew Bibles Chronicles

the last

"Writings" or the third division of the Hebrew Canon.

its

book of the This is

Talmud and the majority of Hebrew Some mss., however, among them the St. Petersburg Babylonian Codex and two in the British Museum, and the Spanish
place according to the

mss.

codices generally, place Chronicles at the beginning of the Hagiog-

rapha.

A
is

Massoretic treatise, Adahalh Debharim (1307 A.D.),

This,

declares this to have been the orthodox Palestinian order.

however,

very doubtful.

Chronicles by

its late

composition and

supplementary character correctly finds its place at the close of the

Hebrew Canon.
the Canon.

The

references in Mt. 23" suggest also that at

the time of Christ, or the collection of his sayings, this

book closed

The

transposition to the beginning of the Hagiogits

rapha probably was because the bulk of

history preceded the

dates assigned for most of the remaining Hagiographa.

(On

the

order of the Hagiographa see Paton's Esther, pp. 1-3; Ginsburg's

Introduction, pp. 1-8.)

While in rabbinical
its historical
it

literature Chronicles

was regarded with suspicion, by Talmudic authorities and

letical

accuracy being doubted

being held to be a book for homi-

interpretation, yet its canonicity, as

some have thought,

iv. p.

never seems really to have been questioned (JE.

60; Buhl,

Canon and Text of

(which include
1

the

OT.

p. 31).

In the Greek version Chronicles follows the Books of Kings

drops out altogether.
2 S.)Occasionally it precedes them or But these variations were local or individual no support in the uncial mss. of the Greek Bible (Swete,

and

and
is

find

Intro, to the

OT. in Greek, p. 397). The order in the English

its

Bible

derived from the Greek through

use in the Vulgate.

2.

THE RELATION OF CHRONICLES TO EZRA AND NEHEMIAH.

of Chronicles are usually assigned to the

The Books

same au-

thor as that of Ezra

and Nehemiah, which

This
is

also are reckoned in the

Hebrew Canon as one book.

not only the general opin-

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RELATION TO EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
ion of

modern scholarship, but also was that of the Talmud, which them to Ezra. (Baba bath f. 15. 1 Etra scripsit librum suum et genealogiam in libro Chronicorum ad se.) This also was the general view of the rabbins, the Church fathers, and the older commentators, at least as far as the Book of Ezra was concerned, that both that book and Chronicles were written by the same author, presumably Ezra. (For a list of those holding this opinion see Zoe. pp. 8/.) (Owing to the separation of Nehemiah from Ezra and the memoirs of Nehemiah being written in the first person, the view became widely prevalent that Nehemiah was the author of the book called by his name.) The reasons for finding a common authorship of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah are as
ascribed
follows:
(1)

The ending
(2

of Chronicles
i-

and the beginning

go up).

of

Ezra are the

same

Ch. 36* 'Ezr.

to

This suggests that they

were originally one work, a

common

portion of each book being

retained at their point of separation

der, that their original unity

when they were cloven asunThis argu-

might be recognised.
close of 2 Ch.
it

ment, of course, only has force in view of the order of the books in
the

Hebrew Canon.

The abrupt
1.

is

most naturally

explained on the ground that originally

story of the return given in Ezr.

was continued by the

Canon is apparently due to the fact that the contents of Ezra-Nehemiah were regarded as the more important, since its narrative was a proper continuation of the sacred history already canonised in 1 and 2 S. and 1 and 2 K., and its narrative chronologically concluded the history of Israel; while Chronicles was only supplementary to 1 and 2 S. and 1 and 2 K., and therefore was not at first very highly valued and was only at a later period received into the Canon.
separation in the
Zoe., following Bleek (EM.' J 149), doubts the unity of authorship and thinks the identity of 2 Ch. 360 < and Ezr. 1 ' -* better explained as coming

The

from an editor (the author of 1 and 2 Ch.) who wished the second of two distinct works to be recognised as a kind of continuation of the first. He also holds that the plan of Ezra-Nehemiah in presenting recent history is against an original immediate connection with 1 and 2 Ch.
(pp. 9/.).

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CHRONICLES
Both

(2) The same general character pervades both works. show a fondness for the following particulars: A. Genealogical and other lists of families and persons.

Thus
tribes

in Chronicles are the genealogies of the families of the twelve

(1

and the houses of Saul and David

(o' "); the

Ch. 1-8); the inhabitants of

Jerusalem

mighty

men

in

David's armies (11"-"); David's

recruits at Ziglag (12'-'- " assisted in the

( J 3'"*)>

">); the Levites, priests, and musicians that removal of the ark (is 1""- """); the families of the Levites the twenty-four courses of priests (24 -"); heads of families,
1

Kohathites and Merarites (24-); the twenty-four courses of singers,

their

names twice repeated (as

-*1

);

tne courses of gate-keepers (26 l - l,);

officers outside

oveneers of the Temple treasury (a6 M -); Levitical

the

Temple (aG**"); the twelve commanders of army (27'-"); theprincesof the tribes of Israel

the twelve courses of the

(27"-"); the twelve officers

over David's substance (27-); princes, Levites, and priests sent by

Jehoshaphat to give instruction in the law (2 Ch.

17'-'); Levitical

cap-

tains under Jehoiada (23'); Levitical leaders in cleansing the

Temple
the

and Levites

in

charge of offerings in Hezekiah's reign (29"-" 3i ,, - M );

Levites mentioned in connection with the repair of the

Temple and
lists

distribution of offerings at the passover festival in the reign of Josiah

(34*

"

35')-

These are paralleled

in

Ezra-Nehemiah by the

of the

leaders,

and

of the families of the laity, the priests, the Levites, the

singers, the gate-keepers, the

Nethinim, the servants of Solomon, and

those without genealogy

who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. a*-** Ne. 7'"); by the lists of those who returned with Ezra (Ezr. 8-); of those both priests, Levites, singers, gate-keepers, and laity who had foreign wives (Ezr. Io ,, ,, ); of those who signed the covenant, the governor,
-

priests, Levites,

and

chiefs of the people (Ne. 10 1 -"); of the priests

8'-

Levites

who

participated in the promulgation of the law (Ne.

and 9" );

of the builders of the wall of Jerusalem (Ne. 3 l - M); of the princes (?), priests, and Levites who participated in the dedication of the wall (Ne.
i2"-- "-"); of the residents of Jerusalem (corresponding to the
1
list

of

have pedigrees corresponding to those in Chronicles, those of Ezra (Ezr. 7'-) and of Jaddua (Ne. ia'-").
also

Ch. 9) (Ne. n-").

We

B.

Both works show a fondness

for the description of the

celebrations of special religious occasions.

In
1

and

Ch. are descriptions of the bringing up of the ark

(1

Ch.

15-16), of the dedication of the

of the worship of

Temple

(2

Ch.

5-7'*), of the restoration

Hezekiah

(2

Yahweh and the celebration of the passover under Ch. 20-31), and of the passover under Josiah (2 Ch. 35);
descriptions of the erection of the altar at

and

in

Ezra-Nehemiah are

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DATE

the time of Joshua and Zerubbabel (Ezr. 3), of the dedication of the Temple (Ezr. 6"-"), of the celebration of the passover (Ezr. 6'-), of
the celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles in connection with the reading of the law (Ne. 8>>), and of the dedication of the walls (Ne. 12"-").

C.

In the attention paid to the priests, the Levites, and espe-

cially to the

musicians or singers and the gate-keepers, which latter

classes are not

mentioned elsewhere in the OT.

in 1 Ch. 6o is-- *> ' id4 -" Ch. s' 7 8" ' 20" 23"- ' 20-- 30" ' 34" 35" and in Ezr. 3" ' Ne. 11" ia * ' i3- ". The gate-keepers are mentioned (often with the singers) in 1 Ch. o- 15" 16" 23' 26- '->

The musicians are mentioned

>

33* c. 25 2

Ch. 8" 11" i22

23- '

31"

34''

35" and

in Ezr. 2-

7'

10" Ne.

7'-

io

<">

13* (Be. pp. xiv./.).

Thus, whatever are the sources of these writings, exactly the

same

interest

and motive
still

of compilation or authorship

appear in
is

both, hence the conclusion that both are from the

irresistible.

same person

This is This

further supported by the following fact:

in

(3)

Both works exhibit

is fully

a marked degree the same

list

linguistic

peculiarities.

exhibited in the

of the Chronicler's

peculiarities of diction given

on pp. 27 ff.
DATE.

3.

The data
reference to
B.C.),

for determining the exact period of 1

and

Ch.

taken from those books are very meagre.

The books close

with a

a decree of Cyrus
(1

in the first year of his reign (537

hence they cannot be earlier than that date.

Money

also is

reckoned in darics

Ch.

29'), the Persian

coinage introduced by
fall

Darius

I.

(521-486

B.C.),

hence they do not

apparently

within the bethe the

ginnings of the Persian period (537-332 B.C.).

genealogy of David's family

3-w).

is

Then again brought down to

sixth generation after Zerubbabel

This makes the date for

(who flourished 537+) (1 Ch. 1 and 2 Ch., reckoning thirty

years for a generation, not earlier than about 350 B.C.

Syriac,
loco),

The Greek,
in

and Latin

texts,

however, read

Ch.

3>- M differently (see

bringing the genealogy

down

to the eleventh generation after

thirty

Zerubbabel.

This would place the date, reckoning again

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CHRONICLES
Thirty years, however, are

years for a generation, at about aoo B.C.

probably longer than an actual generation

Kamphausen reckoning on
38
/.); Kittel

the descent of the

among the Hebrews. Hebrew kings fixes

only twenty years

the length at twenty-three years (Chronologic derhebr.KSnige, pp.

makes a generation even

less,

(Kom.

p. 26).

On

this last basis eleven generations after

Zerub-

babel would extend only to about 300 b.c.

Yet

<,

probably have simply interpreted the

difficult

text,

#, and Jf and hence

a trustworthy basis for a date. The reading of the Vrss. was preferred by Kuenen (Einl. I. 2, 29, 1) also by Wildeboer (Die LUteratur des A. T. 25, 2). But since 1 and 2 Ch. originally were joined to Ezra-Nehemiah,

do not

really furnish

the period of the Chronicler can also be determined from those

books.
to

The list Jaddua, who

of the high priests given in

Ne. 12" ' ' extends

xi. 7,

according to Josephus {Ant.

8)

was high

priest in the time of

Alexander the Great.

Darius

is referred to

as the Persian (Ne. is") in a way that suggests that the Persian kingdom had already fallen and that the time of Alexander (336323 b.c.) had been reached. Thus the close of the fourth century
B.C., or 300,

may be confidently given as the period of the Chronicler.

author of 1 and 3 Ch. and also Book of Ezra, have refused to allow the implications just mentioned drawn from I Ch. 3"-", holding either that the passage contained no list of six or more generations after Zerubbabel (Davis, DB. p. 135), or that it was an insertion (Keil held both of these views, Comm. p. 8s); and likewise those who held that Nehemiah wrote his book have regarded the lists of priests in Ne. 12'-" either as an insertion (Lange Crosby, Ne. p. 3) or as a list of descendants of the priestly family, the last of whom, Jaddua, might have been known to Nehemiah in his extreme old age
of the
(Keil, Intro., trans,

The scholars who regarded Ezra as the

by Douglas,

149).

J 4.

PLAN, PURPOSE,

AND HISTORICAL VALUE.

kingdom
of

The Books

of Chronicles are a history of the

of

Judah
This

from the enthronement

David

to the fall of Jerusalem.

history begins with a long introduction, consisting in the

series of genealogical tables,

showing the origin of

main of a Israel from the

beginning of mankind, and their connection with other peoples

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PLAN, PURPOSE,
(material derived

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

from the Hexateuch), and giving likewise the

clans or families of the tribes of Israel, with particular regard to

those of Levi, Judah,

and Benjamin

(the three tribes

most importhe history

tant for the post-exilic community), tants of Jerusalem (1 Ch. 1-9).

and

also

list

of the inhabi-

Then commences
from a

proper, introduced with

an account of the death

of Saul (1

Ch.

10).

This history

is

written throughout

priestly point of view.

life

The

writer is concerned above everything else with the

of

Israel centred in the

worship at the Temple in Jerusalem.

He

upon the removal of the ark by David (1 Ch. 13, a temple (1 Ch. 17) and his preparations for its building (1 Ch. 21, 22, 28, 29); upon its structure and furniture and dedication under Solomon (2 Ch. 2-7); upon its repairs in the reigns of Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah (2 Ch. 34-n 29-i 34-). And in connection with these last two redwells at length
15-16);]

upon

his thought of

pairs are given notable descriptions of passover festivals cele-

brated at the

Temple

(2

Ch. jo/as'-").

The

ministry of the

sions of

Temple is aisS, fully described. The divithe Levites and the priests and the singers and the gateby David, are given These ministers
also not only take a

keepers, which are represented as established

at length (1 Ch. 23-26).

prominent part in

all

the events connected with the

Temple menPriests

tioned above, but appear repeatedly in other history.

and Levites
(2 Ch.

resort

unto Rehoboam on the division of the kingdom

11"

').

the law (2 Ch.

They are appointed by Jehoshaphat as teachers of 17") and as judges (2 Ch. 19"). Levites take a
in the coronation of

prominent part
liah (2

Joash and the death of Atha-

Ch. 23' ).

Priests withstand Uzziah

(2 Ch. a6"-).

when he would bum

incense in the

Temple

The
(1

activity of the singers, or musicians, is prominent.

They
'),

are mentioned not only in connection with the removal of the ark

Ch.

15, 16)

and the dedication

of the

Temple

(2

Ch. 5"

but they appear with the army of Jehoshaphat

ple

(2 Ch. 20"), at

the coronation of Joash (2 Ch. 23"), at the cleansing of the

Tem-

and the
14. tt-it.

celebration of the passover under Hezekiah (2 Ch.

ao n b.
35).

30"),

and at similar events under Josiah

is also

(2

Ch. 34"
'>).

Their descent

elaborately given (1 Ch. 6"*

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CHRONICLES
The
writer, then, is of the

same school as the author

all

of the

Priests'

Code.

Equally with him he delights in

that pertains

to the ministry of the sanctuary.

for statistics,

He

also has the

same fondness

and

exhibits repeatedly similar exaggerations.

He

gives the weight or value of the gold 100,000 talents, silver

1,000,000 talents, which

David prepared as king

for the

Temple

(1 Ch. 22"); also 3,000 talents of gold and 7,000 of silver which David gave from his private purse (1 Ch. 29'); and then again

of gold 5,000 talents

and 10,000

darics, of silver 10,000 talents, of

brass 18,000 talents, of iron 100,000 talents, contributed by the

Temple (1 Ch. 29'); and likewise he number of sheep and cattle offered at re30" 35' ); and the number ligious festivals (1 Ch. 29" 2 Ch. 29" of warriors: those who came to make David king, from the tribes
rulers for the building of the

gives in thousands the

of Israel, 6,800, 7,100, 4,600, 3,700, 3,000, 20,800, 18,000, 50,000,

37,000, 28,600, 40,000,

of

and 120,000

(1

Ch.

i2"

<->);

the officers

David

in twelve divisions of 24,000 each,

(1

one division serving

of

a month

Ch. 27'-"); the warriors of Rehoboam 180,000 (2 Ch.

11 1 ); of Abijah 400,000 (2 Ch. 13'); of

Jeroboam 800,000,

whom

500,000 were slain (2 Ch. 13* "); of Asa from Judah 300,000, from

Benjamin 280,000
(2

(2

Ch.

14*),

and of Zerah his opponent 1,000,000

five divisions of

Ch.

14*); of

Jehoshaphat in

300,000, 280,000,

and 180,000 each (2 Ch. 17"-"); of Amaziah 300,000 and 100,000 more who were hired (2 Ch. 25* '); of Uzziah 307,500 under 2,600 chiefs (2 Ch. 26"); and of Ahaz (the total number of whose warriors is not given) 120,000 who were slain in one day (2 Ch. 28O. The writer likewise, after the manner of P, indulges in registers of names. These not only appear in the genealogical tables of the
300,000, 200,000,

introduction (1 Ch. 1-9)

the

and in the classification of the ministers of Temple and the officers of David (1 Ch. 23-27), but in lists of heroes who came to David at Ziglag (1 Ch. 12'-"); of priests, Levites, musicians, and gate-keepers who took part in the removal of the ark (1 Ch. 15-16'); of princes, Levites, and priests sent through1

out the land to give instruction in the law (2 Ch.

(Levites)

7"

of captains

who

conspired to place Joash on the throne (2 Ch. 33');

of heads of the children of

Ephraim who commanded the return

of

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PLAN, PURPOSE,
the captives of

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

who

assisted

Judah in the reign of Ahaz (2 Ch. 38"); of Levites Hezekiah in cleansing the Temple (2 Ch. 29"-"); of
');

superintendents of offerings (Levites), also in the reign of Heze-

kiah (2 Ch. 31"

rulers of the

of overseers of the repair of the

(all

Temple, and

of

Temple
its

Levites) under Josiah (2 Ch.

34" 35*

').

The

history is thus throughout of the character of the Priests'

Code, both in

written entirely

subject-matter and form of presentation, and is from the point of view of that legislation and thus
1

2 S. and 1 and 2 K. The priestly history books ceases with the concluding stories of the Book of Judges. Samuel and Kings, while witnessing to a few examples of priestly revision, convey no picture of Israel's history as it should have been had the priestly legislation origi-

as a supplement to

and

of Israel of the earlier

nated with Moses and been upheld and carried forward by the
pious David and his godly successors.
clearly the object of the Chronicler.

To remedy this defect was He thus introduced a great

Temple and But he was not simply
rule.

deal of
its

new material, mentioned

and

above, concerning the

ministry

religious celebrations.

concerned with institutions and ceremonies and Levitical classes;

he was equally interested in the divine

He

interpreted

Israel's life, after the pattern in the Priests'

Code

of its national

beginning under Moses, as that of a church with constant rewards and punishments through signal divine intervention. This method had already in some measure been pursued, with Deuteronomy
as a standard, in the earlier histories.
Priests'

The

Chronicler, with the

Code as

his standard, aiming to give a

more complete and

consistent history, while drawing largely as a basis

upon Samuel
universal

and Kings, modified

their narratives.

He made more

and prosperity, and wickedness and adversity, heightening good and bad characters and their rewards and punishments, or creating them according to the exigencies of the occasion. Thus grandeur is added to David by lists of warriors who came to him at Ziglag and of hosts who made him
the connection between piety

king at Hebron.
adultery,

On

the other hand, his domestic troubles, his

and

the rebellion of

Absalom are passed over

in silence.

The history of Solomon is similarly treated. No mention is made of the intrigue by which he came to the throne, or of bis

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IO
idolatries or troubles

CHRONICLES
near the close of his
of the
life.

After the disrup-

tion

no mention

is

made

Its history is entirely

N. kingdom except incidentally. ignored as that of an apostate or heathen

is

nation.

Rehoboam,
is

of

whom nothing commendable

may
is

written in Kings,

approved and exalted

in the early years of his reign (2

Ch. 11),

clearly that he as well as his people

trast to

stand in sharp con-

Jeroboam and the northern

tribes;

and then
(2

later in exall his

).

planation of the invasion of Shishak, he

people, of having forsaken the law of

accused, with

Yahweh

Ch. 12"

Abijah, of

whom

in
is

Kings only

evil is

recorded and whose brief

reign of three years

absolutely colourless save in the mention of

war between him and Jeroboam, is also transformed and exalted after the manner of Rehoboam, and is not only given a great victory over Jeroboam, but

made a
13).

preacher of the righteousness of

the Priests'

Code

(2

Ch.

Asa according to Kings was a good king, and he removed idols and an abominable image made by the queen-mother, but it is said "the high places were not taken away." The Chronicler, however, makes him at first the remover of high places, and gives him a mighty army and a victory over a Cushite host of 1,000,000 men of which the earlier narrative knows nothing (2 Ch. i4'-")Later
the Chronicler quotes the passage concerning the high places but
applies
it

to Israel, the N.

kingdom, over which Asa had no control.

Asa, according to the earlier narrative,

against Baasha,

bvoked

the aid of Syria

King of Israel. This act is made the subject of prophetic rebuke, and Asa, from then on, is painted in dark colours as the oppressor of the prophet and the people. This wickedness, doubtless, was designed to be connected with his diseased feet
mentioned
in Kings.

The

Chronicler also adds that he sought, in

physicians.

his disease, not the

Lord but

Jehoshaphat
right in
is

commended in Kings for doing "that which was the eyes of Yahweh" (1 K. 22"), but the record of his reign
is

very

brief.

This gave the Chronicler a

is

full

opportunity,

and

hence, although Jehoshaphat

rebuked for his alliance with Ahab

(an alliance mentioned in Kings), and the wreck of his merchantvessels built in conjunction with Ahaziah,

King of Israel (also men-

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PLAN, PURPOSE,
timed

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

II

in Kings), is declared to be

a punishment for the sin of such

a partnership, he is yet exalted exceedingly. He is endowed with riches and honour in abundance. His army is very great, although
apparently entirely superfluous, since a divine interposition of panic and self-destruction destroys an immense host of invaders

from eastern Palestine

(2

Ch. 20).

But the name

of the

King

seems to have suggested the special form of his good works. Jehoshaphat means " Yahweh judges," and to him are assigned

commendable acts of sending teachers of the law throughout and the appointment of judges (2 Ch. 17' iq ). Joram, who according to Kings did that which was evil, is magnified in wickedness and disaster. In his reign Edom revolted from Judah, and the Chronicler connected this, as the older narrative did not, directly with Joram's sins. Moreover, he also saw in Joram a seducer of his own people, and threatened him with
the the l^nd
fearful plagues

through a

letter

from Elijah, who, according to

had already died in the reign of Jehoshaphat. These plagues befall the monarch through a sack of Jerusalem by a horde of Philistines and Arabians, and a fearful incurable
the older narrative,
disease

whereby the King's bowels

fell

out (2 Ch. 21).

the

After the death of Ahaziah,

who reigned only a year, Athaliah

until at the

queen-mother seized the throne,

priest,
.

end of

six

years she

was

deposed and slain through a conspiracy directed by Jehoiada the

icier the

and Joash was crowned. This conspiracy gave the Chronopportunity to make one of his most marked reconstrucAccording to the earlier narrative the conspira-

tions of history.

tors are captains of the royal

mercenary body-guards; according to

the Chronicler they are captains of Levites,

tive is rewritten in the interest of the exaltation of the Levites

the preservation of the sanctity

reign of Joash

and the whole narraand of the Temple (2 Ch. 23). The

was unfortunate in the extreme. He suffered the Temple and of the palace in purchasing the withdrawal of Hazael, King of Damascus, from Judah, and later he was assassinated. The Chronicler tells how he deserved this fate. He makes him, after the death of Jehoiada the priest, an apostate from the worship of Yahweh and the murderer
loss of all the treasures of the

of the son of his old benefactor the priest.

He adds

also to his

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12
calamities

CHRONICLES
by
stating that at the time of his death

he suffered
of

great diseases (2 Ch. 24).

Amaziah waged a most

Israel.

disastrous

war with Joash, King

The wall of Jerusalem was broken down and the treasures of Temple and palace taken. Amaziah also met his death through
a conspiracy.
These
dire events

needed an explanation and the

Chronicler introduces an apostasy of Amaziah in the worship of

Edomitic gods and threatens him through a prophet with destruction (2 Ch. 25").

Uzziah, one of the best (2 K. 15') and most prosperous of the

kings of Judah, became a leper and

made

his son

Jotham

regent.

The

Chronicler finds a cause for this leprosy in a usurpation of

priestly prerogative in the

burning of incense in the Temple, and

he says,
in

"The leprosy broke forth in his forehead before the priests the house of Yahweh beside the altar of incense" (2 Ch. 26").
king,

Ahaz was not a good

and

to deliver himself

from the comBut not

into the

bined forces of Syria and Israel he successfully invoked the aid of

Assyria and seems to have suffered no great loss (2 K. 16).
so did the Chronicler write his history.

He

delivers

him

and King of Israel with the slaughter of 120,000 men in one day and the capture of 200,000 wives, sons, and daughters. Edomites and Philistines also invade his land and the King of Assyria distresses him (2 Ch. 28**). Hezekiah was a good king and in the older narrative he reformed the worship of Yahweh and departed not from the divine commandments. The Chronicler accordingly magnifies at length his conduct, giving great prominence to the priests and Levites But Manasseh his son was an exceedingly wicked (2 Ch. 29). king, and he reigned the unusual period of fifty-five years. The Chronicler explains this anomaly by a repentance of Manasseh after an imprisonment, of which the older narrative knows
of the
of Syria with a very great loss in captives;

hand

also into the

King hand

of the

nothing, in Babylon (2 Ch. 33"*).

Josiah was a good king and reformed the worship of Yahweh.

As in

the case of Hezekiah, the Chronicler magnifies this element of

his reign, but Josiah

met an untimely death

at the battle of
it is

Me-

giddo.

This required explanation, and hence

recorded that

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PLAN, PURPOSE,

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

13

he was disobedient to a warning given by Necho from the mouth

ot

God(aCh. 35). The Chronicler introduces on

Rehoboam
(2

critical

occasions warning and

of Shishak,

exhorting seers or prophets.

aiah addresses

At the invasion
Ch.
12*); at the

Shem-

overthrow of Zerah,

Azariah exhorts Asa (2 Ch. 15"), and when Asa invokes foreign
aid Hanani reproves him (2 Ch. 16'
*-);

and Hanani's son Jehu like-

wise reproves Jehoshaphat for his alliance with Ahab, and Jehaziel

encourages Jehoshaphat in the conflict with

(2 Ch. 20"
),

Moab and Arnmon

and

Eliezer prophesies against Jehoshaphat for

his partnership with

Ahaziah
testifies

(2

Ch. 20"); Zechariah the son of

of Israel in the

Jehoiada the priest

against the people in the days of

Joash

(2

Ch. 24"); and

(2 Ch.

Oded speaks unto the men

reign of
earlier

Ahaz

28**-).

A few of these are mentioned in

the

books but are unknown on these occasions or with such

edifying speeches.
writer.

They

are clearly supplements by the later

In

many minute
Of

particulars the earlier accounts are glossed or

it is

revised.

Saul's death

added that he died

for his trespass

and because he asked counsel of one having a familiar spirit The statement that David and his men carried off (1 Ch. io").
the idols of the Philistines (2 S. 5")
destruction
is

by

fire at

the

command
The ark

of

changed to that David (1 Ch. 14").

of their

Noth-

ing

less, evidently,

was regarded as
in the

suitable for such abominations

from such a pious king.

entrusted to the care of Obed-

edom does not remain

keep

house of Obed-edom (2 S. 6"), but with this household in Us own house (1 Ch. 130). This would

Both Samuel the Ephraimite (1 S. i') it from defilement. and Obed-edom the Gittite (2 S. 6"'-) are given a Levitical descent (1 Ch. 6 <"> 16" 26 4 ) as required of the servants of
the tabernacle

and the ark

in P.

Goliath the Gittite slain by Elhanan the Bethlehemite (2 S. ai)

becomes Lahmi, the brother of Goliath the This removes the discrepancy with the story
(1 S. 17).

Gittite (1

Ch.

20*).

of David's conquest

" the

first

at the

David's sons are changed from "priests" (2 S. 8") into hand of the king " (1 Ch. 18"). A non-Levitical

priesthood supported by David

was unthinkable

to the Chronicler.

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14

CHRONICLES

Yahweh, who led David to number Israel (2 S. 24'), since a direct was not agreeable to the later theology, becomes Satan (1 Ch. 21 ); and agreeably to the later angelology the destroying angel is placed between the earth and the heaven (1 Ch.
divine temptation
1

21") instead of remaining simply by the threshing-floor of

the Jebusite (2 S. 24").
floor is

Oman

The

price paid

by David for the threshingformer

changed from

fifty

shekels of silver (2 S. 24") into six hunsince, forsooth, the

dred shekels of gold

(1

Ch. 21"),

sum

was too

paltry to be given

by such a monarch as David

for the

future site of the Temple.

Fire also is said to have fallen from

heaven and kindled David's sacrifice, and also Solomon's, at the

dedication of the

Temple

(1

of the later wonder-seeking theology.

Ch. 21" 2 Ch. 7 ). This is a mark The high place at Gibeon

1

where Solomon
altar

sacrificed is explained as the seat of the brazen

(2

and the tabernacle

1

Ch.
(3').

i'-*),

particulars unexpressed in the

parallel narrative in

K.

Thus

the act of Solomon

is

kept

within the priestly law.

The

gift of cities

by Solomon to Hiram,

(1 K. o 10 ), becomes, to preserve, doubtless, the inHoly Land, the reverse a gift of cities by Hiram to Solomon (2 Ch. 8' '). The removal of Pharaoh's daughter from the city of David into her house newly built by Solomon (1 K. 9") is motived because the place in proximity to the ark must be kept holy (2 Ch. 8")- These striking glosses and changes by no means exhaust the number made by the Chronicler. Wherever he makes use of the earlier canonical narratives they are present in a greater

King of Tyre

tegrity of the

or less degree.

Thus

the entire history of the

reconstruction,

and
is

it is

clear that the

kingdom of Judah has suffered Books of Chronicles are a

tendency writing of
give of the past

little

historical value.

The picture which

they

far less accurate or trustworthy than that of the

it is

earlier Biblical writings; indeed,

a distorted picture

in the in-

terest of the later institutions of post-exilic

Judaism; and the main

facts,

historical value of these

books consists

in their reflection of the

notions of that period.

Yet at the same time some ancient

having trickled
less

down through
shall

oral or written tradition, are doubt-

preserved in the amplifications and embellishments of the

Chronicler.

These we

have occasion to point out in our

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PLAN, PURPOSE,
commentary.

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

15

They
(cf.

of the imagination,

are few indeed compared with the products and must be sifted like kernels of wheat from a

mass of chaff

S.

A. Cooke, Notes on

OT.

History, p. 67).
notices in the

The

following

new
1

material, exclusive of

names and

genealogical section,
of heavy type, in his
list

Ch. 1-9, has been presented by Kittel, by the use

historical:
(a) the (1) the additions to the

commentary as

of David's heroes (1 Cb. u<">-");

1 !'-);

(2

Ch.

(3) the

family of Rehoboam name of the father of the mother of Abijah (a Ch.

>3')i

(4)

the

number

of Abijah's wives

the teaching delegation sent

and children (a Ch. by Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. 17'-'); (6)

13");

(5)

details of

the military might and building operations of Uzziah (a Ch. a6*- a>

same of Jotham (a Ch. a7>>-; v. in part only); (8) the and Philistines in the reign of Ahaz (a Ch. a8>" ); (9) the conduit built by Hezekiah (a Ch. 3a"*); (10) the place of Hezekiah's grave (2 Ch. 3a" b ); (ti) the enlargement of the wall of Jerusalem by Manasseh (2 Ch. 33"). Of these (4) and (5) are probably of no historic worth; others are doubtful; some may be accepted, especially (6)-(n). (See the commentary in locis.) Genuine
-'

"

);

(7) the

invasion of the Edomites

history has also been found in these additions of the Chronicler:

(1)

Abijah's victory (2 Ch. i3); (2) Asa's victory (2 Ch. i4"

(3)

<>);

priests (2

Jehoshaphat's victory (2 Ch. so 1 -"); (4) Uzziah's resistance to the Ch. a6- M); and (5) the repentance of Manasseh (a Ch. 33 ,, ,,).
for this, as far as the victories are concerned, is that
little

The ground urged

and
fifty

the continued existence of the

kingdom of Judah

for three

hundred

years with enemies on the south and revolted Israel on the

north is hardly to be explained except on the hypothesis of some such successes as the Chronicler describes (2 Ch. t3*- i4'- <* ao *), gained by Judah (Ba. pp. xxx-xxxiii). This is a plausible but a specious argument. The kingdom of Judah was too poor a country to be very attractive to its
> 1

neighbours or to entice distant hordes to

make such

invasions.

Raids

may have
affirmed.
ability

been made into Judah and some reminiscences of these may be behind these stories (see commentary), but nothing further can be

The motive for (4) and (5) is so strong that no historical probon the ground of their record can be asserted. A change of religious policy by Manasseh in his old age, considering how his reign is viewed by the prophets, is utterly unlikely. Winckler, in connection with his
theory of the contact of the kingdoms of northern Arabia with Israel, has

found historical reminiscences in the Chronicler's allusions to the Meunim (2 Ch. 26' 1 Ch. 4" 2 Ch. 2o" ), the Arabians (2 Ch. 17" at" 14"), and
the

Hagrites

(1

Ch.

$"

"

")

The

basis for this inference

is

the claim

that the chronology of the appearance of these people in

Ch. is correct They are mentioned just when historically they might be expected (Murri, Meluhha, Ma'in, MVAG. 1898, pp. 42 /.; KATS pp. 14a/,

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CHRONICLES
144). On the other hand it is strange that the older and more historical Books of Samuel and Kings contain none of these notices or similar ones, and it is readily credible that these names might have been current in post-exilic times (if not certain that they were), and thus at hand for the

Chronicler to introduce as the enemies of Israel (We. Prol. p. 208;

Noeldeke, EBi.

I. col.

274).

5.

THE RELIGIOUS VALUE.

emphasis given to
institu-

The

religious value of Chronicles lies in the

the institutional forms of religion.

tions of

Forms, ceremonies,
true,

one sort or another, are necessary for the maintenance of

life.

religious

The

Chronicler,

it is

overemphasised their

importance and his teachings are vitiated by a false doctrine of

divine interference without

human endeavour, and a false notion of

righteousness consisting largely in the observance of legal forms

and ceremonies.

Yet

in his

own

time, unless he

had been a direct

forerunner of Christ, he could not have been expected to give

a different message, and in his day his message rendered a most

important service.
tateuch, but

He

belonged not only to the same school of

writers as the author or authors of the Priestly element of the Pen-

was kindred with the prophets Haggai and Zechariah,

and
tion

especially Malachi.

"The

course of events since the restora-

had made the Temple with its high priest and its sacrificial system a centre for the community much more than it had been before, but this very fact had a providential significance in view of the future. It was essential for Israel's preservation that the ceremonial obligations laid upon it should be strictly observed, and that it should hold itself aloof socially from its heathen neighbours" (Dr. Minor Prophets, II. in NCB. p. 297). However narrow the Chronicler's teachings may be considered and however artificial their products, without the shell of the Judaistic legalism and
ecclesiasticism
it is

difficult to see

how the

precious truths of divine

preserved.

revelation in

Hebrew prophecy could have been

Other-

amid the encroaching forces of the Persian, Greek, and Roman civilisations they would have been dissipated and no place would have been prepared for the appearance of Christ and the growth of Christianity. The work of the Chronicler fostered the
wise

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SOURCES
needed
spirit of

17
its list

Jewish exclusiveness in
rallying-point

of genealogies;

it

en-

and centre of Jewish life; it favoured the maintenance of a hierarchy and emphasised the outward forms of religion in sacrifices and national festivals, but all this contributed largely to the religious solidarity and strength of the people and gave them a tough quality. Through these writings the past also was idealised and glorified
hanced Jerusalem as the
as a

norm

for present activity

and

future development.

Nothing

better than the authority of the past could have served in those days

to intensify the loyalty and devotion of the ancient Jew.

The divine

law of retribution and

taught,

special providence,

which the Chronicler

was a most powerful factor also for preserving the Jewish It must also never be forgotten that it was under the tutelage of men like the Chronicler that the Maccabees were nourished and that the heroic age of Judaism was inaugurated.
Church.

6.

SOURCES.

A.

The source of

canonical material.

According to the

sketch just given the Chronicler supplemented

revised the history of Israel narrated
pecially 1

and

in

a measure

the canonical books, esconstitute

and

2 S.

and

and

K.

These then

a main

source of his work.

The

following are the parallels between his

and the earlier writings.

stricted as

(These parallels include the Chronicler's

observations and additions of

modifications of the canonical material and hence are not as re-

some

lists

which omit

all

the Chronicler.

For these

details see

commentary.)

Ch, I",
11

Gn.
11 11

S- xo".
IQl-4. t-l. ii-ii>. tt-tt.

I',

11 tt

l
!-,

ii"-,

</. I7.
1-1.

11

as u.u..
*()<. I.

ii-
->t.

c f,

,6 ai

1..

41

!,
a-,

a
11 11

It.lt.

11-41,

11 11
11

35">- Ex. !'

and elsewhere.
.

a",
*,

11

8t.. m. 4 6. Nu. a6' 3 46"" Nu. 26" Ru. 4>.

It

**,
->,

Jos. 7' 1

K. s ( 4 ).
j s. i6-

Ru. 4 iti

2 S.

a"

17".

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18
x

AND

CHRONICLES
3 S.
1

Ch.
(f
It

3'-,

3"

-, e/. 131.

3"",
4",

' and 3 K. Gn. 46" Ex. 6 Nu. a6"

'.

tl II

4"",
5'.

Jos. 19'-'.

Gn. 46* Nu.

".
t/.

a6 '.

11

5"
s
61-4.

a K.. i5'<6>- '

iyt 18".

(I tl tt
tt

n... (6.-4),
7

Ex.
a)

Nu.

3- ".

<u.it.

" 6-.
"

6>-i <*-),

6*

1 S. i 8.
-

6- -),
9*"*,
io- l ,

Jos. ai"-"-

-.

tt it
It

Ne. n-".
1 S. 31. > a S. s 1 " a3 -".

n'-,

tt tt
tt

ii"-",
I3'-".
i4'"'-

"
". " "
*'

6"-.

tt

IS. '6,
tt

J"-". 6-.
7-

!-,

7.
tt

i8,
tt

" "

8.
10.

19,
tt

ao>-,

"
" "
1

ii' ia-.
ai-*.

"
tt

ao-,

ai.
i',

43-.

Ch.
It tt tt

K.
" "

1"-",

i'-a" (a).
3*-S<,

IO. jU-N <1-M>.

6, 7-'. 8.
9'-.

"
"

tt
tt

S^",
7"".
8,
pi-i>.

tt

" "
u-a
y

^it-u.

tt

it tt tt
tl

9""",

" " "

lO*'"' "-*.
tl-4t.

IO"-Il\
I2 .
,31.
1.
..

ia>-.
i4i-*i.

t-U .
(..

"
(,41),

,,

it

l.

IS .l,f

" "

15'

icii-it.

tt

x6i-.
i8-<,

u-u,

tt

" "
" "

IS""aa-.
22*'-"
<).

tt it
it

20"-2l',
21<-li.

J-t,

a K. 8"-*.

Ja t-t.

8"- 9- io"-.
11 (n'-).
ia'-"-

tt

aa't-23",
241-11.

tt

n-n
11.

tt

'-.

ir.tt

" " "

(n"-ia't) iait-a?-)

I4'- U - ".

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SOURCES
a Ch.

19

*&* ,
a7 ia. a8i-4.
ao>',

"

-t
f

i4IS*-'. x S .. i.
!6-*- u. .
.

"

m.

n,

" " "

i8-

"
" " " " "

3a'",

i8>-io.
20.

3a"",
3S
1 " 10 '

Ma
'

34'

'

'".

" "

21 1

'-

"-*.

'3 1 -***

35

"*'
i.

** **

i1 "*!

"

a3" - "'
aju.

n 'H

36*.

-,

"
Ezr.

34'-

'

'

"

36- ",

i'-.

The

simplest explanation of the parallels (and the true one

already assumed above and

now universally

accepted)

is

the direct

quotation or paraphrase of the canonical books by the Chronicler

and their modification by him, or, what amounts to the same thing, by a forerunner whose work he copied (a view mentioned below
though not accepted).

The

evidence for this direct use

is

very clear.

It is

seen in the verbal

agreements which appear in every

ippn 10", i8,

parallel.

(See commentary.)

Cor-

ruptions in the earlier texts are also repeated in the later.

C/.iai Ch.

mpo

>, aon 14", 'oSi 17", irm ij,

np

? 191', oo'JDa

ao

in a Ch., 'ui

inoK p iSd'iw C'aic) nwa ? and Sj>4, >apa 4",

1

jvSp 7.

irrelevant expressions.

The canonical text is also sometimes so closely followed as to introduce Cf. 1 Ch. 6" <> 6" ob (but present form
>

20" (now David was abiding in J.) ao* (the staff, etc.). The variations also between the two texts show the dependence of one upon the other. Chronicles, as might be expected from its less frequent transcription, in many instances preserves the more original reading (cf. 1 Ch. i'- " 2" 8*- " io'- ' ' ii"- i3# ' 14 7 jn^pa, " ' 17" ' * i8'-- i9- ' ao a Ch. a" > 4"). An antiquated term is often replaced by a later one (cf. 1 Ch. 10"

possibly

due

to transcriber, v. in loco) 144 (tv)

15"

13*

15"

? ig> ai-

Statements jarring the Chronicler's sense of religious propriety or doing

violence to his conception of the course of history were omitted or

modified (see

4, pp.

9-15).

Other departures from the text are such as might be expected from one who was not a servile copyist. The Chronicler abridges frequently 4 *> -" a- 2 Ch. !- 3-7- >" 7'- 36'-''), and occasion(cf. 1 Ch. i"ally introduces words to emphasise an idea or to give clearness, and also pious phrases (cf. 1 Ch. n 15" i8- ' a Ch. 18").

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20

AND

CHRONICLES

This direct use, however, was formerly questioned, because the

variance between the parallels seemed destructive to the infallible

Hence arose the theory (held by its final and most perfect form especially by Keil) that the Chronicler and the writers of the canonical books both used common sources, and that the parallels
inspiration of the Chronicler.

many commentators, and

represented in

were independent extracts from

common

sources, each

made from

a point of view peculiar to

itself (Keil, Intro. 141).

To
1

illustrate this
is

view:

In the account of Saul's death (2 S. 3: and

writer of
1 S.

Ch. 10) there

agreement almost word for word until the treatment of

the corpse of the King.

The

says:

The

Philistines cut off

armour and put his armour in the house of Astaroth, and then fastened his body to the wall of Bethshean. The Chronicler says: They took his head and his armour and they put his armour in the house of their gods and fastened his head in the temple of Dagon. The original source of both of these accounts Keil held must have contained an account of both head and trunk, which the author of 1 S. followed as far as the trunk was concerned and the Chronicler as far as the head. Again in comparing 3 Ch. a with 1 K. 5"-" <| - ,, I in the former we read that when Solomon purposed to build the Temple he sent to Hiram, King of Tyre, and asked for a cunning workman and for timber and hewers of timber, promising much grain and wine and oil in return, while in 1 K. only timber and cutters of timber are requested and no promise of oil is mentioned. Here again Keil held that these are extracts from a common source, one writer emphasising one particular and the other
his head, stripped off his
'

another.

This supposition of Keil (an unnatural one compared with that

of direct use

and really not worthy of further consideration) breaks down completely if the results of recent scholarship in reference to
the sources of the canonical books can at
all

be trusted, since these

same combinations in which they are found in the canonical books, and never apparently otherwise; *.., they appear always edited and not in their original
sources always appear in Chronicles in the

form.
in 1 Ch. i are grouped as they appear in Gn. io-"a combination of three sources, P, J, and R (Dr. Gn.). Gleanings from Gn. 35, 38, 46 representing P, J, and R appear in 1 Ch. a. (No one, however, has ever seriously argued that the Chronicler had access to the sources of the Pentateuch, since, forsooth, to Keil and those of his school the Pentateuch had no sources in the modern sense.)

The names

",

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SOURCES
In
t

21
Glosses in
.

Ch. 18
"

2 S.

is

a combination of three sources.

are reproduced in
i

a S. s

*3 (Budde,

SBOT.)

Ch. n

The

parallels with 2 S., however, are not favourable for presenting

combina-

tions because underlying 2 S. is almost entirely

and 2 K.

a single source. In 1 and here, following the analysis of Stade and Schwally (SBOT.), a number of sources appear combined in nearly every parallel in a Ch. In i- | 1 K. 3*-" three; in 1"-" 1 K. ,. three; in c. 2 1 K. 5"-" -'> two; in 3-5' 1 1 K. 6, 7"-"
it is

different,

II

||

three; in
1

5*-7" I1K.8 three; in 9'-" 1 K. io' two; in io"-ii | K. 11'" four; and thus in a similar manner throughout the entire list
||

of parallels.

(The analyses

of Ki., Kau., Sk., give

similar result.)

The

Chronicler then used our present canonical books and not

their sources for all matter

common to both works.

is

He might still,

however, have used their sources for material not found in the
canonical books, but of this there
in

not the slightest evidence and

form

all

new

material (excluding genealogical matter

1

list

of David's additional heroes,

Ch.

>-)

is

of the

and the compo-

sition or style of the Chronicler.

B.

of the author of

Sources alleged by the Chronicler. After the manner 1 and 2 K., the Chronicler refers to written sources.

These are of two classes; first, those with general titles: (a) A Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah, for the reigns of Jotham, Josiah,

and Jehoiakim (2 Ch. 27' 35" 36')- (b) A Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, for the reigns of Asa, Amaziah, Ahaz, and Hezekiah (v. i. (o)) (2 Ch. 16" 25" 28" 32"). (c) A Book of the Kings
of Israel, for genealogies (1 Ch. 9')
(2

and the reigns of Jehoshaphat

(d)

Ch. 20")

(v. i.

(m)) and Manasseh (2 Ch. 33").

Mid-

rash of the

Book

of the Kings, for the reign of Joash (2 Ch. 24").

titles: (e)

Secondly, those with specific prophetic

words or
of

acts, so also

below) of Samuel the

(g)

seer,

The history (lit. (f) The history

These
(h)

Nathan

the prophet,

The

history of

Gad

the seer.

three are given for the reign of

David
(i)

prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite.

The (1 Ch. 29"). The visions of Iddo the seer.

These two and

9")of
(2

also

0) The

history of

(Q are given for the reign of Solomon (2 Ch. Shemaiah the prophet, (k) The history
for the reign of

Iddo the

seer.
(1)

These two are given

Rehoboam
Jehu which

Ch. 12").

The Midrash
(m)

of the prophet

Iddo

for the reign

of

Abijah (2 Ch. 13").

history of the prophet

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22
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AND

CHRONICLES
Kings of
Israel, for the reign of Je~

inserted in the

Book

of the

hoshaphat
in the

(v. s. (c)).

(n)

A writing of Isaiah the prophet, for the

(o)

reign of Uzziah (2 Ch. 26").

The vision

of Isaiah the prophet

Book

of the

Kings of Judah and

(p) ?

Israel, for the reign of

Hezekiah

(v. s. (b)).

history of the seers for particulars

concerning Manasseh (2 Ch. 33")Authorities thus are given for the history of
all

the kings of

Judah except Jehoram, Ahaziah, Amon, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah. (Naturally none are given for Athaliah and Jehoahaz.) Also the following works are referred to (q) A genealogical register compiled in the day of Jotham and Jeroboam II (1 Ch. 5"). (r) The later history of Davjd? (1 Ch. 23"). (s) The chronicles (lit. words) of David in which the census taken by Joab was not
:

entered (1 Ch. 27").

(t)

A collection of lamentations (2 Ch. 35").

The

first

three of these

to represent

single

Kings of
of

Israel

works (a) (b) (c) are generally allowed work whose full title was, The Book of the and Judah, or Judah and Israel, and the tide
abbreviated

which

in

(c) is

Israel representing the entire

people and not specifically the N. kingdom, since under (c)

Manasseh are treated. This work, an authority for reigns as early as that of Asa and as late as that of Jehoiakim, was clearly a comprehensive one, but not the canonical Books of Kings, because it is cited for matters not in those books i.e., genealogies (1 Ch. 9'), the wars of
the reigns of Jehoshaphat and
is

which

cited as

Jotham

(2

Ch. 27') and the prayer of Manasseh

the abominations of Jehoiakim (2 Ch. 36O.

(2 Ch. 33") and Neither was it the

sources mentioned in

and

K.

for the political history of Israel

It

and Judah,

since they

were two
I. col.

distinct works.

may, however,
p. xl.; Graf,

have been a work dependent upon those sources (Be.

GB.

p. 192;

Dr. EBi.

768,

LOT."

p. 532), or since the real

book apart from that in the it may have been dependent upon those books, a Midrash or commentary on them (Kuenen, Einl. p. 160). In their earliest form 1 and 2 K. may have contained
historical material derived
is

from

this

canonical books

extremely meagre

fuller

information than in their present Massoretic form.

A war<8>,

rant for this inference lies in the occasional fuller text of

implies an earlier, fuller

which

Heb. text (Bu. Gesch. AUheb.

Lit. p. 229).

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Winckler gives the fallowing genesis of Ch.:
Pre-ezilic chronicles of Israel
Exilic, lost

23

and Judah.
Legends of Prophets. Midrash.

book

of Kings.

Midrash.

Chronicles.

Mufri, Melultka, Main, MVAG. 1898, p. 42. In reality no one can decide the exact basis of any unknown work. Many and extensive volumes may lie before an author whose work is
restricted

and meagre.
(e)

is uncertain.

was the same as this Book of Kings title would suggest a distinct work (so Be., Zoe., Oe., Ki.); on the other hand it is not apparent why if, as its title shows, it was a comprehensive work dealing with the kings generally, it should not be the same work as the one just mentioned (so Ew. Hist. i. p. 187; We. Prol. p. 227; Francis Brown, DB. I. P..395; Dr. (the probability) EBi. I. col. 768).
Whether the Midrash

The

peculiar

The word Midrash (rra 3 Ch. 13" 34" f *ro Rabbinic literature denotes an exposition, an exegesis.

m *m

to seek) in

This frequently took the form of stories (such as those of Judith, Tobit, etc.), and the probability is that the Midrash of Kings was a reconstructed history of Israel embellished with marvellous tales of divine interposition and prophetic activity, such as have been reproduced in Ch.

The prophetic writings (e) to (p) are not in all probability distinct
works, but are illustrations of the usual Jewish manner of citing
sections of comprehensive works.

As

in the

NT. we

read,

"Have

ye not read in the Book of Moses in the place concerning the

Bush" (Mk.

i2 M ), or

more

aptly,

"Know ye not what the scripture

of Nathan,

saith in Elijah" (Rom. n).

The "histories"
of Kings,
i.e.,

Gad, and

the others are then the sections of which Nathan, Gad, etc., were

the catchwords in the

Book

the Midrash with the

is

possible exception of (n) where the reference

probably to the

Book
This

of Isaiah (cc. 36-39),

and

also (e),

(f), (g), (h),

and

(i),

not

unlikely refer to sections of our canonical books (v. commentary).

is

proved

first

because the history of the prophet Jehu (m)

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AND

CHRONICLES

and the vision of'Isaiah (o) are expressly mentioned as in this Book of Kings, and secondly because the Chronicler never cites the authority of the Book of Kings and the history of a prophet for any one reign except where they are coupled together. The main
sources used by the Chronicler are then, in
the canonical books
all likelihood,

only two,

and this Midrashic History of Israel, and if this latter was dependent upon the canonical books then in reality he had no really historical material apart from those books in their original form (v. $.). Whether the Midrashic history contained
all

his extra-canonical genealogical material, or whether he gathit is

ered some from elsewhere through written or oral sources,

possible to determine.
It is also possible that the Chronicler

im-

has cited sources simply to

produce the impression that he is writing with authority, and that their titles are mere literary adornments suggested by those in the Book of

This is essentially the view of Torrey, who, speaking of the comprehensive work so generally held to have been used by the Chronicler, says, "It is time that scholars were done with this phantom
Kings.
'

source,' of

which the internal evidence

is

is

absolutely lacking,

and

the

external evidence

limited to the Chronicler's transparent parading

it

of 'authorities';

while the evidence against

is

overwhelming"

(AJSL.

xxv. p. 195).

The

uniformity of the Chronicler's non-canon-

ical material certainly

supports this view, yet at the

also plausible that the Cnronicler

may have had

before

same time it is him one or

more sources from which he derived subject-matter which he freely composed in his own way. Certainly some of the new historical reminiscences preserved in Chronicles were, in all probability, derived from

written sources.

Eliminating the canonical quotations, the remainder of Chronicles is so

marked and homogeneous

(Thus We.

in style that

it

has been
Art.

usually (and properly) treated as the

i.e.,

work

of a single author,

the Chronicler.

Prol. p. 227; Dr.

EBi.

I.

Chronicles;

and

especially Torrey,

AJSL.

xxv. Nos. 2, 3, 1909.)

In recent years, however, this remainder has been

into sources.
is

analysed
it

This presentation has such scholarly support that

conclusions.

worthy of statement, and throughout our commentary we

its

give,

with criticism,
In an

article

published in 1899 (in

1

ZAW.)
a

Buchler, a

German

scholar,

argued that our present

and

2 Ch. are

revised edition of

a work that

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originally

25

made no distinction between the priests and the Levites. This distinction he held was introduced later by the Chronicler, who magnified the position of the Levites and brought in the Levitieal musicians.

Under

the influence apparently of Buchler's investigations,

Beiudnger, in his commentary (appearing in 1901), presented also the

view that the Chronicler was

much more an
1

editor

than in any way an independent writer.

through a study of the parallels with

This
S.

and 2

and mere compiler was reached and 1 and 2 K. Some

result

of these parallels agree essentially verbally with their source, others

are held to

show a considerable departure from the canonical text. These latter come not from the hand of the Chronicler but from a forerunner whose work he copied; and as the Chronicler was only in the main a mere copyist in his treatment of the canonical writings, so likewise, it was inferred, must he have been in his treatment of his other source or sources. Hence his work contains almost no original composition beyond inserted notices respecting Levites and musicians. (Movers had presented in 1833 essentially this view, Untersuchungen, pp. 163 jf.)

Thus

in

mainder, cc.

Ch. 10-29 nlv cc 23-27 are from the Chronicler. Of the re10, 11, 13, 14, 17-19 are from S. Chapter 12 reveals no
-

and c. 15 records six Levitieal and modest numbers, hence, except a paragraph concerning Levitieal singers (w. >-"), both of these chapters are not from the Chronicler; c. 12 coming from uncertain sources and c. 15 from the work of a forerunner. Chapter 21 contains, with the
special interest in anything Levitieal;

families instead of the usual three

absence of a sufficient theological motive, too great departures from

2 S. to have been written

by the Chronicler; hence

cc.

it is

from another
is

work, which appears continued in

22, 28, 29.

This work

ad-

mitted to be of the same vein and spirit of the Chronicler, showing an

interest in the religious cultus alleged to

have been developed by David,

(1) in its

more modest compared with 22 u - u, a paragraph owing to the great numbers assigned to the Chronicler); (2) in the Deuteronomic colouring and in the lack of interest in P, since no objection is raised to David's sacrifice at the threshing-floor
but
is

held to differ from the Chronicler's work:

presentation of contributions for the Temple, no*-* (to be

of

Oman.
In 2 Ch. 1-9, which presents a history of Solomon's reign, following,

with the single exception of a paragraph on Solomon's chariots and

horses,
(2

the order of
1

K., the departures from the canonical text

Ch. x"-2" (2

-")) are

supposed to be too great to have come from

is Huram-Abi, instead of Hiram Ch. 2"o> (see commentary), 1 K. 7"), with his mother a Danite instead of a widow from Naphtali (2 Ch. 2"<"> 1 K. 7"), and he is a worker not

the Chronicler, since the Tyrian artist

(2

simply in metals but weaving,

is

mentioned.

etc., and the place Japho, unnamed in 1 K., Wanting also are the numbers of the workmen given in

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26
i

AND

CHRONICLES
1

The Deuteronomic

and the embassy from Hiram to Solomon (il 5 ). reason for building the Temple, .., a dwelling-place, is changed also into a priestly one, ix., a place of worship (2 Ch. i""iK. 5" <") In the description of the Temple and its furniture, owing again to the variations from the account given in 1 K., the Chronicler is held to have had another source before him, and in part is this held also of
K. 5"'<>'>

the dedication.

The remainder of a Ch. (cc.

throughout
is

10-36)

is assigned

by Benzinger to different

sources, according to the character of the material.

a copyist.

The Chronicler He only composes introductory and concluding

Kittel, in his

commentary (1902), upon his conclusions. He endeavours also to unify the various sources, and distinguishes (with a variety of type and letters on the margin) the work of the Chronicler and his predecessors. He warns one, however, against regarding the
sentences and notices of the Levites.

accepts the theory of Benzinger

and builds

largely

conclusions thus expressed as

devices:
(1) the

final.

He

points out, by his mechanical

material derived from the canonical

books;

(2)

material next in age of various sort and origin, yet mostly of historical

value

(v. s. p. 15);

(3) material

from a Levitical

writer,

a forerunner of
(4) Midrash from the cited

the Chronicler,

who wrote between 500 and 400

B.C.;

material of two sorts

(M and

M), taken in

all likelihood

and finally (5) material of a period later than added by another Levite. This theory of the composition of Chronicles, as we have said, rests on the assumption that the Chronicler was essentially a mere copyist; but even if at times he follows most closely his canonical sources there is no reason why at other times he should not have been as free and
sources of the Chronicler;
the Chronicler,
original as the Levite

who

is

introduced as his forerunner.

Exact con-

sistency

is

not necessary to the Oriental mind, and especially to a writer

like the Chronicler.

Deuteronomic colouring, along with a colouring

of the Priests' Code, implies no diversity of authorship, since every

Jew

would be naturally versed in Deuteronomy as a people's book, one probably read and studied far more by every pious Jew than the Priests' Code, even by a Levite. Neither also, with a variety of traditions before him, is there any reason why the same writer might not differently at times enumerate Levitical families or statistics concerning the Temple. The unity of style and composition, so individual and marked, already mentioned, is against this patchwork theory of composition, although its possibility in view of our limited knowledge cannot be denied.

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PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
PECULIARITIES OF DICTION.

27

7.

In

common

with other late books of the OT., Ch. (including

Ezr.-Ne.) exhibits

many

peculiarities of phraseology

and syntax.
or

Many old words are made to do service in new ways either rare
unknown
in the older language,

and new words, the product of the late religious organisation and view-point, appear frequently. Also the incoming Aramaic, already a well-known language, had its influence on the Hebrew of the Chronicler, as is shown both by the presence of Aramaic loan-words and by many common Aramaic constructions.
against the

The many

peculiarities of syntax,

which are

common

usage of the earlier writers, indicate that the

compiler and author,

who was

bilingual, either
itself

some

difficulty

or that the language

its

used Hebrew with was decadent in his day.

group of writand vocabulary. Words and phrases not found at all elsewhere are met frequently both in passages from older sources which have been worked over and, particularly, in additions bearing the certain marks of the compiler. No OT. writer reveals himself more certainly. The reader feels almost instinctively when he passes from an excerpt from an older source to a paragraph by the compiler himself. Sentences are
In addition to
late characteristics, this
style

common

ings has

marked peculiarities of

often

awkward and

unnecessarily involved.

The

author's pet
fail

phrases are introduced without stint and almost without

every possible opportunity.
slovenly

on

No

doubt many of the marks of

are so

and careless composition which

common

are due to

copyists' errors (see

8 Text), but so many of them are certainly

original that the compiler cannot

be vindicated as a careful com-

poser.

Probably not a few errors of his text which have been

ascribed to copyists were simply due to his

own

carelessness

when

copying from his sources.

The

following

list

contains the

more marked

peculiarities of the

Chronicler's writings, including

new words and

phrases, old ones

with a new or unusual sense, and syntactical usages peculiar to him,

and

also all of these found frequently in other late

books as well as
style.

occasionally in earlier writings, but which are particular favourites

with the Chronicler, hence characteristic of his

For con-

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28

AND

CHRONICLES

venience those found only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. are marked with an

asterisk (*).
It should be borne in mind, however, that words or marked rare or peculiar may have been common usage

expressions

in the Chronicler's day, this statement being

due merely to our

meagre supply of
I.

literature of that period.

but, 3

San howbeit,

Ch.

19*

33" Ezr.

io, also

Dn.

io'-

t-

(In

older Heb. with an asseverative force, verily, of a truth

1 K. 1" a K. 4" and with Gn. 17" (P) t-) rnjM letter, a Ch. 3c- Ne. 6

Gn. 43"

3 S. 14'

slight adversative force, nay,

but

a. 3.

',
1

also Est. o-

t-

mm possession,
and P.

Ch. j n o 3 Ch. 11" 31 Ne. it and often

in Ez.

4.

^om promise or command, sq. inf., 1 Ch. 31" 37" 3 Ch. t'* 14' ai' apa. . <t 3,4. 11 35H Ne. o>, also 3 S. 34" 3 K. 8> Dn. Est. and
elsewhere.
j]ryf

5.

purple, 3 Ch.
5'
.

t (a late form of

?",!>), cf.

Aram.
1

kju-w

Dn.
6.

riirm lands, designating districts of Israel's territory 3 Ch.

1

Ch.

13'

7.
8.

\ including Israel's territory Ezr. 3* (text dub.) o " Ne. io"; in any sense pi. is almost wholly late 1 Ch. 14" 33 39" 3 Ch. 9" i3 13* 15' 17" so" 33"- 34 Ezr. 9' Ne. 9" to, v. No. 91. n$f* wrong-doing, guiltiness, 1 Ch. ai a Ch. 34< 38"- u " '* ' 10"- ' }, infreq. elsewhere. 33" Err.
cf.

1 15*
1

Gn.

36>-

S?s Niph. separate oneself

(reflex,

of Hiph.),
t;

toii. u Ne. 9 9.

io,

also

Nu. 16" (P)

oe separated

Ch. is* Ezr. 6 91 * 1 Ch.

33" Ezr. io tjm, ra byssus, 1 Ch. 4" 15" 3 Ch. 3" 3"

s,

also Est. 1* 8 U

and Ez.

IO.
ll.

27" (where Cor. strikes out with <S) fnta j^otf, hxrfy, 3 Ch. 14" 35 u 38" Ezr. 9 Ne. 3*, also Dn. nEst. 9'-
'
I'-

o> fa? * skiUed, skilled

rrva
castle,

(in), 1

Ch. 15"

35'-

37" 3 Ch.

36"

34" t

(kindred meanings mostly late).

ia.

palace; of Temple,

Ch.

39'- > t;

of fortress near
i'

Temple, Ne. 3 f f, Shushan the palace, Ne. i 3 8 o- ' Dn. 8 t13. 14.
n>"V? * fortresses, 2 Ch. 17" 37* tniSH P'j fathers' houses, families, clans,
1

Est

i- a-

Ch.
51

4"
in

31

t.

Ch.

Ezr. 3" to" Ne. 7" 10*, also often in P.

15.
16.

0'rtS7 nj Aotue

o^Gmf.

Ch. 6 9"

'

1.

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,

also of sanctuary at Shiloh Ju. i8*>.

vyr^

* chosen,

Ch. 7" 9" i6 Ne. 5"

f.

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PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
17. 18. 19.
-ini troop, of divisions of the

29
25*>

army

Ch.

7* 2

Ch.

" 36", also

Jb. ao Mi. 4".

n^> *
ny* *
r}jp

1 Ch. 10" t Gate. </. NH. and Aram.). Ch. 38" also 8 (restored text) f (</ NH.; a loan-word from or through Persian).

4fy, corpse,
1

treasury,

30.

common-land, suburbs, 1 Ch. 5" 6" ii" 31", also in Ez. and often in P.

40

1.

Ch.

6, 13* 2

Ch.

21.

ifjT

Niph. hasten one's

Est.

self,

hurry, 2 Ch. 26", also Est.

6"

t>

Q*l
i

3" 8 t (NH.

id.).

22.

O'J'D? yi

* drachma, Ezr. 2" - Ne.

7" Ne.

7"- n t; O'Jsvm?,*

23.

Ch. 29', Ezr. 8" tmn> Ki jgefe Yahweh in prayer and worship, 1 Ch. 16" (=Ps. 105 4 ) a8 2 Ch. 12" 14" 15" 16" 22* 26; n<n ?H(a) '1, 2 Ch.
i

io> 26

30"; nvrS

'i 1

Ch. 22" 2 Ch. 15" 20* Ezr. 6"; ovtSkV

4.

2 Ch. 17* 31" 34 Ezr.

24.

thni? * commentary, exposition, 2 Ch. 13"

24"

t-

25.
26.

27.

^P rnyi holy adornment, only 2 Ch. 20" in prose, elsewhere in poetry 1 Ch. i6 Ps. o6 Ps. 20* f. icji * how, 1 Ch. 13", also Dn. 10" t (an Aram. form). nw(S) Vyn * praise Yahweh, of technical Levitical function, 1 Ch.

i6
cf.
1

23*

25' 2 Ch.

s<-

" 20"
No.

20

30" Ezr.
1

$" '< " Ne.

7*

5",

Ch.

20> 2

Ch. 2o"

f;

^K> * abs47.

Ch. 23* 2 Ch.

8"

23" 29" 3i Ne. 12*

28.

f "

fon

great number,

Ch. 29" 2 Ch.

"
<

31", also Je. 40

t;

multitude, 2 Ch. it" (corrupt v. in loco) 13* 14" 20*-

32*, also

Dn. n"-

'

and "t
1

freq. in Ez., but only excep-

tionally in early prose.

29. 30. 31. 32.

n kind, 2 Ch. 16", also Ps. 144"

"
ru
q_pi

(also in B.

Aram. Dn.

3*

'

t)-

* Hiph.

rejects

(=

earlier Qal),

Ch. 28*

Ch.

n"

29"

f.

6e enraged

2 Ch. 26"-

"

t (weaker in earlier usage).

Pijnp refined, 1

Ch. 28"

29*, also Is. 25* Ps. 12' t-

33.
34. 35.

rnj *

36.

awwe out, appear, of leprosy, 2 Ch. 26' f. r^jn^ * binders, joints, 1 Ch. 22* 2 Ch. 34 ' f. nvm * joy, 1 Ch. 16" Ne. 8", Ezr. 6 (Aram.) f (an Aram. word). rHh mon</ numbered not named, 1 Ch. I2 W 27- '
1

37.

+ 10 1. Ezr., Ne. 7" and oft. in P. nth seer, 1 Ch. 2i (= 2 S. 24") 29" 2 Ch. 9" 12" 19" 29" $3"- , also 2 K. 17" Is. 29" 30" (28" cf. BDB.) Mi. 3' Am. 7", and
it.

. u.

it

Ch.

12

t.

2 Ch., Ezr. 3'

8- ",

also

K. 12" "

Je. i Ez.

applied to singers *

Ch.

25' 2
t1

Ch. 29" 35"

i2 l 13" 15*

f-

38.

pmnn

strengthen oneself, 2 Ch.

(=

lake courage)
1 S.

17' 2i< 23 1

25" 27* Ezr. 7" (= gain strength, also

30* 2 S.

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30
3* i

AND

CHRONICLES
strength) f; sq. 'je*1 withstand, a
1

K. 20" Dn. 10" (= gain

13'- t; a? sq.

Ch.
also

hold strongly with,

Ch.

n"

2 Ch. i6*

Dn. io

t-

(Use in

earlier books, put forth strength, use

one's strength.)

39' 40. 41.

43.

"iJ'D strength,

of royal power, 2 Ch. 12 1 26", also

Dn. u

f.

kSh * be sick, 2 Ch. i6 f (usually rhn). 0"Sno * sickness, sufferings, 2 Ch. 24" f-

ngSno * division, course, technical term of organisation of priests

and
t. it.

Levites,
u.
it.

Ch. 23*
it

24' 26'-

<

'

27'-

'

'

354.

k 2 Ch. " 23' s" 8"Ezr. 6" (Aram.) Ne. n fu. h. 381. u.

31'-

""

43. 44.

non * good works, pious acts, 2 Ch. 6" 32" 35" Ne. 13" tninn trumpet, as sacred instrument for use by priests only, 1 Ch. 13* IS"- " i6- " 2 Ch. s" " 13"- " 2o 29"- " Ezr. 3'
Ne. I2- also 2 K. 12" Ps. o8 and Nu. ic* ' 31* (all 2 Ch. 23'- ' Ho. 5* f; "*" P) f; general use 2 K. n " * Pi. and Hiph. sound a trumpet, 1 Ch. 15* 2 Ch. s'- " 7*

45.

'Sj>

13" 29" f. na H tjn ^Str-vy according

to the

Ne.
Ezr.

2 Ezr. 7* 8' cf.

7.

Ne. 2";

good hand of my Cod upon me, nw, Ezr. 7"; om. nawn,

46.

rnj Hiph. #ro, of ritual worship,

25*

Ch.

i6

'

* "

23"

29"

Ch. 5"

20" 31' Ezr. 3" Ne.

n"

i2- , also

freq. in Ps.

and rare

in earlier writings v.
!

No. 47; Hithp.

confess Ezr. io>

give thanks, in ritual worship, 2 Ch. 30" f

47.
48.

Ne. i* 9* ', also in P, H, and Dn. Vjni nnin <Aa* on<J praise, 1 Ch. i6
Ezr. 3" Ne. 12*
c/. 1

23 25*

Ch. 5" 31*

o} 0" * doy by day

Ezr.
3

(=

Ch. 29" 2 Ch. 7, . Nos. 46, 27. earlier on on), 1 Ch. i2* 2 Ch. 8' 24" 30"
9-

49.

Ne. 8" tfrmnn * be enrolled by genealogy, 1 Ch. 4" 5'- J*- ' " Ne. 7" Ezr. 8>- Ne. 2 Ch. i2 3i- ' > ' Ezr. 2
6 (Aram.)

7' t-

*w
50.

genealogy, Ne. 7* f1

rmfjw generations,

Ch.

i s 7-

4-

8"

9-

* 26",

also

Ru. 4"

51 .
5a.

and freq. in P. tp; * Hiph. use the right hand, 1 Ch. 12' tiff, * aged, decrepit, 2 Ch. 36" f (cf thf^,

id.,

Jb. 12" 15" 29'

Vt)53.
54.
6*35

* footstool, 2 Ch. 9" t

(</.

NH.,

i., Jte/>, jto'r;

Aram., a rude
12' 17*

seat).

j'jn

< up, prepare,

Ch., and Ezr.

Ch. 9" 12"

esp. with

14' 15' 28' 2

Ch.

3';

aj> set

the heart, 1 Ch.

+ 33 1. 29" 2 Ch.

I2 i9 20" 30" Ezr. 7".

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PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
55.
56.
DJ3 gather,

31
2

Qal

Ch. 22* Ne. 12" Ps. 33' Est. 4" Ec.

1

3 f.
i2'

wj

Niph. be humbled, humble oneself,

Ch. 20* 2 Ch. 7"

t,

1311

30" 32"

33'-

'

34"1

" 36"
Ch.

also Lv. 26*' (H) x S.

7"
57. 58. 59.
"He?

etc.;

Hiph. humble, subdue,

17'* 18' (= 2 S. 8') 2

Ch.

28", also Ju.

4" Dt.
28''
1

o> Is. 2$

* bowl,

Ch.

"

"

Jb. 40" Ps. 8i' 107" t " Ezr. i' ' 8" f-

Ch. 15" t {cf. B. Aram. kSs"?? Dn. 3). V'p^s * crimson, carmine, 2 Ch. 2- ' 3", possibly also Ct. 7* for
^fff)3, f (a Persian loan-word). 3ns writing, 1 Ch. 28" 2 Ch. 2" 3s* Ezr. a"

Sfisp * bemantled,

60.

Ne. 7" Ezr.

4',

also Ez. 13"

Dn. 10"
Ch. 28"

Est. i 3"-

"

4" 81

<

0"

t-

61

rtJ^lJJD

orh of rows of shew-bread only,

t

'en tnS^

2 'B

Ch.
Lv.

2o>
24'

t;

'^

Ch. o" 23 w Ne. io*4 nrvs 2 Ch. 13''

(Earlier

1; t;

Tpp'D
6a. 63.

a Ch. 2> t;

(P) f-

form was

B 'l? Br.) 3fS * Hiph. /*, 2 Ch. 36" t

jjS
{cf.

NH. Hiph. id., Band

Ethpa. id.).

Hiph. moci, deride, always in bad sense, 3 Ch. 30" Ne. 2" 3",
also Jb. 2i Ps. 22 Pr.
18' (for

M fhin\

cf.

BDB.)

{cf-

NH.
64. 65.

id.).

vp^o *

nsy^S chamber,

(late and NH.). rooms of the Temple, 1 Ch. o"- 23 28" 2 Ch. 31" Ezr. 8" io Ne. 10" i3- t, also oft. in Ez.; of room at high place 1 S. on and 1" 41 (accepted as The word is used in the sense original We., Dr., Klo., Bu.) t-

scholar,

Ch. 23* t
of the

cell,

of store-room only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.

Cf. nwfj,

No.

77.

66.

t;

k^o consecrate, 1 Ch. 20* 2 Ch. 13* i6* 29", also Ez. 43" Ex. 28 391. tt. m. 32 Lv. 8 16" 21' Nu. 3* (all P), and Ju.
17''

K. i3.
1
1.

67.

rwsVp kingdom, sovereign power,

4

Ch.

n +
10 1.

27

t.

Ch., Ezr.

7' 8>

Ne. o i2, also 26

3 1. Je., and elsewhere. n ?iSp.)

Dn., Ex. 4", 5 t. Ps., (In earlier writings usually njVpp or

Est., 16

68.

Sjp commit a trespass,

9*

69.
70.

1 Ch. 2' 5" io 2 Ch. 12* 26- ' 28<- 3T 3" Ezr. 10* Ne. i' 13", also freq. in Ez. and P; Sjro trespass, 1 Ch. o 10" 2 Ch. 28" 29" 33" 36" Ezr. oio, also Dn. 9' Jb. 21" and freq. in Ez. and P. wo Niph. be present, 1 Ch. 29" 2 Ch. 5" 29" 30" 31' 34- 35'. it. i Ezr. 8, also Est. x 4" and Gn. 19" (J) 1 S. 13" " 2i faijnr. offer free-will-offerings,* 1 Ch. 29*- " Ezr. j*

a"
71.

3' t;

offer oneself, volunteer, 2

Ch. 17" Ne. n, also Ju.

>

5- t-

{Cf.
1

same

in B.

rj} sheath,

Ch. 21", also

Aram. Ezr. 7"' ' > Dn. 7" (Aram.) t (NH.

f.)

id.;

a Persian

loan-word).

r
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32
72.

AND

CHRONICLES
Ezr.

fn 1*1 hath extended loving-kindness,

ffj: riches, 2

7" 9*.

73.
7475. 76.
77.

Ch. i" u, also Jos. 22* (P), Ec 5" 6* t (p"<*- " Assy, or Aram, loan-word). TO. TO? oversee, overseer, 1 Ch. 15" 23* 1 Ch. a1 " 34" " Ear. 3 J; also in the titles of 55 Pss-and in the title Hb. 3". 3pj Niph. be expressed by name, 1 Ch. 12" 16 2 Ch. 281* 31" Ezr.
8", also Nu. i (P)
Kfrj tole f.
>), 1

as wife (usually with

'

Ch. 23"

Ch.
i.

n(K"
A
65), Ne.

w
3"

13" 24" Ezr. o

10" Ne. 13* also Ru.

late usage.

nzvf * chamber (a rare parallel of *rf12- 13' f.

S t\ jrj * submit, yield
to,

q. v.

No.

78.

Ch. 30*

t;

T"?

I~> #-, 1

Ch. 29";

nrra> 07;
set the

iri give their pledge to

send away, Ezr. 10"; S 3^ nj

heart to

Ec
79.
77.

i"-

" 7

8-

do a f.
1
II.

thing,

Ch. 22" 2 Ch. 11", also Dn. 10"

'

OV?i * Nethinim,
M
(Aiaa.) glT.

Ch. o Ezr. 2"

=
n

Ne. 7"
t-

Ezr.

Ne. 3Ch. 6"

h.
.

IO* II*f.
'

80.
81.

190 * enumeration, census, 2 Ch. 2 M

"705

service of
1. 1

God,

9"

23-

**

24*

'

20 i j8u. u. t. 1.. 11. 311. u. a 35

251.

11.

it.

u. n. a 29' 2

Ch. 8" ia

24'*

29"

82. 83 84.

S'p "vsjri? proclaim, 2

ii e IO j ( also ft. Ch. 30* 36 Ezr.

m Ez. and P.
i',

Ezr. io* Ne. 8,

also Ex. 36* (P) f.

"T? *

Mp,

Ch. i2-

f (text dub.,
1

cf.

textual notes;

if

correct

Aram, loan-word).
it);

help of divine assistance,

Ch. 12" 15* 2 Ch. 14"

'

i8 a 23*
1

26' 32*, also freq. in Ps., less freq. in earlier books; Niph.

Ch.

5"
85.
86. 87. 88.
89.

Ch. 26".

'? next to (in

series), 2

Ch. 17"

'

'

31" Ne.
Ch. 25*
2

3*

13

t.

Ne.

3,

13", esp. late.

i-

t.-Vj, '?<-Sjr according to the guidance of,

Ch.

23" 26" 29" Ezr. 3", also Je. 5" 33". rfjjroS * exceedingly, 1 Ch. 14' 22* 23" 20-
26f.
icy
rise (for earlier

Ch.

i>

16" 17" 20"

wp),

Ch.

20* 21' 2
freq. in

Ch. 20" Ezr. 2-

=
1

Ne. Ch.

7" Ne.

8,

also Est.

4" and

Dn.
8"
9* ii

tc|*

appoint, institute, establish (in earlier books station),

611 1511. i

16"

(=

Ps. 105") 17" 22 2 Ch.

19*

Ezr. 2") 2S- " 3c* 3t 33 3s' Ezr. 3* Ne. 4* 6 7* 10" 12" 13"- , also Dn. n"- ""; make a stand (in a covenant),

20" 24"

(cf.

2 Ch. 34".

90.

i?j>

*7

"rop

stand on standing-place, 2 Ch. 30" 34"

f;

Dn. 8" 10"

with mp* for npy Ne. o

t;

35" Ne. 13", no verb Ne. 8' f.

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PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
91. 92. 93.

33
33'*-

ifvym^t
Ear. 3

* peoples of the lands, 2 Ch. 13*

" Ne. o
io, v.
1

<'H"

, ,, J> .

9-

No.

6. a 13, 22, also

rw

-wjj

possess power, be able,

11

Ch. 29" 2 Ch.

t-

Dn.

io i.

Hi
1

f;

om

ns a Ch. 14" 20"

20>
'

3i| <,
S9'

Ch. 7 12"

Ch. 32" 33", also

Is.

43' 4S'

Dn.

8 Ps. 75
f-

103" 107* and Ju. 20" (corrected

1

text, cf.

Moore, Ju.)
94. 95. 96.
1133)

tf} riches and honour,

1

Ch.

9'-

Ch.

I 1 - > 17*

18 1 32",

K. 3", Pr. 3" 8' Ec. 6 tpny * ancient, 1 Ch. 4" t (an Aramaism, cf. Dn. 7* ' "). S? nw trip "J? the fear of Yahweh came upon, 2 Ch. 14" 17"
also

97.
98.

ao (otiSm -mo) f (elsewhere 'Ui Spj). set free from duty, 1 Ch. 9 2 Ch. 23* tijii * some sort of open portico, 1 Ch. 26"- ' t (probably Persian
iop *
.i$*f

19T

99.
xoo. iox. 102. 103.

cf. D'in 2 K. 23"). pp * hip or buttock, 1 Ch. 19* (2 S. io on'nm^) f. o;nSD * cymbals, 1 Ch. 13* 15" i6 25' 2 Ch.

loan-word;

5'- '

29" Ezr. 3" Ne. 12"

l)ii
I,,

f-

-vp A-jfoa/, 2 Ch. 29" Ezr.

6" (Aram.)

8, also

Dn.

t-

3f>

* need, 2 Ch. 2" t (Aram. word). receive, take, accept, 1 Ch. ia' 21" 2 Ch. 29- Ezr. 8", also
-

Pr. 19" Jb. 2 10

Est. 4 9-

'

t (

common Aram,

word,

c/.

Dn.
104.

2* 6< 7' t).

* msij 'tfio Aeofc of fathers' (houses), 1 Ch. 7" 8- ' 9* IS" 23'- 24* 26" 27 2 Ch. i i9 23' 26" Ezr. i 2** l 12" , also Ex. 6" Nu. 31" 3" 4- 8' 10" Ne. 7" ' 8'
1

n
'

32" 36

'

Jos. 14' 19" 2i l

1

(all

P)

f;

the phrase with P'3

expressed

7* ' 9" 24*. also Ex. 6" Nu. i 7* I7' 1 25" Jos. 22"; roi (alone in same sense) 1 Ch. 5'- 7* 8" + and (appar. combined with the idea of first in a series)
Ch.
s'-

j,i,

11.

11.

,
1

105.

3iS abundantly,

Ch. 4" 12" 22'

2 4< 9'
'

9" (=
27'

K. 10") 20 30*- *
1

n 14"
1

15' i6 I7 i8>- 20 24''

29* 2 Ch. 1" = Ezr. 2"

31' 32*

Ne. 9 also Zc. 14". Ch.

29''

xo6.

'3i.,

KUi

ten thousand, myriad,

Ne. 7*
4'' t-

Ezr.

a" Ne. 7"

i-

", also Ps. 68'

1

Dn. n' Ho. 8" Jon.

107.

108.

109.

28' 2 Ch. 20" 21"- " 31* 32" 35' Dn. n'- , and Gn. i2 13' 31" 36' 4<5 Nu. 16" 3S (all P), and Gn. 14" ' ' > 15" fpeH Hiph. act wickedly, 2 Ch. 20" 22* Ne. o, also Jb. 34" Ps. ioo* Dn. 9* ii n 12" (1 S. 14" corruption, cf. Sm. Sam.) f. n^ij anofr great joy, 1 Ch. 29* 2 Ch. 30" Ezr. 3" 6" Ne. 8" 1 a4*, a common expression of the Chronicler.

tfui property, goods, Ezr.

Ch. 27 M

io, also

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34

AND
1

CHRONICLES
15"

no.

* *

prince, chief, ruler, of religious office,

cf.

"

aV"

'

Ch. 35*

Ch.
1

is-

'

(Is.

43

corrupt),

and

esp.

nvrtsn nfr chiefs of the priests, 2 Ch. 36" Ear. 8"-

io f-

in.
113. 113. 114.
1X5* 116.

TVtfo * singer,
7 nprvf'
44. r.

t. Ch., Ezr. Ch. 6" 9" + n Ezr. 7' 10" Ne. 7' + 12 t. Ne. t-

s-

Ne.

* act of slaying, 2 Ch. 30"

be negligent, 2

f-

"W * Niph.
sprout Ct.

Ch. 29"

f-

nS# weapon, 2 Ch. aj"

4'.

33* Ne. 4"- ", also Jb.

33" 36"

Jo. a t;

'W D f*

hear

me

(beginning a speech),

30" a8

ao f; cf.

Gn.

23* (hear us), w.-

Ch. a8 a Ch. 13 4 15' (all P).

function,
t

onjptf * gate-keepers, of Temple, etc.,

a sacred
7'

Ch.
7
1.

9"

19

1.

Ch., Ezr. 2-

Ne. 7- " Ezr.

10" Ne.
7'-

7>

Ne.

(also a S.

18" but corrupt for 18*? and a K.

but of

secular function).

Also the following

exclusively
in

list

of syntactical peculiarities appear either

else-

Ch. (including Ezr.-Ne.) or are frequent

late books.

where only in
117.

Sentences are often abbreviated in a peculiar manner, producing

an awkward reading; a the subject omitted (where earlier writers would not venture to do so), 1 Ch. o" b a Ch. 18* eDd (1 K. aa4 otherwise) io** 35"; b expressed without a verb, 1 Ch. 15'* a Ch. ii>> (?) 15* i6'- ' ai a6'" a8" 39*
>>

30'- '".

Cf.

Ew. Syn.

303 b.
1

118.

The

inf. cstr. is

often used almost as a subst.,

(cf.

Ch.

7*-

' "
Cf.

9 33" 3 Ch. 3 34" Ew. Lehrb. j 336 a.

119.

Ezr. 3")

33" Ezr. 1" Ne.

i3.

The
1

art. n for the relative (derived from its demonstrative use), Ch. so" 39 s Ch. i (t'?r>a) so" Ezr. 8" io- ". This
is

use
(cf.

very doubtful in early writings, vis. in Jos. 10"

Cf.

1 S.

9*

Dr. Notes on Sam.).

p. 309,

Ew. Syn. 331

b,

also foot-note

on
130.

Koe.
1

iii.

f 52, Ges. J 138J.

The

relative omitted (in prose almost entirely confined to

Ch.-

Ezr.-Ne.),
(</

Ch. 9"" 13" 15'"

29" (but v. in loco)

>>

2 Ch. 13'

Je-

SO

U"
i-

(cf Is. 40") 15" i6 ao 24" 28*

29" 3o>->

31111.

Ezr.

Ne. 8" 13".

is

Cf.

Ew. Syn.

333 6, Ges.

55-

131.

ne in two strange idioms

what,
1

almost equivalent to the relative

f.

Ch. 15" (n^tfK-5|i) a Ch. 30" (np^)

See textual
25'
it*>

notes on these passages.

133.

The

relative

f combined

with the prep,

a, 1

Ch.

(. <*

37".

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PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
123.

35

The combination
Ch. 7 VortMge,
1
'

of two plural forms (contrary to better usage),

"

"

etc., also

No. 91 above.

Cf. Zunz, Gottesd.

p. 33.

134.

Words
all

repeated, often strengthened by S3, to express the idea of

\e. every, as iytn iye>, rrrnjn rmap, Ch. 26" 28" " 2 Ch. 8" 11" 19* 28" ii 35U Ezr. 10" Ne. 13*, also Est. i a" 3*j X 3a" 34 it. 11. it. it. u 41 8. 1. 11. u. it. it a. n. Ps, 4511 871 I45'.

considered distributively,
dvi ov,
1

vjn -vy,

125*

Subordinate temporal and causal clauses are placed at the

beginning of the sentence (where in the earlier language either

they were introduced
later, or, if

126.

was prefixed), 1 Ch. 2i u a Ch. jit 71 12'- >t 151 ao- 22' 24'*- b a6'- ,,k 29"- w 31'- 33" 34" Ezr. 9>- io, also Est. 91 Dn. 8- ' io" "*> '"> n- i2">. Cf. Dr. Notts on Sam., on 1 S. 17". The inf. (with S prefixed) at the end of a sentence, 1 Ch. 15" it. n aa (S'liqS) 25* a Ch. 5" 22" 25" (2 K. 14" otherwise)
sake of greater prominence,
-

placed at the beginning for

36"

" Ezr. 3.

Also prepositions in usages either

new or much more

fre-

quent than in earlier books.

127.
S ip a strengthened

form of 17

(in earlier writings either alone

128.

4" 12"- 23" 38' 2 Ch. M I7 u ao t. 11 28' 39" 31" 36" Ezr. 3" o 10" t; before an inf. 1 Ch. s 13* 28 2 Ch. 24" ao ' 39* 31' 32" (2 K. 20" \ alone) Ezr. 10", also Jos. 13* Ju. 3* 1 K. i8 f. S as the sign of the ace. (from Aram, influence) a with certain
would
serve);

before a subst. 1 Ch.

,411 ,6it.

verbs (contrary to earlier usage), th^l frequently, Vjn only in

1 Ch. 26" 29", )>} 1 Ch. 29" Ne. n, Tjn 2 Ch. Ch. 16" i8 25' 29- 2 Ch. 5" 6" 17' 24' 34" Ezr. 8"; b at the end of an enumeration, 1 Ch. a8" 2 Ch. 3411k 26" k a8 n C marking the definite object after an indefinite

Ch.-Ezr., pin

32", also

Ch.

39'* a
1

Syriac)

the suffix

Ch. a ' 23'; d after the suffix of a verb (as in Ch. 5" 33* 2 Ch. as ' a8, cf. Ne. o; e defining of a noun 1 Ch. 7 a Ch. 3i>- ' Ezr. 9" 10". Cf.
1

Ges. 117*.

129.

S with the

inf.,

expressing leniency, intention, obligation (less

freq. in earlier writings), 1

19* a6

Ch. 6" 9" 10" 22* 2 Ch. 3' 8' n" 31" 36" Ne. 8 uk ; esp. after pH or kS it is not possible
to,

(permitted)
20 32

there is

no need

to, 'S ><k

Ch. 23*

Ch. 5"

35" Ezr. 9, *S hS i Ch. S' t$ a Ch. 1 2'' Ezr. 6 (Aram.). Cf. Dav. Syn. 95 6, Ges. f 114/, Dr. TH. 202-206.

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36
130.

AND
all,

CHRONICLES
adding a summary or a further
25*

Syk as regards

that is all (in

1

specification), 1

Ch. 13 a Ch. 5"

Cf.
1

38" 31" 33* (so also

K.
of
in

ai*) Ezr.

i*,

also freq. in P.

" introduction,"
1

Ch.

5 7' a8">-

Ew. Sy. 310 o. Also S ao" a Ch. 7" (S wanting

cf.

K.

9) Ezr. 7".
(S

131.
13a.
133.

W3 ovo-iS
Ezr.
1

omitted in earlier language,

f.

Ex. 5"),

Ch.

16" a Ch. 8" 31" J'kS * without or *o

/Aa< ho*, 1

Ch. a* a Ch.

14'*

ao* ai" $6 U

0"

t f-

k ^ * without, a Ch. 15*

34135.

n3T?!> * a Ch. ii i6 Ne.

Is.

s' f.
1

Sj3 at concerning, 3 Ch. 3a", also Ps.

19" (used differently in

136.

59" 63') f. of accompaniment (without a verb), 35" a Ch. 5> 7 13" 35" Ezr. 3'".

Ch. 15"-

"

io*

8.

HEBREW TEXT AND THE

Text.

VERSIONS.

The Hebrew
dition,

The
The

text of Chronicles is in fair con-

though by no means up to the standard of many of the older

late date of composition, together

Old Testament books.

with the fact that these books probably were less read, hence less
copied, than most of the Jewish Scriptures,

a better
large

text.

The many

lists

of proper names,

would lead us to expect where the context

could not assist the scribe to the true reading, are responsible for a

number

of the textual errors, but the narrative portions also

are not free from serious corruptions showing that the text must

have been handled

the

freely for

a considerable time.
(cf.

The

late recep-

tion of Chronicles into the

OT. Canon

Wildeboer, Origin of

Canon of the OT. p. 152) allows for a considerable period of such freedom. The Hebrew mss. contain few variants and these
involve largely only the Massoretic accentuation,
for restoring the true text.

and give

little

aid

Baer, in his edition of the text (Liber

Chronicorum), notes nineteen variations between the oriental

(Babylonian) and occidental (Palestinian)
texts,

only fourteen of

which concern the consonantal reading.

the confusion of
1

Of

these six are due to

and \

three to unimportant omissions of letters,

insignificant.

and the remainder are equally

In seven instances

the Qr. of the oriental text calls for the occidental reading.

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HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

37

In the case of those portions of Chronicles which are parallel to

the older canonical

books the textual

critic is particularly fortunate.

The

text of the sources with their versions majr

be used

in addition

to the versions of Chronicles as

an aid for restoring the original text

of Chronicles, as vice versa Chronicles is often useful for the criti-

cism of the text of the older books, frequently preserving the original

reading

(v. p.

19).

These older books, however, must be

are due to the intention of the

used with extreme caution for the purpose of emending the text of
Chronicles, since
Chronicler.
state

many changes

The

text of the older

books was already

sources.

in

a corrupt

when

the Chronicler used

them as

Frequently he

made changes in
with a
difficult

the interest of better sense, doing the best he could

or corrupt reading,

and

often he simply incorpo-

rated from his source an early corruption.

critic

The

task of the textual

of Chronicles

is

not to restore the original source reading of

text as pearly as possible as

a given passage, but only to rewrite the

it

came from the hand of the Chronicler.

has often caused confusion.

The

failure to observe

this principle

The Greek Versions.The

of these

Greek version of the books of

belonging in this

Chronicles (commonly supposed to be the Septuagint rendering

books)

is

an extremely

literal translation,

regard in the same category with the Greek of Ezekiel, Canticles,

and

Ecclesiastes.

The

Massoretic text

is

followed so closely that

had our Hebrew recension before him. We are not so well supplied with old Greek mss. as in the case of many Old Testament books, but we possess a complete text of Chronicles in the uncials A (V century), B (IV century), and N (VIII-IX centuries), and for 1 Ch. 9" to irpai to 19" K(IV
there can be

no doubt

that its translator

century)

is

also available.

Numerous cursives (about thirty) dating

independent value has not yet

between the tenth and fifteenth centuries should be added to this

list,

but

how many of these have any

been determined.
In addition to this ordinary Greek version, the
first

book

of

Esdras, which begins with the translation of the last two chapters
of 2 Ch.,
is

an important witness for obtaining the original

text of

these chapters.
text

This translation

is

much

freer

than the received

it.

and has a

different

Hebrew

recension behind

The book

is

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38

AND

CHRONICLES

preserved in the uncials A, B,

cf.

and N (except most of last chapter, Holmes and Parsons), but not in N; also in nearly thirty
critical

cursives.

Before any

use can be

made
Ch.

of these

two versions

they are distinct versions

their respective
text of

for

ages must be deterthe translation of

mined.

That our received

is really

Theodotion has been maintained by such scholars as Grotius (1644), Whiston (1722), Pohlmann (1859), and Sir Henry Howorth
(1893, 1901-2), but the evidence has been set forth most convincingly

by C. C. Torrey

(see

AJSL.

vol.

XXIII. pp. 121 /., and

1

especially

ATC.

pp. toff.).

He

maintains that

Esd. represents

the only extant remains of the real Septuagint of Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,

and

this

origin

was later supplanted by the version of Theodotion, whose was soon forgotten and which was therefore accepted as the

true Septuagint.

The argument has generally been that since our Greek version bears the marks of late origin compared with the
1

version preserved in

Esd.,

and

since Theodotion's translation

it is

of Daniel supplanted the older translation,

plausible to sup-

pose that the same thing has occurred here and our received text
is really

the rendering of Theodotion.

Torrey, in addition to

this,
is

has collected much direct evidence that the received text

pp. 60
difficult

Theodotion's, and this he states along the following lines (A TC.

ff.).

(1)

Theodotion's habit of transliterating words of

or uncertain meaning, and often without any apparent

is

reason,

one of his most striking characteristics

(cf.

Field,

Hexathis is

pla, I. pp. xxxix-xlii, also Swete, Introduction, p. 46)

and

also the

common

practice of
listed

the translator of Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.

Seventy such words are

with

tributed throughout these books.

transliterations

and they appear regularly disSome of them are identical

elsewhere.
(2)

by

Theodotion

Unusual

translations in the Theodotion rendering of Daniel are duplicated

in the Chronicler's books.

(3)

According to the custom of this

translator, gentilic

names

are transliterated exactly instead of

being given the Greek adjective ending, though these have often

been substituted

later in the mss., especially in

L.

In view of

our meagre supply of extant passages from Theodotion's translation (Daniel being merely a revision of the old Greek),

from which

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HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

his characteristics

39

must be determined,
is

this evidence is surprisingly

strong.

Moreover, evidence

not entirely lacking that the Greek ver-

sion of Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. current before the time of

Theodotion and

apparently accepted as the Septuagint was not our "canonical"

version,

but a somewhat

free translation of

a different Hebrew
If

recension

and

of

which

Esd. formed a part.

our Greek was

not surprising

the accepted Septuagint in the time of Josephus,

it is

that he should have culled the story of the three youths

1

from
else-

Esd. (Ant.

xi. 3,

2-8-1 Esd.

3-4), since this story

is

wanting

where, but

it is

strange, as has frequently been noticed, that he

1

should have quoted in other places from

the authoritative Septuagint version.

Esd. in preference
xi.

to

In Ant.
airrov

1,1. Kvpvt
iv

fiatrikevs Xeyet'I&irei fie

&09

6 (idyurTO? riji oucovfUvrfi

oucoBofujaco

iWSetfe
1

f3a<ri\e'a,

too

poop

lefxxroXvftoK iv rp 'lovSaia

x^P a

follows closely the text of

Esd.

a'-

but

cf. 2

Esd.

i,

which we should expect Josephus

ical

to prefer.

So

also Ant. xi. a, 2 fiaaikein Kafiflwrifc 'PaOvjup

Tg> ypd<f>ovTi

ypafiftarel
oucovcrip iv

ical

ra irpootrhrrovra tow \onrols

ical

Bee\&fi<p

ical

?,efte\hp

to9

(rvvrturffopevoK

xal

2a/*ape/ia
1

Qoipucr)

to&

X^yct

is

certainly

taken from

Esd. 2" and departs widely

from
the

Esd. 4"

(notice the transliteration

translates).
If

where

Esd., followed by Josephus,

2

Josephus

rendering of the canonical

lation of

knew Hebrew

Esd.

as
1

Septuagint

text

and
is

Esd. as the transfor

a
is

variant

uncanonical

fragment, his preference

perfectly clear,

the latter
ever,

unaccountable.

His action

how-

if we suppose him to have been acquainted with only one Greek version, the Septuagint, of which 1 Esd. was a part. Again, a quotation from the Greek version of 2 Ch. 2" made by the Greek

historian

evkoytym 6 den
which
1

Eupolemus, writing about 150 B.C., contains the clause 8? too ovpavov ical rf/p yfjv hcrurev, which,
is

as Torrey argued,

almost certainly taken from a version of.

(cf.

Esd. formed a part

ATC.

p. 77, esp.

f.

n. 22).

The accepted Greek

tury A.D.,

text (Theodotion's), therefore, is only of

value for recovering the authoritative

Hebrew

of the second cen-

and beyond the

limited assistance from Josephus, is our

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40

AND

CHRONICLES
i

chief early authority for criticising the text of

Ch.

to 2 Ch. 34.

Field (Hexapla, vol.

I.)

notes a few readings from the version of

25'-* 29",
i

Aquila
that of

(c.

125 a.d.)

Ch. 15"

and a

larger

number from

Ch. $ n g< 11* 15" 2i 25'- 26" 2 Ch. 12' 15* 19" 23' 26* 30* 31" 32 33* 34 M, but these are not exFor the criticism of 2 Ch. tensive enough to be of much value.

Symmachus

(c.

200 a.d.)

35-36 we
served in
1

may add
Esd.
1
.

the testimony of the true Septuagint as pre-

This dates from before 150 B.C., as is evidenced by the Eupolemus fragment (v. s., cf. Schttr. Gesch.* III. pp. 351 /.). Both the old Septuagint (1 Esd.) and Theodotion are available
in

two forms, the Lucian recension, based upon the Syro-Palestin-

ian tradition,

and

in
is

mss. representing the Egyptian tradition.

in the cursives 19, 93,

The

Lucianic text

found

and 108,* and

mss.

these are the basis of Lagarde's edition of these books in Librorum

Veteris Testamenli

Canonicorum pars

prior.

The remaining

represent the Egyptian tradition

groups; one led by

B includes also

and may be divided into two K and 55, the second includes A
uncial

and the

rest of the cursives.

The remaining

is

un-

certain, but

seems to follow the

group more frequently than the

B. The mss. of the B group are probably Hexaplaric (cf. Tor. ATC. pp. 91/.). The Lucian recension is a thorough revision of the earlier SyroPalestinian tradition.

the natural textual corruption,

earlier basic text

The many arbitrary changes, make the task of

Doubtless some of
text,

together with
detecting the

difficult

one, hence Lagarde's Lucian text must

its

be used with extreme caution.

flated readings

many

con-

go back to the true Hebrew

but this cannot be

assumed even when the reading would be a great improvement on

our Massoretic tradition.

Much
it.

of the plus of

does not even

very widely

have a Hebrew original behind

The

Syro-Palestinian tradition
differ

back of the Lucian recension probably did not from the Egyptian.
of mss. than by

The
its

latter is better

preserved by the

A group

B and

followers.

has frequently been rep-

resented as extensively corrected from the Massoretic text, but close

examination shows that no such comparison with the Hebrew could

and that Ch.
* It appears from Swete, Introduaion, pp. 154, 156, that to does not contain Ch. or 1 Esd. is wanting in 93, but cl. Holmes and Parsons, vols. II. V., where they are given

in the lists of hss. containing these

books and variants from them are frequently noted.

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HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

41

have been made, since nearly every page contains palpable blunders
which, in that case, would not have been allowed to stand.

A conhence
it

forms more closely to the Hebrew because

the better text, not because
it

it

has,

on the whole,

has been

made

to conform,

should always be given the preference over B, other testimony being

equal.

The B

ms. for Ch.

is

in especially

poor condition.

The

names are often damaged beyond recognition, dittographies are only too common, and omissions by homoeoteleuton are very frequent. When compared with the A group and with the Syroproper
Palestinian tradition

often furnishes valuable aid toward regainit

ing the original rendering, but

gint or even as the
erally speaking,

should not be quoted as Septua-

all too common practice. Genand B groups and the L recension agree they furnish the original Greek rendering, but it sometimes

Greek

text,

an

when

the

happens, especially in proper names, that none of these agree with

the Massoretic text
original, all the

when

the latter

was doubtless the

translator's

Greek

texts

having become corrupted.

i.e.,

In the commentary the received Greek,

the version of Theodotion,

has been quoted as (t and the Septuagint (in a Ch. 35-36) as tt of 1 Esd. Generally speaking, when the reading of certain Greek mss. has been
cited, these are

regarded as representing the original Greek rendering,

hence a variant Hebrew

text, but frequently a variant Greek reading found in one or more mss. has been presented merely because it is of possible worth. When the original has been regained by a comparison

of corrupt readings,

it is

cited with

an

asterisk (&*).

The Latin

Versions.

The

Old Latin

version

would be

of

special value for the criticism of the text of Chronicles, since the

Septuagint, from which

the last two chapters (v.

little

these

was made, has disappeared for all except s.). Unfortunately the Old Latin fared better. No extant ms. contains any extensive portion of books, but a number of fragments can be culled from the
it

who quoted extensively from them. Sabatier (Bibiiorum sacrorum Latino, versiones antiqua, vol. I. 1741) collected from these and ms. sources the ancient Latin version of the following passages: 1 Ch. 1" 2"- Mb n i2"- > 17"-" 21*- ,,b '*
Latin fathers,
-

u.

17

22" 28* 2 Ch. 6 1,b -" ii'

jglk-ll

1'-

,b

>'

ie I6 ,b -
-

"

iy--

tb-llt

20" b

" **'

21"'

"* 24,,b

25 ,b

""'

" 26" b '"

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42

AND

CHRONICLES

29 32 M - 33". These excerpts, however, must be compared with more recent editions of the Latin fathers before they can be
trusted.

In the case of

Esd.

preserved in three mss. (Paris us. Bibl. Nat.

us. E. R. 8, and a Lucca us.,
version
is
cf.

we are better off, the Old Latin being lat. in, the Madrid
Swete, Introduction, p. 95) .

This

of

some value

for recovering the Syro-Palestinian tra-

dition of the Septuagint.

The Latin version of Jerome, commonly called the Vulgate, was a new translation made from the standard Hebrew text of the end
of the fourth century a.d.,
late origin detracts

and independent

of the Septuagint.

Its

from

its critical

value for textual purposes.

it

By
text

comparing
at

it

with the Theodotion Greek

their

frequently aids in the

into the

removal of corruptions which made

way

Hebrew
lies in

a comparatively

late date.

Its chief value,

it

however,

the

realm of interpretation, where

the consonantal

supplies

an early rendering of

Hebrew

text for the

which

is

often superior to the

most part as it now stands, modern influenced by Massoretic

first

tradition.

The
icles is

Syriac Versions.

The

Syriac translation of Chron-

now a part of the

it

Peshito, but originally Chronicles

was not
This

received into the Syriac Canon.

Indeed, when the book was sub-

sequently translated

did not meet with general acceptance.

Jews of Edessa. While in most Old Testament books the Peshito follows the Hebrew text faithfully and even literally, with here and there extensive
of

Syriac version seems to have been the

work

influence from the Septuagint, Chronicles stands alone as the translation of

a mere Jewish Targum and exhibits

origin.

all

the faults which

might be expected from such

characteristics
is

One

of

its

most striking

found

in the fact that the text

has very frequently

been conformed to the text of Samuel and Rings. This is even true of extended passages, as where 1 K. i2- followed by 1 K.
14'-*

are substituted for 2 Ch. in-12".

The

substitute has the

and must be accepted as the original Syriac text, i.e., the original translators had the text of S.-K. before them. Numerous other instances might be cited where the text
authority of the best uss.

agrees with S.-K. against Ch. in which

Syriac text, but where
its

we may

possess the original

testimony

is

absolutely worthless for the

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HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

criticism of the

43
that

Hebrew

text.

Since there can be

no doubt

either the translators, or perhaps

some

later copyist, frequently

conformed Chronicles to
cited

its

sources, the Peshito (#)

may never be

in support of readings of S.-K. as original in Chronicles. This fact, together with the character of its origin, makes the
Peshito text of Chronicles practically worthless for critical purposes.

The
tions,

Peshito text of Chronicles

all

For discussion, see Frankel, JPT. 1879, pp. 508 ff. is available in a number of
go back to the Paris Polyglot of 1645.

edi-

but

The London

Polyglot (Walton's), published shortly after, reproduces the Paris

text

without change.

The

first

edition

was printed from a very

Nationale.

poor ms., "Syr.

6"

of the Bibliotheque

Recently

W.

E. Barnes has published the variant readings of the mss. avail-

able to-day,

and

of the printed editions

{An Apparatus

Criticus to

Chronicles in the Peshitta Version, 1897).

Walton's edition cor-

rected by this apparatus furnishes a good Peshito text.

The

Syriac version of Paul of Telia

was made

in

616-7 A,D ->

from a Greek ms. ultimately derived from the Septuagint column of Origen's Hexapla. This was first made known to Europe
by Andreas Masius,

who

died in 1573, and he had a ms. which,

with other books, contained Chronicles, but this has disappeared.

The
ing

British

Museum

possesses a catena (Add.

12,168) contain-

fragments of Chronicles and the Books of Esdras.

Foil.

fragments of Chronicles are found on

57a-6oa

The (Wm.

Wright, Cat. of Syr. MSS. in Brit. Mus. Part II. p. 905), just published by Gwynn {Remnants of the Later Syriac Versions
of the Bible, 1909, Part
II.

pp. 5-17).

The
1.

portions of

Esd.

and Ne. were published by Torrey {AJSL. Oct. 1906, pp. 69-74),
but the ms. contains nothing of
text of 1 Esd., however, is
1

Esd.

The Syro-Hexaplar
apocryphi syriace),

found elsewhere and has been pubveteris testamenti

lished

by Lagarde {Libri

hence

we have

its

testimony for the recovery of the original

Septuagint text of 2 Ch. 35, 36 (1 Esd. 1). The Arabic Version. The Arabic version of Chronicles

is

available in printed form in the Paris

but
inal

is

of

little

or no critical value.

and London Polyglots {v. s.), It is far removed from the origtext {cf. Burkitt,

Hebrew, and as a translation of the Peshito

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44

AND

CHRONICLES

DB.

I.

p. 137)
(v. s.).

simply duplicates the testimony of that uncertain

version

The
first

Ethiopic Version.
of Esdras.

The
is

Books of Chronicles are not

extant in the Ethiopic version, which, however, does contain the

Book

This

of value for regaining the Egyptian

(v. s.).

recension of that portion of the Septuagint

The Targum. The Aramaic paraphrase of Chronicles, like the

the other books of the Hagiographa, never had official and was a commentary rather than a translation. It was made from our Massoretic text and possesses little critical value. The text was first published by Matthias Friedrich Beck from an Erfurt ms. in 1680 and 1683. Later (1 715) David Wilkins published the Aramaic text from a ms. in the Cambridge Library with a parallel Latin translation (Paraphrasis Chaldaica in Librum priorem et posteriorem Chronicorum). It was also published by Lagarde in his Hagiographa Chaldaice, Leipzig, 1873. For a full discussion see Kohler and Rosenberg, Das Targum der Chronik,
significance
in Jild. Zeitschrifl, 1870, pp. 72/., 135/.,

Targums of

263/.

9.

THE HIGHER CRITICISM AND LITERATURE.

Chronicles, from their supplementary and, through

The Books of
been a favourite
variations

their genealogical material, their unedifying character,

field of

have never
litera-

study and investigation, hence their

ture has always been relatively meagre.

The books

also, in their

from the other canonical

difficulties.

writings, presented to early

students peculiar

Jewish scholars in the period of the

the 60;

Talmud regarded them with suspicion, and later shrank from many problems which their genealogies presented (JE. IV. p.
R. Simon, Hist. Crit. du V. Test.

IV.).

Jerome, on the other

hand, was extravagant in their valuation, declaring,

thinks himself acquainted with the sacred writings

"He who

know
ture
is

these books only deceives himself " (Episl.

and does not ad Paulinum de

Studio Scriplurarum).

And again, "All knowledge of the Scripcontained in these books " (Prof, in libr. Paralip., Episl.

ad Domnionem). This valuation rested, however, without doubt upon an allegorical interpretation and not upon any apprehension
of the real character of 1

and

Ch.

No

one seems to have

fol-

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THE HIGHER CRITICISM

lowed Jerome
in his estimate,

45

and while the books were genby the few Jewish and Christian scholars who commented upon them through the general assertion that they rested
erally vindicated

upon authentic sources and by explaining away all appearances of error, yet at the same time their discrepancies were made the basis
of

arguments against the authority of the sacred Scriptures

(cf.

Calmet, Cotnm. in V. T. IV. p. 510).

the narratives of Chronicles

(Spinoza had ridiculed the

attempts of Jewish scholars to remove the discrepancies between

and those

of the earlier

books and ex-

pressed his wonder that they had been received into the sacred

Canon by

those
ix.

who rejected
x.)

the Apocryphal books, Trac. Theol.

PolUici, cc.

and

G. F. Oeder

in his Freie

Untersuchungen

tiber einige

Biicher

des A. T. (1771) spoke of their

many corruptions (Ke.). But for real criticism and a worthy explanation we begin naturally with the
introduction of

Eichhom (1780-1782, 3rd

ed. 1803).

Eichhorn

went beyond the simple assertion of the Chronicler's use of authentic

tions

and reliable sources to a theory upon which the variaand agreements between Chronicles and the earlier books
In regard to the genealogies he recognised

might be explained.
that the Chronicler

drew from

'the earlier canonical books,

but

along with them he held that he had access to registers carefully

kept by the Levites and preserved in the Temple, serving as
titles to

inheritances.

These

registers, subject to copyists' mis-

takes,

were not always repeated

in their

complete form and

many
1

pedigrees were abridged, hence the genealogical variations in

Ch.

The

basis of the Chronicler's description of

David and Solomon

was an old life of those two monarchs, also the basis of the narratives in 1 and 2 S. and 1 K., which in the course of transmission through many hands had suffered many changes, and in which the
Chronicler also

made

changes, such as his introduction of Satan,

the kindling of sacrifices

by

fire, etc.;

also

from

historic records

the Chronicler mentioned the

lists

of the priests

and

Levites, the

contributions for the Temple, and other things of a similar nature.

various works cited by the Chronicler such as "the words of Shemaiah the Prophet and Iddo the Seer" (2 Ch. ia'), "the Midrash of the prophet Iddo" (2 Ch. 13"), " the words of Jehu" (2 Ch.

The

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46

AND

CHRONICLES

ao M ), the writing of " Isaiah the son of Amoz " (a Ch. 36"), and the works mentioned in 2 Ch. 32" $y ', Eichhora regarded as distinct writings of

contemporaries of Israel's kings,

now

lost;

while

the Midrash of the

Book

Judah and
Kings of

Israel (2

Kings and the Book of the Kings of Ch. 25" 27' 28* 35" 36*) and the Book of the
of
last

Israel (2

Ch. 20") were secondary works; the

two

being one and the same work and identical with the
Chronicles of the Kings of Judah cited in
1
1

Book

of the

Eichhora held strongly to the reliability of

careful use of historical sources

and 2 K. (Einl.* ii. 595). and 2 Ch., owing to the

criticised by He, by com-

by the author. This representative view of Eichhorn was sharply

(in his BeitrSge zur Einleiiung,

De Wette
parison,

1806).

showed that Eichhora's supposition of the Chronicler's 1 and 2 S. and 1 and 2 K. was untenable. No real evidence was present that both the authors of the canonical books and the Chronicler had drawn their material from the same source; but far more likely all common passages were due to the use by the Chronicler of the canonical books. De Wette then examined the variations between the writings and he
use of the underlying sources of

came marks of his late period, and alterations of meaning, and that his additions were marked by a preference for the concerns of the Levites, a love of marvels, apologies and preference for Judah and hatred of Israel, and embellishments of the history of Judah. Thus the unreliability of the Chronicler was
showed
that through the Chronicler

slovenly or careless writing, corifusions

abundantly shown.

Of

the Chronicler's sources

writers," he said,

De Wette made little. "Several "might have taken part in producing our present
about that ? But as the work
lies

Chronicles.
it is

Who will contend

entirely of

one character and one individuality and before us may be assigned to one author " (BeitrUge, p. 61). The questhus
tion of the reliability of the Chronicler

was largely bound up

in that

of the Pentateuch, and of the general view of the Old Testament

Scriptures.

Scholars or writers of a so-called rationalistic tend-

ency disparaged these books and accepted the conclusions of De Wette (a good example is seen in F. W. Newman's History of the

Hebrew Monarchy,

1847), while

on the other hand conservative or

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THE HIGHER CRITICISM

orthodox scholars held the general view of Eichhorn
sources and defended the trustworthiness of
1

47
in regard to

and 2 Ch. throughout. Even upon those of a freer tendency, De Wette's work made less of an impression than might have been expected. Bertholet,

who was willing to accept De Wette's low estimate of

worth of Chronicles (Einl.
of
III. p. 983),

the historical

argued

in behalf of the use

common sources by the writers of Kings and Chronicles. Ewald also, who had a clear conception of the general character of the books, still in his history used them as a source of information very nearly upon a par with the other Old Testament books. The view in general was that the Chronicler, while often introducing the notions of his own age, yet carefully followed his sources, which, though more free and homiletic than the older canonical books in
their treatment of history, yet

were scarcely

inferior as records of

history

though when the two could not be reconciled the former

(Cf. Bertheau's treat-

were to be received as of greater authority.

ment throughout his commentary, 1854, 1873; Dillmann, PRE.

II. p.

694, 1854,

PRE*

p. 224, 1878.)

De
by
J.

Wette's work was answered twelve years later in a small treatise

G. Dahler (De Librorum Paralipomenon

Auctoritatc atque Fide

Historica Argenlorali, 1819).

Each
1

alleged discrepancy, taken

up

in

Ch. and through the two books, was examined by itself and explained away or harmonised; and the author concluded concerning the Chronicler: "Absolvendum turn esse ab istis injustis criminationibus, etfidemejus kistoricam, puram esse atque integrant."
order from the beginning of

Dahler, as most of the apologists

that the

who

followed him, overlooked the fact

judgment of a work must be determined by the impression made by its phenomena grouped as a whole and that phenomena taken singly can ordinarily be explained away. It had been the great merit of De Wette's treatise that he "shaped the superabundant material to convey
the right impression."

Dahler's work was refuted by C. W. P. Gramberg in Die Chronik nach ihrem geschichtiichem character and ihrer GloubwOrdigheit gepri/t (Halle, 1823). This work was of little weight, owing to its charge of extreme falsification by the Chronicler. Ini833,C.F.Keil published his apology for Chronicles A pohgetischer Versuch flier die Backer der Chronik und fiber die Integretit des Bitches

This work, essentially in its main contentiort, reproduced later Intro, and Commentary on 1 and 2 Ch., held, as already noted above (see p. 20), that the Chronicler did not draw his material from
Ezra.
in his

OT.

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48

AND

CHRONICLES
list

the earlier canonical books of the OT., unless in the

families (i Ch. i-2),

of the patriarchal

and

and

2 S.

and

and hence the parallelism between i and 2 Ch. and a K. is due to common sources underlying each
Cf. examples mentioned above, p. 20.

(the view of Eichhorn).

The

varied charges brought by

De

Wette were refuted

in detail

and the

Chronicler was absolved from

all error

of statement, although later Keil

guilty

recognised in one instance that he

(Intro. II. p. 82).

was

of

misapprehension

In 1834 appeared Kritische Untersuchung iiber die biblische Chronik, by F. C. Movers, a German pastor residing near Bonn. This work, although defending in a large measure the historical reliability of 1 and 2 Ch., since the author held to the Mosaic origin of the Levitical institutions, was characterised by much critical acumen. In the matter of sources the author advanced views practically identical with those
current at present.

He

held that the Chronicler used

first

of all the

and secondly one other source, the Midrash or Commentary upon the Book of Kings. This Book of Kings was neither our Book of Kings, nor the "Chronicles" or Annals mentioned in Kings, but a work which the authors of Samuel and Kings had used, and whose author had made use of the Chronicles or Annals mentioned in Kings. But the Midrash or Commentary on this Book of Kings was a post-exilic work more didactic than purely historical, a connecting link between the canonical Scriptures and the Apocrypha. Of this work and of the canonical Scriptures the Chronicler was essentially a copyist. Movers' view in this respect is that of Benzinger and Kittel, already
canonical books,

mentioned (see
in his

p. 25).

The problem of

Chronicles

was also
d.

discussed in detail by

Die Geschichtlichen BOcher

were similar to

AT.

(1866).

K. H. Graf, Graf examined the

narratives of Chronicles in the light of those of the canonical books,

his conclusions

and

De Wette's respecting the work as a tendency writing largely unhistorical in character. He differed from Movers,
holding that the Chronicler was not a mere copyist and that to him as an independent writer belonged the characteristics of his work and not

On the other hand, he rejected the notion that to a Midrasbic source. he had no other sources than the canonical books and allowed historical
reminiscences in his
of our problem
is

new

material.

The

next most fruitful discussion

Wellhausen's

brilliant

chapter on Chronicles in his

Prolegomena turGeschicMe Israels (1878, 1883, Eng. trans. 1885). There

the position of

De

Wette

is

restated

and the Chronicler's work

is

ex-

hibited essentially in the character

which we have given, although we

are inclined to find

more of

historical reminiscence in certain instances

than Wellhausen allows, but his sketch of the Chronicler's work as a whole is correct. For the recent views of Benzinger and Kittel respecting the composition of Chronicles see pp. 25 /.

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LITERATURE

49

LITERATURE.
(Authors of the most important works are indicated by the heavy type.)

Text.S. Baer and

by
Del.);

F. Delitzsch, Liber Chronicorum (1888) (text

with critical and Massoretic appendices by Baer and an introduction

David Ginsburg,
R.

O'ainsi O'H'aj

min

(1804), pp.

1676-

1808 (text based upon the Bomberg Bible of 1524-5, with variant readings in the foot-notes);

(1895) (in Haupt's Sacred Books of (he

critical

notes trans,

The Books of Chronicles in Hebrew OT.) (the unpointed text, with by B. W. Bacon); R. Kittel, Biblia Hebroica, II.
Kittel,

(1906) pp. 1222-1320 (text with foot-notes citing variants in mss., Vrss.,

and

Bibl. sources).

Translations and Commentaries. Hieronymus tiones Hebraicce in Paralipomena in appendix to vol.

(pub. in Migne's Patrologia Latina, vol. 23,
coll.

(d.

420), Quaes-

III. of his

works

1365-1402); Theodoret,

Bishop of Cyrus (1st half of 5th cent.), Quaestiones in Paralipomena (pub. in Migne's Patrologia Graca, vol. 80, coll. 801-58); Procopius Gazsus (1st half of 6th cent.), Commenlarii in Paralipomena (pub. in
Migne's Patrologia Graxa,
vol. 87,

part

I.

coll.

1201-20);

Rabanus

Maurus
in
(1

(c.

776-856), Commentaria in libros duos Paralipomenon (pub.

vol.

Migne's Patrologia Latina,

109, coll. 279-540);

David Kimhi

160-1235) (Kimhi's commentary on Ch. was pub. in the Rabbinic Bible of 1547 and elsewhere); Levi ben Gerson (1288-1344) wrote com.

on Ch. (Rich. Simon, Hist. Crit. p. 28); Alphonsus Tostatus (Tostado), Comment, (on hist, books of the Bible, 1507); R. Joseph fil. David Aben Jechija (Comment, in Hagiogr. 1538) (Carpzov); R. Isaac bar R. Salomo Jabez (Hagiogr. Constantinople) (Carpzov); Basil. Zanchius, In omnes divinos libros notationes (1553); Erasmus Sarcerius (1560) (Carpzov); Vict. Strigel, Libb. Sam., Reg., et Paralipom. (1591); Lud. Lavater, Comm. in Paralip. (1599); Sebastian. Leonhardus (1613) (Carpzov); Nic. Serarius, Comment, in libr. Reg. el Paralip. (1617); Casp. Sanctius, Comment, in 4 libr. Reg. et 2 Paralipom. (1625); Jac. Bonfrerius, Comment, in libr. Reg. et Paralip. (1643); Hug. Grotius,
Annotatt. in Vet. Test. (1644) (Paralip. in edition of 1732 (Basil) vol.
I.

pp. 175-89); Arthur Jackson,

Scrip.; or Annot.

Help for

the Understanding of the

Holy

Thomas Malvenda, Commentaria

Annot. Parol,
(in
.

on the Hist, part of the OT. 2 vols. (1643 and 1646); in sacram Scripturam (1650); Christ.
foil.

Schotanus, in Biblioth. historic sacra; V. T. vol. II. (1662); D. Brenius,

Opera Theologia, 1666,

.
. .

21-23); Fran.

Burmann,

Comment.

Paralip.

(1660-83); Jacob Cappel, Observalumes

in Lib. Paralip. (in Comment, et Not. Crit. in V. T.

1689, pp. 651-4); S. Patrick,

by Lud. Cappel,

Commentary upon

the Historical Books

of the

OT.

(1694; Ch. in

new

edition, vol. II. (1842) pp. 464-618); Jo.

Digitized by

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5
Clericus,

AND

CHRONICLES
Test. vol.

Commentarius in Vetus

IL (1708) pp. 519-640;

exegg. in loca

Matthew Henry, An Exposition

in vol. II. 1708);

of the Historical Books of the O. T. (Ch.

sel. critt. philott.
. . .

H. B. Starck, Nola
Pent

dubia ac

difficiliora

and Rambach, Libros Hagiographos V. T., J. H. Mich, wrote on 1 Ch. and Rambach on 2 Ch.); S. J. Mauschberger, Comm. in LL. Paralip. . (1758); J. D. Michaelis, Uebersetzung des A T. mil A nmerkk.fUr Ungelehrte, vol. XII. (1785) pp. 151-310 (the trans.) and pp. 171-304 of app. (notes); A. Calmet, Commentarius Literalis in Omnes Libros Testamenti, vol. IV.
. .

(1714); J. H. Michaelis Annott. in Parol. (1720) (in Uberiores Adnotationes in

Chron.,

(1791) pp. 512-827;

1821);

Adam Clarke, The Holy Bible (Ch. in vol. II. F. J. V. Maurer, Commentarius Grammaticus Criticus in Vetus Testamentum, vol. I. (1835) pp. 232-44; J. Benson, The Holy
and
Practical Notes (Ch. in vol. II.
etc.'

Bible with Critical, Explanatory

1850, pp. 233-388);

(vol. III. of

Chr. Wordsworth, Kings, Chronicles,

Bible with Notes

(1868)

The Holy

and

Introductions); C. F. Keil,

Kommentar iiber d. AT. Eng. by Andrew Harper, 1872); B. Neteler, Die Bucher der biblischen Chronik (1872); E. Bertheau,~flcA#r der Chronik* (1873) (in Kurzgef. Exeget. Handbuch turn AT.); George Rawlinson, Chronicles (1873) (in vol. III. of The Holy Bible, edited by F. C. Cook); O. Zockler, in Lange's Bibelwerk (1874) (Eng. trans, by J. G. Murphy); E. Reuss,
Bilcher der Chronik (1870) (in Biblischer
trans,

Chronique ecclisiastique de Jerusalem (1878) (La Bible, IV. part); Clair, Les Paralipomines (1880); Vilmar, Josua bis Chronika (1882) (in
Prakt. Erkl. der Heil. Schrift herausgegeben von Chr. Mailer); C. J. Ball, in Bishop Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers (1883); P. C.

Baker, I. and II. Chronicles

Exeget.

(in

The Pulpit Commentary

Exell), 2 vols. (1884); S. Oettli,

Kommentar z. AT.); M.

of Spence and Bucher der Chronik (1889) (in Kurzgef. J. Tedeschi and S. D. Luzzatto, Com-

mentar tu den BB. Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah und Chronik (1890); J. Robertson, in Book by Book (1892), pp. m-19; W. H. Bennett, The

Books of Chronicles (1894) (in The Expositor's Bible); E. Kautzsch, Die Heilige Schrift des Alien Testaments (1894), translation, pp. 9361012, critical notes in supplement, pp. 91-98; R. G. Moulton, Chronicles (1897)

(The Modern Reader's

Bible);

W.

E. Barnes, The Book

of Chronicles (1900) (Cambridge Bible); I. Benzinger, Die Biicher der Chronik (1901) (in Kurzer Hand-Commentar z. AT.); A. Hughes-

Games, The Books of Chronicles (1902) (Temple Bible); R. Battel, Die Biicher der Chronik (1902) (in Handkommentar z. AT.); R. de Hummelauer, Comment, in Librum I Paralipom. (1905); W. R. HarveyJellie, Chronicles (1906) (The Century Bible). Critical Discussions. Richard Simon, Histoire Critique du Vieux Testament (1685), Book I. Chap. iv. pp. 27 /.; Jon. Gottlob Carpzov, Introductio ad Libros Canonicos Bibliorum Veteris Testamenti (1731),

V
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LITERATURE
Part
I.

51

J. G. Eichhom, Einl.* II. (1803) pp. 579-601; de Wette, Krilischer Versuch iiber die GlaubenswOrdigichkeit der Backer der Chronik (1806) (Beitrdge sur Einl.Jn d. AT. vol. I.); L. Bertholdt, Einl., Part 3 (1813), pp. 963-91; J. G. Dahler, De

pp. 270-303;

W. M. L.

librorum Paralipom. auctoritate alque fide histerica (1819); C. P.

W.

Gramberg, Die Chronik nach ihrem geschichtlichen Charakler und ihrer Glaubwilrdigkeit neu gepriift (1823); C. P. W. Gramberg, de geloofwaardigheid en het belong van de Chron. voor de Bijb. Gesch. (1830); Die BUcher der Chronik. Ihr Verhdltniss tu den BUchern Samuels und der KSnige; ihre GlaubwOrdigkcit, und die Zeit ihrer Ab/assung, in Theologische Quartalschrift (Tiibingen, 1831), pp. 201-83; C. F. Keil, Apologetischer Versuch aber die Chronik (1833); F. C. Movers, Kritische Untersuchungen aber die biblisehe Chronik (1834); W. M. L. de Wette, Einleitung in d. AT. 1 1. (1852) pp. 237-259; T. H. Home, Introduction to the Critical Study of the Holy Scriptures" (1856), vol. II. pp. 673-688; K. H. Graf, Die Gefangenschaft und Bekehrung Manasse's, 2 Chr. 33, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken (1859), pp. 467-94; J. Bleek, Einl. (i860) pp. 371-401 (4th ed. 1878, Eng. trans, from and ed. 1869); Gerlach, Die Gefangenschaft und Bekehrung Manasse's, in Theol. Studien u. Kritiken (1861), pp. 503-44; W. H. Green, Date of Books of Chronicles, in Princeton Review, XXXV. (1863) p. 409; K. H. Graf, Die Geschichtlichen Backer d. AT. (1866) pp. 114-247; Abr. Rahmer,

Ein Lateinischer Commentar aus dem

Chronik
kritisch verglichen mil d.

9.

Jahrhund.

t.

d.

BOchern

d.

Judischen Quelien (1866);

De
I.

Wette(1869)
in

Schr. Einl. (1869) 224-33;

H. Ewald, History of Israel*

pp. i(x)ff.;

Kohler and Rosenberg, Das Targum der Chronik,

Chr.
2. 4.

JOd.

Zeitschrift (1870), pp. 72/., 135/., 263/.; J.

et

Wellhausen, De Gcntibus

Familiis Judais qua

enumerantur (1870); C. F. Keil,

Einl* (1873) | 138-144 (Eng. trans, from and ed., 1870); W. R. Smith, Chronicles, Books of, in Encycl. Britannica* (1878); R. O. Thomas,

A Key to
(1881);

Books of Samuel and the Corresponding Parts of Chronicles The Book of the Chronicles, in Sunday School Times (1883), Nov. 24, pp. 739/.; G. T. Ladd, The Doctrine of Sacred
the

Frz. Delitzsch,

Scripture (1883),

I.

pp. 108/., 373/., 546/., 686/.; E. Schrader,

COT.

[1883] (1888) II. pp. 52-59; J.

Wellhausen, Prolegomena

(1883), pp.

176-237, Eng. trans. (1885) pp. 171-227; J. L. Bigger, The Battle Address of Abijah, 2 Chr. 13: 4-12, in OT. Sludent,vo\. 3 (1883-4), pp. 6-16; F. Brown, The Books of Chronicles ivith Reference to the

Books of Samuel, in Andover Review,

Neue Untersuchungen
(1884), pp. 403-50;
to the

I. (1884) pp. 405-26; MUhling, aber die Genealogien der Chronik 1, 1-9, und

deren Verhdltniss turn Zweck dieses Buches, in Tkeolog. Quartalschrift

W. H. Brown, The OT. Explained, Giving the Key Harmony of the OT. Writings, and espec. the Books ofK., Ch., etc.
crit.

(1885); Comely, Hist, el

Introductio in V. T. libros sacros

Compen-

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52
dium,

AND
311

2
/.;

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A. Kuenen, Ondertoek*
I.

II. i (1887), pp.

(1887) pp.

433-520, German trans., Bird, part I, div. a (1890), pp. 103-89; M. S. Terry, Chronicles and the Mosaic Legislation (1888), in Essays on
Pentaleuchol Criticism (edited by T.

W. Chambers, and republished under title Moses and his Recent Critics, 1889), pp. 213-45; E. Alker, Die Chronologic der Backer KSnige und Paralipomenon . . . (1889); B. Stade, GeschJ (1889) I. pp. 81-84; C. H. Cornill, Einleitung (1891), pp. 208-276, Eng. trans. (1907) pp. 225-39; L. B. Paton, Alleged Discrepancies between Books of Chronicles and Kings, in Presbyterian Quarterly (Richmond, Va.), vol. 5 (1891), pp. 587-610; G. Wildeboer, Origin of the Canon of the OT. [1891] (1895) pp. 142 /., 152, 162; K. Budde, Vermutungen turn "Midrasch des Buches der KOnige," in

ZAW.

vol. 12 (1892), pp. 37-51; A. C. Jennings, Chronicles, in The Thinker, vol. 2 (1892), pp. 8-16, 199-206, 393-401; C. G. Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures (1892), pp. 447 ff., 454, 483; H. E. Ryle, Canon of the OT. (1892) pp. 138/., 145, 151, 162; W. R. Smith, OTJC* (1892) pp.

pp. 157-67 (Bemerkungen

14/., 182/.; H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen (1892), t. chronik als geschichtsquelle); A. C. Hervey,

The Book of Chronicles in Relation to the Pentateuch (1893); H. H. Howorth, The True Septuagint Version of Chronicles-Ezro-Nehemiah,m

The Academy

(1893), vol. 44, PP-

nf-i E. K8nig,
Infallible

W. Sanday, Inspiration (1893) (Bampton Lectures), pp.

398, 443, 455;

Einl. (1893) % 54; ioa, 244, 2$sff.,

. .

H. Varley, The

Word

the Historical

Accuracy of the Books of Kings and Chronicles (1893); R. B. Girdlestone, Deuterographs, Duplicate Passages in the OT., their bearing on the Text

and Compilation,
Review,
Driver,
I.

etc.

(1804);

T. F. Wright, Chronicles,

in

New Church

(1894) pp. 455-6;

W.

Bacher, Der

Name

der Backer der

Chronik in der Septuaginta in

ZAW.

vol. 15 (1895), pp.

305-8; S. R.
r.

The Speeches in
2,

Chronicles, in Exp. 5th series, vol.

(1895) pp.

241-56, vol.
Chronicles;

1895, pp. 286-308;

reply, in

Valpy. French,

The Speeches in

Exp. 5th

series, vol.

2 (1895), pp. 140-152;

F. Kaulen, Paralipomena, in Kirchenlexikon, vol. 9 (1895), pp. 1479/.; S. Krauss, Bibl. VSlkertafel in Talmud, Midrasch und Targum, in

Monatsschrift fur Geschichle u. Wissenschaft d. Judenthums, vol. 39 (1895) pp. i-n, 49-63; G. Wildeboer, Lit. d. AT. (1895), pp. 404-420;

W. E.
vol.

Barnes, The Midrashic Element in Chronicles, in Exp. 5th series,

W.

(1896) pp. 170-242; 4 (1896), pp. 426-39; G. B. Gray, E. Barnes, The Religious Standpoint of the Chronicler, in AJSL.

HPN.

XIII. (1896-7) pp. 14-20; W. E. Barnes, Chronicles a Targum, in Expos. T. VIII. (1806-7) PP- 316-19; T. K. Cheyne, On 2 Ch. 14 9,
:

etc.,

in

Names
Fr.

Expos. T. VIII. (1896-7) pp. 431/; H. L. Gilbert, Forms of in I. Chronicles 1-7, in AJSL. XIII. (1896-7) pp. 279-98;
the Cushite, in Expos. T. VIII. (1896-7) pp. 378/.;

Hommel, Serah
E. Barnes,

W.

An

Apparatus Criticus

to Chronicles

in the Peshitta

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LITERATURE

53

Version (1897); W. D. Crockett, A Harmony of the Books of Samuel, Kings and Chronicles, in the Text of the Version of 1884 (1897); W. E. Barnes, Errors in Chronicles, in Expos. T. IX. (1897-8) p. 521; John F.
Stenning, Chronicles in the Peshitta, in Expos. T. IX. (1897-8) pp. 45-7;

W. Bacher, Zu I. Chron. 7 12, in ZAW. F. Brown, Chronicles I. and II., in DB.

:

vol. 18 (1898), pp.

I.

236-8;

(1898) pp. 389-397; A.

Klostermann, Die Chronik, in PRE.'

III. (1898) pp.

85-98; SchUrer,

Geschf (1898)
II.
i.

pp. 309, 339/., III. p. 311, Eng. trans, (from. 2nd ed.) pp. 309, 340, iii. p. 162; W. J. Beecher, Is Chronicler Veracious
II.

Historian for Post-exilian Period? in The Bible Student and Religious

Outlook (Columbia, S. C),

Zur

3 (1899), pp. 385-90; Adolf Bitchier, und der Tempelpsalmen, in ZAW. vol. 19 (1899), pp. 96-133, 329-44; Grigor Chalateanz, Die BUcher Paralipom. nach der Sltesten. Armen. Vebers., etc. (1899); Hope W.
vol.

Geschichle der Tempelmusik

Hogg, The Genealogy of Benjamin; a Criticism of I. Chron. JQR. XI. (1899) pp. 102-14; A. van Hoonacker, Le Sacerdoce
dans
la

VIII., in
Ltvitiquc
el

Loi

el

dans VHistoire (1899), pp. 21-116 (Les prttres

Us

levites

dans le

livre des Chroniques);

E. Kautzsch, The Literature of the

OT.

(1899) pp. 121-8 (trans., with revision, from supplements to Die Heil. Schr. d. AT.'); J. Koberle, Die Tempelsdnger im AT. (1899) pp. 81-150 (Chronika); O. Seesemann, Die Darstellungsweise der Chronik,
in Mitth. u.

Nachr.f.

d.

Evang. Kirche in Russland, 55 (1899), pp. 1-16;

W. R. Smith
coll.

and S. R. Driver, Chronicles, Books of, in EBi. I. (1899) 763-72; T. G. Soares, The Import of Chronicles as a Piece of

Religio-hislorical Literature, in

Am.

Jour, of Theo. III. (1899) pp. 251-

Notes on Genealogies of the Tribe of Levi in 1 Chron. 23-26, in JQR. XII. (1900) pp. 291-8; J. A. Howlett, Wellhausen and the Chronicler, in The Dublin Review, vol. 126 (1900), pp. 391-411; K. D. Macmillan, Note Concerning the date of Chronicles, in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, XI. (1900) pp. 507-1 1; Hope W. Hogg, The Ephraimile Genealogy (1 Ch. 7 20/.), in JQR. XIII. (1900-01) pp.
74;
Berlin,
:

M.

G. O. Little, The Royal Houses of Israel and Judah (1901); J. Marquart, The Genealogies of Benjamin, in JQR. XIV. (1902) pp. 343-51; J. W. Rothstein, D. Genealogie d. Kgs. Jojachin und seiner
147-54;

Nachkommen (1 Chron. 3 17-24) in Gesch. Beleuchtung (1902); W. H. Bennett, Chronicles in JE. IV. (1903), pp. 59-63; Mos. Friedlande. Genealog. Sludien 1. A T. D. Ver&nderlichkeit d. Namen in d.
:
,

Stammlisten d. Backer d. Chronik (1903);

Versions of Chronicles, Ezra, and
Society of Biblical Archaology,

C. C. Torrey, The Greek

in

Nehemiah,

Proceedings of the

The

(1903) pp. 139/.; W. J. Beecher, Added Section in I Chron. XI-XII, in The Bible Student and
1,

XXV.

Teacher, vol.

New

Series (1904), pp. 247-50;

R.

St.

A. Macalister,

The Royal
R.
St.

Potters 1 Chron. 4", in Expos. T.

XVI. (1905) pp. 379/.;

A. Macalister, The Craftsmen's Guild of the Tribe of Judah, in

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54

AND

CHRONICLES

Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement (1905), pp. 243-353, 3*8-342; P. Asmussen, Priesterkod. u. Chr. in ihrem Verh. tu einand., in Theolog. Studien u. Kritiken (1906), pp. 165-179; G. Tandy, / a. II Chron., an Elementary Study in Criticism (Interpr., Oct.) (mentioned in

Theolog. Jahresbe., 1906);

(1007), pp. 67 n.
i,

S.

A. Cook, Critical Notes on

i,

98

n. 3,

104 n.

114/., 118 n.

1;

OT. Hist. H. H. Howorth,

VII Daniel and

Some Unconventional Views on

(1907) pp. 31-38, 61-69;
S-

the Text of the Bible.

Chronicles, in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaology,

XXIX.

K- Mosiman, Zusammenstellung u. Vergleichung d. Paralleltexte d. Chr. u. d. alteren BUcher d. AT. (1907); S. R. Driver, LOT." (1908) pp. 516-540; C. C. Torrey, The Apparatus for the Textual Criticism of Chronicles-Etra-Nchemiah, in

Harper Memorial II. (1908) pp. 55-m; W. E. Barnes, The David of the Book of Samuel and the David of the Book of Chronicles, in Exp. 7th Series. No. 37 (1909), pp. 49-59; A. Klosterraann, Chronicles, in The New Schaff-Henog Encyl. vol. III. (1909) pp. 68-71; C. C. Torrey, The Chronicler as Editor and as Independent Narrator, in

AJSL. XXV.

(1909) pp. 157-73. 188-217.

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A COMMENTARY ON 1 CHRONICLES

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Digitized by

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COMMENTARY ON
I-IX.

CHRONICLES

GENEALOGICAL TABLES WITH GEOGRAPHICAL

AND HISTORICAL NOTICES.

introduce the genealogies of

I.

Primeval genealogies with a list of kings and phylarchs

of

Edom.

This chapter serves to

the tribes of Israel by showing Israel's place

among

the nations

and thus corresponds

to the ethnic discussions with

Its

which modis

em

writers frequently open their histories.

matter

derived

entirely

from Gn. 1-36.

All the genealogies of those chapters are

included in this compilation except that of the descendants of

Cain (Gn. 4"- M ).

lists

The

author's

method

of abridgment, in giving

of

names (w.

'' etal.) without stating their relation to

one

another, shows that he

assumed

his readers to

have been thor-

oughly familiar with the narratives of Genesis.

While the source
the chapter
is is

dear, the question has recently been raised whether

substantially in the

Chronicler or whether an original nucleus

additions until the genealogical

which it was left by the by him received numerous material of Gn. was exhausted. Ben-

form

in

w. '" <*>'> "- The Vatican text of OK lacks w. '-<*, which are in the Hexapla under the asterisk (Field), and a sort of doublet exists in w. "' and w. " .
zinger maintains that the original text comprised only

Mb

These

facts

character of vv.
'Affcre&p,

have furnished the ground for assuming the secondary ". But the significant words viit Si)/ AiX&p ml
this lacuna of 4t B , are certainly

found in

so

a remnant of

v.

"

marked
is

in Swete's edition

thus

making

it

extremely probable

that the original OK contained the whole passage.

Origen

only one of

many

illustrations

(This omission by which might be cited of the

poor quality of the text which he had; see Tor. ATC. pp. 94/.) The parallels, w. "-" and w. " , are not indicative of two sources, since in one the compiler is tracing the collateral lines, while in the other it is
his purpose to give the lineal descent of

Abraham.

The

transposition

57

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58

I
of w. " ( Gn. as 1 '-'*)
since
it is

CHRONICLES
and w.

" (

Gn.

2$*-')

has no significance,
last.

easily explained, the descendants of Ishmael, the first-born,

first

being placed

Equally

trivial is

and those of Isaac, by the compiler's habit, come the repetition of the substance of v. " in v. .

The

descendants of Esau (w. *) are as

ants of Ishmael and of

much in place here as the descendAbraham by Keturah. Hence there is little

first

cause to doubt that the

chapter of the Chronicler's history has

come down

to us in essentially the

same form

in

which

it left

his hand.

1-4.

The ten antediluvian patriarchs and the three sons

of Noah.

This

list

of

names
in

is

a condensation of Gn. 5 by the

is

omission of the chronological statements and those of descent from

father to son;

and the

list

Gn.

apparently modelled after the

Babylonian one of ten ancient kings which has been preserved by

Berossus (Dr. Gn. p. 80,

KAT. pp.

531/., Gordon, Early Trad, of

Gn. pp. 45 ff.). The names appear in some instances to have been derived from the Babylonian list and are also directly connected
in

a large measure with the names found

(J).

in the genealogies of

Gn. 4

1.

Adam]
5
1

i.e.,

man

or

mankind, an appropriate

name
3.

proper

of the human race; hence a RV. wrongly in Gn. 3" ', v. DTK, BDB.).Seth] (Gn. 4 5* ' f) derived in Gn. 4" probafor the first

man, the father

',
'

name (Gn. 4"

bly from mere assonance, from

stitute";

J"W

" to appoint," hence, " subis

the

meaning

or

derivation

otherwise

entirely

(&WR) (Gn. 4" s |) poetical word for man and probably in folk-lore a name like Adam for the first man. The third Babylonian name Amelon or Amilarus has also the same
obscure.

Enosh]

meaning.

2.

Kenan]
1

(jJ'O)

Kain (pp) (Gn. 4 correspording with the fourth Babylonian

),

(Gn. 5* f) to be connected with with the meaning of " smith," and thus

name Ammenon, which

*
,

is equivalent to "artificer."
ite,

Mahalal'el] (Gn. 5"

is

also a JudahIt is possibly

Ne.

f).

The meaning
fifth

"praise of God."

a Hebraised form of the

ruption of Melalarus.

Babylonian name Megalarus, a cor*

,

Jared] (Gn. 5"

also a Calebite 4' f),

from the root meaning to go down, but the significance of the name 3. Hanoch] EVs. Enoch (Gn. 5" *, also the firstis not apparent.

born of Cain, Gn. 4"

'-,

also

his "translation," is the

a son of Reuben, 1 Ch. 5*). He, from most notable of the ten patriarchs (Gn.

Digitized by

Google

1-4.]

ANTEDILUVIAN PATRIARCHS
The name may mean
" dedication,"

59
in the story

S).

and might
first city

of
if

Cain be connected with the building of the

(Gn. 4"), or

derived from parallel Babylonian king Enmeduranki,

who
This,

probably was the mythical high priest of a place linking heaven and
earth, the

name might imply

Enoch

dedication to the priesthood.

is

considering Enoch's religious character,

initiation of

more

plausible.

The

into heavenly mysteries, according to the later

Jewish story, probably arose from a connection between him and

was the possessor of such knowledge.Methushelah] (Gn. 5" f) " man of missile." The corresponding name in Gn. 4" is Methushael- Babylonian mutusha-ili, " man of God." The corresponding name in the Babylonian list Amempsinus=ame/-S*n, "man of the god Sin"; hence "missile," shelah, is probably another title of Sin, i.e., of the moongod. Lantech] (Gn. 4"* M f)- The important position of the
the Babylonian parallel, since the latter
5

Lamech in the line of Cain, where he is the father of

tives of three social classes

the representa-

nomads, musicians, and

is

smiths

and
name

in the line of Seth,

where he

the father of

Noah and

grandfather

of the representatives of the three races of

mankind, reveals the

probable identity of the two persons in origin, but whence the

is

derived

is still

obscure, probably from an ancient Babylonian

god.

Noah] (Gn. 5" * and frequent in story of the flood, Gn. The Noah of Gn. 5" (J) is clearly the husbandman who produced wine (Gn. 9"* ), and thus gave man
6-10,
Is.

4.

54* Ez. 14" ).

rest,

refreshment, and comfort in his

toil.

Why

the hero of the

flood also bore this

discernible

name is not clear, since no certain connection is between the name Noah (T\i) and Ut-napishtim, the
' '

name of the Babylonian hero of the deluge. Shem] (w. " " Gn. < 11" 5 6" 7> 9" io>- f) means renown, i.e., glory, and apparently was a name of Israel (cj. Gn. 9" Blessed be Yahweh the God of Shem, i.e., of Israel).flow] (v. Gn. 5" 6' 7" 9" io ) superseding possibly the name Canaan in an earlier
1
-

list

of

Noah's three sons

II.

(cf.

Gn. g u J)

is

possibly derived from

Kimet the Egyptians' name

EBi.
col.

of their country

(DB.,

art.

Ham;

1204 absolutely denies

this connection).

Ham
appro-

stands for Egypt in Ps. 78" io5'priately

"

106".

Thus

Ham

represented the peoples southward from Palestine.

Digitized by

Google

60
Japhelh]
(v.

CHRONICLES

Gn. 5" 6" 7" 9'- io'- ' f). According to Gn. 9" the word is from the root (ilfiD), meaning " to be open " (so BDB., Margoliouth in DB. suggests a derivation from nC "to be fair)," but the real origin is still obscure. It primarily comes
1

without doubt from some appellation of the peoples or country

lying to the north

and west

of Israel, because in those directions

').

the descendants of Japhelh are found (w.

Japheth

may

have represented originally the Phoenicians, since the expression

dwelling in the tents of
jacent to Palestine

Shem (Gn. 9")

points to a land ad-

(DB. Extra
',

vol. p. 80).

2.

jj'ji]

so too Gn. 5

but <S Katirfr,

Cainan, in both places,

show a

different pronunciation of the

cf.

diphthong which
pp. 52/.,

may have been in

pp. a/.

use in the Chronicler's day,

Ki.

SBOT.

Kom.

5-7.

The descendants of Japheth.

change from Gn.
texts

These verses are taken

Whatever variations
or the other

directly without

io'- 1 (P).

the

two

now exhibit are due to the copyists of one

is

unless the text used by the Chronicler differed from the archetype
of
if.

This

also true of all other cases

where the Chronicler

For variations

clearly reproduces the exact

words of

his parallels.

These nations or peoples must all be sought to the north and west of Palestine. 6. Gomer] (v. Gn. io Ez. 38', name of a person Ho. i f) a people of Asia Minor identical
see textual notes.

'

with the Gimirrai of Assyrian inscriptions.

Their territory

in

Armenian is called Gamir. It corresponds to Cappadocia. They are the Kimmerians of the Greeks. Magog](Gn. io' Ez. 38* 39' t) from collocation in Ezekiel and from assonance is closely related to Gog, which apparently is the Gagaia of the Amarna tablets, a
designation of northern barbarians.

The traditional identification

with the Scythians

the
io'-

is

plausible (EBi. II. coll. 1747/.).

Madai]
(v.
'

i.e.,

Medes mentioned

frequently in the

OT.

Javan]

Gn.

Is.

66" Ez. 27-

'

Dn. 8" io"

11' Zc. 9", pi. Jo. 4' (3') f) the

Greeks, or more properly the Ionians.

Is. 66' ,

Tubal and Meshech]

' 39 except where Meshech,
1 ,

(mentioned always together Gn. io Ez. 27" 32" 38'

where Tubal occurs alone and Ps.

120*,

alone).

They

are the Tibali

and Mushku

of the Assyrian inscrip-

Digitized by

Google

6-7.]

DESCENDANTS OF JAPHETH
of

6l
(iii.

tions
78).

and the Moschoi and Tibarenoi

In the Assyrian period their

Herodotus

94,

vii.

home was

north-east of Cilicia

and

east of Cappadocia; later they retired further to the north to

the mountainous region south-east of the Black Sea (Dr. Gn.).

Tiros] (Gn. 10* f) formerly identified with the Thracians (so Jos.

Ant.

i.

6. 1)

but

now
iv.

generally with the Tyrseni (Tvpanvoi), a pi-

ratical people of the northern shores

and

islands of the JEgean Sea

(Hdt.

i.

57,

Thuc.

109).

Tiras has also been regarded as the

15 Aug.

same as Tarshish v. ' (W.

1900, col. 290).

Max Muller, Orient Lit. Zeitung,

io Je.

6.

Ashkenaz] (Gn.

51"

f).

Their home,
ally of the

according to Jeremiah, was in the region of Ararat, and they are

undoubtedly the Ashkuza, Ishkuza of the Assyrians; an

identical with the Scythians

Assyrians from the reign of Asarhaddon onward, and possibly

(KA T.' p.

101); the

Hebrew name has

arisen apparently through

a confusion of
6. 1), the

letters (?23t?K instead of

rDtSW)-

Riphath*] not yet clearly identified or located; aci.

cording to Josephus (Ant.

Paphlagonians. Togarmah]
Ez. indicate a northern

(Gn. io* Ez. 27" 38*

f).

The references in

country furnishing horses and mules, usually identified with the

Armenians and by some connected with the

city

Tilgarimmu of the

Assyrian inscriptions (EBi. IV. col. 5129, Del. Par. p. 246).

7.

And the sons o/Javan] to

be sought naturally

among

the countries

or peoples belonging to the Greeks.Elisha h] (Gn. io 4 Ez. 27't) a land that according to Ezekiel furnished " blue and purple," hence,
since these dyes

were procured from

(Del.),
(SS.).

shell-fish,

a Grecian maritime
Carthage as

country: lower Italy and Sicily have been suggested (Dill.), the
/Eolians

(AtoXet?)

Elis

(HX)

(Boch.),

though called Elissa

where),

Tarshish] (Gn. io 4 and frequent else-

commonly

identified with Tartessus in Spain, yet not con'

Cilicia has also been named (EBi. IV. col. 4898).Kittim] (Gn. io 4 Nu. 24" Is. 23'" Je. 2" Ez. 27* Dn. 11" f) represents Cyprus. The name is derived from the city

clusively so.

Tarsus in

Kition on the south-east shore of the island.

Rodanim

4 f] (Gn. io

wrongly Dodanim) people of the Island of Rhodes.

6. ne'-"] about thirty hss. (Kennic, Gin.), <g,

B, and Gn.

io

nem,

which

is

to be restored as the original (Kau., Ki.).

7.

nrntnro] Gn.

io4 <enni.

The

final

n probably arose through the influence of the

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62

CHRONICLES

preceding awb* and is to be removed (Kau., Ki.). own] Gn. O'ji-a The former is the true reading, supported in Gn. by some Heb. icss.
(Gin.)

and

<*

and accepted by Ball (SBOT.),

Dill., Holz., et al.

8-16. The Hamites.

This
-'

passage

is

also without change

from Gn.
verses,

io-
io',

'-";

w.

(P),

''

(J).
1

The

intervening

Gn.

the

summary Gn.

lo'-

descriptive of the

kingdom

and cities of Nimrod, are omitted as irrelevant in a brief outline.

Geographically the Hamites were south and south-west of Palestine

and included also the so-called Canaanite peoples of Palestine. 8. Cush] (Gn. io* and frequent elsewhere) (see w. ') the land and people of upper Egypt, commonly called Ethiopia. Mizraim] Egypt. The Hebrew word is usually accepted as a dual referring
to upper

and lower Egypt, though also regarded simply as a locaIII. col. 3161). Put] (Gn. io' Je. 46* Ez. 27" 30* tive 38* Na. 3* f), usually reckoned as the Libyans (so rendered by <g in Je. and Ez.) but more probably the Punt of the Egyptian inform (EBi.
scriptions, the district of the African coast of the

Red

Sea,

"from

the desert east of upper Egypt to the mod. Somali

(W.

Max

MUller

in

DB.).

Canaan] reckoned as a son

9.

country"
of

Ham

because so long under Egyptian control and from the religious

antagonism of Israel toward the Canaanites.

eastward in Arabia.

The sons of

Cush], as the notes below show, were located on the

across the straits into Arabia.

Red Sea and

Is.

This might imply a migration from Africa

Seba] (Gn. 10' Ps. 72'
43' f),

formerly after Josephus identified with Meroe between the Nile

and the river Atbara, but more recently after indications by Strabo, with a district on the west shore of the Red Sea. Havilah] (Gn. 2" 10' " 25' 1 S. 15' i Ch. 1" f). These passages require several Havilahs or they indicate the uncertain geographical knowledge of
the ancients regarding southern Arabia

and

Africa.
little

As

repre-

sented here
straits of

it

may be on

the African coast, a

south of the

Bab-el-Mandeb (Dr. Gn.), or Havilah is a large central and north-eastern Arabian district of which sometimes one part is referred to and sometimes another (EBi. II. col. 1974). Sabtah]
(Gn. io' f) probably to be connected with the old Arabian town Sabata, an ancient trading emporium, the capital of Hadramaut.

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18-16.]

DESCENDANTS OF HAM
f)
in Ez. associated

63
with Sheba and

Ra'ma] (Gn. 10' Ez. 27"

Strabo).

thus without doubt a district of Arabia (the 'Pafipavtrai of

Sabteca]

unknown but

to

be

sought

in

Arabia.
district

Sheba] (Gn. 10' mentioned frequently) the wealthy

people of south-western Arabia famous for traders.
io' also mentioned frequently).

or

Dedan] (Gn.

The

references point to both

northern and southern Arabia, due most likely to the extension of

the trade of the people

southern Arabia.
scriptions.

10.

who were probably a tribe of central or The name occurs in Sabean and Minean inCusk]. The original writer of Gn. probably

thought Cush represented Ethiopia.

ever, think of

Many modern

writers,

how-

a Cush representing the Kasshu of the Assyrian

Koaa-aloi of the Greek writers, a predatory

inscriptions, the

and warlike

tribe dwelling in the

mountains of Zagros near Elam,

its

who were

so influential that they provided Babylon with

five

third

dynasty of kings for some

and a half centuries, beginning about

the middle of the eighteenth century B.C.

Nimrod] (Gn.
most
likely

io

Mi.

s f)

not yet clearly identified.

is

Two

theories prevail con-

cerning him: (1) that he

historical character,
(c.

Nazi-

tnaraddash, one of the later Kassite kings

1350 B.C.) (Haupt,

Andover Rev. 1884, Jul. p. 94, Sayce, Pat. Pal. pp. 91, 269); (2) that he is the same as the mythological Babylonian hero Gil-

gamesh (KAT.* p. 581). 11. And Egypt begat]. The change of form of expression is due to the use of the document J by the compiler of Genesis. Ludim] (Gn. io' Je. 461, sg. Ez. 30'). In the last two of these passages this people is mentioned with Cush and Put (see v. ). Otherwise than thus a people of Egyptian or adjoining territory, they are unknown and have not been identified.

'Anamitn]

(Gn. 10" f) not yet

identified.

Lehabim] (Gn.

10" f) equivalent to Lubim, the Libyans (Na. 3* 2 Ch. 12* i6 Dn. 11" f), who dwelt on the western border of Egypt. Naphtuhim] (Gn.
(for conjectures see

10" f) not yet definitely explained or identified EBi. II. col. 1697). 12. Pathrusim] (Gn.

10" f) the people of Pathros (Is. 11" Je. 44' ' Ez. 29" 30" f), upper Egypt. The word is an Egyptian compound meaning
south-land.

Cashluhim]

unidentified.

The
is

following
It

clause,

from whence the Philistines went forth,

misplaced.

should

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64

CHRONICLES
is re-

follow Caphtorim, the people of Caphtor, since that country

peatedly mentioned as the ancient

9' Dt.

home

of the Philistines

(Am.

Je. 47), see further textual note.

Caphtor

is

usually

identified with Crete yet also

and perhaps with more probability

In either case
its

with the southern coast of Asia Minor, called by the Egyptians

Kefto (see EBi. III. col. 3715).

people are

children of Egypt through political relationship of the Philistines

with Egypt.

13.
its

Sidon his first born].

Sidon was later eclipsed

is

by Tyre, but

original greater

prominence

seen in the fact that

still

when Tyre had gained a

in

reputation the Phoenicians were

called Sidonians (Dt. 3' Jos. 13* 1

K. n

i6')-

Heth] (frequent
B.C.

Gn.) represents the

Hittites, the

Cheta of Egyptian monu1600 to 700

ments and Haiti

of the Assyrian,

who from

were

an independent power north and north-east of Palestine with centres at Kedesh on the Orontes and Carchemish on the Euphrates. Offshoots of this northern nation seem to have settled at Hebron and elsewhere in Palestine. Any ethnic connection
of the Hittites with the Canaanites is uncertain. Jastrow {EBi. II.
col.

2094) regards
', giving

Heth

in

Gn. as a

gloss.

14.
is

This verse with

w."

various Canaanitic peoples,

a supplementary

addition to J in Gn. similar enumerations

Dt. 7' 20" Jos.

(SBOT. Ox/. Hex., Gu., Dr., et al.). For cf. Gn. 15"" Ex. 3* " 13' 23" " 33* 34" 3" 9 n i2 24". The Jebusite] the tribe
1

anciently inhabiting Jerusalem (Jos. 15*

tioned frequently).

usage: (1) the

el al.;

2 S. 5'-', et al., menThe Amorite] (very frequent) with a double people ruled by Sihon east of the Jordan, Nu. ai",

(2) the pre-Israelitish people west of the Jordan,

a usage

especially in
inscriptions

and

(Dr. Dt. p. n), very frequent also in the

letters,

in

Amama
col.

northern Palestine, in Assyrian

inscriptions the land of the

West" (EBi.

I.

Hebrew kingdoms and in general " the (On an early Amoritic Semitic in641).

vasion both of Babylonia and Palestine, see Pa.

EHSP.
is

pp. 25 ff.)

The Amorite

is

racial

name

while Canaanite

a geographical

name, and thus the two become general designations of the preThe GirIsraelitish inhabitants of Palestine (Dr. Gn. p. 126).
gashite] (Gn. io' 15" Dt. 7' Jos. 3'* 24'' Ne. 9* f)Their location is uncertain. 16. The Hivite] mentioned frequently and

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X.

17-23.]

DESCENDANTS OF SHEM

65

usually taken as a petty people of central Palestine connected

with Gibeon, Jos. 9'

ii<, also with Shechem, Gn. 34*, with Hermon, Jos. 11*, and Mt. Lebanon, Ju. 3*. Perhaps in these last two passages Hittites should be read (EBi. II. col. aioi). The following five names do not occur in other lists and are geographical, representing

The Arkite] of Arka, mentioned frequendy

city of

the inhabitants of five cities of northern Palestine.

in Assy. ins.

and a

importance

in the

Roman

period, the birthplace of Alexan-

der Severus (a.d. 222-235), tne mod. Tell Arka, about twelve miles

north of Tripolis (EBi.

with Arka (EBi. IV.

I.

col. 310).

The

Sinite] of a place not

Siannu grouped 4644).16. The Arvadite] of Arvad (Ez. 27 "), mentioned in the Amarna letters and frequently in Assy, ins., the mod. Ruad, twenty-five miles north of Arka (Baed.* The Zemarites] (Gn. 10" f) of a city or fortress Simirra, p. 354).
positively located but appearing in the Assy. ins.
col.

mentioned frequently

in

Amarna

letters

as

Sumur and

Assy,

ins.,

known

to the Greeks, the

mod. Sumra (Baed.*

p. 351), six miles

south of Arvad.

quently mentioned
east of

The Hamathite] of the well-known and freHamath on the Orontes, fifty miles east-northArvad, mod. Hama (Baed. 4 pp. 368/.).
Gn.
is

9. HnaDi]

10'

nnaoi.

probably a gloss from Gn. io*. 11-23. These w. 11. O'rnS] Qr. vrh, Kt. 0".-hS. Ki. are wanting in <f B (v. s.).
xvnryif
"V|

Kcjni]

Gn.

rojrn.

10.

tai] <&

prefers the latter on the basis of <SiL but 0'. is transliterated in the same manner elsewhere. 12. o'nrSe oe>o w' -w* onnos ran]. This transposition seems required by Am. 9' Dt. a" Je. 47* and, in spite of
,

all

the Vrss. giving the present order,

is

regarded as the original in

Gn. 10" by Dill, and Ball (SBOT.), not, however, by Hob. Ki. assumes it to have been the original order in our text, but it is more probable that the Chronicler had our present Gn. text before him.

wanting in <&B and placed by Ki. as a subsequent addition (but v. s.), were taken orig-

17-23.The Semites.These
change from Gn.
l, -")

verses,

inally without
"-*

io**-",

w.*

'

(Ch. v.") P,

w.

(Ch.

w.

J.

The

Semites geographically were, in the

main, in a central zone between the Japhethites and the Hamites.

Political considerations

and a knowledge of

racial affinities as well

as the geographical situation

may have

influenced their grouping.

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66

CHRONICLES
in Assy. ins.

17. 'Elam] mentioned frequently

lonia, lying directly at the

Elama, Elamma,

Eiamtu, and in the OT. (Gn. io M 14'- Is. u" 2i 22* Je. 25" 40M.M (sewn time*) Ez. 32" Dn. 8'), a land and people east of Baby-

head of the Persian Gulf to the north

flourished
there,

and about the was exercised over Babylonia. Racially the Elamites were entirely distinct from the Semites. Their inclusion among the Semites was due either
and
east.

Civilisation early

twenty-third century b. c. an Elamitic suzerainty

to their proximity to Assyria (Dr. Gn.) or because in very early

times the land was peopled in part at least by Semites (Del.

Par. p. 321).

Asshur] the kingdom and people of Assyria,

fre-

quent in inscriptions and OT., situated in the upper portion of

the

Mesopotamian

valley about the middle course of the Tigris.

The

people were closely akin to the Phoenicians, Arameans, and

Hebrews.

As conquerors from

the fourteenth to the eighth cen-

have well been called the Romans of the East. Arpackshad] (w. > u Gn. io M " n">- j-) obscure, formerly
turies B.C. they
-

identified with

'Appairay(tTK (Ptol.

vi.

i.

2),

the

hill

country of
124
/.),

the upper Zab, in Assy. ins. Arrapha

(Del.

Par.

pp.

Arbaha (Sch. COT.

syllable;

I.

p. 97), but this does not explain the final

hence a compound of tpK -Arabic &iJ "boundary"

and Keshed

= Chaldeans, hence

boundary or land of the Chalde-

ans (Sch. COT. I. p. 98); or after the Assyrian Arba-kHSOdi, " land of the four sides or directions " (Del. Par. p. 256) ; or of four
banks,
i.e.,

of Tigris

and Euphrates
the ancient

(Jen.

contraction of

Ar Vr,

home
i.e.,

the Egyptian article

and Keshed,
p.

ZA. xv, p. 256); or a of Abraham and pa Arpachshad, Ur of the

a contraction through
etc. (see

Chaldeans (Horn.

AHT.

292); or

copyist's error of "|S*lK representing

Arrapha,

above)

and Keshed, the passage having originally read Elam and Asshur and Arpach and Keshed (Cheyne, EBi. I. col. 318). This last would be the most plausible were it not for the appearance of Arpachshad in Gn. n'-'. Lud] (Gn. io M Is. 66' Ez. 27'* 30*
f)

naturally Lydians of Asia Minor, Assy. Luddu, also obscure since

it is

difficult to see

tioned between Arpachshad and

Semitic people.

be menAram, and they were not at all a Jensen would identify them with a land of

why

in this connection they should

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17-33.]

DESCENDANTS OF SHEM
in

67

Luddu mentioned
frequent in

Assy.

ins.

Tigris (Deutsche Lit. Ztg. 1899,

OT. and

ins.;

and apparently on the upper No. 24, v. Gu. Gn.). Aram] not a land, rather the name of a

Semitic people dwelling north-east of Palestine widely spread.

Their inscriptions of the eighth century B.C. have been found at

Zenjirli in the

extreme north of Syria, and inscriptions at Tema,

north of Medina, show them to have been in north-western Arabia

about 500 B.C.

Other inscriptions show them to have been on the

Indeed, in Babylonia and Assyria a
if

lower Tigris and Euphrates.

large portion of the population,

not the larger, was probably

Aramean

at

a very early date.

But
ins.

their especial land

was

Mesopotamia, yet while the Assy.

the Euphrates, that

never place them west of

excellence in the

was

their

home par

OT.
two

They

are distinguished by special

names as " Aram

of the

rivers" (Gn. 24' Dt. 23 , > Ju.

the Euphrates

y)

(rivers uncertain, naturally

and

Tigris, but according to

and Chabor), "Aram

(2 S. io).

of

Damascus"

(2 S. 8),

some the Euphrates "Aram of Zobah"

language

From

their position or other causes their

became widespread, both as a language of commerce and diplomacy (Is. 36"), and after the exile it supplanted Hebrew as
the language of the Jews (Noeldeke, EBi.
I. col.

276^.).

The
Aram,

four following peoples or districts are in Gn. the sons of

which statement was probably originally here (v. .). 'Uz] (v. " Gn. 22" ^6" Jb. 1' Je. 25" La. 4" f)The connection
here and in Gn. 22 s1 , where

Uz

is

a son of Nahor, suggests a

its

people or district to the north-east of Palestine, while

in the
list

appearance

of the Horites (Gn. 36")

and

in

connection with

Edom
The

(La. 4") suggests a tribe or locality south-east of Palestine.

name has not

yet been clearly identified in the

Assy. ins. (but

Hid] (Gn. 10" f) unidentified although (Del. Par. p. 259), a district near Mt. Masius. Gether] (Gn. 10" f) unidentified. Meshech] in Gn. io* Mash f, which is without doubt the true reading, representing
see Del. Par. p. 259).

possibly to be seen in

Haifa

the district of Mt. Masius.

(v.

(On Meshech
Cf. v.
.

see v.

.)

18.
is

Shelah]

- Gn. 10"

1 1 ' '

f).

Since Shelah

the second

element of Methuselah
(Cf.

(cf. v. ), it is

probably the
v.

Mez, Gesch.

d.

Stadt Harran, p. 23,

name of a god. Gu. on Gn. 11".)

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68

CHRONICLES

the geographical term indicating the early

Eber] an eponym simply derived from Hebrews (*13J or from home of the Hebrews

"beyond the river," *.., the Euphrates (Jos. 24* ') or Jordan, cf. "beyond the Jordan " (JTYTI "13J Gn. 50' " Jos. 17' Dt. i- et al. (some thirty times), BDB. 19. Peleg] (v. Gn. io n w " ' derivation and representation uncertain. Sayce
-

f)

connects with the Babylonian palgu, " a canal," and makes the

land Babylonia divided by

canals (Expos.

T.

viii.

p.

258).

Hommel compares the land

dispersion of population,

of el aflag in central Arabia (Gu. Gn.).

is

Usually the division of the land

interpreted as referring to the

pears in
this fact

Gn. 9' io" n*. Joktan]. This apthe primitive tribe Kahtan of Arabian genealogists, but is usually assumed to be derived from the OT. and thus of

no

historical value.

The name

then in

its

Biblical origin is

still

entirely obscure, but the thirteen sons,

tribes or localities, only

identified.

20.

a few of Almodad] unidentified, a compound possibly of

f r.

w. "-", are clearly Arabian whom can now be definitely

^K " God " and TTID

TT1 either active or passive God loves

or is loved (BDB.), or the

word means

the family

Maudad in

ins.,

especially the Gebanites in their relation to the kings of

Ma'in
in

(Gl. Skiz.

ii.

p. 425). (see

It is possibly to

Hadramaut local names

and Sale}, Salf, near Yemen (Gl. ib.). Hazarmaveth] mentioned in Sab. ins. and preserved in the mod. Hadramaut, the name of a district in southern Arabia a little east of Aden.
Holz. Gn.).

Sheleph]

be connected with places

appears in

tribal

Jerah] (Gn. 10" f) not clearly identified (but see Gl. ib.).21. Hadoram] (Gn. 10", in 1 Ch. i8"2Ch. 10" names of persons).

See v. . Perhaps here a colony of the main people meant.23. Ophir] (Gn. io). Whether this Ophir is the same as the land of gold and the terminus of the voyages of
is

Sheba].

Sand. Uzal] (Gn. 10" Ez. 27" f) generally identified with Sand, capital of Yemen. Glaser disputes this and seeks it near Medina (EBi. IV. col. 5239, Gl. Skiz. ii. pp. 427 f.).Diklah\ (Gn. 10" f) unidentified.22. 'Ebal] CObal Gn. io) usually connected with the local name 'Abil in Yemen. Abimo'cl] (Gn. 10" f) unidentified.
Possibly
of

Dauram in the neighbourhood

Solomon's

fleet

is

uncertain.

BDB.

regards

it

as an entirely

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I.

17-33.]

DESCENDANTS OF SHEM

69

distinct place.

Others identify the two and place Ophir on the

eastern coast of Arabia stretching

col.

3513 jf.). Havilah]. See v. . This must be a Havilah connected with the district in Arabia. Jobab] (Gn. 10", elsewhere

up the Persian Gulf (EBi.

III.

name

of

a person,

cf.

1") generally regarded as unidentified.

Glaser discusses the sons of Joktan with the following conclusion:

"Almodad, Shalaf, Hadramaut, and Jarah represent the

entire

southern coast of Arabia from Bab-el-Mandeb to beyond Mahra;

Hadoram, Uzal, and Diklah the Serat range from San 'a to Medina; Obal, Abimael, and Sheba the Tihama from 'Asir and from Hidjaz (eventually from Yemen) and the Sab&erland ; Ophir, Hawilah, and Jobab, eastern and central Arabia unto 'AsirHidjaz" (Skiz.
17. D-uo]
ii.

pp. 435/.).

H ( ) and Gn. io
1

dim

'jai,

which should be sup-

dropped), since these words have probably fallen from the text by a copyist's error (Ki., Bn.), although it is posplied (and the following

assumed that the relation of Uz, etc., to Aram would be understood, and hence the omission, cf. v. < (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.). for r'jn is doubtless a corruption of 'imp onm before which >a must have fallen out. ^gi] six mss., &, and Gn. to\. A
sible that the Chronicler

wimm

district

Mash

appears well attested by the cuneiform inscriptions.

v.

\va

appears in

Gn.
the
1

io> Ps. 120s

was probably
has

inadvertently

substituted

and from greater familiarity by a copyist (Bn.), yet

of

perhaps already in

ManxGn.

18.
io".

Chronicler's

text

Gn., since

<&

there

iV

4<AL

+
is

tow Kaurar nat Eairar eytmp*'' &s

certainly not original here.
v.

of

This plus
in

Note the
Apapm0,
'

addition of Eatrar
ArtpiiuS,

(J1

of

20.

rngntn]

**

Ptolemy (vi. 7. 25) and Strabo (xvi. 4. 2) speak of Xar/wpwr trcu and Xarpa/i&rcu, and Sabean inscriptions write PDifn alongside of nwiin (ZDMG. xix. pp. a$gff., xxxi. 74 ff.), hence Ki. (SBOT.) points rrtD or mo cf. PioS? and pwSi. Since nwwn is a
Asarmoth.

word and as such might have been changed by the Hebrews in order to provide it with a meaning, and since rno might well have been transliterated itu9 by Greeks, Ki. now (Kom.) retains pointing of si.23. "J3'd Gn. io Saty.
foreign

The

descendants of Japheth are fourteen, of

thirty,

Ham

(omitting

Shem, twenty-six, making seventy in all, representing the seventy nations of the globe which played an
Nimrod),
of

and

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70

CHRONICLES
Cf. also the occurrence of

important part in Jewish thought. u Lk. io' * seventy in Nu.

24-27. The descent of

Abram from Shem.Abridged from

cf.

Gn.

ii'- (P)
'- 1
.

by retention of the names of the patriarchs only,

list

w.

This

in the priestly

document was

clearly designed to

bridge over a period of considerable length of which there

was

nothing to record.

The names appear

to be derived

from

tribes

some instances from deities (see Shelah, and Terah), and also some are found in the older list of J (Gn. io" and see above, w. ' '). Shem, Arpachshad, Shelah, 'Eber, Peleg] (see w. " ' ') Re'u] (Gn. n'- ' f)
or places, or possibly in
Re'u,

probably the
v. ').

name

of a god (EBi. IV. col. 4087,

cf.

Mez above,

Serug] (Gn.
ins.,

n"-

**

" f) a

known to Nahor] (Gn. n", etc., fifteen times, Jos. 24'). The name of a deity (Jen. ZA. xi. p. 300, Skipwith, JQR. xi.p. 254) and also without doubt a tribe whose city was Haran. Terah] (Gn. n ' " Jos. 24 f) identified with an ancient
Assy,

near Haran, well

and city, Sarugi in Arabic and Syriac writers of

district

the Middle Ages.

deity (Tarhu,

Turgu) whose worship was widespread

in north-

ern Mesopotamia and adjoining districts and whose

name has been preserved apparently in the element rapic of many Cilician Greek names (Jen. ZA. vi. p. 70, Hittiter, p. 153). 27. Abram
Abraham].
to

that is

In the narratives of Gn. the progenitor of

as

Israel is first
is

known

Abram (n M-i7)
is

until (17*) his

is

changed

Abraham, and henceforward he

name known by the

way
of

latter

name.

The name Abram

is

equivalent to Abiram, "the

is

(divine) father
spelling the

lofty,"

and Abraham
it

only another

name, although
names,

is

possible that

two persons, of the

two

different

may have been

fused into one,

"Abram a

Hebron" and "Abraham the collective name of a group of Aramean people, including not only the Hebraic clans but also the Ishmaelites and a number of other desert
local hero of the region of

tribes" (Pa.
is
i.

EHSP.

p. 41).

The

historical character of
i.

Abraham

maintained by Ewald (Hist.

pp. 300

ff.),

Kittel (Gesch.

16), Cornill (Hist. People of Is. p. 34),

Hommel (AHT.

pp. 146 /.),

McCurdy (HPM.

444-448), Ryle (in DB.), and

others, but the basis for this belief

seems somewhat sentimental.

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1.34-33.]

ABRAHAM, ISHMAEL, AND KETURAH

is

Abraham's character

a creation of the prophetic period and he

to connect together the peoples kindred
It is possible

seems to have been created

that he

to Israel in a genealogical system of relationship.

came from an
Hebron.

ancient deity worshipped in southern Judah,

especially at

suggestive

name

for this deity is seen in

I4).

Ram

(D*l) lofty (cf.

" Elyon " most high, Gn.

southern

Judean clan bore the name of Ram (2"). Sarah (princess), the wife of Abraham, has been clearly identified as a goddess (Jen.

ZA.

xi. p.

299).
after his view of <S B

34. Ki.

inserts

' before or

(v.

.).

27.

mn

d^3m] wanting in <8 B and so omitted by Bn., but original <K

probably supported

% (cf. *").

sons of Abraham, Isaac

28-33. Sons of Abraham, Ishmael, and Keturah.28. The and Ishmael]. This statement has no
Isaac, although the younger,

exact parallel in form in Genesis.

is

mentioned

first,

since Israel

came from him.

Vv.

are con-

densed from Gn. 25- (P) and

w.
is

"-

from Gn.

a$'-> (J).

The

change of order from that of Genesis introducing the sons of

Ishmael before those of Keturah
represents
noticeable.

Isaac] probably
Isaac-el

tribe

whose

original

name may have been

This tribe (^KpnX*) corresponding to Ishmael, Israel, etc. seems to have dwelt in southern Judah, since the home of the
patriarch
is

placed there.

Why the tribe should form a link in the

is

genealogy and become prominent in the story

not clearly known.

The
tribe

relationship between Israel

and Edom

clearly

demanded

for

both a

common

father,

and he might

well be seen in

an ancient
found

which had been absorbed into both.

A deity has been

[of]

also in Isaac through the expression

31" ") (Luther,

of

ZAW. xxi. p.

Isaac" (Gn. 73). Ishmael] (Gn. 16" > ' et at.)

"Fear

the personification and without doubt the ancient historical

name

a group of

tribes regarded as

near kinsmen of Israel dwelling in

the northern part of the Sinaitic Peninsula and, according to the

sons mentioned below, extending further into Arabia.

Nebaioth]

(Gn. 25" 28* 36*

Je.

2" 49"

60' f), and %.edar] (Gn. 25" Is. 21" 42" 6o Ez. 27" f). Both of these tribes are mentioned in
Is.

Digitized by

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72
Assy.
ins.

CHRONICLES

296

/., 299).

among the conquests of Ashurbanipal (Del. Par. pp. The latter appears the more widely spread and
the latter at the time of Ashurbanipal extended

prominent; both dwelt at some distance east of Edora and

Moab and
uncertain.

up to
is

the Hauran.

Whether

the Nebaioth were the later

Nabateans

(See EBi. III. col. 3254.).

in Assy. ins. with

home

Adhbe'el] (Gn. 25' f) also south-west of the Dead Sea toward the

Egyptian frontier (Del. Par. p. 301). Mibsam] (Gn. 25", also in the genealogy of Simeon 1 Ch. 4" f) not mentioned elsewhere.

30. Mishma'] (Gn. 25", likewise in the genealogy of Simeon

1

Ch. 4"

f) possibly the
sixty miles

name is preserved in
east of

Jebel
in

Misma, one

hundred and

Teima, or

another Jebel

Misma one hundred and twenty miles north-west of it (Dill., see Dr. Gn. p. 242). Dumah] (Gn. 25" Is. 21", perhaps there Edom, Jos. 15" in Judah, where we should probably read Rumah f) the oasis Duma now usually called dl-Jof, on the southern
border of the Syrian desert, mentioned by Ptolemy and Arabic

geographers (Dr.

ib.).

Massa]

(Gn. 25" f)
Jb.

in
/.).

Assy.

located near the Nebaioth (Del. Par. pp. 302

ins. and Hadad] (Gn.

Is. 21" Je. 25" f) mod. Teima, south-east from the northern end of the Elamitic Gulf. 31. Jetur and Naphish] (Gn. 25" 1 Ch. 5" q. v. \).

25") not identified.

Tema] (Gn. 25"

6"

Kedmak] (Gn.
f).

25''

f) not identified. 32. Keturah] (Gn.

25'-

The name means "frankincense" and might appropriately be chosen as the name of the mother of tribes trading in or producing that commodity. The sons of Keturah were tribes
dwelling east and south-east of Israel which the

Hebrew

historian

recognised as kin to Israel but held them less closely related than
those called Ishmaelites (v.
their
s.),

and hence the Chronicler

called

mother a concubine, a term not used of her

25* f)

in Gn., or else

from the feeling that Sarah properly was Abraham's only

wife.

Zimran] (Gn.
(Ptol. vi. 7. 5)

usually connected with the city

Zabram
tribal

west of

Mecca on

the

Red
in

Sea.

As a

name
Very
25").

it

may have
the

been derived from Zemer (10T), mountain goat.

likely

Jokshan] (Gn. 25*

Comparisons of

the "Zimri" (Je. Medan] (Gn. 25* f). doubtful worth have been made with a Wady

same people appear f) unknown.

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184-33.]

ABRAHAM, ISHMAEL, AND KETURAH

73

Medan near Dedan and with a Yemenite god Madan (EBi. III. col. 3003). This probably is not a real name but has arisen by a
copyist's error

from the following word.

Midiati] (Gn. 25' and

frequently) a well-known people early disappearing from history,

dwelling east of the Gulf of Akaba, whose

nomad branches
in

made

forays into

Edom
of

(Gn. 36" Nu. 22*

')

and across Gilead

into Palestine (Ju. 6-8).

The name Midian appears

'Akaba
(Ptol. vi. 7. 2),

MoStava

on or near the Gulf

{EBi. III.
col. 3081).

mod. Madyan
ins.

Jisbak] (Gn. 25* f) unidentified unless

with Yasbak, a district in northern Syria mentioned in Assy.

159).Shuah] (Gn. 25* f) the tribe of Job's friend Bildad (Jb. 2"). This has been identified with Suhu of the
I.

(KB.

p.

Assy,

ins.,

district

on the Euphrates near Haran, but

Cf. v.
.

this is

doubtful.
different

Sheba and Dedan].

genealogical

Different sources give

relationships.

The

Chronicler has here

.

omitted from his source the sons of Dedan, given in Gn. 25* b

33. 'Ephah] (Gn. 25"

Is. 6o, cf. in

Judah and Caleb

district

Ch. 2"

'

probably the Hayapa, a north Arabian tribe mentioned

ins.

in Assy,

(Del.

Par. p. 304).
col.
1

It

dwelt in the

of
25*,

Midian

(Noeldeke, EBi. III.

in genealogy of

3081).' Epher]

(Gn.

name
ditfol-

Ch. 4", Manasseh 5" f) possibly a tography of the previous 'Ephah. This tribe and the three

Judah

lowing, Hanoch, Abida ', and Elda'ah (Gn. 25* f except Hanoch cf. v. , a Reubenite 5*), have not yet been clearly identified.
(Cf. Gl. Skiz. p. 449.)

38-31 This condensation has retained of Gn. 35"- ' only the first two words nnSin nSn, the suffix 0-^ also being added, onnSin. Vv. i.b-11 follow the text of Gn. 25"b-u to nSw almost exactly. 29. Sm-im] so too Gn. 25", but <fc No/5e(o)ij\ in both places. 30. pcco] Gn. 25" >w.
.

kstj]

Gn.

'Di.

Tin] some mss. -nn.

Tin.ko\?i]
no

Gn. 25" the same as Ch., but

there

many

mss.

&

8oi/io. 31. notp] 5"

am32-33.

Gn. The remainder of w. *, - ,, follow the text of Gn. 2$'-', beginning with pci n<, except that is substituted for iS jrp'i and after fit) are omitted vn pi i tP' O'ckSi o'pwSi btok. % adds these words, so also <R* plus Po-yowijX
pjS'b] have
direct verbal parallel in

mS< oman

iou

Noj9Jon)X after
v. ".

nai vuh

Aaitar, following <$ of Gn.

is

25".

The

Chronicler probably omitted the clause since "nem

a son of op

according to

Digitized by

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74

CHRONICLES

34-42. The sons of Isaac and Esau, including the sons of

Seir.

V." has no exact verbal

-

parallel in Genesis;
-

v.

is

con-

densed from Gn. 36 4 '; v. - from Gn. 36 11 ', where Timna' is described as the concubine of Eliphaz and mother of Amalek; v. "
is

taken verbatim from Gn. 36"';

,it.
t

w.

" are

taken verbatim,

with slight omissions, from Gn. 36"-" (P).

2 j
1.

34.

Esau] (Gn.
');

frequent in Gn.) identified with

Edom
M );

(Gn. 36'

ancestor of the Edomites, Gn. 36*

inally

(cf. v.

"probably origancestor"

a god

whom

the Edomites regarded as their

Israel].

(Noeldeke, EBi.
of

II. col. 1182).

In Gn. the second son

Israel is the

Isaac

was primarily

called

Jacob (Gn. 25").

name

given later in connection with a special revelation (Gn.

32" 35")-

The

Chronicler prefers Israel to Jacob in speaking

and so the OT. writers generally. Jacob is more The truth lying back of the two names is probably that poetic. an older tribe, Jacob or Jacob-el, was fused into Israel. 36. Cf. Gn. 36'- '*, where the mothers of the sons are given: Adah of Eliphaz and Basemath of Re'u'el and Oholibamah of Je'ush,
of the people (9')

Ja'lam, and %orah.

Jb.

Eliphaz]
Teman
first
1

(Gn. 36' *, one of Job's friends

-.Re'u'el] (Gn. 36'
2",

2"

et al.)

from

v.

Moses'

father-in-law Ex.
1

2" Nu. io", a Gadite Nu.

half of the

a Benjaminite
Je'ush] (Gn.

Ch.

o).

For the
"

name

cf. v. ".

$6**-,

a personal name
36*-

(Gn.

"

f).

Ch. 7 10 8" 23" 2 Ch. 11"). Ja'lam] Korah] both personal and clan or guild

name

in Israel doubtless historically

(cf.

Edom
in

2" 9").36.

(Cf.

OT.

the

name
3,

of a district in

showing a connection with Gn. 36''.) Teman] is elsewhere northern Edom (Am. 1" Je. 49' "
cf.

Ez. 25" Hb.

the

Omar] (Gn.
(Gn. 36"
(Jos.

36''

home of Job's friend Jb. 2" ^).Zephi] (Zapho Gn. 36"

Ch. i).

\).Ga'tam]

Kenaz], Cf. v. ", elsewhere connected with Caleb f). 15" Ju. 1" 3 ") showing that the Calebites were closely Timna'] in Gn. 36" the concubine of allied with the Edomites. Eliphaz and the mother of Amalek. In Gn. 36" 1 Ch. 1" Timna

is

the sister of Lotan,

and

in

Gn. 36"

Ch. 1" chief or clan of

Edom. These
of genealogies.

variations are not surprising considering the origin

Gunkel regards Gn.

36'* as

an insertion

in P.

'Ameltk] an ancient people south of Canaan, and marauders

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34-42.]

DESCENDANTS OF ESAU
et al.).

75

(Nu. 24" Ju. 3"

clan of
tion (cf 1

Their place in Gn. 36" as a subordinate

Esau points
Ch. 4").

to their later position of inferiority or extinc-

37. These clans from Gn. 36" are otherwise But as the names of other clans or individuals cf. Nahath 6<*> 2 Ch. 31", Zerah 2 4" 6 9* 2 Ch. 14' <>, Shammah 1 S. i6* 2 S. 23'' probably 1 Ch. 27* (BDB.). All of these sons of Eliphaz and Re'u'el are given in Gn. 36" ' as chiefs

unknown.

of

Edom; and

also in

Gn. 36" Je'ush, Ja'lam, and Korah.

38. Se'ir] in Gn. 36" called the Horite, showing that the writer

had in mind the earlier inhabitants of the land of Edom. Hence they properly are sons of the country Seir rather than of the race Edom. Seir, the territorial name meaning "hairy," is probably equivalent to "wooded," "covered with brushwood."
there

The name appears

(EBi.
II. coll.

in the Sa'aira of the

Egyptian inscriptions

1182/.).Lotan] (Gn. 36" " f) possibly to be connected with Lot (Gn. 11" i2 et al.), derived from the ancient

name

of the country east of the Jordan; in Egyptian inscriptions

Ruten, Lulen (Pa.

EHSP.

pp. 38, 59, 123).Shobal] (v.

Gn.
36*-

36" " , as young

14.

in Caleb 2"- ", in

Judah

4'-

f ).

On

meaning of name

lion
-j-).

cf.

Gray,

HPN.
>'

p. 109.

Zibe'on] (v.

" Gn.

t.

ti

The name means hyena

(Gray,

HPN.

p. 95).

'Anah]
gives

daughter of Zibeon and (36") a son of Zibeon.Dishon] (Gn. 36", son of Anah 36"- " 1 Ch. i"- ",
chief

" Gn. 36Anah (36*) a

(v.

"

f).

The present text of Gn.

Gn. 36"
(cf.

f).

or gazelle

Dt.

(v."' Gn. 36"Lotan].

Cf. v.

The name means pygarg, a kind of antelope 14*)Ezer] (v. Gn. 36"- " " i).Dishan] * " 39. f) clearly a mere variant of Dishon. '.Hori] (Gn. 36", a Simeonite Nu. 13* As f).

Perhaps originally in Gn. it was (On meaning cf. Dr. Dt. 2".). Homam] (Hemam Gn. 36" f). This name possibly has connection with Heman 2* since Zerah was Edomitic as well as Judaic, cf v. ".
this is striking.

a clan name

the Gentilic adjective.

Timna']. Cf. v. ".40. Shobal]. Cf. v. .'Aljan] j^Alwan Gn. 36" f) possibly to be compared with 'Eljon, the Most High, the name of a deity. Manahath] (Gn. 36" f)- Cf. 1 Ch. 2" 8* but probably with no connection with the foregoing. 'Ebal] (Gn. 36" t). Cf. with possible identification in name (not

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76
locality)

CHRONICLES
f)-

with 'Ebal of i".Shephi] (Shepho Gn. 36"

bareness,

Cf.

chief of

a Judah 1 Ch. 2- " f). Probably the name is identical with Onan, Gn. 38* 1 Ch. 2.Zibe'on]. Cf. v. ".Aijak] (Gn. 36", father of Rizpah 2 S. 3' 21'- ' f) meaning hawk, cf. Lv. ii Dt. 14".'Anah\ Cf. v.". Gn. 36" adds: "This is Anah
for

meaning "#

bare height.Onam] (Gn.

36",

who found
asses
of

the hot springs (?) in the wilderness, as he fed the

. Zibeon his father." 41. 'Anah]. v. Cf. .Hamran] (Hemdan Gn. 36" Tne fonn Cf. v. f)-

Dishon].

in Chronicles suggestive of "lion

he-ass,

Hamor

the father of

Shechem, considering the other animal names in this section, is not improbably the true one. Eshban] (Gn. 36" f). Jithran] (Gn.
36", also man or clan of Asher 1 Ch. 7" f ). Cf. Jether, a common name. Cheran] (Gn. 36" f)-42. Ezer]. Cf. v. .Bilhan] (Gn. 36", a Zebulunite 1 Ch. 7" f). Some connect with Bilhah
the concubine of Jacob (Stade, Gesch.
i.

p. 146,

A.

1).

Za'wan]

(Gn. 36"

f).

Ja'akan]

and Akan

(jpjfl)

perhaps arisen from or possibly to be connected with " the sons of

f)

(Akan Gn. 36"

Jaakan " Nu. 33" ' Dt. io.Dishan]. v. ".Aran] (Gn. 36" f).
34. Stnci

Cf. v.

.'Uz\

Cf.

ductory

w?] <S b "Io<i/9 k. 'Hiratf, * xai of the latter points to B as original <S.
about thirty
iiss.

Haw k.
w.

laxuB.
is

The

intro-

This

adopted by Ki.

and 6n.
v.
'.

since the son of the promise, though the younger, precedes in

<c]

36.
=

and Gn. 36"

<K here

and
("1

in

Gn.
1),

Xbxpap

ipi.

This

may

represent an ancient scribal error

is

for

wherefore the reading of Gn.

probably original.
'AitaXi)*
a6r<J>)

36"

'pi.

p^ojn pjdpi] Gn. 36" ib'SkS iSm wp p

d>"
<tol

pScp pm.

Ti}

9a/i4

and

Gn. ib'SkS mS'b nn<n pjcm 6apra 8e j raXXaoj

tip] <t,

0,

Of,

EXi^of- trtxtr avri)

(other

HSS.

to ApaXific are doubtless

<S.

harmonising glosses, probably originating in

likely

The

text of

Ch.

is

not

a persistent variant as Bn. maintains. The Chronicler may have misread Gn., taking pjdpi with the preceding as a masc. name (cf. v.

Gn.

36*)

and reading the

following, there

was a concubine
.

to

Eliphaz the son of Esau, and she bare to Eliphat Amalek.2t1 mi] Gn. 36" '.38. i"-i]J and Gn. 36" i instead of \ so Ki. SBOT.,

SBOT., on Gn. 36". Ki. Kom. retains "i. 39. odVii] Gn. owm, Qr. DD'ni <S in both places AImo, hence Bn., Ki. BH. OD'ni. 40. pSp] many mss., <Kl and Gn. 36" jiSp, adopted by Ki. and Bn. <ps>] Gn. w. <S* 20a/>, of which B 2ci/S is probably a muBall,
36 Kt.

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L4S-M.]
tilation,

RULERS OF EDOM

77

W
cf.

W,

v.

s. v.

il.

jwni] &u-

+ nu

VXifia/m.

Gn. 36". tpn] * 'EjitpAr, *< Ajia3a(p). Many xss. and Gn. 36" ijcn, favoured by Ki. holding the root ten better 13. tiT] twenty-two mss. and Gn. 36" ipjn suited for a proper name. but read with '*", 0, |ppi, f. Nu. 33" Dt. ic*.
Qvyarvp Am,

A correspondence between the three lines of descent from Noah

Ham, and Japheth, and the three lines from Abraham through Isaac, Ishmael, and the sons of Keturah, has been found. As the descendants of Noah appear in seventy peoples, so likewise the descendants of Abraham may be reckoned
through Shem,
as seventy tribes, Ishmael furnishing twelve; Keturah, thirteen;
Isaac, two; Esau, sixteen (five sons

and eleven grandsons);

Seir,

twenty-seven (including

Timna

v.") (Be.).

Another reckoning
Others reject the

omits

Timna

(v. )

but includes Ishmael (Oe.).

idea of seventy tribes having been designed

(Ke., Zoe.).

by the Chronicler

This

latter

appears quite probable.

43-61a. The kings of

generally but Dr. P).

Edom.Taken
no king
it is

Since

is

from Gn. 36- (J the son of his predecessor

and

their residences change,

probable that these kings were

in northern Israel.

rulers

and comparable

to the judges in Israel or represented dif-

ferent dynasties frequently

changed as

The

phrase before there reigned a king of the children of Israel (v. ") may either mean before a king reigned in Israel, i.e., before Saul,
or before a king of Israel reigned over

Edom,

i.e.,

before the con-

quest of

Edom by David

(2 S. 8").

This

latter interpretation is

to be preferred (Buhl, Edomiler, p. 47, Dill., Holz.,

Gu.).43.

Beta the son of Be'or]. The name is so similar to " Balaam the son of Beor " (Nu. 32-24) that some have regarded the two persons as identical (EBi.
I. col.

524, Gray,
s.

Nu.

p. 324).

Beta also

son of Benjamin,
location

8',

Reubenite

Dinhabah] (Gn. 36" f)

1

unknown. 44. Jobab] (Gn. 36", cf. v. *') otherwise unknown. Zerah] Cf. v. ". Bozrah] (Gn. 36" Is. 34* 63 Je. 49- * Am. 1" f) mod. Busaireh, twenty miles south-east of the Dead Sea and thirty-five miles north of Petra (Dr. Gn.). 46. Husham] (Gn. 36" ' f / Hashum Ezr. 2" Ne. 7"). Teman]. Cf. v.".46. Hadad] (Gn. 36" ', cf. also w." ', an Edomite who troubled Solomon 1 K. n" f) the name

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CHRONICLES

78
of

ezer.

an Aramean deity found in the names Ben-hadad, HadadBedad] (Gn. 36" f) possibly to be connected with a
hills called

range of

on the eastern side of the upper Arnon (Dr. Gn., Gu. Gn.).47. Sandah] (Gn. 36" ' f)Masrekah] (Gn. 36 f). The name may mean " place of choice
el-Ghoweilhe,
vines,"
cf.

Sha'ul] (Gn. 36" ') the same

Nahal Sorek "wady of choice name as that

vines" (Ju. 16 4 ).
of Saul,

48.

King of

Israel,

and
10"

also of clans of

(Gn. 36",
f)-

Simeon (4*) and of Levi (6' <">). Rehoboth] a well Gn. 26", and Assyrian city Gn. The River] is certainly not the Euphrates and the place

name

of

Rahaba a

little

south of the
i.e.,

mouth

of the

Habor
' ,

(Dr. Gn.),

but the river of Egypt,

Gesch. Isr.
of of
I.

the

Wady el-Artsh

(Gn. 15") (Winck.

p. 192).

49.

Ba'al-hanan] (Gn. 36"

an

official

David

Ch. 27"
(cf.

f).

The name "Baal is gracious," a synonym

(Still

Hannibal

also Elhanan, Johanan), points to the worship

of Baal in

Edom

(Dr. Gn.).
deity.).

"Baal"

is

more a generic
' ,

title

than that of a specific

tier of

'Achbor] (Gn. 36"

also
f,

a cour-

Josiah 2 K. 22" " and perhaps Je. 26" 36"

BDB.).

The name means "mouse."

some
forty mss.

60.

Hadad] (Hadar Gn. 36", but

and Samaritan mss. read Hadad). Cf. v. ". Gn. 36" f)- Perhaps we should follow <S of Gn. and read Pe'or ("YIJ7B), a mountain and city north-east of the Dead Sea not definitely located (cf. Nu. 23" Dt. 3"). The
Pa'i] (Pa'u

mention of his wife and her maternal ancestry

sibly

is

striking; pos-

through

this

connection

he laid claim to the kingship.

the

The names occur

only here and in Gn. 36", except Mehetabel,

is

"God
false

confers benefits," which

name

of an ancestor of the

prophet Shemaiah (Ne. 6").

Me-zahab] means "waters of

gold."

61".

And Hadad

died] not in Gn., probably

list

copyist's

or the Chronicler's blunder, thinking that the

tinued.

of kings con-

51 b-64. Tribal chiefs of

briefer introductory

Edom.Taken from Gn. 36"-" with

formula and omission of the concluding sumin the previous lists this title given
felt

mary.

Why

the Chronicler should have given these as chiliarchs,

tribal chiefs,

when he omitted
"-*, is

in

Gn. 36" -

not clear unless he

that they were the

followers of the kings.

This

list

has been differentiated from the

Digitized by

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I.

43-54.]

RULERS OF EDOM
chiefs
tribal
.

79
heads
of
territorial

previous ones because the

subdivisions

were

and not purely

Israel

conquest

by

(Dr.).

51b

and possibly ruled after the The chief of Timna] and

names following. Timna']. Cf v. ". Aljah] ("Alwah Gn. 36" f) perhaps identical with 'Alwan v. 40. Jetheth] (Gn. 36" f)62. Oholibamah] (in Gn. 36' " * the
similarly in the

wife of Esau, 36" as here f).

called

Elah] probably the seaport usually

'

Elalh.Pinon] (Gn. 36") probably Punon of Nu. 33"

between Petra and Zo'ar (Onom. 299, 123). 63. Kenaz]. Cf. v. . Teman]. Cf. v. .Mibsar] and Magdi'el] (Gn. 36" f)
both in the Onom. (277, 137) located in the district of Gebal (south of the Dead Sea), and the former, under the name of Mabsara, as a
considerable village belonging to Petra.

'iram] (Gn. 36").

A
ins.

king of
(Ball,

Edom 'Arammu
p. 94).

is

said

to

tx.

mentioned in Assy.

Gn.

atr&r wvaSon adopted doSdh with the succeeding relative clause as a footnote. Ki. Kom. follows which is better, since Before pSa Gn. tf41 make the originality of the Vatican text doubtful. 36" has 01H3 V?D'i. pSa] <& BiXa/r, JB opSa were influenced by the similarity to the names in Nu. 22 (cf. Sayce, art. Edom in 2?B.).46. Ta] <$ here and in Gn. 36* BapoJ -na. nvp] Qr., some mss., V and Gn. 36" n'ty d Tt00a(i)p here and in Gn. a name like Donp, hence Ki.
43. Sk-W"
Bit.,
. .

O'aSon] <8

oi

/9<urtXe7t

by

Ki.

SBOT.

The

latter inserts

has a lacuna in the

pn]

text.

47. Vv. > in <J follow v.

'.

60.

Spa

many
of

mss., <,

Gn. 36"

"iiaap ja.

via] Gn. Tin, but there

some

hss. of

^ and of the
Edom,
Ball,
=-

name
o-ywp
<S B,

<8 corrects to

Samaritan Pentateuch Tin which, as the dynastic SBOT. adopts. Ki. influenced by vtot BapaB of
'pe]

ipe and so Bn.

many More

mss.,

B, Gn. ye.

likely ">pe - lpo.

and so considered a

later addition

wanting in from Gn. by Bn., but the conits

V. "

&

in both places
b is

fusion of the Vatican text at this point discredits

value.

wanting in Gn. The text of Gn. 36' " wp 'diSk nw* nSm onDB-a DPDpoS onncrD ? allows the phylarchs to have been contemporatvi]
1 1

61.

nci

neous with the kings previously recorded, while

its

substitute 'BiSx vni

is

onx
in

suggests that they followed the kings (Be.).

This

given directly

B,
tt.

A dad autem mortuo duces pro

re gibus

in

Edom esse coeperunt ; so also

in

Probably, however, the Chronicler's change was simply that of

condensation without introducing an exact order of succession.

Qr.,

nSp]

many

MSS., B, 0,

Gn. 36" mSp.

<$

Tu\a

nSip probably

from

nhf.

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80
II-EX.

CHRONICLES

The descendants of Jacob. The pedigrees of the sons Jacob are arranged according to the geographical position of the territory occupied by the several tribes. With Judah (a-4")
of

as the proper starting-point, the Chronicler passes through Simeon

on the south, sweeps around the Dead Sea through the east(5'- 10 ). Gad (5"-")> and the eastern halftribe of Manasseh (5" ') from the south to the north, and, after M (6 -')), with his cities in both eastern and inserting Levi
(4-)

Jordanic tribes, Reuben

(s"-6 western Palestine (Jos. 21), at this convenient point, crosses into
the northern part of western Palestine to Issachar
(7'-*)i

Zebulun
Naphtali
-

(7" corrected
(7"),

text, see

on

c. 7),

Dan

(7" corrected

text),

Ephraim (7"")> and Asher (7 M 40), completing the circle with Benjamin (cc. 8, 9**-") and the list of the inhabitants of Jerusalem (o lu ) unless this list came from another
Manasseh
(7
,4,,
)

and later hand. Asher should appear earlier in the list, but see comment on 1 Ch. 7"-". (In 27" Asher is wanting.) More space is given to the descendants of Judah than to those of any
other tribe, one hundred verses in
all,

while the tables of the

fifty,

house of Levi occupy eighty-one, Benjamin

eighty-six
suffice

and a scant
Before

for the other

ten

tribes

combined.

inquiring

further

into the

question of

authorship
is

properly, editorship

or,

it

may be

observed that this

Chronicler.

exactly

more what

should

be expected from the

is

Chronicles-Ezra-

Nehemiah

primarily a Levitical history of the Judean people.

In the body of the work events of the N. kingdom are ignored,

except as they touch Judean
that the Chronicler should
affairs.

Hence

it

is

not strange

have collected the most genealogical

notices for

Judah and

Levi.

Benjamin also would receive

special

attention, since according to the post-exilic conception that tribe

remained loyal to the house of David and was part of the

S.

kingdom
The

(v.

EBi.

art.

Benjamin,

7).

upon the idea of the Chronand purpose. With the premise that he intended these chapters only to serve as an introduction to his history of the Davidic kings, the task of striking out those parts of the genealogies carried down beyond the time of David becomes merely mechanical. But this premise cannot be sustained only on the ground that these tables precede the
analysis of these chapters depends
icler's

character

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U.

1-2.]

THE SONS OF -ISRAEL

history.

8l

analysis be based on the presupposition would be careful to avoid conflicting details either in his own composition or in the matter he incorporated, since all that Ch.~Ezr.-Ne. reveals about his character as a writer stamps him as anything but consistent. The first chapters do not appear to be only an historical introduction cast in a genealogical mould, but also a genealogical and geographical preface to the succeeding chapters. As such they served a useful purpose, especially for a period of Hebrew history without a chronological era. As a reader consulting a modern
that the Chronicler
history of Israel for information concerning

Davidk

Nor can an

to the chronological appendix

first

to learn the dates of his reign

one of the kings can turn which

*), or,

suggest the general setting, so the reader of Chronicles could learn the

chronological position
if it

by consulting the

table of the kings C3 10

were a high priest, the table of the high priests (6 1 * (5" ') ). Furthermore the Chronicler may have introduced some genealogies
without any particular reason aside from his
clearly

own

interest in them.

C.

shows that he used practically all the genealogies he had for the early history, hence it is reasonable to suppose that the following chapters contain pretty much everything he was able to find. He seems to have considered it more important that a genealogy should be preserved than
that
it

should be consistent with others already incorporated.

An

account of the geography of

many

of the tribes

was

also of interest to

the reader of the Chronicler's history.

This was probably suggested by

Ju.-S.-K.

the account of the distribution of territory in Jos. 13-24, which precedes

the history of the

Hebrews

in Palestine recorded in

These

geographical notices are omitted strangely enough from the records of

those tribes which occupied what was
times, viz., Issachar, Zebulun,

known as

Galilee in the later

possible explanation

Dan, and Asher.

may be found

in the fact that this territory is not involved in the

Chronicler's history.

Instead of giving the dwelling-places of

1

Judah

and Benjamin he

inserts the inhabitants of

Jerusalem (9 '), their com-

mon
II.

great city.

1-2.

The sons of Israel.These are

introduced as a basis
Israel.

for the subsequent

enumeration of the families of

are given as follows, Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar,

They and

Zebulun, the six sons of Leah, Dan, son of Bilhah Rachel's maid,

Joseph and Benjamin, sons of Rachel, Naphtali, also a son of

Bilhah,

and Gad and Asher, sons

is

of Zilpah

Leah's maid.

The
i>-

position of Dan before the sons of Rachel, instead of after, is striking.

Otherwise the order

the same as in

Gn. 3S ,,b " and Ex.

(omitting Joseph), late priestly narratives (P), where

Dan

follows

Benjamin.

The tribes,

however, are not enumerated uniformly in

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82
the

CHRONICLES
i'
"

Old Testament,
et al.

cf.

Gn. 46- 49- Nu.

13*" a6'"

Dt. 33*
of

(For a full exhibition of the orders of arrangement,

different ones in the Bible,
art.

which there are some seventeen

art. in

and

for

a discussion of the subject, see EBi.

Tribes by G. B.

Gray, also
II.

Exp. Mar. 1902.)

3-IV. 23. The genealogies of Judah.

(2'-); (2)

This passage conRam down

to

tains: (1) the

descendants of Judah to Hezron's sons Jerahmeel,

the descendants of
;

Ram, and Caleb

David and his nephews (2'-")

the family of a son

(3) descendants of Caleb, including

in his old

bom

to

Hezron

age (2 '-); (4) the

descendants of Jerahmeel (2"-"); (5) a supplementary table of Jerahmeelites (2"-"); (6) supplementary tables of Calebites

(2"");
(8)

(7)

supplementary tables of the descendants of

1

Ram (c. 3);

a second genealogy of Judah (4

At
first

")-

sight

we seem
"

to

have here a confused mass of genealogical

if

matter accumulated through various insertions (the view of Bn., Ki.).

Both 2" ' and 2"

later addition

contain tables of Calebites, but

either

were a

we should

expect the interpolator to have placed his

supplement in direct connection with the other, but

separated by

now

they are

w. "".
is

Similarly

we

should expect

c. 3, if

secondary,

to be placed after a 10 -".

icler,

On

the other hand, as the work of the ChronFirst

the order

natural.

he gives his primary genealogical

material in the order

Ram,
(v. .)

Caleb, and Jerahmeel, and then appends

supplementary matter

concerning each in reverse order.

4 (cf. i

This
Since

reversal of order is the Chronicler's habit

**

et al.).

(a gives

the sons of Hezron as Jerahmeel,

Ram, and Chelubai (ota).

should expect his

Ram

is

considered

first

(2" *),

we

name
fallen
>

to appear

after that of Chelubai, according to the Chronicler's habit of consider-

ing the last

text of v.

first (v.

s.).

The name Ram may have

first

from the

by haplography, since the

its

word
is

of v.

is

also

Ram,

being reinserted later in

present place.

In that case final

of

represents the initial 1 of oi phi. for this suggestion in S BA where *ul

ota

One
'

tempted to find support

ApAp

actually follows i XaXift

but since 4 'Pa/* also precedes

tography.

it,

the former could be due simply to duc-

However, it is not necessary to suppose that the Chronicler would be consistent with his usual scheme.) The first table of Caleb's descendants (2" ) is regarded as secondary,

by Benzinger, who
is

finds the original

if

list

of Calebites in
is

w.

This

possible, especially

only one table of Calebites

it

ascribed to the

Chronicler, but against

may be urged
,

that as Jerahmeel of the sons

of Hezron comes

first

in v.

the Chronicler would be likely to place the

"s

U.

l-S.]

THE SONS OF ISRAEL

of his descendants
last.

83
Ram's descendants

list

Since the position of

seems to be firmly fixed (2" )> the proper place for the table of the Calebites is between these two, that is, just where it is found. Benzinger
has also unnecessarily considered the passage concerning the family of

Segub (a ) to be out of place, but this passage forms a necessary introduction to v. " (corrected text v. .). Although the latter is a doublet
to v. ,,b , since
is

Ashur

is

probably the same

name

as Hur, and Ephrathah

to be identified with Ephrath, the Chronicler

who

differentiated

Hur

and Ashur elsewhere (4" ) may have done so here also. Then a"-" was introduced by the Chronicler in this place because the birth of Segub, Hezron's death, Caleb's marriage to his father's wife, and the birth of Ashur are successive events in Caleb's life. This is further attested by the chronological order shown in v. <*, and Atubah diid, and
Caleb look,
a"*-" is v. *, these
etc.

On

this principle

w.

"-* constitute a perfect unity.

doubtless an appendix to the descendants of Jerahmeel, since

Hence we have an appendix

were the sons of Jerahmeel, is certainly a closing formula. for each of the three sons of Hezron,

Jerahmeel ("-") Caleb (*"), and Ram (c. 3). The first of these was probably put in the form of an appendix either because the compiler
recognised the variant tradition regarding the genealogy of Sheshan
(cp. v.

and

v. ")

or because he differentiated the two Sheshans, hence

w. * had no direct connection with Jerahmeel.

with
its

The second appendix

of kings constitute

geographical

names and the

third with

its list

proper material for postscripts.

is

The

reverse order of these additions

it is

so suggestive of the Chronicler that

safe to ascribe

them

to his

original compilation in the absence of

The
which
to a*

first

verse of 4 1

"*

is

any strong evidence to the contrary. regarded by Benzinger as a superscription in

five

descendants of Judah, Perez, Hezron, Caleb (so read for

Carmi, v.

('.),

Hur, and Shobal, are co-ordinated as sons, while according

line.

they are members of a descending

He

further supposes

that the Chronicler then took these

up

in reverse order.

He

strikesout
'-'

as secondary the verses which interrupt this scheme,

It is doubtful,

vit. vv.

< *-.

however,
is

if v.

ever

was intended as a
cf.

superscription to

w.

This verse

directly connected with v., with

a".

which

it

shows

the Judean descent of the Zorathites,

The Chronicler apparently

was
well

used the device of putting the

convenient abridgment
(cf. i>

first five

descendants in juxtaposition as a

*), since their relationship

known or could be learned from c. a. Where he passes beyond wellknown names (v. ') the relationship is indicated. The following
seem to be nothing more than short tables of Judean families which the compiler considered worth preserving. There is no good
genealogies

reason why they could not have come from the Chronicler, nor much ground upon which to argue for their authenticity. On
of the material, see
c. 4.

is

there

the age

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84
The
found

CflRONlCLES

source from which the Chronicler derived those genealogies not

in the

OT. is uncertain. There is little likelihood that he had a book of Judean genealogies. More probably he used all the material which came to hand, connecting the names when possible with one of the older branches of the family. Identity of names was sufficient for this purpose (see below on a").
II.

3-8. Sons of Judah.

These

verses, except v.

contain

gleanings from the historical books.

The

writer seems hard put

to find descendants for certain branches of Judah.

3.
is

of Judah' Er, Onan,

etc.],

derived from Gn. 38,

cf.

The sons Gn. 46" '-.

taken ver-

And 'Er

the first born 0/ Judah, etc.\

This remark

batim from Gn.

38', hence Bn. without reason infers the passage

secondary to Ch.

The

omission to record the similar fate of

Onan, Gn.

38'*, is noticeable.

Here, however, as elsewhere the

Chronicler assumes that his readers are familiar with the narratives
of the Hexateuch.

The

story of the untimely death of

Er and

Onan

implies that two of the ancient clans of

Judah

early disap-

peared.

The

Canaanite mothers Shu'a and Tamar indicate a

union of

Israelite

of early tribal history

descendants of
38"-".

Judean stock with Canaanites. Reminiscences were thus preserved in folk-tales. For Shelah cf. 4" 9* Ne. n*. 4. And Tamar his

daughter-in-law bore to

him Perez and Zerah] derived from Gn.

Peres and Zerah were the youngest clans of Judah.

Zerah, perhaps the autochthonous, was according to Stade of pure

Canaanitish stock originally and at

declined (Gesch.
I.

first

surpassed Perez, but later

The sons of Perez: Hezron and Hamul], also a direct quotation from Gn. 46", cf. Nu. 26". On Hezron see w. . Beyond the family of the Hamulites, Nu. 26", no descendants of Hamul are given elsewhere in the Old Testament. (On the name see textual notes.) 6. The sons of Zerah Zimri and Ethan and Heman and Calcol and Darda'*]. Zimri is Zabdi of Jos. 7 " (for change of spelling see text. note). Ethan the Ezrahite, Heman, Calcol, and Darda sons of Mahol, are mentioned in 1 K. 5" (4") as distinguished wise men whom Solomon surpassed. Hence since Ezrahite (VTITI*) might be explained as a descendant of Zerah (BDB.) and may be regarded as an attributive of Heman, Calcol, and Darda, .the Chronicler evidently
p. 158).

6.

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n.

8-8.]

SONS OF JUDAH
men

85

placed these wise

p. 161).

as descendants of Zerah (Meyer, Entsl. Jud.

This

identification

has generally been accepted (Be.,

Ke., Mov., but not by Zoe.).

1

Ethan and
",

Heman

occur also in

Ch. as the names of two Levitical singers of the time of David,

<">

Ethan Juduthun, 6"

16"
this
25'4 -*.

15"
1

the ancestors of Asaph,

Ch. 6"

and an Ethan is also given among >, and Heman 1 Ch. 6" <>

From
this

the point of view of the Chronicler, since are Levites they cannot have been
Pss. 88

Ethan and

Heman

identical with those of

our passage.

and

89, however,

and Ethan the Ezrahite. Since Ps. 88 is also Korahite it is probable that Ezrahite Ethan and Heman in the titles of these Psalms represent both the Levitical singers and the wise men of 1 K. 5" (4"). In short, the one Ethan and the one Heman of Israel's early traditions, synonyms of wisdom, seem each in the genealogical system or notes of the Chronicler to have been evolved into two persons. Ewald (Hist. III. p. 278) thought that the two great singers of the tribe of Judah were taken by the Levitical music schools into their company and family and were afterward in the titles of Pss. 88, 89,
according to their
titles

are maschils of

Heman

the Ezrahite

reckoned to the tribe of Levi.

When

these wise

men

lived,

whether they were cotemporaries of Solomon or traditional wise

men

of a

more ancient

cording to Seder
in Egypt.

past, we have no means of knowing. AcOlam Rabba (ed. Meyer, p. 52), they prophesied

(For a fanciful interpretation of their names connecting them with Job and his three friends see Klo. on 1 K. 5 11 .) 7. And the sons of Carmi]. The plural (M2) sans of is sometimes used

when only one son or descendant follows, cf. a Gn. 36" 46" Nu. 26*. Achat the troubler of Israel, etc.] 'Achan Jos. 7'- ' ' " 22" (see text. note). The brevity of this notice of Achar and the omission of Zabdi the connecting link between Achar and Carmi is another assumption of familiarity
in genealogical lists
.

w.

...

u.

with the narratives of the Hexateuch.

further
is

8. 'Azariah], Nothing Whether the Chronicler meant an immediate or remote descendant of Ethan cannot be deter-

known

of this Azariah.

mined.

The name

is

very

common. No other Zerahites

are given

elsewhere in the Old Testament except Sibbecai the Hushathite,

and Maharai the Netophathite, two

of David's captains, 27"- '.

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86
S. pt>] <K Zavat

CHRONICLES

jotf.

6. *Mom] the root Von with the

meaning

spared

art Hamul). <K E/iavi)X ( IcpotnjX by dittography of the preceding I) => SjDm Sworn from wn -t- Sm brother -in-iaw of God. This seems a more likely derivation, cf. 4*, but the meaning is dub., see Ki. SBOT., Kom.,
is

BDB.

favoured by the

name rvhom on a

seal

(iiJ5.,

SS.,

We. DGJ., p.

a.

net] Jos.
is

7*

nat, <K Za/jft>() in both passages.

The confusion
uss., 0JL

of a

and o

phonetic, of 1

and 1

graphic.

jn""]

many

7. According to 8, 1 K. s jrmi, adopted by not >ja> Jos. 7 1 Carmi was the son of Zabdi Zimri (v. s.), hence may have fallen from the text or the Chronicler assumed this relationship
itss., tr,

Ki

was known.
of the

t ] Jos.
the

1 7 \st.

name of

man

to that of the valley of

cf.

arose from a scribal error,

In the former we have an assimilation Achor (Dill.) or the latter 8* in Jos. A%op.

9-66. The Hezronites.

position of this clan of

Whatever may have been the

relative

Judah in the early history of the tribe, to the Chronicler Hezron was the all-important clan. Of it he reckoned by descent not only the royal family of David but also the great clans of Jerahmeel and Caleb. The accounts given of them are evidently from various sources. V. (excepting the word Ram, see below) is derived from some old source other than the Old Testament. Vv. '' appear to be taken directly from Ruth. Vv. in contents are drawn from 1 and 2 S. Vv. ", regarded by Ki. as an insertion (but see above), are derived partially from
the Hexateuch, although considerable matter
is

new.

Vv. are

entirely independent of anything elsewhere in the Of these, w. *- M according to Ki., who follows
,

Old Testament.
We., represent

w. "" late, w. - early, v. late, v. ' early, v. ** late, w. early, w. late. 9. The sons of Hezron.Hezron] w.- *' - 4', appears
early material,
'

also as

as the
Jos.

a son of Reuben Gn. 46* Ex. 6" Nu. 26" 1 Ch. 5', and of a place indicating the southern boundary of Judah 15* (cf. also Kerioth-bezron Jos. is"), pixn is to be con-

name

nected with
is

nxn

enclosure

(HWB., BDB.).

A Hezronite

then

a villager or dweller in a permanent settlement, a kraal,

in con-

"ixn appears in the names of Judah and Simeon besides the two mentioned; Hazar-addar Nu. 34*, Hazar-gaddah Jos. 15", Hazarsusah in Simeon Jos. 19*, cf. 1 Ch. 4", Hazar-shu'al in southern
trast to

movable encampments,

several localities of southern

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'

n. -17.]

THE GENEALOGY OF DAVID

4" Ne. 11",
in

87

Judah
from

Jos. is*'-! Ch.

Simeon

Jos. 19'.

Names
Under

this root are also

common

elsewhere

(v.

BDB.).

Hezron then we may have indicated only semi-nomads inhabiting a fixed abode and the name may have come from no political clan
but only from a social class from which the Hezronites of Nu.

" were evolved, and which occasioned this son of Perez and likewise the son of Reuben. Jerahmeel], w. u * >, represents a clan dwelling in the days of David in southern Judah, 1 S. 27"
26*-

Ram] as a second son of Hezron is suspicious because (1) Old Testament elsewhere knows of no Judean clan Ram coordinate with Caleb and Jerahmeel, (2) the descendants of Ram, which follow w. -' are given not in families and cities as in the case of those of Jerahmeel and Caleb, w. - "
30".
the
",

but simply in the pedigree of David.

Ram

is

plainly intro-

duced as a son of Hezron by the Chronicler from Ru. 4".

original statement

The

from another source was evidently, and the sons of Hezron Jerahmeel and Chelubai, and this was the introduction to w. - **** ", where the descendants of Jerahmeel and Caleb are given.
q, v.

Chelubai], equivalent to Caleb

w.

10-12. The ancestry of David.

Ram

begat 'Aminadab,

etc.].

Omitting the words prince of Judah, derived from Nu. 1*, this pedigree of Jesse is taken verbatim from Ru. 4"*-. It is apartificial, for 1 and 2 S. know only of Jesse the father of David the Bethlehemite. Salma or Salmon was the reputed founder of Bethlehem, cf. w. u Nashon the son of Aminadab, according to P, was the prince of Judah during the Exodus, Nu. 1 2' et al. Out of these materials the author of Ruth, or some other genealogist, with the added names of Boaz and Obed, possibly

parently

ancestors of Jesse, constructed this genealogy, placing

son of Hezron at
of

Ram:

(1) in
1

Ram as the Two facts probably led to the selection genealogical lore, the ancient Ram was the son of
its

head.

Jerahmeel

Ch. 2*, but David plainly was not a Jerabmeelite,

in his pedigree,

hence the father's name could not be used

(2) the appropriate

and we

have not Hezron, Jerahmeel, Ram, but simply Hezron,

17/., Bertholet,

meaning of the word "lofty," cf. Com. on Ru., p. 69.

Ram; and We. DGJ. pp.

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88

CHRONICLES

13-17. The family of Jesse.

born Eli'ab,
etc.].

13.

And Jesse
'

begat his first

17" Jesse had eight sons, Eliab, Abinadab, and Shammah, and four others whose names are not mentioned, and David the youngest. gives eight
According to
i

S. i6'*

here,

adding Elihu from 27", which

^ there has probably by corWas

the

ruption

(3^K becoming
1 S.

"in^K, <g Elua/3).

number

eight or seven ?

According to Budde (SBOT.) the sections con'

17" are among the latest additions to the book from a Midrash after 400 b. c. Another Midrash, equally current then, may have been followed by the Chronicler or invented by
taining

16"

him, giving the number seven and also the names of the three
sons, Nethan'el, Raddai,

and Ozem, which are not given elsewhere.

is

The

genuineness of the

name Nethan'el
p.

doubtful, since (accord-

ing to Gray,

HPN.

233)

it

is

of post-Davidic formation.

Raddai and Ozem

forms go.
17"

(see v. ") could well

be genuine as far as their

16.
^

And their sisters Zeruiah and Abigail].

These are

recorded for the sake of their distinguished sons.

2 S.

According to

Abigail was the daughter of

has been regarded as a step- or

Zoe., Oe., et
al.).

half-sister of

Nahash and hence she David (Be., Ke.,

2 S.

Probably, however, the f( of

i7

is

corrupt

and Jesse should be substituted for Nahash (<S, V, We. TS., Klo., Bu. SBOT.). And the sons of Zeruiah Abishai,* Jo'ab and 'Asah'el]. These heroes are repeatedly named as sons of their mother 1 S. 26* 2 S. 2 , etc. The name of their father is nowhere mentioned. Of the three brothers, Asahel according to the narrative of 2 S. a '-" was clearly the youngest, but which of the other two was the older is uncertain. The order here suggests Abishai; that of 2 S. 2<, Joab. 17. And Abigail bore Amasa and the father, etc.] derived from 2 S. i7*. The Jskmaelite] the true reading

(v. *.).

9. 'av>a] <R* XoXt/S

aSa,

XafitK. 10. <]

(I toC otxov

na. p. 37.

13.
same
1911.

11. hdSp bis] <$ and Ru. 4" \\thv but Ru.
'P'K]

4"

noVs-, cf.

We. DGJ.

many mss.

(Kennic.)
v. .

v, which may be simply a vi,

correction

from the preceding >r\

spelling, '"

Since the author would be likely to use the

SS., Ki.
<>aK]

has been taken for an original

aii'sm].

41 kit. is a phonetic error

1

common
and

in 41.

16.

SBOT.

18"

3 S. io10, but elsewhere in

a S. 'e^an,

and so Ki.

in Ch.;

Digitized by

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n. 18-84.]
Of

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB
'A/SurffA.

89

'A/WA,

17.

error of transcription or

Sporvi] >S. 17" 'Vmcnn. The latter is an a Massoretic revision, Dr. TS., Bu. SBOT.,

and

authorities generally.

of

The family of Caleb. Caleb appears in the history David as a clan inhabiting southern Judah and apparently distinct from Judah (1 S. 25* 30")According to the narrative of the
18-24.
Hexateuch, Caleb the cotemporary of Joshua, the reputed founder
of the clan,

appears
1

among

Ch.

i*-

was a Kenizzite (Nu. 32" Jos. 14* "), and since Kenaz the grandsons and dukes of Edom (Gn. 36"' " " ), the clan Caleb was originally of Edomitic origin,

kindred with the Amalekites.

They claimed
i"-').

the conquest of

Hebron and Debir

one of their towns.
reign at

(Jos.

15"-" Ju.

Carmel was also

Through the influence of David during his Hebron they were probably incorporated into the tribe of Judah. They are not mentioned subsequently in OT. history
Caleb appears in our genealogical
lists,

until

w.

- 4

^-"v

His prominence here shows at once that Calebites must have been
conspicuous in post-exilic Judah, forming possibly the bulk of
the tribe, since the Chronicler
these
lists

knows so few other

families.

In
"-",

are assigned to Caleb or his descendants towns of

southern Judah,

Ziph,
latter

Mareshah, Hebron, Korah,

etc.,

w.

clearly the pre-exilic dwelling-places of the clan,

and

also towns

further north, Kirjath-jearim, Bethlehem, Eshtaol, Zorah, etc.,

w.

-.

These

towns, without doubt, were the post-exilic

homes
from

of the Calebites.

their southern after the fall of

During the exile they were dispossessed Judean homes apparently by the Edomites,

who

Jerusalem took possession of southern Judah,

compelling the earlier inhabitants to

move northward.

The

Edomites themselves were driven northward by the Nabateans

(see

Mai. Jud.

i), cf.

Ez. 35'-

'

36'

(We. DGJ. pp. 28 /., Meyer,

1.

Entst.
larly

p.

us, Torrey, JBL. XVII.

in view of the of Calebites in

1898 pp. 16 /.).

in

Singu1

enough
is

prominence given to Caleb

Ch.,

there

no direct mention

Ezra and Nehemiah; only

in Ne. 3', where among the repairers of the Rephaiah the son of Hur, ruler of half the district of Jerusalem. Now Hur represents clearly, from the appearance of the name among Caleb's descendants in w. 4'- ; a Calebite family.

an indirect reference
wall
is

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CHRONICLES

In the notices of the Calebites and Jerahmeelites (w. * *) in this chapter have been seen reminiscences of an original migration of a
portion of Israel from the south into
p. 40, et at.).

Canaan (S. A. Cook, Notts on OT. Such an immigration of Calebites, at least, most likely took place (Moore, Ju. p. 31), but a simpler explanation of these notices is that the descendants of these clans desired an honourable place among the post-exilic Jews and the Chronicler, favouring this desire, gave them a prominent place in his work. The theory that the Jerahmeelites played any such conspicuous part in the history of Israel as is alleged by the editor of EBi. is utterly without foundation.

18.

And

Caleb begat sons from 'Azubah his wife daughter of

Jerioih*].

Under Azubah

(HSITJ?, forsaken) is

probably a refer-

ence to the abandoned

(v. s.),

home

of the Calebites in southern

Judah

and the daughter

of Jerioth
life

(mjPT,

tents)

probably

looks back to the early nomadic

p. 26).

of the Calebites (We.

'

DGJ.

And

these were her sons Jesher f, Shobab,

These sons of Azubah represent pre-exilic Shobab is also the name of a son David 3 14* 2 S. 5".19. When 'Azubah died then Caleb took
dwelt in southern Judah.
himself Ephrath].
4*,

and Ardon fl. Calebite families which

of
to

Since Ephrath

is

equivalent to Ephratha v.

"

name

of Bethlehem Mi. 5'

Ru. 4", and possibly the name of a

Ps. 132*, Del.), this

district in

northern Judah

(cf.

new marriage
and
the

clearly expresses the

their settlement in

movement of the northern Judah (v.

v.

Calebites northward
s.,

cf.

v. ").
(cf.

Hur]

leading family or stock of post-exilic Calebites

Identifying

Ne.

3*, v. s.).
i.e.,

him with Ashhur

"

4*,

he appears as the father,

founder or coloniser, of Tekoa and his sons of Bethlehem, Bethgader, Kirjath-jearim

into

w. ".

(Such a shortening as of Ashhur

Hur is not uncommon, cf. Ahaz= Jehoahaz COT. I. p. 255.). 20. And Hur begat Uri, etc.]. This genealogy of Bezalel, the reputed skilled workman of the Tabernacle, is taken verbatim from P, Ex. 31* 35", cf. 2 Ch. i. It illustrates how material has been brought together in these lists. The identity of a name
seemed a sufficient cause to give a genealogical connection. Probably, however, the prominence of the family of Hur and its possession of artisans led to the origination of this descent of Bezalel. Vv.
"-" are singular
in this connection, interrupting the story of Caleb's
v.s.).

matrimonial alliances (but

21. And afterwards].

The

refer-

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IL

18-24.]

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB
.

91

ence

Machir father o/Gilead] a son of Manasseh mentioned as the father or conqueror of Gilead in Nu. 26" 32"
is

plainly to v.

Jos. 17' Dt. 3".

In Ju. 5 Machir stands for the tribe of Manasseh.

the most important clan of the tribe.

He was clearly

Segub] not

mentioned elsewhere, possibly an error of transcription for Argob, the district inhabited by Jair (Dt. 3" Jos. i3") who in v. M appears
as his son.

22.
cities

Jair] given as a son of Manasseh (Nu. 32" Dt.

3"

Jos. 13"), also

one of the minor Judges (Ju.

in the land of Gilead].

io').

And he had

twenty three

With
v.

Jair are repeatedly

connected the tent villages

Jos. 13"; thirty cities Ju.

Hawoth
10"
;

Jair

sixty cities,

Dt. 3" Nu. 32" wrongly placed in

The number given for these towns They represent the northern portion of Gilead. 23. Geshur and Aram] Geshur, an Aramean tribe dwelling in the region of Argob and at the time of David an independent kingdom 3* 2 S. 3' 13" 15'; Aram, a generic geoBashan, Jos. 13"
1

K. 4".

evidently fluctuated.

'

graphical term for the country including northern Mesopotamia,

and as far south as the borders of Palestine (cf. 1"). Here Arameans adjoining Geshur are evidently meant. Kenath and her daughters sixty cities] a district perhaps the modern Kanawat east of Argob in Bashan {cf. Nu. 32"). When these were lost to Israel is unknown, probably before the reign of Omri, since from then on the border fortress between Israel and Syria was Ramah
Syria,

the

(St.

Gesch.

I.

p. 150).

All these were the sons of Machir] the

originally larger probably than

summary

of

a section
in the

w.

"-".

The introduction
sons, Jerahmeel,

midst of a

list

of Hezronites

from the three

Ram, and

Caleb, of those through another son

*'- surprising, and any way the Hezron of Manasseh. Whether the

by a
of

later

marriage renders the contents of

w.

especially are they strange in connecting in

Judah with members

of the tribe

historical fact of the incorporation of Judaites

lies

with Manassites
In the latter case
(cf. $')

back of this or whether the whole notice arises from a misunderis

standing of genealogical material

uncertain.

Hezron may represent a Reubenite clan of that name

Einw.
Isr.

which

coalesced with Gileadites (Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 160, Steuernagel,

St&mme,

p. 19).

In the former case

it is

possible that

in post-exilic times

a colony of Jews had

settled east of

Jordan in

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0,2

CHRONICLES

Gilead,

between Hezron of Judah and Machir (Bn.).

tion is

and that through this fact arose this genealogical connection In Jos. 19" menmade of Judah [on] the Jordan, which has been thought to

point to such a colony (yet the phrase

may

be a corruption).

Judas Maccabeus undertook a campaign in that district in order Ki., on the other to rescue Jews from the hand of the heathen.
hand, holds

w. *"-

to contain ancient material referring to

Israel,

a union
cities

of families of

Manasseh, refugees from northern

cf.

with those

of

Judah about 600 b. c;

the emphasis placed

upon the

of Jair in Dt.

24.

And

after IJezron died Caleb

went in unto

Ephrath the wife of his father *] another genealogical notice of

the settlement of the district of Bethlehem
'

by the

Calebites,

cf.

w.

".

The

taking of a father's wife

(cf.

was

asserting claim to the

father's possessions

2 S. 16" 1

K. 2"-*), and well expressed the

legitimacy of Caleb's residence in northern Judah.

And

she bore

Ashhur]
identical.

clearly

a repetition of

v.

The father of
is

Teko'a].

Ashhur and Hur must be Hur was probably the exilic

there.

or post-exilic founder of Teko'a, or the family settled

Tekoa, mod. Teku'a,

place
6' t)is

about

five miles

south of Bethlehem.

The
1'

frequently mentioned (4* 2 Ch.

n* 20"

2 S. 14'

Am.

Je.

18. nip-p

nm

ntfn naity

i'Sw jran
;

a'wi] <8 reproduces

M.

combines <K\ M, and 9 accepit uxorem nomine Atubah de qua genuit Jerioth. This Ki. (SBOT.) follows, nrv pk T>Sv>t neto naiip pk np ?, but in Kom.,
for <pk to

1 has for vVin t\aBa>;

Two, pk.

V
1

BH.

he follows

vnrti 'p jo.

We.

(DGJ.

p.

33)

reads na

nijvv instead of " phi.

yields

And

Caleb son o/Hetron begat of

Be., Oe.).

Atubah his wife and of Jerioth (AV., RV., Kau.,

Azubah,
'>

Caleb then

has children of two wives, but the context suggests those of only one wife,

H. Mich, met this difficulty by regarding Jerioth as Azubah, the waw in phi being explicative. Ke. and Zoe. follow 9 regarding Jerioth the daughter of Caleb and mother of the sons of v. '*''. On the whole, we prefer the reading of We., preferred by Bn. It still leaves the harsh construction of naitp pk after tVw denoting the mother and not the child (pck is probably a gloss to render this
.

J.

another

name

for

obvious).

parallel construction, however,

where

i*v

Hiph. has the force to cause to bear, or pk

cf.

may be found in Is. 66*, may be taken as

pki ppidh aSaa]

equivalent to pkd,

nSvi 8.

24.

n>a*

\rm

adhered to by Ke., AV., RV.

is clearly

corrupt.

has 1)\9tr XaXiB

Digitized by

Google

n. 25-41.]
tit

DESCENDANTS OF JERAHMEEL
ml
4 yvri)
'Eertptbr 'A/Sid, so

93
We. DGJ.. pp.
Sya - Sjarw 8".

"R$p49a

0.

The

true text, rendered

above, undoubtedly was ivan \rvtn ne>K nniK aSa a,

14/.,

Ki. ww>k] =
7'.

-nn-eta,

We. DGJ.
4*

p. 15, SS., cf. Sje>* = Sya*t

8 o", -ivwk

In

w.

'

he

is

called -wi,

cf.

26-33. The families of the Jerahmeelites. Jerahmeel in the time of David was an independent clan like that of Caleb, in-

Judah (1 S. 27 10 30"). It is not mentioned Whether it played any part in the postin subsequent history. exilic Jewish community, or whether this genealogy having been preserved with that of Caleb was therefore recorded by the Chronicler, we do not know (v. s. on w. -*). All the names given are comparatively early ones and favour the antiquity and historicity
habiting the
of
of the
list.

Negeb

26.

Ram]

v.",

cf.

w.

Jb. 32*.

possible con-

nection has been seen between this family

and Abram.

The name

by some is supposed to represent an ancient deity (v. s. i B ). Bunah and Oren (]. Ozem] v. ' j\ His brother *]. So we must
probably read in place of the proper
to be

name

Ahijah.

26. 'Atarah].
DGJ.

This name of the mother of the most widely extended family of

the Jerahmeelites
is

compared
,

derivation with Hezron, v.

for its original meaning and and probably arose from the Jerah-

meelites inhabiting Ataroth (nnoj?), protected places (We.

p. 15).

Ataroth alone appears as a local name, Nu.

3a*-

M Jos. 16%
.

and

also in combination Jos. 16* 18"

Atarah was a second wife

Jerahmeel represented
those of a

Nu. 32" 1 Ch. 2 M That probably shows that the earlier sons of
families,

nomad

while her descendants

more settled life. Onam] v. ", also the name of a family of Edom 1" Gn. 36" f, perhaps connected with Onan the son of Judah, v. . 27. Ma'az and Jamin and Eker]. Maaz and Eker are mentioned only here. Jamin is among the sons of Simeon, Gn. 46".28. Shammai]. Cf. 2- 4".Jada] v. ", for compounds of root from which it comes (jn'O, see i. Nadab] v. a frequent name. Abishur] v. f. 29. Abihail * ] name of the wife also of Rehoboam 2 Ch. 11" and a man's name, a Levite Nu. 3", a Gadite 1 Ch. 5 14 and the father of Esther Est. 2" 9" Ahban and Molid f].30. Seled fl.Appaim] v. ' f. 31. Jish'i] 2 U 4"- " 5" f, a name thus of frequent occurrence. Sheshan] w.- f.Ahlai] n" f.32. Jether] a frequent

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94
name.
ii".
I

CHRONICLES
a Reubenite.
Possibly there
is

33.
list

Peleth]

Nu.

i6'

con-

nection with Beth-pelet a city of southern Judah, Jos. 15" Ne.

Zaza]\. These were the sons of Jerahme'el] the conclusion

of Jerahmeelites.

of this

None

of these families or persons

Old Testament (except Sheshan below), and hence nothing more can be said concerning them. The fact that Onam is also the name of a family of Edom and Jamin of one of Simeon suggests a close relationship with those
are mentioned elsewhere in the
tribes.

26.
the

nvw] the name of a

fifth

son, Ahijah, AV., R.V., Kau.,

name

of the mother of the preceding four sons,

V, 0; a D following mk
of Ahijah, been followed, read with
to

having fallen out, the text having stood 'NS oxn

Be., Ke.,
Zoe.,

Oum

Oe.

dJX#4 airrou <= jviik has

so Ki.

,o8ii-.
mss., <8 b ,

vnM,

We. DGJ.,
since a

p. 15.
v. .

29.
Ki.
is

Swan]
emends

many

Swan.

30. cbh] also

one*
We.
*,

after tt*

'F.<t>piiii,

yi

j\

name

o<ok

suspicious,

DGJ., but
see Ges.

<J"

may be a

corruption of
>jre]

A^atp <1>.O'M
p

hS] also v.

$ 151U.

31.

<K B 'I<r/uiJX,

,\ t] , both of which

Ki.

(SBOT.) thinks point

to

following the indication of <I L

tf.

a divine appellative at the end, hence \araova he reads i'*** - 'ih - Vjaipn

We. TS., on

S. 14".

rahmeelite Sheshan.
ters].

34-41. The pedigree of Elishama a descendant of the Je34. And Sheshan had no sons but daugh-

To reconcile

this statement

with

v. ,,b it

has been assumed

that Ahlai

was a daughter

of Sheshan,

only descendants (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.)

"sons" there indicating This is possible, but for

late section

w.

the Chronicler probably had an entirely different source

from that of
to the

w.

".

(Ki. regards

them as a

added

work

of the Chronicler, giving another

and

fuller story of

the lines of descent from Sheshan

and placed here as an appendix

Jarhi].

to the families of the Jerahmeelites.)

Of

this

Egyptian

nothing further

is

known, and
in

also nothing further of the four--* 1 .

teen descendants recorded in

w.
no

Although many of the

can
they

names occur
identified with

elsewhere,

case

be

probably

those persons.

We
is

do not know

also

when

Elishama'
ished.

(v. '),

whose pedigree
is

so carefully recorded, flour-

Since Sheshan

the tenth in descent from Judah, older

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IL 42-M.]

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB
in

95

commentators thought of him as residing

the period of the

Egypt not far from

of

Exodus and placed the period

Elishama four-

teen generations later or near the close of the period of the Judges
(Ke.).

More

likely

Elishama represents some one near the time

If,

of the Chronicler.
B.

however, Jarha lived as early even as 1000

b.

c, and Elishama about 600

c, there

is

nothing in the charac-

ter of the

names

given against the genealogy being genuine.

stand in sharp contrast with others which appear to be

They made up

from names current in the Chronicler's own time (Gray,

P- 235)-

HPN.

42-66. Families of Caleb.Cf.

-*.

w.

Vv.

belong together and come apparently from the same source as

w.

Vv.-

/*

appear also of
1

common

origin,

and belong

to the late material of

Jerahmeel]
altered) of

v.

Ch. (We., Ki.).42. The brother of Mesha'*] an early family of Caleb (if text is not

is known; in 2 K. 3* the name of akingofMoab. <g has Maresha, see below. Ziph] two places of this name are given among the towns of Judah: one Jos. 15", still unidentified, the other Jos. 15", cf. 1 S. 23" a6, the modern Tell

which nothing further

Ziph one and three-quarters hours south-east of Hebron (Baed.< This latter is here referred to. Maresha*] the name p. 170). of a well-known town of the Shephelah, Jos. 15" 2 Ch. 11 14* ' 20" Mi. i 11 f, the modern crash (Baed. 4 p. 116). It is difficult,

however, to bring this place in connection with Hebron, although

Hebron may

in

some way have been

colonised therefrom.

Well-

hausen regards the name, from the preceding words "sons of,"
as purely gentilic, bly both

and not to be connected with the town. ProbaMesha and Maresha are due to dittographies from v. "
Ziph and
the father of Hebron.

and the
. . .

verse originally read Sons of Caleb the brother of Jerahmeel,

his first-born the father of

The name of this first-bom may lie hidden in Mesha or Maresha. 43. And the sons of Hebron]. The descendants now given are mostly, if not all, geographical names. Korah]. The connection
suggests a town of southern Judah, although mentioned elsewhere
in the

OT.

only as a family or descendant of Levi.

Tappuah]

equivalent to Beth-tappuah Jos. 15", the mod. Taffuh west of

Hebron (SWP.

III.

pp. 310, 379;

Baed.' p.

152).Rekem]

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96

CHRONICLES

otherwise unmentioned, probably a town of southern Judah.

town

of this

also the

name name of a

is

given as belonging to Benjamin Jos. 18",

king of Midian Nu. 31* Jos. 13".

Shamd]

perhaps the same as Eshtemoa* (Hithp. of same stem) Jos. 15" 21", cf. the mod. Semu'a identified with Eshtemoa (Rob. Res. II.
p. 194).

The

location of

Eshtemoa

in the

immediate neighbour-

hood of Hebron favours

root

this identification.44.

Raham].

The

(Dm)

appears in Jerahmeel.

Jorkeam] probably Jokdean

Jos. 15",

(Baed. 4 p. 169).

mentioned before Juttah, mod. Yata, east of Hebron Shammai] (in v. " a Jerahmeelite tribe, in 1"
gentilic;

Edomite), not identified as a geographical name, perhaps

a name of
1

S. 25*,

common occurrence, cf. v. . 45. Ma on] Jos. 15" mod. Main south of Hebron (SWP. III. pp. 404, 415;
144).

Baed. p.

Beth-zur] Jos.

15"

Ch. 11' Ne. 3", mod.

III. p.

Beit Sur, four miles north of

112).
is

Hebron (SWP.

311; Baed.' p.

46.

And Ephah the concubine of Caleb,* etc.].

This verse

entirely obscure.

Neither Ephah, Haran, Moza, nor Gazaz

can be identified with any places, families, or persons mentioned

elsewhere.
Ki. joins with v.

" and marks

as a later addition to

Ch.47. Jahdai], The connection with the foregoing is not given and the name has been taken as that of another wife or concubine
of Caleb;

more probably Jahdai

is

a descendant of Caleb whose

text.
is

name

in the original

connection has fallen from the

Of

the

following sons none are otherwise

known

unless Pelet

identical

with Beth-pelet a town of southern Judah Jos. 15".

The

verse

according to We. and Ki.

is

to be connected with v. ".

48.

unknown, since this cannot be connected with Aramean Maacah or with various persons mentioned elsewhere in the Old Testament of the same name (3' 7" 8" 11", etc.). Sheber j ] and Tirhanah f] are equally unknown.49. And Shaaph begat*], a continuation of v.". Madmannah] from Jos.
the

Ma acah] entirely

15" a well-known town of southern Judah, possibly

twelve miles north-east of Beersheba

Umm Deinneh,

(SWP.

III. pp. 392, 399).

Sheva f] except Qr. 2 S. 20", entirely unknown. Machbena] perhaps the same as Cabbon, a city of southern Judah Jos. 15" (BDB.). Gibe'a] possibly the same as Gibeah Jos. 15", mod.
Jeba, eight miles west of Bethlehem

(SWP.

III. p. 25),

although a

Digitized by

Google

H. 42-66.]
locality further

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB
south would be more natural.

97

can readily be thought of as belonging elsewhere.

The name "hill" And Achsa

dis-

was

the daughter of Caleb].

Thinking that the Chronicler

tinguished more than one Caleb

and that the son of Hezron differed from the son of Jephunneh Mov. regarded this clause as an inter' polation from Jos. 15", cf. Ju. 1". It is wanting in &. Ke., recognising two Calebs, ben Hezron and ben Jephunneh, held the latter, the father of Achsa, to have been a descendant of the former, and
bath, daughter, here to signify in

a wide sense female descendant.

The

original

framers of these genealogies probably sought no

explanation of a Caleb ben Hezron and a Caleb ben Jephunneh,

but identified the two and gave Achsah as a daughter in each

case.

50.

These were

the

sons
cf. v.

of Caleb].
>,

This

summary
list

looks backward, not forward,

exilic Calebites in their

and

closes the

of pre-

ancient

homes

in the vicinity of

Hebron.

The sons of tfur the first-born of Ephratha ]. These words introduce a new paragraph giving the Calebites of the post-exilic period
(see

above

w. '

).

Shobal the father of Kirjath-jearim, 51,

Salma the father of Bethlehem, Hareph the father of Belh-gader]. These three, sons of Hur, are either the post-exilic founders of the three towns mentioned, or an adoption of the reputed founders of those places by the later Calebite settlers. According to Ru. 4" Salma was the great-great-grandfather of David. Beth-gader]

033

Jos. i2'), Gedor, see

4:

52.

And

the sons of Shobal

were Re'ajah*, half of the Manahtites*].

This passage is utterly obscure. The emendations are derived from v. M 4'. 53. The Ilhrites and the Puthites and the Shumathites and the MishraUes]. Nothing further is known of these families of Kirjath-jearim. Two

of David's heroes

were

Ithrites 2 S.

23"
1

Ch.

40
;

their connection,

however,

may have been

with Yattir

S.

30"

(Klo., Sm.).

from these went forth the Zorathites and the

these families or the Mishraites alone

Eshta'olites].

And From
etc.,

came

the inhabitants of

Zor'ah (mod. Surah,

SWP.

III. p. 158) Jos.

19" Ju. 13*

and of Eshta'ol (mod. Eshtta near Surah, SWP. II. p. 25) Jos. I 5" I 9" J u I 3 M etc 54f . The sons of Salma] the heading of the following places and families. On Salma cf. w. " '. Netopha>

thites]

Ne. 12",

cf.

2 S. 23 2

K. 25", the inhabitants

of

Netophah,

Digitized by

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98

CHRONICLES

Ezr. a" Ne. 7", probably a village near Bethlehem, identified with

(SWP. III. p. 52), or posNeUif (Rob. Res. II. pp. 16/., but see Baed. p. 124). Atoroth-beth-jo'ab] an unknown place. Half the Manahlites the
the ruin Urn Toba north of Bethlehem
sibly Beit

Zorites].

Cf. v.".

One

half of this otherwise

unknown

family

seems to have dwelt at Kirjath-jearim and the other at Zorah. And families of the scribes inhabiting. J a bet, Tir'athites, Shim'aSucathites\ The mention of the scribes shows clearly that we have a post-exilic notice, since it is doubtful whether families of them existed earlier. The location of Jabez is unknown, cf.
thites,

4*

'-.

In the three families Jerome recognised three different

classes of religious functionaries,

B canentes alque resonantes et in

somewhat
first

tabernaculis commorantes.

QT explains

similarly, except

that the Sucathites are those "covered" with a spirit of prophecy.

Be. follows U, except that he regards the

class as gate-keepers

(Aram. JT\n -Heb. 1JW).

the three

We. (DGJ. pp.

30/.) finds underlying

names nyiPi a

technical term for sacred music,

H^DB'
Buhl

the Halacha or sacred tradition,

and TONO which he connects,

booth
(so also Ki.).

following Be.

and B, with

!"D3D

(HWB.
Sucah.

>)

interprets

names from unknown places. Ke. as descendants from the unknown Tira, Shemei and
derives the last two

Bn. finds too obscure to explain.

These are the Kenites

who came from Hammath f the father of the house of Rechab] an obscure statement. The Rechabites, Je. 35' -, probably became
an
integral part of the post-exilic Jews,

and

families of scribes,
(2

perhaps from their ancient loyalty to

to have

Yahweh

K. 10"

'),

seem

been reckoned as belonging to them along with

their other

connection with Salma,

(Ju. 1"

That the Rechabites were

not improbable.

also Kenites

4"

S. i5) is

An

indication of their

Judaism may be seen in the fact that one of number, Malchijah ben Rechab, was the overseer of one of the Judean districts, Ne. 3".
position in post-exilic
their
42. jron <a

wno

iai

ft

>m
<*

ton

roa p"o Vkotv vm aSs

jai].

This

text is probably corrupt.

follows

and

strikes out

ok

has ntno instead of )WD which Ki. before jnan as a gloss (Kom., BH.). jfP

following Sworn'

may have

(a similar confusion

arisen from the preceding jd"Sk v. n from the present text appears in ft, where in place of

Digitized by

Google

m.

1-24.]

DESCENDANTS OF DAVID
jwSk), and ntne may be a transmuted
Under this conjecture the was [nan 'am ipt ,3M na *"OS

99
dittography

yr<D, the text has

of y"D with

'J3i

added.

original text as far

as can be restored

''Horn' >nH aSa 'ja.

first-born

who occupied perhaps

later

first

the district of Ziph, or small

town Ziph, and

Hebron,

is

a not unnatural supposition from

in Jos. 14*

the story of Caleb's relation to

Hebron given
Gyp'
text,

15".

It is

also possible that pe"D has fallen out before

larity of

names.

44. opp"v]

without doubt identical.

if

cf.

Jos.

ntno through the simiI5 M . The two names are

* Xuyap, which, even

4T. |u] <B*

rij/xrcl/i, cf.

corrupt, supports- p

in the

hence Ki. jehi.

48. -6<].

The

subject napo requires rn"v,

ipr
<$,

*Ppy,

since
is its

probably

V ', required since several sons of IJur are enumerated.61

ZaXu/idr.
4',

J 145a.49. *gv iSm] to be read ipr has already been mentioned in v. ", and v. " most 60. p] some less., continuation, We. DGJ. p. 19, Ki.

Ges.

Hthv]
ac-

cording to

according to
III.

v.

62. nmn] read since the former M 66. f] Qr.

.

nn.
is

This correction

meaningless, so Ki.

is

made

nirorjn] 'nruon

'Jtf>\

1-24.

The descendants

of David.

1-9. David's children. The sources of this list are 2 S. 3*- 5"-" 13 With the exception of Amnon, Adonijah, Absalom,
1 .

Solomon, and the daughter Tamar, these children are known

only by name.
transcription.

Some names have

suffered in our passage through

'

Instead of Daniel v.

we should read
in

after 2 S. 3'
in

Chileab
present
gives

(v.

*'.).

Otherwise the names of the sons born

Hebron

no variations. Shim a (NJ?)

v.

Of those born
v.
',

Jerusalem the Chronicler

(J?1D) 2 S. 5", EliskS.

for

Shammua
The

ama (pDBT^N)

for Elishua

(JTIB^K) 14* 2

5" which

should be read here (Bn., Ki.).

latter case is very evident, since

textual corruption in this

son in

v.

2 S. 5".
',

Elishama appears as the name of a The two names Elipheltt (D^B^N) v. , and
in 2
S.,

Nogah

(rt33) v.

which are wanting

have clearly been

developed in transcription and should be struck from the text (Ki.).

Instead of Eljada

(jn^K)

(v.

2 S. 5"), the original true

name

probably was Baaljadd (jn^J?3)> given in 14', the change having been made to avoid the use of Baal (Ki., Dr. TS.). Bathshu'a (jriBrru) v.
is
,

instead of Bath-sheba (J?3tt

m) 2 S., 1 K.,
of that in

a phonetic variation arising from the similar sound of 3 bh

1

and

w.

The

length of David's reign in

S. 5'.

Hebron and

Jerusalem are taken from 2

Digitized by

Google

IOO
1.

CHRONICLES
jnana 0' irk

rnana
see

rhtn]

2 S. 3*

struction,

Dav. Syn. 81
2 S.

R.

3.

vrW nSu]
2 S.

on con-

-naaa]

rnaa

read with

wiw]

'is*?, e^.

other ordinals with art.

2 S. 3'

has vwoi.-VM'n]

a corruption of auVa of

AL

here, but Aa/u>iijX.

where 4> has AaXouid nnSi, so also These variations point to a corruption of anSa
In favour of this are the errors of trans-

into aitSi into Sh'j-i, so Ki.

mission in

w.

'

remains doubtful,
in 2 S. 3'

The name of the second son of David still however, since the name axSa occurs nowhere except
(v. *.)

and shV looks

like

a dittography, see Stenning, DB.,

V.

art.

Chileab.

SwmS]

2 S.

Ssj ne>K, but <$ there agrees with Ch.

otSranS] twenty mss. and 2 S. omit

there read 'kS.

9 has been corrected

in.

*
ms.,

corrected from 2 S.

conflates.

4. 1S

6.

'uinSm]

cf.

14*

SmkS] 2 S. 3' Scan p, but 9 from $ of 2 S. inwt] 2 S. 3* tSu nsp] 2 S. inS nS< aSn. nS] point with many 2 S. 5".

3.

2.
nm 9
1

mss.

rrVy, Ges. 5 6oi.

tqrae] i4 2 S.
1

5"

y.iojP, </.

S. i6.

one

V, 2

S. 11

and

K.

raj' rOi

two

mss., 14*, 2 S. s u jpe>

(v. j.).

8.

(v. j.).

jrvVit] 14* jrrVpai (". s.).

6. 7. run eSe'Sm] wanting ajn] must be read apar

Binmt<0m

(v. s.).

jnr ra 6. pd"Sk<]
in 2 S.

*]

after

striking out njji bSb<Smi (v. J.).

10-14.

The
are

line

of descent
kings of

These
period.

the

from Solomon to Josiah. Judah who reigned during this

15-16.
siah].

From

Josiah to Jehoiachin.

16.

The sons of JoJudah

ceased.

The

four sons are mentioned because with Josiah the

regular succession from father to son of the kings of

Their names and order of enumeration present

lowing order: Jehoiakim, 2 K. 23"; Jehoahaz,
2

difficulties.

Three

sons of Josiah are mentioned in 2 K. whose births were

2

in the fol-

K. 23"; Zedekiah,

K. 24".

Jehoahaz.
otherwise

According to Je. 22" Shallum was another name of The Chronicler then has either given Johanan an

spect to birth

unknown eldest son of Josiah, and has misplaced ShaUum,who should be recorded as older than

in re-

Zede-

kiah (Shallum and Zedekiah were sons of the same mother

tal,

Hamu-

2 K. 23" 24"), or

error, Ki.)

Johanan stands for Jehoahaz (as a copyist and Shallum was regarded as still a different son. 16.

The
2

sons of Jehoiakim].

On

the plural sons

1

cf. 2'.

Jeconiah]

Je. 24"

K.

24'-'*.

29% called also Coniah, Je. 22"- " 37 the king Jehoiachin Zedekiah his son] is otherwise unknown; probably
,

an

error,

having arisen because Zedekiah succeeded upon the

Digitized by

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m.

1-84.]

DESCENDANTS OF DAVID
(cf. v.
,

IOI
24").

throne his nephew Jehoiachin

a K.

The state-

ment may be from a glossator. 17-24. The house of David from the captivity in the line of Jehoiachin. 17 f. And the sons of Jeconiah the captive She'alti'el his son and Malchiram and Pedaiah and Shen'azzar, Jekamiah, Hoshama and Nedabiah]. The adjective captive (assir 1DK) having lost the art. was taken in <B, V, 3f, also AV.,

RVm., as a proper name.

In

it

makes a part

of the following

name. Kimchi, followed by some of the older commentators, regarded the last six as sons of Shealtiel, since Zerubbabel v. " appears in Hg. i'- ' " et at. Ezr. 3' el al. as his son, i.e., grandson.
i . e., that all of

But the copula before Malchiram suggests the usual interpretation, introduces his them were sons of Jeconiah.

son (US) after each name, giving a continuous line of descent

from Jeconiah, and in v. " Pedaiah is omitted and Zerubbabel and Shimei are made the sons of the preceding Nedabiah.
This
last is clearly

wrong.
is
i-

Of
").

these sons nothing further

is

known

unless Shenozzar

identical

with
is

Sheshbazzar "the
(cf.

prince of

Judah"
*'.).

(Ezr.
ff.,

This

probable

Meyer,

Entst. Jud. pp. 75

p. 29) (v.
icler in

Rothstein, die Genealogie des

K. Jojachin,
Chron-

Koster regards Shenazzar as a

fiction of the

order to
Israels,

make of the
pp.

Persian officer an Israelite (Wieder-

stettung

28 /. 40).

Meyer regards

the Davidic

descent as real.
(pp.
cit.

Rothstein identifies Shenazzar with Pedaiah

and Shimei].

pp. 27 /.).19. The sons of Pedaiah Zerubbabel In Ezr. 3* 5* Ne. 12' Hg. i>- 2- ", cf. Mt. i'

Lk. 3", Zerubbabel

also

who was the

is

prince of

Judah under

whom

the

Jews returned from Babylon

is

called the son of Shealtiel.

This

the reading of <S

BA
,

Salathiel taking the place of Pedaiah.

B The usual explanation, however, has been <S also omits Shimei. that Pedaiah was Zerubbabel's real father, but succeeding Shealtiel,
of

whom no sons are mentioned,

is

as the head of the family of David

or Judah, Zerubbabel was called his son.

further

known.

And

the sons* of Zerubbabel :

Of Shimei nothing MeshuUam (cf.

5") and Hananiah and Shelomith their sister] otherwise unknown; the unusual mention of the daughter Shelomith shows either a marked personality or the founder of a family. 20. And

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"
CHRONICLES

102

Hashubah f and Ohel

f and Berechiah and Hasadiah f , Jushabhesed f Jive] are also otherwise entirely unknown. It is not evident why these sons should have been enumerated as five;
possibly they were children of one
estine
after

mother or
text. n.).

bom

in

Palof

the return

(Be.)

(see

The names

Zerubbabel's children have been thought to express the hopes of Israel at that time, Meshullam meaning " Recompensed,
cf.

Is.

42';

"Peace";

Hananiah, "Yahweh is gracious"; Shelomith, Hashubah, "Consideration"; Ohel, "Tent," .,

*'.

"Dwelling place of Yahweh"; Berechiah, "Yahweh blesses"; Hasadiah, "Yahweh

(Be.).
is

kind"; Jushab-hesed, "Kindness returns"

of Hananiah Pelatiah

21.

And the son

cf.

and
list

Jesha'iah],

on

son for sons,

2',

the sons of Rephaiah, the sons of

Arnan, the
inter-

sons of'Obadiah, the sons of Shecaniah].

This

has been

preted in two ways.

before four of

Hananiah was the father of six sons whom sons was written because they were
(1)

founders of distinguished families of the time of the writer (Be.).

(2)
ical

From sons of Rephaiah

to the

end of the chapter

is

a genealog-

fragment representing branches of the family of David, whose

Instead of

connection with Zerubbabel was unascertainable (Ke., Mov. p.

30).
"J3 <S, Jf,

& have 1J3

"his son" and the verse

reads

And the

son of Hananiah was Pelatiah and Jeshiah his son,

and Arnan his son, and Obadiah his son, and Shecaniah his son. This is preferred by Bn., Ki., Kuenen, Einl. pp. 114 /. et al.

and brings the descendants

of David, including those of

to eleven generations after Zerubbabel,

and

thus,

it

w.", may well

/.).

be assumed, to the time of the Chronicler

(v. Intro,
is

pp. 5

22-24. Of the persons here named nothing further

v." the sons of Shemaiah are enumerated as
five are given,

known.
text, or

In

six.

Since only

a name has either

fallen

from the

we

should omit and the sons of Shemaiah and read and Hattush (v. i.). None of the names here given as descendants of Zerubbabel

appear in the genealogies of Christ recorded in Mt.

3

i1

Lk.

.
is

Some have thought

8'.

to identify or connect

Hattush with
the sons of

the one recorded in Ezr.

Ki. holds that

if

this is the case

he

the son of Shecaniah and, as mentioned,

out.

and

Shemaiah should be struck

Then and

the sons at the begin-

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Google

m.

1-24.]

DESCENDANTS OF DAVID
is

I03
accounted
for.

ning of the verse

correct

and the number

is

six is

The name

Hattush, however,

not infrequent (Ne. 3" io

ia).

(op.

17-24. Rothstein in his somewhat fanciful monograph on these verses tit. s.) presents the following: In w. " ' read "voxn and omit ua

at

end of

v. ".

was

released

Shealtiel and Malchiram were born before Jehoiacbin by Evil-Merodach and were probably put to death by

Nebuchadrezzar, in view of the rebellious character of the Jews, that the line of David might be childless. The name Shealtiel, " I have asked of

a son, and the name of double meaning, a possible expression of allegiance to the Babylonian king or of trust in Yahweh the King. Pedaiah and the other sons were born after their father's deliverance. This is revealed in the meaning of Pedaiah, "Yahweh hath redeemed," and of the other compounds of Yahweh, which are similar expressions of hope and trust. Shenaaar on the other hand is not the name of another son, but the Babylonian name of Pedaiah which reappears in the Sheshbazzar of Ezr. i*. Sheshbaaar and Pedaiah are the same person. The correctness of Pedaiah's fatherhood

God," was given because the father had prayed

'

for

Malchiram,

My

king

is

exalted," because

it

was

of Zerubbabel (v.
in

*) is maintained. Zerubbabel's name implies his birth Babylon, while his brother Shimei=Shemaiah " Yahweh hath heard "

s.)

was born in Palestine. At the beginning of v. " read ahtra > (v. also and revise the names reading njitfn "Yahweh considers," instead of
nas>n (v.
(v.
s.)

*.), and "?ion> (Shot) "Yahweh causes to live," instead of Srm and naeh' "Yahweh brings quietness," instead of ion as>v

(v. 3.).

V.

should read n's>i

rvo-n rnpei n^oSo

ia

wan

'Ml, the

verse mentioning only the sons of Hananiah,

copyist error.

being repeated through

*>

Instead of pn* read njnn.

In

v.

eliminate npDe>

<iai

as copyist error and read

place of the

nnjj.

In

v.

ram. Smj< is an equivalent for Snin and in unexampled nna read m-np and instead of nnjw read read <jai instead of jai. The remaining names of the
', are correctly transmitted and
full

section, in

w.

of meaning.

In

'W'jk " Unto Yahweh are mine eyes" is a confession and prayer of trust in Yahweh for the fulfilment of promised deliverance from present
humiliation.

17. mtt] read

loss of the art.

tdk.-i,

the preceding
-io*>i]

18.

word ending in n has caused the has been identified with "wars' of Ezr. i

A comparison of the Greek mss. of 1 Esd. 2" and 2 Esd. 1* (v. s.). shows that XaraParc-apot was the original form in <$ of Ezr., hence
isas'S'

probably read wajs' originally.

or a textual error (BDB.).
correction

from

'in<,

psrvi] 10. n*w]

(v.
s.),

is

either abbreviated

<B ,A

+ u"by the

ShtiSkt
original

may be a

from Hg. or Ezr.

either

translator or

by a

later scribe.

Possibly something has fallen from the

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104

CHRONICLES
some
mss., <S,

20. Since seven sons and one daughter are inconsistent with the
ing

text after n'-to.-pi] read with

%,

*Mi, so Kau., Ki.,

Bn.
clos-

word

t>cn,

Bn. regards this verse as a

pi]

later interpolation.

Ki.

suggests the insertion of oSenp 'jai at the beginning (BH., so also Rothstein, op. cit.). 21.

some

mss., <$,

times i
>v pi, so
>)3\

+
4t,

ija at

the end
(but v.

(v. *.).
*.).

24. nyw] Qr.

B,

23.

22.

9, tt, jai <] <$, () four ni \m] may be an error for

<g,

pi] read with some mss.,

(so <K in

W,

v>;;rn, <g

Qjovu

5"

9'),

Oduia

vwnn.

IV. 1-23. Fragmentary genealogies of families of Judah.

and connection of these genealogical notices are They look almost like a gathering of genealogical pebbles rolled together from various quarters, consisting of older and younger parts that are kept together only by the common con" nection with the tribe of Judah (Zoe.). Several of the leading " fathers are Calehites, '.., Shobal, Hur, Ashhur, Chelub, Kenaz, Othniel, and Caleb. Hence the lists represent members of that clan, and Caleb should be substituted for Carmi in v. 1 (We., Ki., Zoe.). Whether the names and relationships reflect pre-ez. conditions or post-ex. is difficult
date,

The meaning,
if

very

not entirely obscure.

to determine.
tion of v.
>

Ki. in

SBOT.

regarded the passage, with the excep-

and a few phrases, as from the older sources of Ch. along with -* <. We.'s view is similar, that in the main pre-ex. conditions are reflected. Be. held, on the other hand, from the mention of a number of the names in the history given in Ezr. and Ne., that we have a classification of the tribe of Judah actually made in the time between Zerubbabel and Ezra, so that these apparently broken and
incoherent genealogies were plain to the readers of the time of the
Chronicler.

conditions

Meyer also finds in the passage a reflection of the same when the Calebites had settled westward in Judah (EnisleKi.

in

hung, p. 164). Bn. finds also post-exilic conditions (Kom. p. 13). Kom. adopts this view.

1.

Introduction.
Shobal].
2'

The sons of Judah; Perez, Hezron, Caleb*,

all

Hur,
from

^
2-

and

Vrss.

have Carmi ('CO), but clearly

(We., Ki., Zoe., Bn.) (per-

"

we should read Caleb

"3^3 easily

haps originally
According to

'

'

"
i
1

transmuted into *D"D, cf. 2* "01^3). these sons of Judah are not co-ordinate,

but after the analogy of

ever, in the following

line of descent.

The

treatment, how-

w.

suggests co-ordinate sons of

first, v.
,

whom

the

youngest, Shobal,

is

considered

then the next older,

Hur,

w. '', and then

the next, Caleb,

w. "'.

Next should follow sons

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IV. 1-23.]

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH
of Perez.

105

of

Hezron and

The sons of Shelak w."-" may then

be regarded as an appendix.
Bn. finds in
v.

either

a fragment of the

line of

Hezron and

in

w.

the line of Perez;

is

or following 2" (as the text stands!) where Ashhur

a son of Hezron, the line of Hur having been restricted to w. * and Hezron through Ashhur appearing in a* + 4*-">, he regards these verses (a* + 4 5 10 ) as the original Hezron list of c. 4, which originally stood after the Caleb list, w. -, and he holds also The sons of Peres were JehalUlel and Esrah to have fallen out before w. "", and thus he
that of
-

alternative.

would bring everything into order. Ki. adopts essentially this second Both Bn. and Ki. regard the sons of Shelah, w. n , as a

later addition.

2-10. Sons of Shobal and Hur.

Shobal].
Cf. 2".

2.
'

And Reaiah

the son of

Reaiah

is

a family name among those

Jahath]
2
is

who
fref).

returned with Zerubbabel, Ezr. 2" Ne. 7".

quent Levite name (6 1 "

-

<

"> 23'

24"

Ch. 34"

Ahumai f and Lahad f] entirely obscure. Instead of Ahumai we should probably read after <S> Ahimai (Gray, HPN. p. 279), especially if a compound of ntt, since all other proper names

These
ites

which are compounds are spelled thus

(see

list

under

CIK,

BDB.).

are families of the Zor'athites].

Cf. 2",

where Zoraihresidence of
Ki.

are connected with families of Kiriath-jearim whose father

was Shobal.

Zorah, mentioned in Ne.

n", was a

post-exilic Jews,

and hence
v.
k

of interest to the Chronicler.

(SBOT.) regards
This restoration
Since

as from

later

hand than v.".

3. And
obscure.

these are the sons of

is

Ilur * father of Etam].

**.).
*

is

meaningless.
is

the most plausible (v.

in v.

'Etam

Hur appears

as the founder of Bethlehem,

v.

we might

conclude (adopting the reading above) that

exilic localities of the Calebites

refers to the post-

and identify Etam with the one near Bethlehem (2 Ch. n) mod. Ain Aitam (Bn.) (Etam, DB.). But Jesreel and Gedor, the names of towns of southern Judah
(Jos. i5"-")i suggest that our record is of pre-exilic conditions

and
de-

Etam may be
cision

the one in Simeon near

Rimmon,

cf. v. .

No

f] are entirely obscure, also their sister Hazzelelponi or the Zelelponite f or Zelel

can be reached.
Zillah

Ishma f] and Idbash

shade

(cf.

Gn.

4') (v. *.).

4.

Penu'el and 'Ezer] persons,

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Io6
I

CHRONICLES
unknown.

families, or localities otherwise

The former cannot be

connected with Penuel east of the Jordan (Bn. mentions Penuel a

clan of Benjamin 8); 'Ezer

may be

identified with 'Ezrah v. ".

The

location of

guard were Hushites,

Cf. v.
'

12',

unknown. Two heroes of David's 21" 23" 1 Ch. 11" 20* 27". Gedor]. mentioned with Halhul and Beth-zur, Jos. 15", and

Hushah

is

2 S.

and same place. These are the sons of Hur the first born of Ephrathah the The words after Hur are ace. to father of Bethlehem]. Cf. 2" Ki. (SBOT.) a gloss.6. Ashhur]. Cf. 2".Father of Tekoa] a
generally identified with mod. Jedur (Rob., Res. 1
ii.

p. 13), six
is

one-half miles north from Hebron.

Beth-gader (2")

the

'

gloss ace. to Ki.

(SBOT.)

cf.

2".

The reference under the wives

the borders
is

Htl'ah and
of

Na arah is obscure. No such places or districts have

(A town Na'arah was on
Jos. 16'.)

been identified in Judah.

Ephraim,

Possibly Na'arah (mjJJ), "maiden,"

enigmatic, denoting earlier settlements or conditions,

(ilK^n),

"weak,"

later

and

less favourable ones.

and Helah The names of

several children of both wives, however,

may be

connected with

southern Judah, the pre-exilic f ].

1

home of the

Calebites.

6. Ahuzzam
Hepher] the and Socoh
Judah,

Cf. Ahuzzath the friend of Abimelech, Gn. 26.

name
word

of a town mentioned with

Tappuah
i.

(Jos. 12")

K. 4", and hence evidendy of southern Judah.

("OO'fi)

Temeni f] the
cf.

means a Southerner,

e.,

of southern

Teman (patronymic OC ,n) the name of Edom, Gn. 36", etc. And the Ahashtarites f] (*VWIWI) entirely obscure. The word
has been given a Persian origin (BDB.). Be. thought there was no
occasion for this.

A textual corruption, however, may

underlie

it

and the reference still be

to early abodes or families of the Calebites.

Or

it

may have

originally stood without the connective in apposi-

tion with the preceding

names, being, at the time of the Chronicler,

Possibly also

a family name of those who traced their origin to the places of

southern Judah previously mentioned.
it

simply
II. col.

summarises the previous families as the Ashhurites (EBi.

1921)
(v. .).

name

7. Zereth f and Zohar *]. The latter is the family Ephron of Hebron, Gn. 23' 25', and of a son of Simeon, Gn. 46". Elhnan] (JJDK) probably identical with Ithnan QJJV) a city of southern Judah Jos. 15".8. And Koz]. The
of

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IV. 1-23.]

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

107

abrupt introduction of Koz

from the

list

of the sons of

is striking. Perhaps he has fallen Helah and should be supplied, so QT.

He

is

thus restored at the end of

struck out from these

v.

by

Ki. (v.

i.).

Possibly his
since

name was

lists intentionally,

Hakkoz

appears as a

Ne. 7 ) and the writer desired that the Judean Calebite or non-Levitical origin

post-exilic priestly family (24' Ezr. 2"

of this family might not appear.

may

be

purely accidental (cf. 24'

(3JJJ),

).

The identity of names, however, Anub f] probably to be con-

nected with 'Anab

Jos.
/.).

15',

a town near Debir, mod.

thorn,

'Anab (SWP.

III. pp.

392

The names Koz (pp)

and

Anub

(31JJJ) grape, suggest an allegory, a thorn here bringing forth

Of Zobebah f and the families of cf. Mt. 7" (Zoe.). Aharkel f son of arum f nothing further is known. Instead of Zobebah probably Ja'bez should be read (v. *.). 9. And Ja'bez
a grape,

is

was more honorable than

of Ja'bez
if

his brethren].

The abrupt
(v.
)

introduction

not corrupted into Zobebah

striking.

He

probably belonged to the family of

Koz and was

the reputed

founder of Jabez (2"), and hence represents Calebite scribes of the

Hur who had enjoyed some special prosperity. The is given in w. ,k ,c His mother had given him a name of ill omen, but he had prayed that its significance might not be fulfilled and God granted his request. Now his mother called his name Ja bez (p3JP) saying I have borne him with pain (3SJ?)] a popular etymology and explanation of the name
family of

cause of this prosperity

Jabez.

Cf. similar explanations of the

*

names Moab and

"

Ammon
,

(Gn. 19"

),

and

of the sons of

Jacob (Gn. 29"-

30'-

etc.).

The transposition of the letters 2J? to pap is noticeable. The name is equivalent to 32ty\ meaning He causeth pain. 10. And Ja'bez called on the God of Israel saying, Oh that thou wouldest

me and enlarge my border and that thy hand would be me and thou wouldest keep back evil so that no sorrow shouldest A prayer that the evil signified by his name might befall me/]. be averted. And God granted that which he asked]. This exsurely bless

with

plains v.
3.

*.

a&f ok n$m] some uss. '

viol

instead of

ok and

others ok-';

rat otroc

Alr&r;

<

ByJuicfr <*onX& ^.Sino,

And

these

are the sans of Aminadab; Tt Ista quoque stirps Elam.

Something

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Io8
seems to have
fallen

CHRONICLES

from

Kau. follows

Ki.

oh -m

ja

trVw

O0>; (.dnrf /A**! are the sons of

Hur

the father of Etarn) (also Bn.).

neMwn] may be read the Zelelponite or taken as a personal name It Zelelponi, meaning, Give shade thou that turnest to me (BDB.). The is better to see in 'lie a dittography from the following Smuo. name then is SSm or perhaps S>. One is tempted to write ShSi shade of God. 6. ootk] some mss., U omn, V Oosam. ^rvrwn] perhaps a corruption of the AshhurUes (v. s.). T. rji] read

with Or. ttoj, <S cat

iv.

94,

followed

by

Ki.,

mwn Xiao. jjnm] W + TV\ adopted by Klo. PRE.' Bn. 8. Ki. following Klo. far
inserts

among

9.

the sons of PP. also suggesting as possible that naain far] in popular etymology derived from aip (v. *.). It

rsp
not

is

necessary to suppose with K!o. that the oh]

name
(3),

read a*r,

cf.

7".

10.

particle of wishing,

BDB.
ynbair

oh ib

dition with conclusion suppressed, Oe., Kau., Ges. 167a.

is difficult

Ges. $ 1510, or of connjnp nvpi]

to translate.

Ot

lypp.

The
1

readings n^wj and

lies in

na-to

have been suggested.

Ki. thinks an error

reads 'D
inf.,

nnp.

Better retain 41.

the verb and

'axij '.-Aa ?]

noun-suffix as object of

Ges. 115c; penult syllable closed, Ges. 61a.

11-16.
(cf.

The sons of Caleb.11. And Calub]

v.
').

i.e.,

Caleb

known. <S has in place of the brother of Shuhah, " the father of Achsah " Jos. Buhl (HWB.") IS", clearly a makeshift in an obscure passage. Mehir )] and Eshton (] suggests the reading Hushah, cf. v. 4
a
is
.

and above on

Of Shuhah f nothing

are

also entirely obscure.

12.

Beth-rapha] a place or family

Rapha is mentioned 8', and Raphaim (mss. vary), 204 refer to the giant aboriginal race of Palestine. A vale (!3DJ?) of Rephaim near Jerusalem is also mentioned, Jos. 15* 18" 2 S. 5"- n
otherwise unknown.

A Benjaminite

Kapha

collective sing., or plural

Paseah] a post-exilic family name of Nethinim, Ezr. 2" Ne. 7", cf Ne. y.Tehinnah ^father of the city Nahash]. This looks like a reference to some post-exilic Jewish settlement, but is utterly BL (probably original obscure. Recah see text, n.) have
f].

<S

<S,

13.

probably furnishes the true reading and explanation of the families given in w. " '. They were Recabites, cf. 2".
Recab,
this

and

Kenaz Othni'el and Seraiah], Cf Ju. 1" Kenaz, and is either the nephew or brother of Caleb (Moore in loco favours the latter). Othniel probably represents a clan. Seraiah (not an infrequent name
the sons of
is

And

where Othniel

called the son of

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IV. 1-23.]

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

109

from the time of David onward) as the brother of Othniel is mentioned only here. It smacks so strongly of an individual and
the later period of Israel's history that
post-exilic connection, cf. v. 14 (cf.
it

probably represents a

Gray,

HPN.

p. 336).

And

the

sons

of 'Othni'el Hathath
(TQIJJQI)

Meonothai \]
Ma'on,
cf.

f] entirely obscure. 14. And probably represents inhabitants of expect a connection with Othniel to

a".

One would

have been indicated.

thai has fallen

Possibly Hathath represents a mutilation

by copyist of Meonothai or its original, or perhaps and Meonofrom the text after Hathath (v. *.). 'Ophrah] entirely unknown. The word occurs as the name of the city of Benjamin, Jos. i8 M 1 S. 13", and also as that of one of Manasseh Ju. 6". And Seraiah begat Joab the father of the Ge-harashim]
Valley of Craftsmen, for they were craftsmen].

*..,

Ge-harashim
identified

is

mentioned with Lod and

Ono Ne.

nu

and

it

may be

with the ruin Hirsha east of Lydda (DB.).

further is

known.

Probably a Kenizzite

Of this Joab nothing Othnielite Seraiah was

a
post-exilic colony

the reputed father of a Joab

who

established

or settlement of craftsmen near

exilic

Ono and Lod. Indeed in posttimes if not earlier the Kenites, whom some have regarded as
reckoned as Calebites.

the smiths or craftsmen of ancient Israel (Sayce, Art. Kenite, DB.),

may have been

15.

Caleb the son of Jephunneh] Nu. 32" Jos.

necting Caleb with

i4- ".

And the sons of The link con-

Kenaz

is

apparently omitted as well known.

The enumeration
son of Jephunneh

of descendants of Othniel before those of Caleb

is

method in this chapter a family first, cf. Shobal v. before Hur, and Hur before Caleb or Kenaz. Caleb the son of Jephunneh] a Kenizzite, Jos. 14'- ", one of the twelve spies whom
in accordance with the

of mentioning the younger

members

of

Moses

sent into Canaan,

Nu.

service with the ancient city of

Elah f and
(\iy) city,

Jt^'tt),

Na'am f ] entirely with Elah and find a reference to the city Elath (nftt Dill., Gn. 36". At all events Elah is an Edomitic name
in

who was rewarded for this Hebron, Jos. 14". 'ir f * and obscure. One is tempted to join Ir
13* 14',

which may be seen

Judah.

El-paran

(j"lD

^K)

the wilderness south of

Possibly post-exilic Calebites looked

upon the ancient

Edomitic city of Elath as having belonged once to their clan.

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CHRONICLES
is

IIO

And the sons of Elah,

Elan as suggested
is

Kenaz*]. This statement

the

surprising unless

name of

the district of Elath or El-paran,

which might have been the early home of the Kenizzites, or the name of the tribe of which Kenaz was an offshoot. Ki. thinks a name has fallen from the text and that another son was enumerated with Kenaz.

Both Bn. and Ki. regard a

v.

as an insertion.

This is probable; some one missed an allusion to Caleb the hero of

Judah and
11.

inserted

bit of genealogical lore

concerning him.
is

nrw vm
rru]

S'hyi]

H ml Xa\tp rar))p Av%a(t)

Ki.,

a correction from

212.
with
v. ".

BA +

&Se\<poO '&rt\i>it(t>) tou Xwf()'. L A0ft>/i t,

K<rt{atov, adopted

by Bn.,

since

it

supplies a connecting link

Ki. recognises the difficulty raised by this

unknown
is

Eo-cXw/t

being represented as a son of Tehinnah and of Kenaz at the same time,

which he explains as a mixture of

corruption of Eo-eflur
tijpn
(cf. <kV-

families.

But Eat\u/i

merely a

AM/i)

pne>K, hence <t read nne>K

'K, the brother

vw

which in turn originally was HP 'K Kenaz, an early gloss to connect with v.
*
Pijfti is

. nyi] <Jbl 'Vyx&p of which a corruption, hence <K an, cf. a. 13. nnn] <J L + *ot Maawfa, K et Maonathi 'Pij>pD% adopted by Bn. and Ki. 15/J.

of Eshton v/as

*Hpo "AXi, K J3r et Ela - nSw -up, so Ki. This we have adopted. We. (DGJ. p. 39) retaining $ sees in rvp an equivalent of ovp, a duke of Edom 1". 16b. ija> wi rh*] up nSit <m Possibly a transposition should be some mss., <$, V, made and we should read up <J3 rhn, these are the sons of Kenaz

nSi

np

*B>

'AJot, *

referring to

the contents of

w.

''?.

The

clause

then
list

would be
ufn.

gloss, since

w. '

without doubt continue the

fallen

of Calebites.

Ki.

Kom. supposes something to have

from the text before

personal or family

16-20. Sons of Perez?16. JehaM'el] only here and as a name of the sons of Merari (2 Ch. iott).
(v.

Since the connection of Jehallelel and Ezrah

Ki. following Bn. {v.
Jehallelel
s.)

")

is

not given,
Perez,
is

supplies:

"And

the

sons of

and Ezrah."

In view of the sonship of Ziph one

tempted

in the place of Jehallelel to

read Jerahmeel, since in 3"

Ziph
(EBi.

is

the son of Mesha, son of Caleb, brother of Jerahmeel

col.

II.

2346).Ziph].

possibly a dittography.

The

latter

may

Cf. a.Zipha f] fem. of Ziph, Tiria f] and Asar'el f ] entirely obscure. be a form of Israel (see text. note). 17'. And

the sons* of 'Ezrah]

Ezrah possibly same as Ezer

v.

*.

Jether]

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IV. 1-23.]

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH
cf.

in
name
of son of
5".

common name,
Midian
Jalon
i

2".

Mered f ].
of

Epher]
of tribe of

Gn.
b

25*,
f. if,

and

member
II,

Manasseh

)].

17

repeated in

AV., RV., gives incomplete

,,b
(

meaning.

Usually the clauses are rearranged as follows:

And these are the sons of Bithiah f the daughter of Pharaoh, whom Mered took, i.e., to wife, (" b) and she conceived [and bore]
Miriam and Shammai and Jishbah f the father of Eshtemoa ('*) and his Jewess wife bore Jered the father of Gedor and Heber the father of Soco and Jekuthi'el f the father of Zanoah (Be.,
Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.).
<S

adopted by Ki., requiring only a

:

slight

change

in the text, gives the following

And Jether

begot

Miriam
Jewish

and Shammai and Jishbah

the father of Eshtemoa'

and

his

wife bore Jered the father of Gedor and Heber the father of Soco and
Jekuthiel father of Zenoah;

and

these are the sons of Bithiah the

daughter of Phara oh sons of

whom Mered

took

The names

of the
text.

Mered by Bithiah must then have

(v. "), since

fallen

from the

This rendering presents three

grandsons of Ezrah

lines of maternal descent

among

the

a Calebite wife must be assumed

where none

is

particularly mentioned.
sister, is

Miriam] elsewhere
is" 21"
.

in the

OT.

only of Moses'
Cf.

here evidently a man's name.

<" Jos.
1

mai].

2".Eshtemoa'] 6"

S.

Sham30" the

Hebron (SWP. III. p. 412). Heber] a name Jered )] except antediluvian patriarch, Gn. 5" also of the son of Asher 7" Gn. 46" Nu. 26", of a Benjaminite 8", and of the Kenite husband of Jael Ju. 4"- " ' 5". In this also Hebron last is an association with southern Judah. Cf. containing the same root. Gedor]. Cf. v. '. Soco]. Two places bore this name, one near the valley of Elah Jos. 15" 1 S. 17 1 K. 4" 2 Ch. 11' 28" modern Kh. Shuweikeh (SWP. III. p. 53; Rob. BR.* II. pp. 20/.), and the other south-west of Hebron near Eshtemoa, Jos. 15", also identified, modern name same as the other
present village es Semu'a south of
'
1

(SWP.

III. pp. 404,

410;

Rob. BR.*

I.

p. 494).

This

latter is

probably the one here mentioned.

Zanoah].

Two

places also

bore this name, one near Beth-shemesh, Jos. 15" Ne. 3"

n",

mod. Zanu'a (SWP. III. p. 128; Rob. BR.* II. p. 16), the other south-west of Hebron, Jos. 15", mod. Kh. Zonula (SWP. HI. pp. 404, 410 /. ; Rob. BR.* II. p. 204 note). Here again the latter is

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112

CHRONICLES
text.

probably the one referred to in the

points to

This passage as a whole

some

interesting traditions respecting the origin of the

families of southern Judah.

In the "daughter of Pharaoh"

we

19.
the

may

see

some intermixture

of

an Egyptian element
Ne. 8'
o

in the families.

Another

entirely obscure genealogical fragment.

Hodiah]
"> 14* .

name

of several post-exilic Levites,

io"

Judah frequendy mentioned, Jos. David 1 S. 23' ), identified in mod. Kila east of Eleutheropolis and north-west of Hebron. Garmite f]. Before Eshtemod the word father has probably fallen out. MaacathUe f]. There may be some connection between this person or family and Maacah, the concubine of Caleb mentioned in 2". 20. And the sons of Shimon f Amnon and Rinnah j- Ben-hanan and Tilon ) and the sons of Jishi Zoheth f and the son of Zoheth This verse is entirely .].
j-].

Naham

Ke'ilah] place of

15", Ne.

3"

(especially in connection with

obscure.

The name

of the son of

Zoheth has

fallen

from the

text

and the relationship between Rinnah and Benhanan (Rinnah son of Hanan) is not clear. Probably a connective should be placed
between them.
slain

Amnon]

elsewhere

name
Jishi].

of David's eldest son

by Absalom,
16.
^(J"}tpK)]

3' 2 S. 3* 13'
latpar/X

Cf. 2".

S(nt7K.

This Ki. adopts with the remark

that possibly even before the time of the Massorites the

name

Israel

was

where employed for individuals in order to preserve it in the original form for the chosen people only. <$ L Apij xal Iuageip. 17. pi] Heb. uss. (see Gin.), <S, V 'Mi, so Kau., Ki., adopted. 17* The transposition given above requires iSpi after vinv
altered

19.
ji'ijipJ

see

BDB. under mn.

Oro] <K

(Zt/uyup)

ml {yippiptp 'lifap, hence Ki. ono PH tVvi IP'i. (or AaXXa) rarV KeX4, xal Xwptiup rariip 'lupAp, ml vw 'Sarin. 2()j probably represents
Ot

xal

Aapa

or pec', thus establishing a connection with

v.

".

Noijm
if

is

doubtless a corruption from N<x<m

inal,
fell

oru,

hence the phrase,

orig-

out

by homceoteleuton.
<ii>>pycen nS'pp

Ki.
<:k
sif

BH.
S'Si o>
.

restores

as

follows:

oru 'l jod)' >a

20. pSwi] Qr. and

tionship of the father of Kettah,

<8 A pS'Pi.

The double relahowever, introduces a new difficulty.

21-23. Sons of Shelah.

almost entirely disappeared.

brief

notice

of

families
to

of

reputed descent from Shelah,

whose

stock

seems

have

Cf. for the only other descendants

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IV. 1-33.]

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

1 13

recorded o Ne. n*.

The sons of Shelah son of Judak were 'Er

father of Lecah f and La'dah f father of Maresha and families of the linen workers of Beth-ashbea' f and Jokim f and men of

Ckozeba f and Jo'ash and Saraph f who ruled in Mo'ab and

returned to Bethlehem *].

'Er elsewhere
2*).

is

the brother of Shelah,

is

who

died untimely

(cf.

Since Maresha

the well-known

town of the Shephelah and Lecah not unlikely is the same as Lachish (Meyer, Entst. p. 164) and Ckozeba is probably
identical with

Chezib (Gn. 38)

Achzib Jos. 15" Mi. 1" apIn the place of returned to

parently also in the Shephelah, Beth-ashbea', otherwise unknown,

is to

be sought in the same region.

Bethlehem, AV.,

RV. have
H,
is

following

M Jashubilehem,

a proper

name
old]

parallel with

Saraph, but the rendering given (Ki.) having

the support of <S,

i.e.,

undoubtedly correct.

Now the records are

These are the
potters

those of these families of Shelah.

and

the inhabitants of Nefa'im f

and Gederah],

Netaim

is

othertrans-

wise unknown.
lates

Gederah

is

mentioned

in Jos. 15".

RVm.

them rendering, those that dwelt among plantations and hedges. The clause, They dwelt there in the king's service] is an evident look backward. These obscure w. -* probably preserve the family traditions and relationships of certain weavers and The reference to Moab and a potters of the post-exilic times. to some story similar to that of Ruth. A connection return points between Joash and Saraph, especially from their ruling in Moab, and the post-exilic clan Pahath-moab "Governor of Moab," Ezr. a* 8 4 10" Ne. 3" 7" 10" <">, has been seen (cf however, Pahathmoab, DB.). Bn. holds v. " entirely unintelligible.

A very
Fund
the

readable exposition of these obscure verses in the light of the

discovery of jar handles in S. Pal. inscribed with

identical to those here given
is

names

similar or

presented in the Pat. Exploration

Quarterly Statement 1905, by R. A. Stewart Macalister, under The Craftsmen's Guild of the Tribe of Judah, pp. 243 /., 3 28/. 21. In jnvK a corruption of Sjuvk has been found, see EBi. Names
title,

42.

22.

onS '9tty]

Be.,

adopted by Ki.,

wh

rvj,

o*M.

<J B

xal

iarttrpt^n atroO
Securus

AfitSriptlr ABovkuI*.

renders the entire verse after

the style of an old midrash: Et qui stare fecit Solent virique Mendacii,
et et

Incendens qui principes fuerunt in Moab,

et

qui reversi

sunt in Lahem.

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114

CHRONICLES

24-43. Genealogy, geography, and history of Simeon.

The

notices of

Simeon naturally follow those of Judah owing to

cf:

the close connection between the tribes,

Ju.

i*.
1

The

lot of

Simeon was south

of Judah,

Judah's limits and in Jos.

and his cities, Jos. io *, were within \$ nn " included in the lists of that tribe.
-

The account
w."-"
princes,
origin.

falls into

four parts:

w. *"

his sons

and the geneal-

ogy of Shimei;

w.

their dwelling-places;

w.

"- their princes;

historical notices.
(v. *.).

Of

these,

w.-

""

are derived from

list

canonical sources

The

genealogy of Shimei, the

of

and

the historical incidents at the close are of

last

unknown

The

were introduced by the Chronicler simply to

show

additional dwelling-places.

24.

24-27. The sons of Simeon and the genealogy of Shimei. These names appear in Gn. 46" Ex. 6" Nu. 26"-". For

variations see textual note.

Nothing

is

known

of the clans

which

they represent.

26

f.

A line of descent from Sha'ul, whose mother

was a Canaanitess, Gn. 46" Ex. 6", i.e., the clan contained Canaanitish elements. Mibsam] and Mishma] are names also of descendants of Ishmael 1" Gn. 25", suggesting thus a commingling of the Simeonites with Arabians. Hamu'el *] interesting as one of the few OT. names compounded with Dn "father-in-law," i.e., kinsman. Hamuel "a kinsman is God" or "kinsman of God." wrongly Hammuel - "heat, wrath, of" or "is God." Zaccur] is a frequent post-exilic name. 27. Nothing further is known of this Shimei who surpassed his brethren in the number

of his household or clan.

28-33. The dwelling places of Simeon.

transcription with slight changes (v.
i.)

This passage
1.

is

of Jos. io'-

28. Be'er-

sheba] the well-known outpost of southern Judah present ruin Bir es Seba (SWP. III. p. 394).M6ladah] Ne. n, perhaps the

Malath of

Jos. {Ant.
el

XVIII.

6. 2) identified

by Robinson (BR. 9
This
is

II.

p. 201) with Tell

Milh, east of Be'ersheba'.

questioned

p. 183) and Conder (SWP. III. pp. 403, 415) 29 Bilhah] or Bilah (see text, note), 'Ezem] and Tolad] have not been identified, likewise 30 Bethu'el] equivalent to Beth'el 1 S. 30" unless Beit Aula west of Hulul (SWP. III. p. Hormah] according to JE in Nu. 2i received its name "de302).

by Buhl (GAP.

Hazar-shu'al]

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IV. 84-43.]

GENEALOGY OF SIMEON

1 15

struction" from defeat of the Canaanites before the entrance of

Israel into the land of

Canaan.

According to Ju. 1"

its original its

name was Zephath and

tion

the change took place through

destrucit

by Judah and Simeon.

Ju. 1").

Arguing from the name Zephath

has
(see

been located at Sebaita (Buhl,

GAP.

p. 184).

This is doubtful

belonged to Judah, 1 S. 30", and is frequently mentioned Nu. 14" Dt. 1" Jos. 12" 15" 19 4 Ziklag]
city
.

Moore on

The

the city given to

1 S. 27*,

David

for

a residence by Achish King of Gath,

perhaps Asluj a heap of ruins south of Beersheba (Rob.

but more generally identified after Conder

BR.*
185).

II. p. 201),

(SWP.
p.

III. p. 288)
It

with Zuhtlike south-east of Gaza (so Buhl,

post-exilic residence,

GAP.

was a

Ne. n".

31.

Beth-marka-

both] house of chariots, not identified.

ffazar-susim] enclosure of

Beth-biri]
Amama
This

horses, identified in the ruin

Susim ten miles south of Gaza (DB.).

io.

probably corruption of Beth-lebaoth Jos.

A
io*.

possible reminiscence of the Lebaiyoth mentioned in the Tell el

tablets; not identified.

Sha'araim] Sharuhen Jos.

and ancient name of the place, since it appears in the list of the towns conquered by Thotmes HI. (Muller, Asien und Europe, pp. 158, 161). The town seems to have early lost its importance or disappeared, and the name may
latter preserves the true

have been corrupted into Sha'araim.

It

has been identified in

the ruin Tell esh Sheriah, twelve miles north-west of Beersheba

(SWP.

III. p. 262).

These were their

cities until

David

reigned]

a parenthetical clause introduced by the Chronicler,

the time of

either

refer-

ence to David's census (Ba.) or more probably implying that from

David onward these cities no longer belonged to Simeon This was clearly the case with Ziklag, assigned by Achish King of Gath to David and afterward transferred to Judah. Some of them are given also in the list of the towns of Judah in Jos. 15"-", cf. also 1 S. 30'*. Moladah, Hazar-shual, Beersheba, and Ziklag appear in Ne. 11*-" as residences of post-exilic Juda(Be., Oe.).

32. And their villages] belongs with the cities enumerated in w. ', and is not a designation of those following. 'Etam] is a
ites.

textual corruption or substitution for 'Ether,

cf.

Jos.

15" 19'

1 S.

30" (where tk 'Ethak), not

yet clearly located, although placed at

the ruin 'Aitun near Eleutheropolis

(SWP.

III. p. 261).

'Ain-

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Il6

CHRONICLES
is

rimtnon] Jos. i$ a 19' Ne. 11" Zc. 14", a proposed identification

Kh.
6

Umm

261, Buhl,
> Jos.

Rumanim north-east of Beersheba (SWP. III. p. GAP. p. 183). Token f] not yet identified.'Ashan]
er

15" 19' 2i (SBOT.)

1 S.

30", a priestly city not yet

identified.

hence

Four *]. 'Ain-rimmm was wrongly read as two places, through corruption has Jive. 33. Baal] a curtailment of

Ba'alath-be'er ra'maih-negeb.

"Mistress of the well, the high place

of the

South"

Jos. 19', clearly

some old place

of worship

whose
i.e.,

unknown. the members of the

locality is

And they had

tribe of

a genealogical enrollment]

Simeon inhabiting these places had

records showing their proper tribal descent and hence held

place in Israel.

true

This observation

is

the Chronicler's substitute

or paraphrase of the phrase according to their families Jos.

19'.

34-43. Princes and conquests of Simeon.

slightly

paragraph
It

annotated taken from some old source (Ki.).

contains

list

of

names w.

*,

an explanation of the persons mentioned

v. ", their

conquest or raid in the direction of Philistia

w.

"

and

in the direction of

Edom w.

"".

34-37. The descent of three of

these Simeonites

is

given: Joshah one generation,

Jehu
is

three,

and

Ziza

five,

but their connection with families of Simeon

not given,

unless, in the case of Ziza (v. "), instead of

Shemaiah (SVJHW) we
p. 236).

read Shimei (""pBBf)

cf.

w.

'

Judging these names as a whole,

they are of a late formation (Gray,

HPN.

38.

These

enumerated by name,

etc.].

This explanatory statement probably

came from

the Chronicler (Ki.

SBOT.).

39.

And
4 ,

they came to

the entrance of Gerar,* etc.].

has Gedor

cf. v.

but a slight

emendation gives Gerar (&,

Ki., Graf,
is

considering the locality of Simeon,

Buhl, die Ed. p. 41), which, probably the true reading.

The expedition then was toward Philistia.

there formerly were of the children * of
editorial (Ki.

40.
Ham]

For the inhabitants

a clause, perhaps

SBOT.), explaining the security felt by the inhabitthe liberty felt by the Simeonites in seizing their territory. ants or The Hamites represent either Egyptians, Ethiopians, or more probably Canaanites. Cf. the similar quiet and peace of the inhabitants of Laish Ju. 18". 41. And came these who were writWhether ten by name in the days of Hezekiah king of Judah].

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IV. 24-43.]

GENEALOGY OF SIMEON

117

the record (Be.) or the raid (Ke., Zoe., RV.) of these Simeonites

was made
text;

is uncertain from the Hebrew and the written record may only refer to their mention above w. "". And they smote their tents and the Me'unim who were found there]. The Me'unim are usually con-

in the

days of Hezekiah
latter

probably the

nected with the Edomitic city Ma'an south of the

Dead

Sea,
is

twenty-five miles west of Petra (Be., Ke., Oe., Zoe., Bn.) (this

doubtful, Buhl, die Ed. p. 41), or with the Arabian

Skiz.
p.

Mineans

(Gl.

Yemen, Ency. Brit.9 Winckler, KAT.S p. 143). The (6 fuvaiow favours this, cf. also 2 Ch. 26'. And they exterminated them]. There is no reference here to a religious motive in the use of the word Din to destroy (BDB. cf. 2 Ch. 20" 32" 2 K. 19" Is. 37")- Unto this day]. Cf. v. , i.e., unto the
450,
,

time of the composition of the Chronicler's source.

42.
to

And

of

them of the sons of Simeon five hundred men went

Ml.

Seir],
is

The

relation of these Simeonites to those previously mentioned

entirely uncertain.

The words from

the sons of
five

held to

draw a

distinction

between these

Simeon have been hundred and the

p. 30),

Simeonites previously mentioned (Graf, Der

Stamm Simeon,

them (Be.). 43. The remnant of the Amalekites] i.e., those who had survived the attacks of Saul and David (1 S. 14" 15* 2 S. 8") and other foes. These conquests of Simeon whereby the tribe gained new possessions remind one of the similar expedition of Dan (Ju. 17, 18), and we are inclined to receive the record as genuinely historical (cf. Graf, Der Stamm Simeon, p. 30 ff.). This historicity is doubted by Stade (Gesch. The late origin I- P- I S5) and Wellhausen (Prol. pp. 212 /.). of the names in w."-" (v. s.) may be said also to point in the same direction. The motive, however, for the fabrication of such a story is not readily apparent. Some of the older writers saw in
to identify
this

and contrariwise

conquest of Mt. Seir the establishment of an Israelitish kingthere which served to explain the oracle concerning
'

dom
Is.

Dumah

p. 136) and (by Hitzig) the kingdom of Massa Prov. 30 31 (cf. Nowack, Prov. p. xix.). For a full discussion ( ?) of the movements of the tribe of Simeon and also further views

2i"

(Mov.
1

on

this passage,

which

is

accepted as recording history,

coll.

cf.

art.

by H. W. Hogg, EBi. IV.

4527/.

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Il8
24. This
a6"-'*.
list

I
of sons of

CHRONICLES
Simeon appears
also in

The
all

variations are as follows:

Skim,

Gn. 46" Ex. 6" Nu. Gn. and Ex. Smo\

has in
passages.

cases initial \ otherwise the Vrss. support

'

in the several
1

Epigraphically

is

a more probable corruption from

etymologically obscure (Gray,

than

the converse.
p. 307).

Either form
I'D'

is

HPN.

Following

an' 4(b

'lapttr is in the parallels pa', preferred

<$ B 'lapelp is

Gn. and Ex. have inn, and & has here W[. by Ki. and Bn. (but probably influenced by the preceding Ia/uw, original <K

being that of A 'Iopet/3;

as in

^*r>i

is

doubtless corrected from the parallels

many other
-mx.

Nu. not

27. w] O8*

places,

hence
rpeif.

is

worthless as evidence),
Jos.
io*-*

28-31.

mr, Gn. and iio onSrua onS iw

y>|n

on'-wm

nmm Wo iSinSw oxjn nSai Sjnr -am mSioi pan jw mrp rS o">j tnrwn nwaS real now -wm naaroi. The
iSw
for

changes are the omission of par and the insertion of a before the names except Vjnr nxm rnSin, as the use of ia"i required, and nnSa for rhit Vmna
for

Sina

and 0'ijw
is

i^d ij nm-ip nS* has separated snnsn from the previously enumerated cities so that it
for jnrw.

tW>hi oo The insertion

for

. 'ma

ri'a

for

nwaV no,

of the clause

vn

with the cities of v.", thus all the Vrss. and Kau. 32. one place and we should read ;a*M instead of ren after In Jos. 19', where pn has fallen from the text (Bennett, SBOT.). Probably it is a corruption of "inp, Jos. 19' Jos. 03'p does not appear.
in apposition
is

liDi |'p

15"

1 S.

30" (where

ing waj.

37.

if

has

"jnp).

30.

kwi] <t*

MSS-

ral

otroj read-

n>poe>] Ki.

SBOT.

corrects to 'jrar, to agree with v.",

so also Stade,

D'T

ZAW. V. p. 167. <* Iv/tedr - pjw, cf. v. *.40. nam p*n ] <* fowrf * vide of (on) both hands, cf. Ju. 18" Is. 22"

(BDB.

3d).p]

<t

rur vlQr

'ja.

B +

#>^e.

41.

B'j'JDn] Qr. O'^pon.

V. 1-26. The east-Jordanic Tribes. The records of Reuben, Gad, and the eastern

half-tribe of

are arranged in general on the same plan as that of Simeon.

Manasseh There is (t) a

genealogical introduction giving the sons of the progenitor of the tribe

and any immediate descendants (omitted for Gad and eastern Manasseh), (2) an account of the territory occupied by each tribe, (3) a list of princes or chiefs, and (4) historical incidents connected with new It is dwelling-places. (2) and (3) are transposed for Reuben and Gad. difficult to see how this order could have been the result of various We have rather a piece of work which has come down interpolations. to us in essentially the same form in which it left the Chronicler's hand.

1-10. Reuben.
cant, losing

The

tribe of

Reuben

early

became

insignifi-

its territory

through the encroachments of

Moab and

being probably absorbed in Gad.

Like the account of Simeon,

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V. 1-10.]

GENEALOGY OF REUBEN
Reuben
also falls into four paragraphs:
;

1 19

that of

Reuben's sons with remarks on the birthright

of Beerah,
pileser;

w. '* a list of w. - the genealogy

a Reubenite prince

10

carried

w.

the genealogy

away captive by Tiglathand dwelling-place of Beerah 's

brethren; v.
icler gives

a notice of a war with the Hagrites.

The Chron-

Gn. 46' Nu. 26* '-. The source of the genealogy of Beerah is unknown. Vv. ,k may have been composed by the Chronicler from Jos. 13" and Nu. 32*- ". The incident in v. ' is introduced to show how the Reubenites came to possess new dwelling-places east
the sons of
are found in
-

Reuben as they

of Gilead.

For he was the

the birthright

1-3. And the sons of Reuben the first born of Israel]. These words are separated from their predicate by the following parenthetical statements w. '/**, and hence are repeated again in v.*.
first

born but since he defiled the couch of his father

to

was given
father's

Joseph son of

Israel].

Reuben's deloss of his

filement

of

his

couch and his subsequent

birthright are derived

from Gn. 35" 49', and the passing of the The adoption by Jacob of birthright to Joseph from Gn. 48'. Ephraim and Manasseh was equivalent to giving Joseph a double
But he
first

portion or the inheritance of a first-born Dt. 21"-".

is

not enrolled in the genealogy according to the birthright].

refers to

This
place.

Joseph

in the tribal registers

Reuben held the

Cf.

Gn. 46*

Ex. 6"

Nu.

26*

'-.For Judah was mighty

In
reality,

among

his brethren

and a prince was from him].

the house of

however, the pre-eminence of the first-born seemed to belong to

Judah, of
Jo'el].

whom was
Ki. after
v.

David.4-6. The sons

Carmi
(v. ),

of
is

The

connection of Joel with Reuben strangely enough

not given.

0, A,

substitutes

but the oc-

currence of Joel in

is

against this.

The

sons of Joel are the

persons following.
implied date
:

Their names are not inconsistent with the

early (see

Baal as & proper name could only be

p. 237).

Gray,

HPN.

That a remnant

of the tribe of

Reuben

should have suffered the captivity of their Sheikh during the Assyrian invasion (2

K. 15")

is historically

not improbable.

No
i.e.,

record of this

is

mentioned elsewhere.

7-9.

And his

brethren]

the brethren of Be'erah, and hence apparently his contemporaries

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120

CHRONICLES
and not

of the Assyrian period (Be., Bn.)

of the time of Saul (v.

(Ke., Zoe., Gray,

HPN.

pp. 237 /.).

This

latter

assumption,

however,

is justified

from the

territory assigned to the Reubenites.

They in
of

all

probability

had been dispossessed entirely from the land

(b. c.

Moab
from

by the time of Tiglath-pileser

Jo'el,

745-728).

Beta']

represents a wide-spread clan whose descent, like that of Be'erah, is

also

but by a different and shorter

(v. ').

line.

Shemd]

is

not unlikely Shime'i or Shemaiah

city

'Aro'er]

well-known

on the north bank of the Anion Dt. 2" 3" 4"

Jos. 12* 13',

mentioned as southern boundary of Reuben Jos. 13".

east of Jericho,

Nebo]

" 33" Is. 15' Je. 48'- , the name also of a mountain Dt. 32 34 Baal-mam] probably a gloss, since it is a town lying between Nebo and 'Aro'er, mentioned in Nu. 32*- Jos. 13" Je. 48 M Ez. 25', or else we have an example of the Chronicler's lack of geographical knowledge. Both Nebo and Baalmeon are mentioned on the Moabite Stone. Entrance of the wilderness] i.e., the eastern boundary of their territory was the wilderness which extends east of Moab and Gilead to the EuNu.
321.

phrates.

In

Gile ad].

Gilead while usually designating territory

is

north of

Moab

extending from Heshbon to the Yarmuk,

also

applied to the country as far south as the

Anion (Dr. Dt. 3'").

10. An independent
Hagrites].

notice of the activity of the Reubenites.

In the Assyrian inscriptions the Hagrites [Hagaranu]

are mentioned along with the Nabateans [Nabalu]

among

the

conquests of Sennacherib and located in north-eastern Arabia

(COT. II. pp. 31 Strabo and Pliny.

icler either this

/.).

In the same locality they are placed by

Later in the Syriac, the

name was used

general designation of the Arabians,

and

at the time of the

as a Chron-

had taken place or a portion of them had migrated westward and were pressing on the eastern frontier of Palestine
(Gl. Skiz.

n /. 407/.).
<>.

Their proximity to Palestine is clearly indiconnection between Hagar the mother of

is

cated in Ps. 83'

Ishmael and the Hagrites

most probable, although

it

has been

questioned (Dill. Gn. 25").

Arabian tribes
the sons of

in the

days of

was carried on with Saul is most likely and a reminiscence

fighting

That

of this may be here found.

The lack of orderly connection between

notices following,

Reuben and the

and the lack of such

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V. 11-17.]

GENEALOGY OF GAD

121

connection between the notices also, suggest to some that

we have

here not an original composition of the Chronicler but a grouping

of fragmentary traditions respecting the tribe of

Reuben.
26oh;

1. 'jnr] pi. of extension Ges.

$ 124a,

Koe.

iii.

so used
pi.

elsewhere Ps. 63' 132* Jb. 17" except Gn. 49'

parallelism suggests
i.e.
it;

M,

but

Ball,

SBOT.

so emends.

^ allows

and

lrrua] <t tOXoylar

inns, also

v.

4 dkoyt* roO
iii.

'lw<ri}0,

but the context indicates that

the birthright
>

and not

the blessing is concerned (Bn.).

wvnrrV
Dr.

kSi]
.

adversative Koe.

3751.
(6).

(2),

Dav. Syn. 95
cf.

On inf. cf. Ges.

J 1 14. 2. R. 2,

TH

202

emphatic subject,

BDB. 5 e

2. tjjSi] rare use of S to introduce a new (e).i. Sm< 'ja] <K L IwijX vlbt airoS

is

evidently an effort to establish a connection with the preceding verse.

.Tiros']

U3.

d+

xal

Bamtd seems

8. Sj] <8 IwijX, so also

& + B0X0 (

to

have grown out of a dittography of

Boo\).

6.

"<?KjSf ru^n]

an

K. from a natural mispronunciation repeated in v. " and 2 Ch. 28". 9. maiD nuS iy]. This inf. phrase is found elsewhere with the proper name Hamath, cf. Am 6" Ju. 3' Jos. 13*, etc., except Ex. 47", where Cornill reads Hamath. n-vf ">$}?] instead of the more usual
incorrect

way

of spelling t^hSj n^lj 2

K. is" 16",

->pSp nSjij 2

17", arising probably

rni

"W1J

Dr.

TH.

190.

10.

on'SntO

wi] <t

KaroiKoDrrn if incijKuf
it

o'Srma cap* adopted by Bn. (who reads >* ob><)> because

sense than

gives better

%Sp] & tut

ip.

11-17. Gad. The sons of Gad are introduced by the statement that they lived "over against" the Reubenites (v."). This departure from the usual introductory formula, the sons of, is likely responsible for the omission of Gad's sons as given in Gn. 46" Nu. 26'- ,T The enumeration of the chiefs of Gad with their brethren (w."- u ), and the notice concerning their territory and date (w. "") are followed by the account of a war which resulted This time the three in the extension of their territory (w. '-).
.

east-Jordanic tribes combined in a raid

upon the neighbouring

of

Bedouins.
of the

Very

likely this is

an expansion,
10

a midrashic nature,

same found them

the
lists

incident recorded in v.
different

(so Bn.), but the Chronicler

of sons of

enough to use both. 11. The omission of Gad, as given in Gn. 46' Nu. 26 ", is noticel

able.

Bashan] here and

in

w.

'

the dwelling-place of
limit.

Gad

with Salecah, mod. Salkhad, as the north-east

This use of

Bashan

for Gad's territory is peculiar (Bn. regards the

word here as

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CHRONICLES
to Jabesh).

122

gloss; Ba. in v. "

emends

Bashan elsewhere

is

the

name of the country north

Nu. 32"
Bashan.

of the

Yarmuk and according to

Dt. 3"

Gad was in GOead south of Not unlikely the Chronicler, having located Reuben in GOead, was misled to place Gad in Bashan. 12. Jo'd ikefirst and Shapham -f the second and Ja not \ and Shaphai] Jo'd perhaps the same as the Reubenite Jod of w.- % a family or clan whose members might be reckoned as belonging to either or both of the
Jos. 13* the territory of

tribes. 13.

Of their fathers' houses].

tribe, since this is
>

used (1) of an entire

father

The term father's house is named after a common

Nu. 17"

Jos. 22"; (2) generally, of the division next after

the tribe, the clan, Nu. 3"; (3) of the division after the clan, the
1 Ch. 7' '. Cf. Dfll. Ex. 6>:Micho'd] ^JO*D God." A name only occurring in the post-exilic literature 6 > 7* 8" 12" 27" 2 Ch. ai Ezr. 8 Meshuttam] " Kept safe," i.e., by God, also another name especially frechw) quent in the post-exilic lists 3" 8" 9'- ' ' 2 Ch. 34" Ezr. 8' io' " Ne. y- 6' 8 4 io* "> n if- " 12" " u Sheba']

family Ex. 12'

"Who

is like

y2V

perhaps

an abbreviation
II. col.

swears" (?) EBi.

3291.

"God And Jorai\ and Jacan\ and

for Elishebd J?2t7^K

Zid \ and 'Eber\ These names with

to ancient clan names.

those of v.

correspond well

Apparently eleven clans of

Gad
v.

are enu-

merated.

B <g while mentioning only seven names

of seven.

in v.

" has the

numeral eight instead

This suggests that in

" originally

stood eight names, giving the tribal

number

of twelve clans.

The

seven or original eight are mentioned separately because their descent is traced in

w.

(v. i.)

corruption of Shuni (*Xttf) a son of

the converse, since

Guni

is

("013), which may be a Gad (Gn. 46" Nu. 26"-"), or a clan name of Naphtali. 14-15.

from Guni

menAbihaU elsewhere name of a Levite Nu. 3", and the father of Esther (Est. 2' 9"). The son of Huri f the son of Jaroah f the son of Gile'ad the son ofMicha'd the son ofJeshishai f the son of Jahdo f the son of Buz the son of 'Abdi'd the son of Guni]. There is a break in the pedigree at Buz according to (so Bn., Ki., Kau.), but Ahi (TIN) appears as a fragment and it is better after <JBL to make the line of descent conThese are the sons of Abihati]
v.
'.

i.e.,

those persons or families

tioned in

Digitized by

Google

V. 18-24.]

WAR OF THE EASTERN

see v. ".

TRIBES

1 23

tinuous.

On Guni

16.

tory elsewhere is placed in Gilead (Nu. 32'-

13").

In Gilead] since Gad's terri Dt. 3" Jos. 22*

unless

In Bashan]
(cf.

v. s. v. ".

Pasture lands] only used here of

city,

lands in a district and not with a

following

we should
<8>

so read the

6"

">).

Sharon] (JTW) not mentioned elsewhere

Jordan.
Better after

as a

district east of the

B read Sirion

p'HE* (Ki., Bn.), which would bring the territory of

Gad

as far

north as

Hermon and

explain their dwelling in Bashan; per-

(Dt. 3", see Driver, Com. JTIEP is a corruption of 4" Jos. i3- " "), the table land, between the Amon and Heshbon and here used for the southern territory of Gad (Be., Zoe.), we then read in all the upland pastures. With their exits] i.e., on the interpretation just given of Sharon, where the pasture lands sink into the Ghor of the Jordan. If Sirion is read, substitute *rj* to for by

haps

1OT

with (after

<g, Ki.,

Bn.), to their limits.17. All of them]

i.e.,

the

families of the Gadites mentioned in

w.

"-".

In

the days of

Jotham king of Judah and in the days of Jeroboam king of Israel]. These two kings, since Jotham may have acted as regent for his father Uzziah, were near enough together to have been regarded as contemporaries. The terminus ad quern of the history of these
trans- Jordanic tribes, according* to the Chronicler,
is

their captivity

through Tiglath-pileser during the period immediately following

the reigns of these, kings,
alogies
ties at

and

it is

not impossible that his gene-

may be based upon some records made of families or locali-

that time.

18-22. Conflict of Reuben, Gad, and the Half-tribe of

Manasseh with adjoining Arabian

tion in closing the section
v. '

tribes.

This

account

fol-

lows the genealogy and location of Gad, perhaps to keep a propor-

on each

tribe

with a notice of a war,

cf.

w.

*, or since
fall

w.

* '

concerning the half-tribe of Manasseh

end with the

they shared
the
cf.

of the tribe, the narrative of

fitly earlier.
cf.

a success

in

which

is

placed more

18.

On
the

the prowess of

men

of

Gad and Manasseh

12*-

*>.

On

number 44,760

where 40,000 from the eastern tribes cross the Jordan with Joshua. In Nu. i- Reuben has 46,500 men of war, Gad 45,600, and all Manasseh 32,000. In Nu. 26'- '* M Reuben
Jos. 4",

has 43,730,

Gad

40,500,

and

all

Manasseh

52,700.

19. Hagrites]

Digitized by

Google


CHRONICLES
f]

124
see v.
".

Jetur and

Naphish and Nodab

Arab

tribes.

The

names
1

of the first

Ch. 1".

two are among the sons of Ishmael Gn. 25" Jetur gave the name to the district Iturea, whose inhabi-

tants were celebrated in the

Roman

times for their prowess in

is

arms (GAS.
other two.
(for

HGHL.

p. 544).

Nothing further
2

known
i.e.,

of the

20.

And they were

helped against them]

"iTJ?

by God
28').

a similar use of the Niph. of

all that

cf.

Ch. 26" Ps.

And

were with them]

i.e.,

the three tribes associated above

with the Hagrites.

The pragmatism

strongly in this verse.

cf.

Nu.

3i*-.

22.

21.

of the Chronicler comes out For a similar enumeration of booty,

i.e.,

Unto the captivity]

cf. v. .

the Assyrian captivity

is not menan amplification of

under Tiglath-pileser
tioned.

The

period of this war

is

The
16
,

account, according to Bn.,

that of v.

and from another hand than that

spirit (cf. v. ").

of the Chronicler,

although entirely in his

historical basis for

the narrative lies in the struggles between the children of Israel

east of the Jordan
12. dd>i]<8l,

and

their

Bedouin neighbours.

V t oo<ei]<S 6 tpa.y4m.reh. 13. omnnn no ?] Ges. isjn] nine mss. "ag\, <S <c. QfHfi. 14. 1 a? cf. Ex. 6" Nu. ! 4 el at. nw] dub. one MS. (Kennic.) pw which was probably read by tit, B. Tt: na] <fc* transvirv] Baer in;, <B'Iovpel, * USSai, hence Ki. nm.
1

is

poses and renders as one proper

proper

name

ZajSouxa/u,

which

name Ax'/Souf, while B also has one certainly corrupt; l omits vm. 18.
those able to go to war,
cf.

3*

'kj<]
1'

going out
at.

to the host, ..,

11

12-

"

Nu.

"et
20
-

On

construction Ges.

116A19.

aim] Gn. as"

nD-jf!}.

onvyg] prep, op with the

suf. of the third pers. pi.

the

relative .#

(^ before a guttural).

is

used instead of *>ok in the

later

in Ezr. (8"),

books, Ec., La., Jon., Ct., Ch. (3 times, 25', see note, 27") and once and late Pss. cf. Ges. 36. iwpn] And he suffered him-

self to be entreated

Ges. 113*.
2 S.

by them, inf. abs. with change of subj. after a perf. For a similar use of lap in Niph. tolerativum, cf. Gn. 35" at" 24" a Ch. 33"- < Ezr. 8 Is. 19".21. O'S'Dn] one MS. (Kennic.)
<fc*.

wdti, so also

23-24. The half of Manasseh east of the Jordan.The

genealogy of Manasseh
sidered as a whole (7"
is

inserted later

when

the tribe

is

con-

),

hence we have only the dwelling-places

and the heads of

seh in

fathers'

houses of the eastern half-tribe of Manas-

w. "-".

23.

From Bashan] i.e., from the territory occupied

Digitized by

Google

7. 26-26.]

CAPTIVITY OF
Gad,
see

THE EASTERN TRIBES

.

125

by the
fied

tribe of

w.

Ba'at-hermon] not to be identi-

with Baal-gad Jos.

3',

n"

12' 13* (which probably should

be the

reading in Ju.
valley

so Budde), since that was located in the

Lebanon

on the western slope of Hermon. Ba'al-hermon of our verse must be sought in connection with the eastern slope. It may well then have been mod. B&ne&s, which has usually been identified as Baal-gad (see Moore on Ju. 3'). Senir] a peak or part of the range of Hermon, probably near Damascus between Baalbek and
Horns

(see Dr. on Dt. 3* and Haupt Ct. 4*).And Mt. Herman] a phrase explaining Senir as Mt. Hermon.They were very numerous]. The tribe of Manasseh as a whole, judging from
its history,

seems to have been one of the most

prolific

during the

early period of Israel.

And

these were the heads of their fathers'

(cf.

houses]

i.e.,

the heads of family groups

Now. Arch.

I.

is correct then a name has fallen 300 /.). 24. 'Epher *]. If from the text. 'Epher and Jish'i look like old clan names; the others, Eli'el, 'Asri'el, Jeremiah (Jirmejah), Hodaviah, and Jahdi'el,

pp.

look late (Gray,

HPN. p.

238).

Nothing further

is

known
unless

of these families or their heads.

The names show no

Nu. 28") are

connection

with the sons of Manasseh given in Nu. 26"

Jos. 17*

'Epher (iDj?) and Hepher

("iBPI in

identical.

26-26. A summary of the fate of the two and a half tribes. 26. And they transgressed] (bw*l). The word "?JJD is a priestly

word found

in P, Ez.,
is

The

subject here

the two

and Ch. frequently and almost exclusively. and a half tribes. Cf. v. . And they
Cf. Ex. 34"'

went a whoring
apostasy from
figure

after, etc.] (*in Wl). Lv. 17* 20 Nu. 15" Ju. 2" 8"- *.

Dt. 31"

The

expression denotes
gods.
is

Yahweh

in the worship of other

This

with a similar force with the use of the noun

frequent in

cf.

meaning up the Spirit here denotes an unaccountable and spirit] (mi lyi). uncontrollable impulse. Cf. for parallel usage 2 Ch. 21" 36" Ezr.
the prophets (esp. Ho., Ez.).
its full

For a discussion of
the

Dr. Dt. 31".26.

.

And

God of

Israel stirred

i<

Je.

51" Hg.

v.Put] is identical with Tilgath-pilneser (cf. v. ).

them as two
distinct
i$'*- ",

The

error of the Chronicler in mentioning

persons has arisen from his source 2 K.

where they are thus

Assyrian king

mentioned.

Pulu was the

original

name of the

who

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126

CHRONICLES
his usurpation of the throne.

assumed Tiglath-pileser on
continued to be
219,

Hence

the confusion of the sacred writers.

In Babylonia Tiglath-pileser

known by

DB.

Tiglath-pileser).

river of Gozan],

name Pulu (cf. COT. I. p. Halah and Habor (and Hara and) the These names are derived from 2 K. 17* 18"
his original

with the exception of

Hara

(K")i"l),

which

is
it)

out of place (as well

if

as the conjunction and before and after

(v.
*'.).

not meaningless

The

Chronicler identifies the fate of the eastern tribes

through the ravages of Tiglath-pileser with that of Israel in general after the fall of Samaria.

Habor]

is

the mod.

Khabur

(ancient

Chaboras), the well-known tributary of the Euphrates rising in

Karajab Dagh (ancient Mons Masius), and emptying,

of the

after

course of some two hundred miles, into the Euphrates south-east

mod. town of ed Deir.

to

Gozan] clearly a

district

through

which the Habor flowed,

be identified with the Gauzanitis of

Ptolemy, and the Gu-za-na (nu) of the Assyrian inscriptions

(COT.
that

I.

267,

KAT.*

269).

The meaning and

river,

location of

Halah

are not so certain.

OS in

Kings has "rivers of Gozan" implying

but such a one has
It is

Halah as

well as

Habor was a

not been satisfactorily located.

probably a province (Assy.

Halahki) not so very far from Harran

day].

(KA T?

p. 169).

Unto

this

These words probably have arisen by a misunderstanding of the text of 2 K., which has and cities of the Medes (v. i.).
23. 'in 'i]
is

(.

oi

Vf<rat.

\w\n im]

doubtless a gloss.

24.

lopi] Gin. quotes

). which is wanting also in <t, mam nSnS] on pronunciation cf. 3*. 26. ran owi ij \iu nnji are probably derived from no '"ijn pu inj Tonai nSm of 2 K. 17* 18", and the deviations seem to have arisen either from careless transcripmn may tion or because the Chronicler quoted from memory (Be.), be a reminiscence of the reading ns 'in, which appears in <B of a K. That ntn ovn ip has arisen from no njn ij*, i8, so Be., Ki., Bn. appears probable from the fact <K L gives both in 2 K. 17" (not 18"). K.I0.

the omission of

<g + *. tr r$ Ac/Mrp two Targums to support X, 0, and so Ki. wwm]

mm

gives this as the original reading.

Ke. thought of the Chronicler's

statement resting on another authority.

V. 27-VI. 66 (VI. 1-61). Genealogy and geography of

This section contains (1) the line of high priests from Aaron to Jehozadak (.., to the exile), introduced by a genealogical
Levi.
:

Digitized by

Google

V. 87-41.]

THE LINE OF HIGH PRIESTS

1 27

table showing Aaron's relationship to Levi, 5"-" (6'-'); (2) lines

of descent of singers from Levi through his three sons, Gershon,

Kehath, and Merari, 6

the three singers,

-" ->;

(3) the genealogical tables of

Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, 6"-M <'-">; (4) notices concerning the services of Levites and sons of Aaron, 6"-" <#.; (5) a u st of the high priests to Ahimaaz (*.., to the time
of David), 6-
5.<i (mj)j
<"->;

(6) the cities assigned to the

sons of Aaron,
cities of

(y) the tribal territory in

<'-">;

which the

the

Levites lay, 6"-"

6..i (h-7.)j

(8) the cities of the Kehathites (exclusive

of sons of Aaron), 6"-" <->; (9) the cities of the Gershonites,

( IO ) the cities of

the Merarites, 6-

<"->.

These

records of the tribe of Levi present a

their

number

of difficulties

and

meagreness considering the importance of the tribe of Levi

is striking.

They are repeated with more

(23*

or less fulness, however,

when

the writer treats of the classes of the priests

and Levites

and singers

24'

"

25"

).

V. 27-41 (VI. 1-16). The sons of Levi and the line of high priests from Aaron to the captivity.
This
line of

high priests

is in

part a doublet with 6-"

and

is

regarded by Bn., and Ki.

<n ).

SBOT., Kom.,

as a later addition, since a given in

list

of priests naturally would follow the genealogical introduction in 6 l

As

the matter
list

now
is

stands, this introduction

is

$""*

(61 -**).

The
c.
list

also

carried

down beyond David,

Hence
it is

while the other

material of
that this

6 stops with David.

held to be

more natural

should be secondary to the other

the other hand, there
1 -4

6"

- than vice versa,

since

an

interpolation

which added nothing would not naturally be

is

made.
(6'-)

On
and 6

some strong
6"-"
">.

internal evidence

against the priority of the second

<->>

sonable to hold that

Although 5"-" do duplicate each other in part, it is not unreathe former passage was intended to introduce priests
list,

and the
all

priests, the sons

Moreover, 6" *> describes the duties of all the is concerned with the cities of of Aaron, and 6" <" the Aaronides. The list of high priests included between those two
latter Levites.
'

verses

seems out of place, and

it

it is

unlikely that the Chronicler intro-

duced

there.

A scribe who expected

5" *
list

list

of the sons of Aaron after

of Levites precedes the
this partial list of

the verse describing their duties

verse detailing their duties

may then have inserted

(6'

just as a

list

the high priests from

"), that being the only one available.

Without the second

of the high priests, the arrangement of the

Digitized by

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128
materia]
is

CHRONICLES
*\e.,

characteristic of the Chronicler's order,

the genealogy of

the high priests and the genealogy of the Levites;

of the Levites.

the duties of the

Levites and the duties of the priests; the cities of the priests
cities

and the

27

(1). Gershon, Kehath,

and Merari].

These three sons of

Levi appear in Gn. 46" Ex. 6" Nu. 3" 26", and represent three
great families of Levites which clearly existed at the time of the

composition of

<>> (cf. 6'

23').Gershon] (\\W\2) as in P,

else-

Ch. Gershom (DIBTa DttTU), cf. 6> <>'> et al.28 (2). And the sons of Kehath, 'Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and 'Uzziel]. Cf. as a source for these names Ex. 6' Nu. 3" and for their repetition

where

in

Hebron's appearance as a descendant of Levi and thus a Levitical family name shows that a portion of the ecclesiastical tribe of Levi came from priests who had ministered at the sanctuary of Hebron. What underlies the other names is unknown.
Uzziel
is

6 ui> 23".

the only one smacking of artificiality or a late formation

p.

(Gray,

HPN.

210).29

(3).
*

Sources for the children of

(except Miriam)
24>.

Amram and Aaron

Cf. for repetition

are Ex. 6"-

Nu. 26"
v. >

'.

30-41 (4-15). The

23" (except Miriam) line of high priests.Eleazar

was,

according to P, Aaron's successor in the high priesthood Nu. 20";

Phinehas Eleazar's son and successor, Jos. 24" Ju. 20". Abishua,
Bukki, Uzzi, Zerakiah, Meraioth, Amariah (w."-
>)

are en-

tirely unknown, not mentioned elsewhere except below 6"-" -*> Ezr. 7'-. Ahitub v." <> is given as the father of Zadok 2 S. 8"
1

Ch. 18".

If

we

look for historical accuracy, he

is

not to be

identified with

Ahitub the father of Ahimelech, the father of Abia-

thar

1 S.

14' 22", since the establishment of

is

Zadok

as priest in the

place of Abiathar

regarded as the fulfilment of the prophecy of the disestablishment of the house of Eli (1 K. 2"- n ). His apS. 8",

pearance as the father of Zadok in 2

our author's source,

1

is

undoubtedly due to a textual corruption (see

v.

Ch. 18").

Zadok

" <> was priest under David with Abiathar 2 S. 8" 15" and put by Solomon in the place of Abiathar (see above). Ahimdaz v. * <> was a son of Zadok, cf. 2 S. 15"- -etal. 'Azariah v. > is mentioned as a son of

Zadok

K.

4'.

The
-

notice of v." > he

it is

that executed, etc., out of place in v.

<">,

belongs to him, the

first

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VL

1-38.]

GENEALOGIES OF LEVTTES

129

mentioned, Azariah (Be., Bn., Ki., Ba., Zoe., Oe.).

'Azariah, Amariah, Ahitub, Zadok, Shallum,
u-4t

Of Jehonan,

and 'Azariah, w.

(t.w^

we have no
cf.

further record than in the Chronicler's

7'-

genealogies,
riah,

9" Ezr.

Ne. ii, except in the case of Ama-

who may be
<"> is

identified with

Amariah

the high priest during

2

the reign of Jehoshaphat mentioned in

Ch. 19".

Hilkiah

v."
22 4

apparently the high priest of the reign of Josiah, 2 K.

et al.

Seraiah the father of Jehozadak

at the fall of Jerusalem, b. c. 586,

,

v. ,0 <"> was high priest and was taken captive and put to

death at Riblah (2 K. 25 - , '), while Jehozadak went into captivity v.4i (i> and appears as the father of Jeshua the high priest of the (
return, Ezr. 3' 5'

10" Ne. 12* (Jazadak) Hg.

is

i1

Zc. 6".

The pur-

pose of this genealogy

to connect

Jehozadak with Aaron and

line of descent including

thus legitimise his priesthood.

The

Aaron from the Exodus to the captivity consists of twenty-three members and is artificial in structure, since allowing forty years or a generation for each member, we have 40x12+40x11, or 920 years. This period fits into the priestly chronology of the historical books, whereby 480 years elapsed from the Exodus to the founding of Solomon's Temple (1 K. 6 ), and 480 years from thence to the founding of the second Temple (see Chronology of OT., DB.), and the captivity occurred in the eleventh generation of this second period. According to this scheme also 'Azariah the thirteenth member (v. <>) ministers in Solomon's Temple. As an apparent list of high priests from the entrance into Canaan until the captivity, this genealogy presents some note1

worthy features.
since this house

Members of the house Eli:

was
set aside for that of

Eli,

Phineas, Ahitub,

Ahimelech, and Abiathar (1 S. 14* 22"), naturally do not appear,

Zadok

(1

K. 2"-

*),

but

the omission of the high priests Jehoiada (2 K.

u 2

Ch. 22",

etc.)

and Urijah
(2

(2

K. 16"

and an Azariah
5.).

in the reign of

Uzziah

Ch. 26") between Amariah of Jehosphat's reign and Hilkiah

is

of Josiah's,

striking (v.

VI. 1-4 (16-19).

5" (6>- ).

The sons of Levi.On w.

23',

'

<

>>

cf.

Libni and Shitne'i].

Cf. as a source for these names,

Ex. 6" Nu. 3", and their repetition

instead of Libni

and

also 23*

'

26" where
is

we have La dan

(pj>"?).

Libni without doubt

to

Digitized by

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"

130

CHRONICLES
city

Libnah (Jos. 21"). Mahli and 3" and repetition 23" 24*. Mushi (WiO) has been connected with Moses, as though the family derived their name from that of Israel's law-giver (We. Gesch. pp. 151/.); also with Misri or Musri (EBi.). 6-6 (20-21). A fragment of the pedigree of Asaph. (Be.,
be connected with the priestly Mushi].
Cf. as source Ex. 6> Nu.

w."-" <">. This conclusion is Heman, which follows, and seems warranted when we compare the list of names (A) with those in
Bn., Ki., but not Zoe.)
Cf.

suggested by the pedigree of

.4I>

W.M-tt

(B).

A
Gershom.
Libni.

B
Gershom.
Jahath.
Shime'i.

Jahath.

Zimmah.
Jo'at'Iddo.

Zimmah.
Ethan.
'Adaiah.

Zerah.
Je'atherai.

Zerah.
Ethni.

(nKV) and Ethan (flVK), 'Iddo (*VW) and Ethni (WIN), might easily have arisen in transcription. Shime'i may have been omitted from (A) by oversight, or since Libni is wanting in (B), Jahath and Shime'i may have been transposed and the tradition may have fluctuated in regard to the descent of Asaph whether through Libni or Shimei (cf. v.* <"> and 23', where Jahath is the son of Shimei) and B thus have given the latter view. 7-13 (22-28). A pedigree of Heman (Be., Bn., Ki., Ke., Oe.,
variations between Jo'ah

The

(HJJ)

and 'Adaiah (nnjj),

Je'atherai

Zoe.).

This pedigree which ends

Heb.
text:
cf. v.

in

Abijah

is

broken or irregular
sons of Elkanah

in the present

'">,

where without connection

with the foregoing Sha'ul of v.

<">

we have The

'Amasai and Ahimoth, and in v. " we have Elkanah repeated. The second should be omitted (after <S, 9) and reading his son
instead of sons of (1J2 for *i3) the verse should read Elkanah his

son

(i.e.,

the son of Ahimoth), Zophai his son.

In

v.

"

<"> at

the
v.

close should be

added Samu'el his son (Ki.

after <JL ).

Also in

Joel should be supplied

and the verse read And the sons of Samu'el;

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VI. 1-38.]

GENEALOGIES OF LEVTTES
and
the second Abijah
,

131

the first-born Joel

(Ki.
of

(PP3K
Joel
that of

W?m
in

btiV)

BH., RV.
(v.
'

after
<*>)

&L

fc, v. ' <"> 1 S. 8).

is

was

the father

Heman

hence this pedigree

Heman, and
the

corresponds to that given in

revealed at once by placing

w. > b -*
them
side

->.

As

case

above of Asaph, the substantial oneness of these

is

lines of descent

by

side.

A
&ehath.

B
^ehath.
Izhar.
?.orab.

'Amminadab. orah. Assir, Elkanah, Ebiasaph.

Assir.

Ebiasaph.
Assir.

Tahath.
Uriel
'Uzziah.

Tahath.
Zephaniah.
'Azariah.

Sha'uL
Elkanah.

Jo'eL

Amasai. Ahimoth.
Elkanah.

Elkanah. Amasai.

Mahath.
Elkanah.

ZophaL
Nahath.
Eliab.

Zuph. Toah.
Eliel.

Jeroham. Elkanah.
Samu'el.
(Jo'el.

Jeroham. Elkanah.
Samu'el.
Jo'el.

(Abiah.

Heman.
Izhar,

The names Kehath, equivalent to Kohath,

are derived from Ex. 6' ".

and Korah (B)

in

In respect to the variations:

as the father-in-law of Aaron, and
in (A) through

'Amminadab appears
Izhar)
(v. i.).

Ex. 6"

an oversight
redundant

may JA has
in

have been placed for Izhar

Assir and

Elkanah are
have

either

(A) through a similar cause or

fallen out

from (B).

Uri'el

and Zephaniah are

'

difficult to

explain as equivalents.

changeable (as

in

The names Uzziah and 'Azariah are interthe case of the well-known King of Judah). The
Cf. the letters in the

differences between the other corresponding arisen through transcription.

names have probably Hebrew text.

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132

CHRONICLES

This pedigree
tion

is

clearly artificial.

portion of

its

construc-

comes from i S. i 1, where Elkanah is mentioned as s. Jeroham, s. Elihu, s. Tohu, s. Zuph. Zuph is probably a district, and Tohu (Toah, Nahath) a family (c/. Tahath i Ch. 7"; We. Prol. p. 220). The story of Samuel shows distinctly that he was not a Levite, for then he would have belonged to the Lord without the gift of his mother (1 S. 1" '). He is made a Levite by the Chronicler according to the notions of his
at the sanctuary.
1 S. 8.

own times respecting Samuel's service The names of Samuel's sons are derived from The pedigree of Asaiah the Merarite.This w. '-' "*> should present a
<->),

14. 15 (29. 30).

pedigree to correspond with those of

line of descent of

Ethan (w. -
Still

but a close similarity of

names

is

here wanting.

they have been held sufficiently

alike to warrant this inference (Be.).

'Asaiah

may be
It is

the one

mentioned in 15* as chief of the sons of Merari.

this pedigree that

noticeable in

both Libni and Shimei here are Merarites, while

above v.

<">

they are Gershonites.

1. oj>-w] so also v.

15',

owu w.
<fc

"
all

*,

elsewhere pern.
a
.
,

in

this c. r(e)J<r<4r, in 15' Ytiptrin,

in v.

Cerson v *j Since the source (Ex. 6") has Gershon and the Chronicler differis likely

AL in

rui,

entiates

here also.
here,

Gershom and Gershon in c. 23, it 7. anj'Dp] v. Ex. 6 1 *- el

that

pvu was original

original

al. -inj',

which seems

airs?

may have arisen in consequence of a

dittography of the a

from the following ua, a inx resembling a-U'DP very closely in ancient 7. 8. ua -vDto ua iD'aw wa njpSn ua -von ua rry]. Accordwriting. ing to Ex. 6" the sons of Korah were ifDKOm rupbm -vw Either

the compiler had a variant tradition or the text

is

corrupt,

the

latter

seems probable.
text as
it

before

idok and

before i>dk are out of place in the

stands.

<Ka reads 'Apwel vlAt airov, 'EXrara xal ' A^iaSip vlit

afaoS, 'Aacptl

v. a.

vlit afoot) after

'EXxard

Since the tendency would be strong to insert L of v. ' K. vial EXxara A/uura viit (cf. <K

A/uaS vlit aoroB) this omission is striking. The same tendency would be potent in the Heb. text. Consequently we conjecture that the original read ua tdk, via ip<aKi nipS* -ydk ua nip Korah his son, Assir, Elkanah and Ebiasoph his sons, Assir his son (i.e., the son of Ebiasaph). These slight changes restore the harmony with v. and with Ex. 6 M ,
airrov

account for the

before lD>at
<S B .

and

for that before

tok

(vja having
."upStt

been misread

ua), also explain the omission of ua after

in the

Heb. underlying

This and the ua

after the first

tdk were added by

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VX

1-38.]

GENEALOGIES OF LEVITES
copyist

133
v.
<K,

some

who

overlooked Ex. 6*.

nno, adopted by Bn.

preferred to Qr.
<K,
1

11.

10. nwrw]

and

2 Ch. 29"
is to

"JP^k ua njpSn] Kt. na, so

V, 9,

be

'ja (v. s.).

The second

hjpSk, omitted in

some

mss.,

S. i 1

0, should be dropped, so Bn., Ki. (v. *.).'pi*] v. Kt. v, Qr. 1. opu = jw (We. e< o/.) and )'ta. Probably the original
1.

name was
in scribal

nru] v.

>

mn,

S. i 1 irih.

Ki.

(SBOT., Kom.) adopts

i1

inn as the best authenticated.

The

other forms could have originated

errors. 12. a ,l;*i]

v. ''K'Sk, i S.

give no aid.

The last two (meaning " My God

interchanged.
cf.

is

kwSk. The versions God " and " He is my

1

God") may have been

OT.,
all

^k'Sk appears ten times in the

S. 16*,

in Ch.,

sk'Sk (the brother of David) 2"

and wS(
<fc

(Qr. urn

) 1

Ch. 27 1 *.

ua Skidp

is

added by

Ki.,

on the

basis of

L
,

as indispensable.

It is

not improbable that the compiler, after gathering

what information he could from 1 S. i 1 , went on to enumerate the sons of Samuel from 1 S. 8* without stopping to make a connection so well known.

16. 17 (31. 32). David's appointment of the singers.

(31).

House

of

Yahweh]

is

used here generally both for the tent

later

where David placed the ark, and the

After the resting of the ark]
i.e.,

Temple (cf. ). up of the ark from the house of Obed-Edom to Jerusalem (2 S. 6' ). 17 (32). The tabernacle of the tent of meeting] ("7J?1D bnX IDffD). A combination of two terms employed in P for the tabernacle and applied Technically to the tent erected by David for the ark (cf. 16' ). Mishkan (tabernacle, dwelling-place) denoted the wooden portion
after the bringing

16 qm

of the tabernacle, while 'Ohel (tent) the curtains or hanging

35" 36" ' 39" 40'* Nu. 3 cf. also Ex. 39" 40' where the combination given above is used to indicate the wooden According to their right] (OBBtPDD cf. 24" 2 Ch. 30"). structure).
(Ex.
26'

The

reference apparently

is

to the order or position prescribed

by David

for the singers, a subject taken

up

in detail in c. 25.

According to

w."

<>

"

<">

the guild of

Heman
right

occupied the

central position with that of

left.

Asaph on the

and Ethan on the

The

Chronicler thus held that the musical services later

adopted in the Temple were established by David in connection

with the tent in which he had placed the ark.
16. vnpn] appointed, a peculiar force
o ii"cf.

>),

io-

2i 24" 25' "

el at. (1.

89).

T Sp] over the

is"'-

16" 22

Ch. 8"

service, cf.

BDB.

5. h.

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134

CHRONICLES

18-32 (33-47). The three singers Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, and their lines of descent. These three singers, who

are assigned to the time of David, represented in reality three choirs

or guilds of the post-exilic period

and were

quite

modern

in their

development, for according to Ear. 2" Ne. 7" the sons of Asaph

and

singers were equivalent,

and the
is

singers were distinct

from
p.

the Levites.

(This distinction

held by Sm. p. 26;

OTJC?

204; Baudissin, Gesch. desA.T. Prieslerthums, pp. 142 ff., also IV. p. 92; rey claims that

DB.

Nowack, Heb. Arch. ii. p. in; on the other hand, Torno such distinction can be found in Ezr. and Ne., Comp. and Hist. Value of Ezr. and Ne. pp. 22 /.) Gradually, however, singers were evolved into Levites and the three guilds. Remains of steps of this evolution and fluctuating traditions appear in the Levitical genealogies. In Ex. 6" the three sons of Korah are Assir, Elkanah, and Abiasaph ( -Ebiasaph), i.e., father of Asaph, and hence we should expect to find Asaph a descendant of Korah, but according to w."-" <-<> he is not. Also we find Assir and Elkanah placed not co-ordinate but following each other (w. '- (m-m) (7>) (yet see in loco). Different genealogists certainly
worked over these names.
titles

The

sons of

of the Pss. (42. 44-49. 84. 85. 87. 88) probably

Korah appearing in the mark a

step in this evolution earlier than the formation of the three

guilds.

Korah

in

Ch. 2"

is

associated with

Tappuah

as a

son of Hebron. This indicates either a place or Judean family

of that

name from which came

the Levitical Korahites (We. Is.

und
thus

Jiid. Gesch. pp. 151 /.).

A noticeable
Heman
twelve.

difference of length appears in these genealogies

fifteen,

has twenty links, Asaph

and Ethan only

The relation of the genealogies in 6 " <"-"> to those of the singers in 6"-" <->. The latter genealogies are probably depend1

may have been of Levites not classiThe inconsistencies which make this statement doubtful are removed by textual criticism (v. *.). The writer simply appropriated
ent upon the former, which originally
fied as singers.

these genealogies in order to find Levitical pedigrees for the singers.

genealogy of Heman, 6>- <->, is the same as the line of descent through Kehath, 6'-" (->, Heman being made the son of Joel, the son of Samuel. Thus he becomes contemporaneous with David, between

The

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VI. 1-38.]

GENEALOGIES OF LEVTTES

135

whom and Samuel

writer errs in

there is but one generation, viz., that of Saul. This making Mahath ( Ahimoth) the son of Amasai, cf. 6" '>

where they are brothers, but see also a Ch. 29". The genealogy of Gershon, 6* ' <" ' >, is not sufficiently long (only eight generations) to bring
last, Jeatherai, down to the generation of Saul, hence Malchijah, Maaseiah,* Michael, Shimea, and Berechiah were added by the writer of 6"-" <->, thus making it possible to regard Asaph as the contempo-

the

rary of David.

Similarly, the genealogy of Merari,

is

6"

'

<"

' >,

consist-

ing of only eight generations,

too short to reach from Merari to the

singer Ethan, the contemporary of David, hence a number of generations

were added by the writer of Ethan's genealogy, 6- <->. Moreover, he seems to have departed from the genealogy of Merari after Shimei,

and

to

have added eight generations, Bani, Amzi, Hilkiah, Amaziah,

of the genealogies of the singers.
3-

Hashabiah, Malluch, Abdi, and Kishi, before Ethan.

The source
names
15"-

Of

the additional

inserted before Asaph, Berechiah occurs elsewhere in

"

a Ch. a8' Ne.

" 6" Zc.

i 1-

',

Jeberechiah
it is

Is. 8 t;

3" 9" Shimea

(Kjnjtf) in

6" <M > as a Levite (but

spelling 'jnpp

very frequent in the

a Levitical name); Michael eight times elsewhere in the writings of the Chronicler and in Nu. 13" (P) Dn. to"1 a'; Maaseiah* nineteen times elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.Ne. and in Je. ai 1 a9n 35* 37*; Malchijah twelve times elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. and Je. ai' 38'- . Hence these names are late (except Shimea) and favourites with the Chronicler. Similarly the additional
writings of the Chronicler, especially as
-

names

Ethan occur in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. as follows: Amzi, a; Hilkiah, 5 (besides frequently as the high priest of Josiah's time); Amaziah, a (besides frequently as the well-known King of Judah); Hashabiah, 14 (always a
to the genealogy of

Bani, 13 times (or 15, see BDB.);

Levitical name); Malluch, 6 (also always Levitical); Abdi, 3 (the last

three

do not occur elswhere); Kishi, as Kushaiah only

in 15", but as

Kish, 5 times.
day.
icler
cf.

On this

ground alone

it

is

conclusive that these gen-

ealogies of the singers were

composed by the Chronicler or in his Furthermore, 6-' <>, where the ear-marks of the Chrona Ch. 7%
is
1. 89; omujr Sy oeee>D3 neyi and onDpn, onnyn Ne. ia M), is a part of this same piece.

are evident (notice Topn,

D'-iop
it

Hence

most probable that the Chronicler himself gave the from the three sons of Levi. No doubt the latter had already claimed Levitical descent. The Chronicler may have utilised some current genealogies of the singers to supplement the Levitical tables of 6 <** >. The identity of one name would be sufficient to make the connection, which may account for the omission of the last four names of the table of Merari (v. *.). The fact that Ethan is used here and in 15" while elsewhere we find Jeduthun (16" as 1 a Ch. 5" 39" 35") is not significant.
singers these pedigrees descending
-

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136
I

CHRONICLES

The

Chronicler could have identified the two as well as a later interpo-

lator.

The

Ezr.-Ne.

except 15" * which

first.

objection has been raised (by Bn.) that elsewhere in Ch.is

doubtless dependent on this passage

Ne. n") and he is by no means certain that the writer of these genealogies intended to exalt Heman's guild of singers above the Asaphites. Although Heman is placed first, he is not called the chief. Asaph's descent is traced from Gershon, the oldest of the sons of Levi, which may imply that his guild was recognised as the oldest. His position on the right hand, possibly an indication of the position this guild occupied in the service at the Temple, was a post of honour, cf. Gn. 48" Ps. no".

Asaph seems

to figure as the chief singer (cf. i6-'

always mentioned

But

it is

18. >nnpn]

<t,

t,

fc, VL

nnp.
v.

10-21.

On

Sk'Vk.

mn

ipx. rtro,

see

above

w.

'*.

According to

him out the brother of some text which had ua

M tdj> was the father of nnn, v. " makes nwrw nno. Possibly v. * is dependent on
after pidtih

nno {cf <8 L quoted above on

of v.
.

w. ' *), or v. " is due to the carelessness of the compiler, flt1 may be corrected from this verse. 22. 1D'3N ja tdh] v. s. w.

"

26.
v.

n>e>j>a]
>.

read with some uss., <&",

s. v.

29.

9 rwpo,
31.
<& k

so Bn., Ki.

28. o*m]
'(hp,

vp] many

mss., Kt. (Oriental text),

-,

wtnp,cf. 2 Ch. 29" nap

ja e>v>.

30.

15"

<wk

ja

n<pSn ja] has. fallen

viov A/iavat

from the

text of <KB

by homceoteleuton.
is

wot XeXxuw-

supports tk (Ki.

BH.

misleading).

33. 34 (48. 49).

A description of the service of the Levites

is

and the

priests.

This description

according to

P and

the asi.e., all

signment there by Moses.

well as tribal.

Their brethren the Levites]

Levites not singers and not priests.

meant

(cf.

The term Levite is social as The subordinate ministry of the Levites is here Nu. 3* ). The duties of the priests are summarised
(cf.

as service at the altar of burnt offering

incense
(cf.

Ex. 27 1 -'), at the altar of

Ex.

30'-'),

and

in

whatever functions were connected

(cf.

with the rooms of the sanctuary

holies
to

Nu. 4")
priests
'

(the

term holy

of

cannot be restricted here to the innermost sanctuary), also

Israel].

make an atonement for

The

made an atonement
et al.)

through

sacrifices for individuals (Lv.

4"

8" 10"

and
also
to

for

the entire people on the day of atonement (Lv. 16"),

and

other occasions of stress and fast (2 Ch. 29").

The term

on make

an atonement is used here to indicate the priestly ministry in general.

34. idsSi]
114^, Dr.
inf.

cstr.

with waw, a continuation of D'VBpo, Ges.

TH.

206, Dav. Syn. 92 R. 4.

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VX 39-46.]

DWELLING-PLACES OF PRIESTS

137

36-38 (50-63). The high priests from Aaron to Ahimaaz.

Cf. 5"-" (6<-).
icler (v. s.) is

This genealogy

if

not the original with the Chron-

repeated here to give data to the time of David.

39-66 (54-81). The dwelling-places of Levi.This section,

with rearrangement and some
Jos. 2i*-".
slight

abridgment,

is

taken from

In that passage a general statement of the

number and

locality of the cities of the priests

and Levites

(Jos. 21 4 -') precedes

and Levites. Here on the other hand the separate cities of the priests are first enumerated (w. "-" M,0 Jos. 2i 101 ) and then is given the
the enumeration of the separate cities of both priests
<
>

general

summary (w.
v.

"-

<'>

Jos. 2i-)

and then follows the

'-

enumeration of the separate

In this order
verses.
It
<**

cities of

the Levites (w.

<->).

"

<>

forms no proper introduction to the following

its

can only introduce according to

>.

place in
is

Jos.

w.

Hence

this,

with the preceding verse,

held to

have come from a marginal annotation made by some reader

familiar with the narrative of Jos.

and later to have been

list

inserted in

the text (Be., Ki.), or the entire

")) is

of Levitical cities

(w. "
re-

later

supplement (Bn.), or a copyist through error

arranged the original material of the Chronicler.

likely that

But

it is

more

the Chronicler himself

was

guilty of this unskilful

arrangement.
cities

Wishing

to separate the account of the priestly

verses.

from that of the Levites, he transposed the

left

That he
it

should have transcribed and

Jos. 21

(v. >)

where

did not

harmonise with the text

is

not strange.

He

is guilty

elsewhere of

similar infelicities (see Intro, p. 19).

39-45 (54-60). The

2i ,, -'.

cities of

the priests.Taken from Jos.

39.

And these (i.e., the

following) are their dwelling places

according to their settlements within their boundary] from the

Chronicler, since these words are not in his source.

introduction (Jos. 21 )

is

given in v.

"

<>

(v. s.).

To the sons of

The proper

etc.]. With these words commences abruptly the quotafrom the book of Joshua. Of the family of the Kehathites], Cf. 5" (6>).The first* lot]. The word first, supplied from Jos. 21", is necessary for clearness of meaning. 40 (66). Hebron]

Aaron,
tion

was the more ancient name, mod. El-Khalil, twenty-three miles south
Kirjath-arba Jos. 20', which, according to Jos. 14",

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138

CHRONICLES

and a

little

west of Jerusalem; one of the oldest and most

notable cities of Palestine, built seven years before Zoan in

13**); the burial-place of Sarah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Gn. 2$" 25* 35" * 50"); David's residence when king over Judah (2 S. 5*); the place of the death of Abner (2 S. 3"), and headquarters of the rebellious Absalom (2 S. 15* '). And the suburbs]. Cf. 2 Ch. ii.41 (66). This verse

Egypt (Nu.

harmonises with the previous verse the

recorded in Jos. 15".

gift of

Both verses

(this

Hebron to Caleb and the preceding) in

the book of Joshua are editorial insertions (Bennett, Jos. SBOT.). They interrupt the narrative.42 (67). Cities]. The plural is an error. Only Hebron was a city of refuge. Hence
after
(v.

Jos.

2i'

read

city.

The

Chronicler has here abridged

of

'.).

Libnah].

A city in the lowland

K. 8" 19' 23").

Judah

of

some

histor-

ical

importance

(cf. 2

Its location

has not been

clearly identified.

Jattir] in the hill country of

2i"

S.

30"

f),

mod.

'Attir thirteen miles south

Hebron.Eshtemoa].
21"; in the
hill

Cf.

4".43

(68).

Judah (Jos. 15" by west from Hilen] Holon Jos.

country of Judah mentioned in Jos. 15" between

identified.

Goshen and Gilo; not

Debir] also called Kirjath-

sepher (Jos. 15" Ju. 1" '), a place of importance in the Negeb or southern Judah, identified with Dahariyeh, some ten or twelve
miles south-west of

Hebron

(cf.

'Ashan] written 'Ain Jos. 21"

(v. i.),

Moore, Ju. pp. 25 /.). 44 (69). mentioned among towns of

:

Judah Jos. 15", and of Simeon Jos. 19' f clearly then in southern Judah: not identified. Beth-shemesh] on the borders of Judah Jos. i5', but assigned to Dan Jos. 19", the mod. 'Ain Shems in
the valley of Sorek south of the railway from Jaffa to Jerusalem and not far from the half-way point (Baed. pp. 14, 126). The place was probably an ancient Canaanite sanctuary (cf. for historical references 1 S. 6 1 K. 4* 2 K. 14" 2 Ch. 25" 28"). 46 (60). Gebd] a town frequently mentioned (8 1 S. 13' 2 S. 5" i K. 15" 2 K. 23' 2 Ch. i6 Ne. n" 12" Is. io* Zc. 14"), mod.

Jebd south of the pass of Michmash. It is about four miles north by east from Jerusalem. ' Alemeth] (Almon Jos. 21") mentioned in the genealogies 8 9", identified with mod. Altmt,
three

and a

half miles north-east of Jerusalem,

beyond 'A nathoth,

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VI 46-68.]
which
32'
,

DWELLING-PLACES OF LEVITES
home
of Jeremiah (Je. i'

139

is

distinguished as the

* also mentioned in 2 S. 23" 1 K. 2* Ezr. 10" f), mod. 'An&tQ three miles north-east of Jerusalem.

n"- u 20" M Ne. 7" n w Is. 2

Thirteen

cities].

Only eleven are mentioned

in the present text of Ch., in Jos.

hence probably Jutta found in Jos. 21" and Gibeon should be supplied in w. " (v. *.).

21"

of which appear abridgments of the Chronicler

arisen in the transmission of his text,

39b -46 compared with Jos. ai-> show the following variations, some and others seem to have

and should be

We

give as the former: v.

'*<

the omission of

restored

from Jos.

before 'mS,

and

'lao

W> after 'pnpn (ptwdS instead of 'DO in Jos. represents the true text, since the formula from the families 0/ the tribes is not used, see SBOT.

on Jos. 21 4 ); v. " pan nvi pspn oh pa-w ri'-y pk cut down to j"on pk and p*a read for via; v. imrwi omitted after n'; v. pan omitted after |*v~im and nxvi after ehpv. The latter omission appears also in In w. ' the sums of the cities as given in Jos. i"- v. *, cf. Jos. ai".
are omitted.
after j"un

Variations through careless transmission appear:

v.

v. ">

je>m omitted after S-a>n;

"

>-p

instead of

i'j.

aruo

run omitted

which phrase also with to and with iipaj have wrnnoe'Da instead of jnviioi. The \tr} of v. " is the true reading instead of rP of Jos. 2i u, cf. on Jos. in loco Probably also with variations <K, SBOT., Dill., and also Jos. 15" 19'. due to copyists should be classed: v. <* jS'n instead of iSn, cf. Jos. is* ; v. pdSj instead of poSp with Analhoth after instead of before.

and

after

"in,

fallen out of

w.

';

v.

46-60 (61-66).
directly from

A summary

of the Levitical cities.Taken

Jos. 2i- (v. 5.).-46 (61).

And the rest of the children

Ephraim and Manasseh ten citout of the tribe of Dan and ies*]. The present JR is corrupt and meaningless and must be thus
of Kehath had by lot
out of the families of the tribe of

out of the half tribe of

restored according to Jos. 21'.

Be. suggested that the confusion

may

have arisen from the deliberate omission of the reference to

the tribe of

Dan

(cf.

7").

The

sons of Kehath, or the

first

main

division of the Levites, omitting in the territory

from their number the priests, had of Ephraim and Dan, adjoining Judah, and in West

Manasseh ten cities enumerated in part in w. '" <"-". 47 (62). The sons of Gershom representing the second main division of the Levites had thirteen cities, enumerated in w. M -" <'>, in the territory of Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and the east-Jordanic tribe of Manasseh. 48 (63). The sons of Merari, the third and final

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140

CHRONICLES
had as
their possession twelve cities

main

division of the Levites,

in part in

enumerated

w.

*-" <"->>.

19

(64).

This verse gives a

summary

of the

preceding.

These*

cities].

The word

these

supplied from Jos. has perhaps fallen from the text.

60
is

(66).

By

lot]

out of place by copyist's error, belongs to the previous

verse.

This verse

in Jos. begins

a new paragraph and

here

entirely out of place introducing the matter of

(v. s.).

w.

"

<">->

46.

nrwDc]

Jos. ai

nnflDO to be preferred (Bn.), but omnBe>oS

with nBD as in
plied after

w.

"' is preferred

reading in Jos. ai"-,

required by the ten

SBOT.

tod
.

by

Ki.,

and

also Bennett, as the true

is to be supneD rvwroo naon as is
s. v.
'.

'xnni

noDDi O'tbk hod

'*n

nrwDD from
cities.

47

Jos. in place of

dwu] Jos.
s.).

ar

|wu, v.

oronoroS]
'noi

according to their families,

i.e.,

of Gershonites, Jos.

'ui

families of the tribe, etc. (but v.

'c .tod

Instead of ne> neooi Jos. has

is

nnevcc from

wanting in Jos. ai (but cf. d). 49. V. s. In Jos. ai* the verse closes with -va nvn nw ie>io Siua nvo. 60. V. s. p'ja ' ntSDOi] wanting in Jos. (but cf. <&
after jsoa,

and

"nua.48. Siua]

and

Jos. ai 4 ).

the priests).

61-66 (66-81). The cities of the Levites (in distinction from Taken directly from Jos. ai"-" with some abridgment, and the text has evidently suffered through transcription. 61 (66). And families of the sons of Kehath had cities of

their lot,* etc.] thus correctly Be., Bn., Kau., Ki., after Jos. 21".

62

(67).

The

city* of refuge] since only

little

Shechem was a

city

of refuge.

Shechem] a

over thirty miles north of Jerusalem,

(cf.

figures frequently in the early history of Israel

Gn.

12*

$y

35 Jos. 24 1 * Ju. 9

K.

12).

It is

the mod. Ndbulus, a city of

24,800 inhabitants (Baed. p. 217).

itish city

Gezer] an ancient Canaan-

not occupied by the Israelites (Jos. i6"> Ju. 1" contra

Jos. 10**) until conquered

by "Pharaoh king

of

sented to Solomon

K. 9" : the mod. Tell

Jezer,

Egypt" and presome twenty

miles west by north from Jerusalem, and the

tions
(cf.

site

of recent excava-

Mound
Jos.
is

R. A. Stewart Macalister, Bible Side Lights from the of Gezer, Lon. 1906). 63 (68). Instead of Jokmeam

(21")

has Kibzaim,

which, according to Be., Bn., Ki.,

to be preferred.

No

site

corresponding to either

name has

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DWELLING-PLACES OF LEVITES
Beth-horon].

Vt

46-A6.]

141

been found.

There were an upper and a lower

Beth-horon (2 Ch. 8) "near the head and the foot respectively

of the ascent from the Maritime Plain to the plateau of Ben-

jamin, and represented to-day by Beit 'Ur

el

foka and Beit

'Ur

el

tahta."

The towns

are a

little

over two miles apart and

some ten or twelve miles north-west of Jerusalem. ences to these towns and their ascent cf. Jos. 10" ' 2i 1 S. 13" 2 K. 8 2 Ch. 8 25". Between v."
<>,

For
16'

refer-

18"

'

<"'

and v."

intentionally (Be.) or carelessly (Bn.), has been omitted Jos.

2i M

"And from
village of

the tribe of

Dan

Elteke and

its

suburbs and
city of

Gibbethon and

its

suburbs."

64 (69). Aijalon] a
HGHL.

Dan;

mod.

Ydld, a

little

to the north of the Jaffa road,

about thirteen miles from Jerusalem. Cf. for references 8" 2 Ch. 9" 28'* Jos. 19" 2i M Ju. i 1 S. 14". The valley of Aijalon

was a famous
Galh-rimmon]

battle-field

(cf.

GAS.

pp.

210-13).

19" 21" f) not identified; probably a little to the east of Joppa. 65 (70). Instead of 'Aner ("lij read after Jos. 21" Td attach (^JJ?n), the frequently mentioned city
(Jos.

of the plain of Esdraelon

(cf.

7"

Jos.

12" 17" 19" * 21" Ju.

K. 4"), mod. Ta'annuk some four and a half miles south-southwest from Lejjun (Megiddo) (BDB.). Read also
1

1" 5"

instead of Bile
1".

(Dy?3) Ible'am (0J?^3*). Cf Jos. 17" Ju. B Jos. 2i has by dittography Gath-rimmon, but <8 leftada,
Dill.,

am

et al., as above. Ible'am was also and its name appears preserved in the Wady Betameh in which the village Jenin lies (Baed. p. The words for the rest of the families* of the sons of Kehath 223). are a fragment of Jos. 21", which reads: "All the cities of the families of the rest of the children of Kehath were ten with their

hence
in

Bennett,

SBOT.,

the plain of Esdraelon

suburbs."
felt

The

compiler or transcriber, having omitted Jos. 21",

compelled to omit the numeral, but retained the adjoining

words, then meaningless.

tribe, etc.]

66

(71).

From the family

of the half-

a use of family before the name of tribe arising from abbreviation of text in Jos. 21" where the word is plural and refers
*'.).

to the Gershonites (v.

Golan] a city of uncertain

site

which

gave

its

name

to the district Gaulanitis mentioned by Josephus

1. xviii.

(Ant. xvii. 8.

4.

6),

and appears

in the

mod. Jaulan

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142
east of the Jordan

CHRONICLES

and Sea of Galilee (EBi. II. col. 1748) (Dt. 4" a city of refuge, Jos. 20* 21" f). 'Ashlaroth] mentioned with Edrei as one of the royal cities of Og King of Bashan (Dt. i Jos.

gio I2 * 13").

The name
el

indicates that

it

was a

seat of the worship

fixed.

of Ashtoreth.
identify
it

Its location

has not been clearly

Some
some

with

Mezeirib,

some

twenty-five miles east of the

el 'Astiori,

southern end of the Sea of Galilee, others with

three miles north of that place

(DB.

I.

pp. 166 /.).57 (72).

Read according
of Kedesh

Jos.

(BHp)

(Dill.,

21" Kishion (jVEPB) (cf Jos. 19") instead Bn.). Conder prefers Kedesh, which he
near Ta'anach (DB.
identified.
III. p.
4).

thinks

may be

identified

The
ti

former place has not been

Daberath] Jos. 19" 21"

the present Deburige at the foot of Mt.

Ramoth] same as Remeth Jos.

Tabor (BDB.).68 (73). 19" (Bn.), mod. Er Rameh in

Ki. prefers
error,
is

southern part of plain of Esdraelon (Baed. 4 p. 222).

Yarmuth

of Jos.

21" (BH.).
Jos.

'Anem]

(DJJ?)

a scribal

'Ain-gannim (D'Ji

21" 19", mod. Jentn near the pj?) south-east end of the plain of Esdraelon; a village now of some
importance, with 1,500 inhabitants (Baed. p. 223).

69

(74).

Mashal] (htm) better after Jos. 22" Mish'al (^*WD), site unknown. 'Abdon] (Jos. 21" f) mod. 'Abdeh ten or more miles north by east of Acco and some five east of Achzib. 60 (76). Hukok] (plpn). Read after Jos. 21" Helkath (np^>n), cf. Jos.
i9
-J-,

the

site is

uncertain.

Rehob].

This town

in

Asher has not

been located.
tioned in Jos.

It is to

be distinguished from the Rehob at the head

1

of the Jordan valley (Nu. 13"

S. io

),

and

also the

one men21"),

19".61
4*),

(76).

Kedesh in Galilee]

(Jos.

Kedesh-naphtali (Ju.
Ju. 4'

elsewhere simply Kedesh (Jos. 12" 19"

K. 15"), a

city of refuge, the

home

of Barak,

a place

of importance mentioned of

by Josephus, mod.

village of Kedes, west

(Jos. 21") Hammath Hammoth is the true reading (cf K.afto>0 B <S ) and the town is the mod. Hamtndm a short distance south of Tiberias (DB. II. p. 290). Kiriathaim] (DWlp) a variation of Kartan (jmp) Jos. 21", not identified.62 (77). Leviles as in

Lake Huleh.

Hamtnon] Hammoth-dor

(Jos. i9")-

Probably

Jos. 2i w

must be supplied
is

after the rest (D*WIJ!"i), otherwise the

expression

meaningless.

Two

cities of

Zebulun, Jokneam and

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VL

DWELLING-PLACES OF LEVITES
(cf.

46-66.]

143

Fartah, mentioned in Jos. 21", have fallen from the text

Instead of Rimmono (131D1) read Rimmon,

has been identified with

&A

).

since the last syllable

has arisen from a union with a following waw (1) (cf. Jos. 19"). or perhaps Rimmonah. Jos. 21" has Dimnah (n3D7). Rimmon

Rummaneh
which
is

north of Nazareth (DB.).

Instead of
city of

Tabor

(713TI),

nowhere mentioned as a
2i",

Zebulun, but on the border of Issachar Jos.

Jos.

2i M has

Nahalal (bbni), mentioned also in

Jos.

19" Ju. 1",

not clearly identified (Moore, Ju. p. 49, but see DB. III. p. 472). Ki. Kom. has a lacuna in place of any name. 63 (78). And

beyond the Jordan, at Jericho, east of Jordan].

These words are

wanting
Jericho

in

appear in <KBL Jos. 21".

1

in Jos.,

although the

first

three

(lnV |TV^ "DJJD1)

On

the expression the Jordan at

26* Jos. 20'. The cities mentioned in cf. Nu. 22 M )-<> correspond exactly with those given in Jos. 21"-". w. Bezer] a city of refuge (Dt. 4" Jos. 20 ) mentioned on the

Moabite stone; not

wanting

identified.

The

phrase in the wilderness,

20 ) but appearing in <JBL , and followed by "plain" (IB^D) in Dt. 4" Jos. 20', shows the location
in If in Jos. (cf. Jos.

of the city in the also assigned to

flat

table-land east of the Jordan.

15* Je.

Jahzah] a

city

Moab (Is.

48") on the border of the territory

of the Amorites (Nu. 21" Dt. 2"), location

unknown.

64 (79).
identified

Kedemoth] somewhere north of the upper Arnon, not

(BDB.).
fied.

Mepha'ath] mentioned as

in

Moab

Je. 48", not identi-

66 (80).
*-.

Ramoth in
battle of
is

Gile'ad] one of the cities of refuge (Dt.

4"
22'

Jos. 2o),

mentioned
location

in

wars between Syria and

Israel 1
slain (1

K.
K.

At the

Ramoth-gilead Ahab was

22"-").
Salt,

The

uncertain: sites suggested Reimun, es

twenty-three

and Jerash, the last directly east of Samaria and some miles beyond the Jordan, with probability in its

favour (Selah Merrill, E. of the Jordan, pp. 284 ff.).

Mahanaim]
(Nu. 21"),
miles

a place of note east of

1

Jordan

(cf.

Gn. 32*

2 S. 2"

K.

2 4"),

identification

not

certain.

66

17" " 19" (81). Heshbon]

fifteen

the former capital of Sihon,

assigned to
east of

Moab

(Je.

King 48"), mod.

of the Amorites

HesMn some

where the Jordan empties into the Dead Sea. Jazer] an important town; a district of Reuben was called "the land of

Digitized by

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144
Jazer" (Nu.
24
1

CHRONICLES
Nu.
3a*-

32',

also mentioned

Jos. 13" 21" 2

Is.

S.

Ch. 26",
it

and assigned
i.e.,

to

Moab

i6

Je.

48").

Jerome placed
fifteen miles

eight or ten miles west of Philadelphia

from,

north

18).

Merrill regards this

II. p. 553).

and Heshbon (Chum, 86. 24. 131. as correct and identifies with Khurbtt
of,

Sar (DB.
61.
Jos.

nvwcci] rendered
<I L
,

in

RV.

as a partitive,

is

better read after

is

2i and

>,

'0S1 (Be., Ke., Zoe., Bn., Ki.).

lot,

aSwi]

a copyist's

error for sfaxu in their

but this error

may have

been taken over from

Jos. by the Chronicler, since ' of Jos. have rOr Ltpiur airrdr, doubtless a corruption of J*t, opuir a. oSiaj. 62. See text. n. on v. ". 63. Here and in the following verses the numbers found in Jos. are wanting. 66. opSa] <$* omits M/SXaap, L Ie/3Xaap 0?Sa< (v. s.). nnoe>D>] should be pointed as pi. after Jos. 66. The text of Jos. 21" is 'ui naa xno onS.i nneroo jwu >iaVi. The words the city of refuge of the manslayer appear in Jos. before Golan. 66. rnDin] Jos. 21"

rwv,

but Jos. io nqi-

VII. 1-6.
v.
'

The genealogy

of Issachar.
(v.
is

Of

this section, only

is

derived from canonical sources

either

composed by the Chronicler or

The remainder was from an unknown source.

'.).

Instead of closing with an account of dwelling-places, there

is

record of the

number

of fighting

men, as

is

also the case in the

records of Zebulun

(v. i.)

of Issachar Tola and Pu'ah

and Asher (cf. v. ). 1. And and Jashub and Shimron].

1

the sons Cf. for

In Ju. io we read of one of the minor judges, Tola' the son of Pu'ah, the son of Dodo a man of Issachar and he was dwelling in Shamir. This shows that traditions
'.

source Gn. 46" Nu. 26 M

varied in respect to the relationship of the clans of Tola'

and

Pttah; but the former

pre-eminent.

if

not the more ancient was clearly the more

the four sons of Issachar are simply

It is possible that

reflections of the statement given

above

in the form,

Tola the son

of Pu'ah dwelling in Shamir;

(38^)

(cf.

Jashub derived from dwelling the variation Job 31* in Gn. 46") and Shimron from

Shamir (VDltf); or, vice versa, that the late editor of the "Minor Judges" came on this concise list of names in P and constructed his statements therefrom (cf. H. W. Hogg in OLZ. vol. 3 (1900)
col. 367).

Shimron has been regarded as standing

for the city

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VIL

1-6]

GENEALOGY OF ISSACHAR

145

of Samaria (Noeldeke, EBi. III. col. 3275).

2.

And

the sons of

Told were 'Uzzi and Rephaiah and Jeri'el j- and Jahmai f and Jibsam f and Shemu'el heads of their fathers' houses mighty men of valor]. The first, third, and fourth of these names look like those of ancient clans, while the second appears late, and thus
is

suggested a combination of early and late traditions.

to

Accord-

ing
ably

their genealogical

divisions, etc.].
in

The
24).

writer has probverses

preserved

here

and

the

following
S.

midrashic
of

interpretations of David's census (2

3.

The sons
p. 238).

'Uzzi present a group of late

Five].

names (Gray,

HPN.

The

four grandsons were reckoned as sons.

All of them

were heads] or altogether there were five heads, five distinct families or clans. The reference is to the 4. And with them].

which numbered 36,000 warriors. * of all the families of Issachar, the 5. And the reckoning mighty men of valor, was altogether 87,000]. In v. * the sons of Tola, six clans, are numbered at 22,600; in v. 4 the sons of

five clans or families of v.

Uzzi, five clans, 36,000.

These two together make 58,600, leaving

i.e.,

28,400 to be furnished by the remainder of the tribe,

clans Puah,

the

Jashub, and Shimron, and also Tola reckoning

(v.

him as a

clan distinct from his sons

Bn. in

loco).

In Nu. 1"

the warriors of Issachar were 54,400, in Nu. 26" 64,300.

1. 'M^i] for the construction see Ges. 1438.

Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.,

'ja nSn, cf.

emend nme] Gn. 46", Nu.

Bn., prefer to
is

<S* *eu ovroi uo =a6 nw. - v&] Qr. (cf. (6,

to 'Mi. (see

a1

3'.

V)
aev).

a*e>\

Gn. av
pSinS]

text, error,

SBOT.

above for an original

2.

an

addition denning ornaH no, appears a corruption (Zoe.) and should be

with the last half of the Bn. after Klo. reads owrnni, as in vv. 7b t. 40b an(j removes the following oewnm. Possibly an original d has Then 1 is a fallen out before Bmiwi, the preceding word ending in 0.
struck out.
is

verse (Be., Ke., Ki.).

onnSnS]
j

better connected

5. orvnto]

corruption for

verse, translating for they

owvnm

' d and connect with the preceding had more wives and sons than their brethren. should be transposed to a position after cnvm, and final Ss*?
o>Sti

and we should read

should be struck out.

nj] v. Ges.
of

i24q.

VII. 6-11.

The genealogy

Zebulun.
is

This

genealogy

which

apparently ascribes to Benjamin

peculiar.

The

introif

ductory words The sons of are wanting; nowhere else in

are

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146
the sons of

CHRONICLES
three; Jedia'd is elsewhere un-

Benjamin limited to

known

as a Benjaminite name, a most striking thing

when

the

sons of Benjamin are so often mentioned; and this section as a

Benjaminite genealogy forms a doublet to

c. 8.

Not only are the names of the sons of Bela (v. ') entirely different from those in any other list of his sons (cf. 8' Nu. 26" and <8> of Gn. 46"), but they are uncommon or unknown to the tribe of Benjamin.
While the other
lists

of Beta's sons differ

from each other, showing

variant traditions, they are agreed in employing the

same names.

On the other hand,

(Gn. 46",
cf.

Ezbon

is

only found elsewhere as a son of

Gad

Nu. 26"); 'Uzzi is a common priestly and Levitical name Ne. 12"- " 1 Ch. 5" ' (6 ') 6 <" Ezr. 7' Ne. n M, appears among the descendants of Issachar (7* >) and once as a Benjaminite (a) 'Uzzi'el, though a very common name, is not Benjaminite; Jerimoth (niD*V) is a Benjaminite name in 8" (fllDT), but there we should probably read Jeroham (DITV) with 8", cf. 9' (Jerimoth of 1 2' < is doubtless a Judean name, v. in loco) 'iri does not occur elsewhere. Thus we have apparently a variant tradition which has only one certain Benjaminite name and that a
;

common one elsewhere. The case is similar with

Elio'enai (but
cf.

the sons of Becher

cf.

(v. ).

Of

these,

Zemirah occurs only here (but

Zimri 8"); Jo' ash, Eliezer, Elienai &"),'Omri, and Abijah are more or less
as Benjaminite names; the

common

but

unknown

same

is

likely

The last two names, 'A nathoth and Alemeth, on the other hand, are common Benjaminite names. 'A nathoth occurs elsewhere as a personal name only in Ne.
true of Jeremoth (see above, Jerimoth).

10"
in

'>,

where the

tribe is not given, but is frequent as a

is

place-name
is

Benjamin.

'Alemeth
in

also

a place-name

of

Benjamin and

personal
tainly

8 and 9". Only these two, therefore, are Benjaminite and they alone are geographical.

name

cer-

Of
and
in

the third branch

(v. ">)

not only Jedta'el but his son Bilhan

his grandsons

Chenaanah, Zethan, Tarshish, and Ahishahar

as Benjaminites. Je'ush (Kt. Wj}>) is met with and a Benjaminite Ehud (Tin), the son of Gera, (tiny), is familiar from Ju. 3'- ' +. Benjamin, the son of Bilhan, is unknown.
are not

known

Digitized by

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V1L

6-13.]

GENEALOGY OF ZEBULUN
is

147
its

This genealogy of Benjamin

but
is in

not only unique in

content

the

wrong place

in

tribes,

and a doublet

(v. s.).

a geographical arrangement of the Now, the genealogy of Zebulun is

Kittel

wanting

in the Chronicler's account.

(Kom.) indicates his

belief that the original text contained this tribe

lacuna after Naphtali (7")Issachar,

by supposing a But Zebulun belongs rather after

whom
'

he follows

in thirteen out of seventeen

'

OT.

lists,

12" 2 Ch. 30"), but not and 27" * (cf. also 12" t. ui .) where the order 6 is not the Chronicler's but dependent on Jos. ax. In five more in three of which the principle of arrangement seems to be geographical from south to north the order of these two is reversed. Thus we have the strange genealogy of Benjamin just where the lost one of Zebulun should be. Further there is a striking similarity between the list of Zebulun 's sons as given in Gn. 46" and the names appearing in the first verse
including 2 1

of our

list,

as follows:

Gn. 46"
1

bvf>m

]lS1

TiD

\\b21

*J3l

ch.

mbv

tejrn
it is

nam jrto
1

If the

former was the original reading in

jd^s. Ch. 7* plus the

Chronicler's addition of tfohtf,

easy to see

how

the present

reading arose in copying.

TiD

as "D31

(cf.

was read as JD'OS; 1^3 as J7^3; TO, v.", - "133 Nu. 26"). The last two of
T

*J3

course followed as a necessary result of the

first

from the

influ-

ence of Gn. 46", and the well-known Zebulunite Jl^N (cf. Ju. 12" ') had to be cancelled, as the final nttb& required only
three names. ^KJPT- is then a corruption of ^N^rV (for JJ as a corruption of b, cf. v. ', n3J?D for na^an), a corruption which may have been in the Chronicler's text of Genesis.

This hypothesis explains: the absence of

wise

initial "02;

the other-

unknown TNyH* as a son of Benjamin; the final JVffbV when Gn. 46" (Jf) knows ten sons of Benjamin (but corrected
text nine, see

on 8

),

Nu. 26"

'

five,

and

Ch. 8

'

five;

the

strangeness of the following names; and eliminates the doublet

while restoring the missing Zebulun in the proper place.

When
Becher in

once the error had been made, the tendency to make

Beta and
the matter

the table plainly Benjaminite would naturally be strong.

w.

'

followed of necessity.

& has carried

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Google

148
still

CHRONICLES

farther

by substituting

Va*I

(doubtless an error for

Va*,| -

blffX) for

btqW
list

in

w.
,

'

'.

Anatkolh and Alemeth were

added to the

none of the others being geographical, and ' from It is tempting to suppose Ju. 3". that the anomalous Benjamin had the same origin. Then the
of v.

Ehud was inserted into v.

first

scribe simply placed

VDVTp
way

TlfW on the margin, and

is

these

words made

their

into the text in reverse order as

separate names.
illustrated further
(v. '*)
\cf.

This tendency to add Benjaminite names

by the appendix Shuppim also and Huppim from Gn. 46", which is out of place even as the list stands
v.
).

rmhv

In spite of the meagreness of Zebulunite material in the OT.,

there are

some

striking points of contact

between

this

genealogy

and Zebulun besides the resemblances of the names of v. to Gn. 46". p2XN (v. ') suggests JX3N (Ju. i2'), a "minor judge" of Bethlehem of Zebulun (see Moore, Judges, p. 310). AL (probably representing the original Greek It is significant that
<S
tradition)
in

Ju. read

probable that
icler

we have
it

having found

Eere/8aw=jUXK, making it still more same name in both passages, the Chronwith the second and third consonants transthe

posed.

This judge

is

introduced here just as Elon, the other

Zebulunite judge,
1 (Ju. io ), in

is in

Gn.

46'

Gn. 46", and as Tola, the judge of Issachar and 1 Ch. 7'- . A point of contact with
in v. ",

Zebulun

is

found also in the striking name Tarshish,

which

unknown as a Hebrew man's name. As is well known, this name stands in the OT. for all great shipping interests. Now,
is

the special characterisation of Zebulun in Gn. 49"

that he shall be

is

the fact

"a haven

for ships (JVJN)."

tribe,

Such a connection

with Tarshish could be given to no other

the inland tribe of Benjamin.*

and

least of all to

Furthermore, the

name Che-

naanah, found elsewhere only as the father of the prophet Zedekiah

(1 K. 22- "-2 Ch. 18" ), a favourite with Ahab (!), with the meaning "toward Canaan," i.e., Phoenicia, is singularly appro-

priate in

tribe of

which the same passage

in

Gn.

says, "his

border shall be upon Sidon."

* That paiK f3K and that Tcrshith is more appropriate as a Zebulunite were suggested by Professor C. C. Torrey after reading the preceding.

name

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6-13.]

GENEALOGY OF ZEBULUN

149

Aside from this passage Zebulunite names are few in the

OT.

Among

the princes of the tribes during the Wilderness Period

was an Eliab the son of Helon as prince of Zebulun (Nu. 1*2' yu. <t 10"), and a Gadiel son of Zodi represented the tribe as one
of the spies (Nu. 13").

At the division of the land Elizaphan the

son of Paroach was the prince

Among

the judges
j.).

i2 ") (v.

who acted for this tribe (Nu. 34"). we find the Zebulunites Ibzan and Elon (Ju. The Chronicler's list of the captains of the tribes

David contains the Zebulunite Ishmaiah son of Obadiah (1 Ch. 27"). The emended text of this genealogy is rendered as follows 6. The sons of Zebulun*: Sered*, and Elon*, and Jahle'el* (or Jedta'el), thru. 7. And the sons of Sered*: Ezbon, and 'Uzzi, and 'Uzzi'el, and Jerimoth, and 'Irift five; ... 8. And the sons of Elon*: Zemirah^, and Jo'ash, and Eltezer, and Elio'enai, and 'Otnri, and
in the time of
:

Jeremoth,

and Abijah.

All these were the sons of Elon*.

9.

10.

And

the sons of Jahle'el* (or Jedta'el): Bilhan.

And
sons

the

sons of Bilhan:

Je'ush,

and Chendanah, and Zethan\, and

Tarshish, and Ahishahar\.

Jahle'el

1L

All these

were

the

of

* (or Jedia'el)
20,200

The
(v. ')

total

enrolment of the warriors of Zebulun

(v. )

is

here 22,034

+
<>>),

17,200 (v. )

59,434 against 50,000

(12"

57,400 (Nu. 1"), 60,500 (Nu. 26").

While Zebulun's genealogy appears

jamin, Jediael
tioned in the

clearly,

as stated above, in
is

behalf of the view generally held that the genealogy

that of

Beni.

may be

regarded as the equivalent of Ashbel men-

list

of Benjamin's sons in 8'

Gn. 46" Nu. 26"

;

e.,

has been substituted through religious scruples for " Man of Baal" (cf. for similar changes of names 3* 8" ') then may be emphasised the presence of the Benjaminite names Jerimoth (w. ' '), Anathoth and Alemelh (v. ), Benjamin and Ehud (v. >),
of

"Known

God"

and Shuppim and

Huppim

(v.

"

v.

*.).

6 . Snri'1 "wai J^a po'ja] read instead (or Sup-in) SkSdm fAm no pSai ia from Gn. 46" (v. *.).7. pSa] read -no (v. s.).8. iaa bis] read pSt (v. *.). noSjn mnjjn] as a later gloss should be struck out
restored
(v. s.).

10.

Skjpt] read possibly StArv, so also in

*.).

v. ",

and

strike out

jo'jai

wim

(t.

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12.
verse,

CHRONICLES

The genealogy

of

Dan.The

first

two names

in

this

Shuppim and Huppim,

are a late addition to the preceding

text)

section derived

from Gn. 46" (restored

(v. s.

part of the process by which that genealogy

Nu. 26", and are a was made over from

-").

being Zebulunite to Benjaminite

on w.

The

endings

should be

am

as in Nu. and not

im as though

plural, since the

adjectives are

Huphamite ('D^in) and Shuphamite Cc^ltf). The sons of Dan, Hushim his son, one*] (v. i.) The name 'It
'Iri,

doubtless arose from a corrupt text through the influence of

v.
'.

Hushim appears as the one son of Dan in Gn. 46", and in Nu. 26" as Shuham. Hushim as a Benjaminite name in the corrupt
made a Benjaminite genealogy (v. s.). Aher seems very probably a corruption of the numeral one
cf.

passage S*", probably helped to corrupt this passage after the

preceding had been
(*WW),

A,

(intt), since to

Chronicler,

w.

add the number was a favourite practice of the ' et at., and lack of genealogical material
1
-

was a

special reason for the addition here.

12.

own oetn]area
"vp

later addition, cf.

Gn. 46" Nu. if"

>,

(v. *.).

vm > owi

<] read with Klo.

PRE. irm ya dot p

The sons of

Dan Jfushim his son one on

the basis of Gn. 46" and <S which read >ja. This seems preferable to finding p hidden in tk (Be.). Bacher thinks VV ', " sons of the city," euphemistic for p ', to which the Chronicler objected because of the idolatry practised by the Danites (Ju. i8M 1 K. 12"), and compares the Talmudic use of *vj> for 'on (Rome);
*vim

\ has a similar import and

is

a gloss to n>; \n

(ZAW.

xviii.

(1898), pp. 836-8).

13.

The genealogy
is

of Naphtali,

cf.

Gn. 46"

'

Nu. 26"

'

This

brief genealogy

taken word for word from Gn. 46"

with

the single omission of these before sons of Bilhah which stood in the original clause with reference to the sons of
those of Naphtali.
13. Sh'ot] 23 mss., Gn. 46" Nu. 26" without the second \ seven MSS., Gn. and Nu. 26" o'jBh.

Dan

as well as

oA#iJ

VII.

14-29.

Manasseh and Ephraim.The

Chronicler

groups the two sons of Joseph together, giving (1) the genealogy of Manasseh (w. ">), (2) the genealogy of Ephraim (w. "-"), (3)

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m
seh

14-19.]

GENEALOGY OF MANASSEH
Ephraim
(v. ), (4)

1 51

dwelling-places of
(v. ").

dwelling-places of

Manasin

The

genealogy of Manasseh, while not without con-

nection with those given in Jos. 17'

quite an independent form.
Kittel

Nu. 26" , is presented (SBOT. Kom.) ascribes it

to

an older

source.

To the same
Ephraim.

source he gives

w. '

*" **

*>-

of the genealogy of

There

is

no reason

to doubt that

w.

"-
it

belong to the original compilation of the Chronicler,

since

can hardly be contended (with Bn.) that the Chronicler

(cf.

does not describe the dwelling-places elsewhere

The

4"*- 5 ,k % etc.) contents of these verses are derived from Jos. i6 17" ,
Chronicler.'
It

which were rewritten by the

of trying to give
all

appears that instead

the dwelling-places of these

two

tribes, the

writer intends to describe their combined territory by giving the

cities

on the southern and on the northern borders.

Possibly Ayyah, whose
site is

Shechem, befor the

longing to Ephraim, then, defines the boundary between the two

tribes.

unknown, was given

same purpose.
14-19.

The genealogy

of Manasseh.

14.

The

sons of

Ma-

nasseh* which his Aramaic concubine bore: she bore Machir the

This statement is identical with Gn. 46""> Machir appears as the eldest son of Manasseh and as the father d. of Gilead in Jos. 17'- * and Nu. 36'. In Gn. 50" the birth of Machir and also of his sons is placed in Egypt. The descent here
father of Gile'ad].

given from an Aramaic concubine points to a different story and

arose probably from the close association

and admixture

of the

Manassites east of the Jordan with the Arameans.

In Ju. 5"

Machir represents a
is called

tribe in Israel, evidently

Manasseh.

He

the father of Gilead because the clan of Machir conquered

Gilead.

16.

And

Gile'ad took

and

the

name of his sister was Hammolecheth

district,

brother Zelophhad *].

a wife whose name was Ma'acah j- and the name of his Ma'acah represents the small Aramean

kingdom,

or people situated east of the Sea of Galilee near

either adjoining the territory of
it

Mt. Hermon, hence

Dt. 3" Jos. is* or included in

the King of Ma'acah is where Ma'acah the tribal father appears as a son of Nahor. Ma'acah the wife of Gilead reflects the same historical circum-

Manasseh where hired against David, and Gn. 22"

Jos. 13".

Cf. 2 S. io

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152
stances as the
reigns)

CHRONICLES

the

Aramean concubine, v. ". Hammoleeheth (she who (roVon) is to be compared with Milcah (queen) (rD^C) wife of Nahor (Gn. n"), and reflects probably, with Ma'acah,
Arameans.
it

close connection with the

tribal

While the name here

is

may

be

(Gray,

HPN.

p. 116),

undoubtedly was originally a

given as the fourth

divine

title.

In Nu. 26" " (P) Zelophhad

in descent

from Manasseh through Machir, Gilead, and Hepher. 16. 17. And Ma'acah the wife of Gilead* bore a son and called

his

his sons,

name Peresh f and the name of his brother was Sheresh j-; and Ulam and Rekem; and the sons of Ulam, Bedan f : these are
unknown.

the sons of Gilead,

tirely

etc.]. These sons or clans are otherwise enFor a reoccurrence of the name* Ulam cf. 8", of Rekem 2'"- Job. 18" Nu. 31* Jos. 13". For further sons of Gilead connected with the tribe of Judah see 2" *. 18. Ishhod f]. Abtezer] in Jos. i"j* a son of Manasseh and in Ju. 6"- M the

family of Gideon.

Mahlah] in Nu. 26"

27'

36"

Jos. 17*

one of the

daughters of Zelophhad.
also in v.
<

19. Shemida'] probably originally stood

as(a son of Hammoleeheth: a son of Manasseh Jos. 17%

a son of Gilead Nu. 26".

Jos. i7,

Ahjan j-].

Shechem] a son of Manasseh

a son of Gilead Nu. 26". Lekhi f] (VD^) possibly corresponds to Helek (Jpbn) Nu. 26" Jos. 17', and Ant am f (DyJN) to Noah (nj?i) daughter of Zelophhad Nu. and Jos. The writer

here has not clearly distinguished between the clans of eastern

and

western Manasseh.
of Jos.

His scheme

differs considerably

from those

and Nu.

(see

Manasseh

in

DB.

III.).

14. The name Ashriel (Sk>-wk), while suggested by Jos. 17' Nu. 36", where Asriel appears among the sons of Manasseh or Gilead, is probably a dittography arising from the following mS' ~\vh and is to be struck out of the text (Mov., Be., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.).16. The present text inch* <je>n oen nspo wik do owSi O'enS npS -mdi yields the following: And Machir look a wife of Huppim and Shuppim {ix., of these Benjaminite families, cf. v. ") and the name of his sister was Ma'acah and the name of the second Zelophhad. But according to w. > Ma'acah was the wife of Machir and Hammoleeheth his sister. Mov. changed Vrirot to nntt and read and the name of the first was

wk

Ma'acah and the name of the second Zelophhad. But Zelophhad in Nu. ao" aj'-' 36, -' Jos. 17* is a man. The connection of Machir or his wife with Huppim and Shuppim looks strange also. Hence these words

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90-39.]

GENEALOGY OF EPHRAIM

1 53

ate better regarded as a gloss from

v. '* or an original position on the margin and the text further emended as follows: nori nrit npS ifhi inuVx vrw o*n nsSsn ipdm ob>i rojra with translation above (Bn., Ki.).

GOead

is

read instead of Machir as the husband of

v.

sons given in

" are called

the sons of Gilead, hence in v. "

Maacah because the GUead is to

be read instead of Machir.

The genealogy of Ephraim. (Cf. Ephraim Genealogy, Hogg, JQR. XIII. [Oct. 1900] p. 147.) Viewing this section as a whole, it exhibits little dependence upon OT. sources and
20-29.

shows considerable complication of material or

20. 21*. This
ruption of
line of descent abruptly

is

very corrupt.
v.

ending in

may

origi-

nally have formed a part of one of Joshua

and

suffered the interits final

w.

-*.

'Ezer and

Elead cannot have been

members

in this connection, because the context regards

later

immediate sons and not

of

descendants of Ephraim.
it

them as But what-

ever the design of this line of descent,

list

of sons of

Ephraim

similar to that in

has been constructed out These Nu. 26" '

.

may

originally

have completed the statement,

And

Ike sons of

These sons were Shuthelah (T&tVW), Becher (132), Tahan (jnn), here Tahath (nnn), and also 'Eran (pp) son of Shuthelah (cf. La'adan fltft v."). The
here Bered (TQ),

Ephraim.

two names 'Ezer and Eliad, v. (the latter occasioning Ele'adah v. "), seem on the other hand to have belonged to the narrative "'-", which is entirely independent of the material of Nu. Zabad *> may be derived from and Bered (On whether (TQ"l). (T3T) v. Becher or Bered belonged to the earliest list of Ephraim's sons, v. Hogg art. s., also EBi. col. 1320). 21 b-24. A story explaining the

name

of Bert ah, the founder probably of

Beth-horon

and

possibly a reputed ancestor of Joshua.

-were natives

And the men of Goth

i.e.,

who

in the land slew them]

to

'Ezer

and
This

Ele'ad,
patri-

because they

came down
is difficult

take

away

their cattle.

archal story

of explanation.

In the light of the story

if by immediate sons of Ephmust have been made from Egypt, in spite of the expression "go down" (TV). This was the explanation of the earlier commentators, who regarded Ephraim and his children as But the use of Tl\ "go down," points almost historical persons.

of the sojourn in Egypt, this raid,

raim,

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154

CHRONICLES
Ephraim
into the plains of

conclusively to a foray from Mt.

Philistia,

and

this little narrative is

probably a reminiscence of
'.Ezer

some such event

(Be., Ki.).

Two

Ephraimitic families,

and

Elead, probably were destroyed in such a raid, and the original

Ephraim, who mourned many days, was the

Cf. Rachel weeping in Je. 31 1 *.

tribe or the hill country.

Or

the narrative

may be entirely
"in
Pat.

imaginary, a purely etymological legend to explain the Ephraimitic

family
evil").

name Ben ah (njP"Q as though derived from njTD (On this narrative cf. Ew. Hist. I. p. 380; Sayce,
We.
Prol. p. 214;

Pal. p. 202;
vitical

EBi. Berfah.)Beriah] a Le-

Gn. 46" Benjamin 8'- >. See further on w. " 24. And his daughter was She'erah j and she built Beth-horon the lower and the upper, and Uszenshe'erah j-]. This verse in its present form is suspicious because elsewhere in the OT. the founders of cities are men. Bethhoron]. Cf. 6" <>. Uzzen-she'erah] as a place is entirely un23 ,# , also that of a son of Asher
in the
list
'
.

name

w. "

'

Nu. 26", and

of the descendants of

identified and otherwise unknown. 26. And Rephah f his son and Resheph f ]. The present text of v. suggests her son instead Perhaps after Resheph, "his son" should also be of his son.

And Telah j-] (r6fi) an abbreviation probably (nbmv) v. ".Tahan]. Cf. Tahath v. .26. La'dan] (pj?^ probably from pjj with ^ prefixed see w. ,0 "), 26". elsewhere a Levite name 23* Ammihud] and Elishama']
supplied (Ki.).
of

Shuthelah

'

are taken from

is

Nu.
of

1",

where the

latter the

son of the former

is

the

"head"

Ephraim, but only here

Nun
and

(v. )

the

father of Joshua brought into connection with them.

is

27.

This

the only record of Joshua's line of descent

its late

and

artificial

character reveals
(]U).

itself

in

OT. Nun

28.

(pj) elsewhere brief description of the possessions

at once.

Non]

Ephraim through the mention of the southern boundary Bethel, mod. Beitin, ten miles north of Jerusalem, the eastern Na'aran (Jos. 16' Na'arah) placed by Jerome and Eusebius
of

within five miles of Jericho, not identified (Bn., but see EBi.),
the western Gezer,

unknown 'Ayyah
towns
of

and evidently the northern Shechem unto the 29. Four principal and well-known Manasseh are here enumerated, beginning with Bethor 'Azzah.

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80-40.]

GENEALOGY OF ASHER
east in the Jordan valley,
of Esdraelon,

155

shean,

mod. Beisdn, on the

and passing

westward through the plain

located, to

where Tdanach mod.

Cf. Jos. 17" Ju. 1".

Ta'annak, and Megiddo mod. el-Lejj&n (Baed.* p. 224), are

Dor mod. Tantura on

the coast.

These two verses

icler

in contents are agreeable to Jos. 16 4

17"

but not in form, and hence are either a composition of the Chronor from the source of the genealogies given above.
24. 26*.
-iem

Hogg
the

(op.

cit.)

restores as follows:

n<a

pk

n ie>H
2')

kvi

owvy

pki ivS?n

the lower

and

pnnnn \rvn. upper and 'Irheres

rm

He
(cf.

it

was
wa.

that built Beth-horon

JSepher (Jos. 11").

25.

Timnath-hcres Ju.
ivj]

in] ten

mss.

and
cat

editions (including the

Bomberg

Bible) ntj.

28. many 29. 01

"|jp.->]

and
mss.

<K

BaXaaS

ical

al

kH/uu

atrrjt, cf. Jos.

17" rpnum opSa'V.

30-40.
Asher,

The genealogy
and
is

of Asher.

30.

31.

And

the sons of

Jimnah and Jishvah and Jishvi and Bert ah and Serah,

the sons of Bert ah,
identical with

their sister,

statement

Gn. 46".

Heber and Malchi'el]. This In Nu. 26" ' Jishvah

(rw) and Jishvi (*>W) same clan, the dittography already appearing in Gn. In Jimnah (~3D*) one may see a form of Jamin (pD* ) right hand, i.e., a southern clan. The appearance of Beriah as a clan of Ephraim and a family of Benjamin (cf. v. ") has been alleged to indicate that the tribe of Asher originally came from the region of Mt. Ephraim and was an offshoot of the early Hebrews who settled there (Steuemagel, Einwand. Is. Stamme, p. 31). Possibly then a connection might be found between Jimnah and Benjamin. Heber and Malchi'el are of especial interest because they seem identical with the Habiri and Malchiel mentioned in the (rW*)
is

wanting; and hence Jishvah

represent the

Amarna

tablets

connection also
4'')

(JBL. XI. [1892] p. 120, Horn. AHT. p. 233). may be seen between Heber and Heber the
(v.

Kenite (Ju.
of

Heber EBi.).The father of Birzaith] a

Birzaith
is

supplementary clause not in Gn.

probably the

name

a town, not identified (/VT"D prob. =JY>nK2 "olive-well"). 32-34. And Heber begat Japhlet f and Shomer ( ?) and Hotham (?) and Shu'a f their sister. And the sons of Japhlet -f, Pasach jand Bimhal j- and 'Ashvath f. And the sons of Shemer his

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CHRONICLES

156
brother*

Rohgah f and Hubbah f and Aram].

Shemer and

Shomer,
Ki.).

*>,

are identical, with preference for the former (Bn.,

Hubbah (rDin) and Hobab (3DTI) Heber v. ') has been seen. 36. And the sons* of Helem (cf. his brother Zophah f and Jimnd \ and Shelesh f <md '.4 ma/ f]. Helem is undoubtedly the same as Hotham in v. n but which is
connection between
Ju. 4"

correct cannot be determined.

Ki. prefers the latter.

-

36.

37.

And

Zophah Suah f and Harnepher j and Shu'al and Beri\ and Jitnrah^, Bezer and Hod j- and Shammah and ShUshah f and JUhran and Be'era ]. 38. And the sons of Jether, Jephunneh and Pispa j- and Ara f]. Jether is clearly the same as JUhran v. ".39. Andthesonsof'UUa,Arah,Hanm'elandRina]. 'UUa stands clearly by corruption for one of the previously mentioned "sons," but which one it is impossible to determine. As is seen from the daggers above, fully one-third of the names of the descendants of Asher occur only here, and the remaining third, omitting w. " , do not occur elsewhere in connection with Asher. The names are not distinctly personal, and many of them undoubtedly represent places as well as families (cf. Bezer v. " a Reubenite town Dt. 4", Shu'al v. and Shilsha v." - Shalisha, the names of districts 1 S. 13' o 4 ). JUhran v. " is the name of
the sons of

a Horite clan, Gn. 36", and Arah v. " of a family of the return Ezr. These names as a whole, then, are ancient, either preserved in a*. Asherite families of the time of the Chronicler or taken from some
ancient record about the Asherites (Gray,

HPN.

pp. 239

/.).

40.
to

On derivation of these
i 41

statistics cf. v.

*.

26,000].

According

Nu.

53,400.

The

Asher numbered 41,500 men and according to Nu. 26". census here, however, is evidently confined to the

clan of Heber.
34.

Id place of

vw

with following

read vrm his brother,

cf. v.

(Bn., Ki.). njnmi] Qr. nan-ji.n|n;] Qr. .nam.38.

read
cf. v.

'iai,

as the context demands.

*0.

".

Instead of p' 37. prvi] two mss. ipjj, S A U9tp,

onna]

part, of via

only in the writings of the Chronicler,

cf.

o 16" Ne.

s> 0- 16)-

VIII.

Oct. 1893, pp. 102 jf.)

The genealogy of Benjamin.(Cf. Hogg, JQR. XI. The conditions here reflected are clearly

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Vm.

1-28.]

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN
appears for the following reasons
:

157
(a)

post-exilic, as

The

places

of residence, not mentioning Jerusalem, are towns recurring in

the post-exilic history

(v.),
cf.

Gibea

(v.), cf.
cf.
:

Ezr. 2";
(6)

Lod and Ono

Ezr. 2; Gibeon (v.),

Ne. 7". Ne.

Many

of the

names belong also to that

period, viz.

MeshuUam, Hanan, 'Elam,

io'-

Hananiah, 'Anthothiah (Anathoth),

cf.

'

*> .

(c)

The coincidence between the residence in or connection with Moab (v. *) and the name Pahath-moab representing an important family among the post-exilic Jews (Ezr. 2* 8\ etc.). (Be. conjectures
that the birth of this Pahath-moab, "prince of to in v.
.)

Moab,"

is

referred

(d)

The

Benjaminites had a considerable part in the

children of

post-exilic

community along with the

of Benjamin.

Judah and the

begat Beta' his

Levites.

1-6.

The sons

And Benjamin
-

first born,

and Nohah f and Rapha the fifth. And the sons of Beta' were Addar and Gera and Abihud and Abishua' and daman and Ahoah f and Gera and Shephuphan j- and Huram]. This list of sons and grandsons of Ben jamb is a development of the original list of Gn. 46" where the sons of Benjamin, in the restored text (Ball.
Ashbel the second and Aharah
j

the third

the fourth

SBOT.), appear as three

sets of triplets: Beta', Becher, Ashbel; Gera,

Ndaman, Ahiram;
also in

Shupham, Hupham, and Ard.

variation that Becher

Nu. 26"-", with the

These appear and Gera are

lacking, probably through

an error

of transcription (the former

perhaps having found a place

26"),

and

that

among the sons of Ephraim Nu. Ndaman and Ard are subordinated as sons of
is

Beld.

(In Gn. 46" <g not only

also Gera,

Ahiram, Shupham, and

Ndaman the son of Beld but Hupham ; and Ard becomes the

son of Gera.)

Tradition then fluctuated between assigning nine

sons immediately to Benjamin or a portion of them mediately

through Beld.

Examining now the names

(to

in our text,

if

we omit
of

Abihud and Abishua

be considered below)

we

find that the

list

others are apparently simply those of the underlying

Gn.

given, where not identical, in corrupted forms and with repetition.

Becher (132), which seems to be entirely lacking,

first-born
scribers'

lies

hidden in

(132); Aharah (mnN) and Ahoah (nrtN) are tranvariations of Ahiram (DTPM); Nohah (niTtf) and

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CHRONICLES

Rapha (KB1) are likewise probably variations of Na'aman (pyi) and Gera (K*>3); Addar (niK) of Ard (TlH) and Huram (Dlin) of Hupham (OBin) (Hogg, op. cit.). Since Nohah and Rapha are between Ahiram and .4rJ, Shupham and Hupham,
after the order in Nu.,

have been, with

less probability,

found in

them

(Ke., Zoe., Bn.).

In regard to Abihud and Abishud, which

w. * ; these proper names seem to have arisen from the qualifying phrases father of Ehud (according to Ju. 3") and father of Shua (Skua' (yVff) appears as a Judahite or Canaanite personal name in Gn. 38*, but most likely here is a corfollow Gera in

ruption of Shu'al (JTpW) a district of Benjamin,

these

1 S.

13").

Of

"sons" the hidden Becker appears in the family of Sheba', who revolted against David (2 S. 20 *), and in Bechorath in the
1

line of the descent of

Saul (1 S. o

)-

Saul probably was of the

clan of Becher (Marquart, Fundamente, pp. 14 /.).

In Nu. 26"

Becher

is

among

the families of Ephraim.

Sheba' the Bichrite

was also from Mt. Ephraim 2 S. 20". Such a close connection and interchange between Benjamin and Ephraim is natural. Ashbel
is

equivalent to Ishba'al
of Saul's son
*..,

(bs&K - fyWK), man

v.
>).

of Baal, the

name
father,

(cf.

Gera appears

in Ju.

3" as the

family, of

Ehud.

The other sons or clans of Benjamin

are not mentioned elsewhere except in the genealogical connections

just given.

6-28.

sent apparently, with their descent from

The descendants of Ehud (?).These verses, -", preEhud the Benjaminite hero
list
'

and judge, a
Elpa'al (w.

of five heads of fathers,

i.e.,

post-exilic families:
'),

>),

Bert ah (w.

'

'),

Shema' (Shime'i) (w.

Jcroham (Jeremoth) (w. < ), with their sons, i.e., households or sub-families (w. "-"), residing in Jerusalem v. " (?) (v. *'.). Vv. ', which give their descent or connection with Ehud, are exceedingly obscure and corrupt, not only from customary errors of transcriptions in lists of names, but also from
'

Shashak (w.

),

legendary or historical notices which, probably

made

originally as

marginal notes, became later a portion of the

are the sons of Ehud],

text.

6.

And

these

The

text fails to give these sons of

Ehud

who are
end
of v.

the heads offathers

'

('..,

of families) of Geba, unless at the

(Be., Ke., Zoe.) or

hidden in the utterly obscure sentence

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1-88.]

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN

1 59

And
This

they carried them captive to

latter is the

Mahanath (AJntS b Dl^l)-

view of

Hogg

{op. cit.),

who

finds therein the

proper names Iglaam (after the <g B rendering of chin iy\aafi in

v. ')

and 'Akmeth

{cf.

'

).

(That

noty poty

should have been

corrupted into ftrUD bit arose from the reading of ubiTl as a verb

7.

and thus seeking an expression to correspond to the verbal idea.) And Na'aman and Ahijah and Gera], These three names are clearly a dittography from w. where they appear in the same order. Ahijah (nV!K) is a variation of an original Ahiram (D1M1N). He carried them away captive: and he begat 'Uzza and Ahihud]. One is tempted to see in these obscure words a continuation of the dittography. Cf. the texts
' ,

row 112 nbm mim jbibbti kiji mrwi ]djmi tmrw ran my n vfym abin Kin *nn nvwi joyan

Hogg

renders them:

And Iglaam

begat 'Uzza

and Ahishahar],

Ahishahar ("iWriN), a Benjaminite name in 7" and suggested by Shaharaim in v. , is substituted for Ahihud (inVIK). (The
text

vbm

onnff irvm ni becomes

tVm irwrw

nta)

With adherence

to the Massoretic text, these verses

have yielded
2"),

the statement that Ehud's sons mentioned at the end of v.'

were carried to Manahath, a place of uncertain situation

{cf.

by Na'aman, Ahijah, and Gera, the

last

being the principal

insti-

gator of their removal (Be., Ke., Zoe.).

terpretation, regard the verses as corrupt
Ki., Bn.).
after

Others, rejecting this in-

beyond

restoration (Kau.,

8-11.

he had sent

And Shaharaim begat them away Hushim and

etc.
.

in the field of

Moab

Ba'ara his wives, and

. .

he begat from Hodesh his wife Jobab,

the heads offathers;

these his sons are

andfrom Hushim he begat Abitub and

Elpa'al.

*njn ni avffv\ on vhv ]o skid rrraa "rVin o-nncn inty tnn p "ibv\ wj cn V32 nb* ssf rhn awvy\ mat*. These verses, tyate run swim
.

like the preceding,

appear corrupt beyond only the most tentais

tive restoration;
text; begat v.

Shaharaim

without connection with foregoing

has no object;

Hushim

is

elsewhere a man's

name

(7")-

The grammatical

constructions are also very harsh.

suggested restoration of

w.

is,

And Shaharaim
(*"..,

begat

in the field of Moab, after he had driven them

the

Moab-

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160
ites)

CHRONICLES
words omitted

out,

from Hodesh

his wife Jobab, etc.] the

from a gloss written by some one who wished to show that the sons of Hushim had rights of age earlier than the founding of Lod and Otto v. " (Bn.). The rendering of Hogg (see above for
arising

the beginning of v.

) is

And

he (Iglaam) begat in the field of

Moab Mesha their sister and Hushim (and his wife was Ba'ara). And A hishahar begat Jobab, etc. These were his sons heads of their fathers' houses (DDK "\T\bv p =Dmn WD; BHH |D -irWVW;
Possibly, for ana dittography from following 23V), a fem. proper name is concealed in in^ (cf. ttnn v. ) Then DJ1K is a corruption for VIEW, and read int?K) is to be struck out, and we have and VEO (which

Wfftt

is

other rendering of v.

Shaharaim begat in the field of Moab of Shilho (?) his wife, Hushim and Ba'ara. 11. According to the text, the sons of Shaharaim by his wife Hushim are here enumerated. If, however, we connect the D of D^nDl with the last word of v. ">, reading DTYDN their fathers, Hushim becomes the subject of begat ("P^in). (The text originally may have been D^BTl *I^1*1.) And hence he is the father of Abitub and Elpa'al and (omitting the misplaced clause and the parenthetical clauses) of Bert ah, Shema v. ", Shashak, and Jeremoth v. . These five names, repeated in w. ' " ", clearly go together as sons of a common ancestor. Ahio v. " (VTIK) is not a proper name, but after $ W1K or VflK

his brother or his brothers (Be., Oe.), or reading

DrPflN their

brothers (Ki., Bn., Hogg).

'Eber,

12*.

And

the sons of Elpa'al were

Misham and Shemed].

This clause appears to have

in

wrongly come into the text through some transcriber's blunder,

inasmuch as Elpa'aVs sons are given below

w. "

',

and the

names
"
').

of three there are sufficiently similar to these to establish

their identity ((IDE?)

12b

10V DJ?ffD 13j; v. nott^ D^D n3H He built Ono and Lod and their dependencies (daugh',

ters)].

The

reference

is to

Elpaal (Zoe., Oe., Hogg).

little

Ono] mod.

Kefr 'And, some seyen miles east and a

south from Jaffa

and

five miles
is

north of Lod (in later literature Lydda), mod. Ludd,

which

eleven

and three-quarters miles south-east from Jaffa on

the railway to Jerusalem

(SWP.

II.

pp. 251. 267, Baed.' p.

n,

cf.

Schttr. Gesch.' II. p. 183, n. 33).

These towns are mentioned in

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1-88.]

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN

161

OT.
of

only in the writings of the Chronicler and then usually

1 1 ),

together as towns inhabited by the children of Benjamin (Ne.

and

which

sons,

with those of Hadid, returned from Babylon

2**

with Zerubbabel (Ezr.

ever, are ancient.

Ne. 7*).

The towns
list

themselves, how-

Ono occurs in
III,

the

of Palestinian

towns conEBi.).

quered by Thotmes

and, according to Mariette, Brugsch,

Muller,

and

others, but not

W. Max

Lod

also (v.

Lydda

Their possession by the

the return of the

post-exilic Jews,

which

is clearly

referred

on Jews from Babylon, as might be inferred from the references (given above) in Ezra and Nehemiah, but at the close of the Persian and the beginning of the Grecian period, when the
to in this building, seems to have taken place not immediately

Jews gradually spread out from the

vicinity of Jerusalem.

territory in the

immediate

Lydda come into the possession of the Jews through a decree of Demetrius II (1 Mac. ii, Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 107, SchUr. Gesch* I. p. 183). Hence the inference that this statement is very late (Bn.). The references to Moab, v. , and Aijalon, v. ", may refer to similar colonisations or settlements of Jews. 13. And Bert ah and Shemd] sons of Hushim; a continuation of the enumeration
First in 145 B. c. did the district of

of v. " (v.

s.).

Bert ah,

cf.
',

7"- ".

Shemd

(Shim'i v.
priest

')

probably

the

name

of a place 2"

a Reubenite $; a

These]
el al.,

i.e.,

Bert ah and Shemd.

Aijalon]
a
little

Jos.

Ne. 8< |. 19" 21" Ju. i M

19, Baed. state-

the present village of YA16,

to the north of the Jaffa

road, about thirteen miles from Jerusalem

p. 93).

(SWP. III. p.
of Gath].

These put

to flight the inhabitants

This

ment

is entirely

obscure.

Owing

to the of

here and in 7", this route of the

men

common name Beri*ah Gath may be regarded as

The story of 7"

connected with the event underlying the narrative of 7" (Be., Oe.,
Bn. ; this connection
is

not favoured by Ke., Zee.).

looks like the reminiscence of some pre-exilic happening, but since

here

we

are concerned with late post-exilic families, this sentence

probably arose from a marginal note.-^-14.

And

their brethren*

Shashak f and Jeremoth].

Bert ah.

On

the emendation and connection of

this verse with the foregoing see v. ".

16. 16.

The

six sons of

Zebadiah a

common name v. "

(where perhaps a dittog-

raphy from

this verse) 12' 26* 2

Ch. 17* 19" Ezr. 8 10".

'Arad f

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162

CHRONICLES
Jos. 12").

(name

of city

Nu.

21

$y

'Eder,

cf.

23" 24"

(also

name

of a city Jos. is").

Is.

Michael, see 5" (Steuemagel,

Emalso
v.
'.

wanderung

St&mme, p. 30, reads the clan of Asher of that name, cf.

^WO^D and
7").

connects with
f.

Ishpah

Joha

n17.

18.

The

seven (?) sons of Elpa'al.

Zebadiah, see

Meskullam, see 5", probably Mish'am in v. '. mentioned among the sons of Berfah of the
probably the same as 'Eber
in v. ".
Izli'ah f.
v.
cf.

Hizki
tribe of

f.

Heber

Asher 7",

". v.

Jobab,

Ishmerai f probably Shemed , otherwise name of Arabic

',

people Gn. 10", King of

of
v.

Edom Gn. 36"

The
Zichri
12".

Canaanitish King

Madon
"
JJDEP).

Jos.

n '.19-21.
also 24".

nine sons of Skime'i OjJDt?, in

Jakim

common, w.

'

9'

26"

27"

Ch. 17" 23' 28* Ne.

n*

Zabdi, three other persons

are mentioned of this name: (1) 27', (2) Ne.

n",
3"

(3) Jos. 7'.

Eltenai

f,

but probably the same as the

name

Elio'enai, occur' ,

ring as the
(3)

name

of five distinct persons in

(1)

(2) 4",

7S

(4) Ezr.

io with Ne. 12",

(5) Ezr. 10".

Zillethai, cf. for

another

occurrence of the

name

12".
,

Eli'el,

name

of eight ad-

ditional persons or families: (1) v.

(2) 5", (3) 6'* <">, (4, 5)

ii"- , (6) i2, (7) 15* with , (8) 2 Ch. 31".

'Adaiah, seven
<",

other persons or families of this

(2)

name
ff.

are mentioned: (1) 6"

9" Ne.
(7)

ii>, (3)

Ch.

23', (4) Ezr. io,

(5) Ezr. io, (6)

Ne. n,

K.

22'.

Beraiah

Shimrath
'Eber,
(2)

f22-25.
',

eleven sons of Shashak.

Ishpan

cf. v.

The common

name:
priest

(1) the son of Shelah i'

+,

a Gadite chief 5", (3) a

is

Ne. 12".

The

tradition of the

name

uncertain; Baer

name " 9", (2) 2 Ch. 34", (3) Ju. Zichri, see v. '*. Hanan, common name v. " 9" n I2" " 13". Ezr. 2" Ne. 7" 8' io"Hananiah, also a very common name from the time of Jeremiah onward, see BDB. 'Elam, a geographical name Gn. 10" el al., that of a Korahite 26', and
adopts Ebed 03J?), so <&. Eliel, see of distinct persons or families: (1) v.
'.

v. ".

'Abdon, also as

of

two prominent families

7''

in the lists of

Ezra and Nehemiah

Ezr. 2' 8' 10' Ne.

io'

and

Ezr. 2" Ne. 7" Je. 12".

The

post-exilic occurrence of the

name

suggests a connection with

Elam, Persia.
suggests
its

This Cheyne regards as highly improbable and from an abbreviation 'Alemeth (DD^J?) or

origin

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1-38.]

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN
a Benjaminite name
(cf.

163
v. s. v.)

'Almon
II. col.

(JID^J?),

7'

and

(EBi.

1254).

'Anthothijah f, to be associated with the LevitIs.

ical

Benjaminite town Anathoth, Jos. 21"

10"

Je. i> et al.;

personal name 7' and Ne. 10".

cf. 4*.

Iphdeiah

26.
t.

f.

Penu'el (Peni'el Qr.)

v. ).

27.

The

six

sons of Jeroham (Jeremoth

This
Ch.

name appears in
6".
11

the pedigree of the prophet Samuel

1 S. i 1

u); jjso as that of five other persons or families: (1)

9- , (2) 12', (3) 27", (4) 2

Ch. 23
'

(5)

Ne. ii.

Shamsherai

f.

Shehariah f

name of the Queen of Judah 2 K. u , and of a member of the family of Elam Ezr. 8'. Ja'areshiah f. Elijah, besides being the name of the prophet, is only elsewhere given in the OT. as the name of a priest, Ezr. 10", and an Israelite a son of Elam Ezr. 10", who
(</.

Sheharain v.
1

).

Athaliah, the

had

foreign wives.
i.e.,

Zichri,

cf.

v.

".

28.

These were heads of

fathers,

of families, according to their genealogies they were

after the

heads] a reiteration

Jerusalem]

i.e., all

of these families

manner of P. These dwelt in whose heads are enumerated.

of the time of the Chronicler.

This dwelling

is clearly

meant to be

It is doubtful,

however, whether this verse belonged originally

It

in this context.

agrees verbatim with 9" with the omission of

the words of the Levites (U"hb) and seems to have present place along with v." =9", from
c. 9.

come

into its

The

subscription

stating that these families dwelt in Jerusalem is contrary to the

tenor of this chapter, which has already placed Elpa'al as the

builder of Ono and Lod, and Beriah and Shemd at Aijalon. The form of statement In Gibeon dwelt, etc., is parallel to nothing in

while in c. 9 it has a parallel in v. . Hence the inference with apparent correctness has been drawn that w. "-* originally stood
c. 8,

in

c.

9 and are here an insertion (Mov., Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 161).

felt

Others have
also in

that the double record

was due

to the Chronicler

and appropriate not only here

c. 9,

in the list of the Benjaminites but

c.

as the proper introduction to the narrative of Saul,

Still

10

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Ba.).

again, the original place has been

its repetition due to the fact that work of the Chronicler, and after its insertion a transcriber who had texts before him both with and without this supplement copied 8" * - 9" twice (Bn.) (on

thought to have been here and

9'-" is a supplement to the

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164

CHRONICLES
8"
'

this theory the omission of

is difficult) (Ki.

regards 9"

as

already in Chronicles before the supplement

c. 8).

29-38. The genealogy of the house of Saul, repeated

o-" (see
Je'uel,*
v. ")

in

29.

31. In Gibe on dwelt the father of Gibeon

and the name of his wife was Ma'acah and his first born son
Gibeon mod. village
in the

'Abdon then Zur and Kish and Ba'al and Net* and Nadab and
Gedor and Ahio and Zecher and Mikloth*].
sanctuary
of el Jib, five or six miles north of Jerusalem, the seat of a
1

K.

3'-

el al.,

and mentioned many times

importance, or
i,

Hebrew OT.

and occurring
Jews Ne.

in

connection with the post-exilic history of the

Its post-exilic
its

3' 7 W .

association as
its

the place of the sanctuary 2 Ch.

tion in the text in place of

may have

led to

substitu-

an

original Gibeah, the

home
Qr.

of the

family of Saul.

Je'uel,

derived from 9" (f?Klj;\

^>tOJp).

name of frequent occurrence cf. 2" 3'. 'Abdon, cf. Zur (TIX), name of a prince of Midian Nu. 25> 31' Jos.
Ma'acah,
here undoubtedly to be connected with Zeror
pedigree,
1 S. 9'.

v.".

13";

(THX)

in Saul's

Kish, father of Saul

S. 9' el al.

Ba'al, perhaps

the original
p. 15).
It

was Abiba'al (ty^DK)

(cf.

Marquart, Fundamente,

has also been compounded with the following

Nadab
is

A (2"tt), but the intervening Ner, given in 9", also here in <J ,
against this; yet, at any rate, Baal
is

probably an abbreviation
also Mikloth f (v. "),

(Noeldeke, EBi.
their

mention

in

Names w. "

57).

Ner and

from

',

Zoe., Oe., Bn., Ki.).

should be inserted as in 9 M ' (Be., Ke., Ner, elsewhere always of the father of
(cf.

Abner the captain

as a personal

of Saul's host

S.

14"

el al.). 4*.

Gedor,

a personal
reading in

name only here; on place-name cf. name cf. 2 S. 6* where We. reads his
',

Ahio, as

brother as the

v.

".

Dr. prefers there the proper

his brother here.

name Ahio
9" Zechaindeed
these

(TS. p. 204).
riah.

B <8 has

Zecher
f.

f, in

32. Shimeah f]
is difficult

9" Shimeam

Now
its

opposite their brothers dwelt with their brothers in Jerusalem].

This sentence

to understand in

connection.

The

usual interpretation has been that these refers to the family of

Mikloth or Shimeah, and that in opposite

ence
is to

their brothers the refer-

Benjaminites dwelling in Gibeon or elsewhere outside of

Jerusalem, while with their brothers refers to fellow tribesmen in

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89-38.]

GENEALOGY OF SAUL
The emphasis
list

165
certainly is

Jerusalem (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

the dwelling in Jerusalem.

on

Ki. regards the

of

words as a

late gloss.

Ba. suggests

"The heading

which has been

lost."

Bn.

brings to a close here a paragraph of Benjaminite families in

Gibeon of the period of the Chronicler. Vv. "-" giving the line of Saul, he regards as of doubtful origin, although probably from the
Chronicler and with
9",

its

heading, which should correspond to

i S.

missing.

Hogg,

after finding in

w.

-" the descendants of the

clan of Gera, sees in

w.

the descendants of Becker, "the only

to history."
-

other Benjaminite clan

known

He
V.

reads '"DS "OSI

present form
begat Abner*]

"And
v.

the sons of Bichri were

Abdon, etc."
9.

" he connects with

its

" as a
its

part of an element having arisen in

original place in c.

from

33.
1

And Ner
)

(Be., Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn.).

(
1 S.

Kish. also

the true reading, since in 9" (v. also v.

9") Abner is clearly Ner and Kish are

apparently brothers, and in

1

S.

14" both Ner

9 Kish is the son of A bid, and in and Kish are sons of Abiel, according to the

reading

now

generally adopted (see

Sm. Com. in

loco)

(Ke. re-

tained Kish, regarding the

of the line from which Saul

Ner here mentioned

as "the progenitor

view, but thinks owing to the prominence of

was

in the text,

was descended "). Zoe. gives the same Abner originally there "And Ner begat Abner and Kish begat Saul."
S.

Jonathan and Malchi-shua are given among Saul's sons in 1 14", where also Eshba'al (byZOK - !?}?2Er>K) is to be found
Ishvi
(see

in

(*"lty* - Vt?K, V - mrf, having been substituted for tya) Sm. Com. in loco). Elsewhere Eshbaal or Ishbaal appears in i and 2 S. as Ishbosheth (HBOttW Bosheth "shame" taking the place of Baal). These changes were made to avoid the abhorred name Baal and such recensions seem to have been made at a later date than the composition of 1 Ch. (cf. Ashbel v. ') Abinadab probably belongs also to the original text of 1 S. 14",

since Jonathan, Malchi-shua,

and Abinadab are mentioned as

1

slain

with their father on Mt. Gilboa (1 S. 31*

Ch. io).34. Merib-

ba'al f] 9" (tya 2*"I0), in 9"" Meri-ba'al (tya no). The former gives the meaning "Baal contends," and is preferred by Nestle

(Eigennamen, p. 121) and Noeldeke (EBi. Names, 42), the

latter

supported by <g B in 8" MepifiaaX, "Hero of Baal," by Bn., Ki.

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166

CHRONICLES
201),

(SBOT.), Gray

(HPN.

p.

and Kerber (Hebraischen Ei-

gennamen, pp. 45/.)- In 2 S. 4' 9' et al., this son of Jonathan is Bosheth is a substitution for called Mephibosheth (ntP2*B0). Baal (v. s.), while Mephi (*B0) is probably a corruption of L here and in Meri This latter already appears in
(*no).

Mefi<f>iftaa\.
Pithotff].

"king" probably with reference to deity, and like Baal an abbreviation. <&B has MeX^ijX, L MaX^ttjA. (jK^S) Tared] (jTlKn) t Tahred f y'.Ahaz] besides the

Melecfff]

Micah]

<8

9",

frequent

personal

name,

cf.

5*.

36.

f>

King

of Judah, as a personal

name

only here.

36.
Cf.

Jeho'addak]

(myirP)

Jdrah
of

(rnj?* )
1

9"

'Alemeth].

"jK'Azmaoccurs

veth] (niDTJ?, Ki.

also as the

SBOT.
one

JTIOTJ?)

"Death

is

strong,"
2 S. 23",

name

of David's heroes

nM

and

of

one of his

and as either a family or place name in i2>, and that of a place, mod. Hizmeh, four miles north-east of Jerusalem, hence of Benjamin, Ezr. 2" Ne. 12" with Beth Ne.
officers 27",

7". Zimri] name of King of Israel 1 K. 16* et al., of the prince of Simeon Nu. 25", cf. also 2'. Moza], the name elsewhere only 2". 37. Bin a f]. Kaphah]. Cf. for occurrence of name elsewhere 20< 2 S. 2i'. Raphiah 9", cf. for occurrence of name 3"

4"

Ne.

3.

Etasah] name not infrequent,

(1) 2", (2) Je. 29', (3)

Ezr. 10".
first born*].

Azel or Azal f (unless Zee. 14') ].

<g,

38. 'Azrikatn

his

9, have

"11b3 his first

born instead of JS

T02

Bocheru, which latter reading has clearly arisen from the falling of

one of the

six

sons from the text and thus supplies the deficiency.

of the connective before

The absence
a son

word originally was first born. Some mss.

"nD2 shows also that the of (cf. Holmes) supply

name 'Azrikam into *&yu and Jculs. Ishma'el] occurs frequently as a proper name in the late Hebrew and Jewish period, (1) Je. 40' , (2) 2 Ch.
(but not (S*

Kaa at the close

81*).

fc divides the

Hanan]
late

19", (3) 23', (4) Ezr.

see v.

The names in w.

10".She'ariah f].'Obadiah] frequent name.

-

of the descendants of

Saul are clearly designed to be personal, and since no necessarily

names appear among them and

and Levites
(cf.

since they are free

from

repetitions such as appear in the artificial genealogies of the

priests

5"

(6*

) 6'

<* >),

there

to

doubt

their genuineness (Gray,

HPN. p. 241).

is no reason Twelve genera-

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"

IX. 1-34.]

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

167
to

tions

from Saul are given, which would bring the record down
exile.

near the period of the

39. 40.

Not given
if

in c. 9.

'Eshe k\ his brother]

its

i.e.,

the brother

of Azel (Be., Ke.),

the verse has

right context.

here and 7".

14'

Je'ush] see 7".

Eliphelet]

name of

Ulam] only son of David 3'

and two persons mentioned in Ezr. 8" 10". Bow men]. Cf. 3 Ch. 14'. One hundred and fifty]. This number fits in well with These verses may be taken those given of families in Ezr. 2* *

as a fragment without close connection with the foregoing (Bn.) or following directly on v.
'

(Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 161, Hogg).

or perhaps Shu'al (^>JW) in place of 'Eshek (SVy) and finds thus a continuation of a line of descent

Hogg

reads

Shud (JW)
.

from Gera

v.

Then, of course, his brother

*.

refers to the con-

Ehud v. IX. 1-34. The inhabitants of Jerusalem. This section Both in w. -" has marked affinity with Ne. II- .
nection with

passages enumerate the inhabitants of Jerusalem on the same

general plan, with striking coincidences in the
residents.

names

of the

(1)

The

(v. *.),

children of Judah according to the clans of Perez, Shelah and Zerah, with representatives of the same name for the first
(v. )
is

two, since 'Uthai (r?)

equivalent to 'Athaiah (n'np) (n),

(n>t>|)

and 'Asaiah (rwp)

(v.) to

Ma'asiah

(n).

(a)
'
'

The
n').
),

chil-

dren of Benjamin, with Sallu son of Meshuilam in each (v. The priests with Jedaiah, Jehoiarib, Jachin in each (v. 1 1
'

(3)

'Atariah

(nmp) equivalent plainly

to Seraiah (ini*), since their pedigrees are

the same, %&., the son ofjfilkiah, the son of Meshuilam, the son ofZadok,

A hitub, the ruler of the house of God (v. and 'Adaiah, the son of Jeroham with the same names Pashhur and MalchVjah in his pedigree (v. ' n") and Ma'asai the son of 'Adiel the
the son of Meraiolh, the son of

it"),

son of Jahserah . . (n'oSro ja mm> .

. .

the

\a

Sn>ip

son of Meshillemith the son of Immer vpo) (v. "), equivalent to " Amashsai

the son of 'Azarel the son of Ahzai the son of Meshillemoth the son of

Immer " (nSo 13 'tnn )3 Smtj js 'Drop) (n u ). (4) The Levites with Shemaioh the son of IJashshub the son of 'Axrikam the son of Ifashabiah and Mattaniah the son of Mica the son of Zikri (or Zabdi) the son of Asaph and 'Obadiah (Abda) the son of Shemaioh (Shammua) the son of Galal the son of Juduthun in each (w. " tt u "). (5) The
-

gate-keepers with 'Akkub and ToJtnon in each

(v.

'

11").

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168

CHRONICLES

These

similarities

have found an explanation in the continuity

of the families of Jerusalem before

and

after the exile,

our chapter

giving the former,

and Ne.
its

the latter (Re., Zoe., Oe.).

Such

actual continuity with

preservation in records can hardly be

it

seriously maintained, although

probably was the notion of who7,

ever gave this chapter

its

place in i Ch. (Bn., Smd. List. p.

Meyer, Entst. Jud.

cc.

p. 10 1).

This writer

is

usually regarded as the

Chronicler, but since the Chronicler has treated other matters in

1-8,

and

since

he systematically considers the duties of the

,
it

Levites and gate-keepers (w. "-) in 26"

that this chapter
is

has been held

author seems to
it

an interpolation (so Bn.)post-exilic inhabitants

Its

have taken a register of

exilic

and given

a place

here on the supposition that this register represented also preconditions (Smd. List. p.

lated to Ne. 11, through their both having

Smd., Ba., Bn.,

The chapter seems rea common source (Be., Ki.), and the differences between them may be due
7,

Bn.).

to changed conditions of population in Jerusalem

Ne. 11 repreof

senting those of the time of

Nehemiah and our chapter those

the time of the Chronicler (Ki.).

Both chapters are regarded by

possible.

Meyer

(Entst. Jud. pp. 189 /.) as free fancies of the Chronicler

without historical worth.

This

is

In favor of the Chronicler's composition of this chapter

may be
The
list

alleged the fact that the Chronicler in the preceding chapters with

few exceptions deals with the dwelling-places of the

city of

tribes.
it is

Jerusalem could not well have been overlooked,

to

argued,
of

and yet could not be assigned

inhabitants

any one
Judah,

tribe,

hence the

from three
in v.
',

tribes,

Benjamin,

and Levi.

(The words

are wanting in Ne. 11, and since following verses,

and Manasseh, none such are enumerated in the are probably a gloss. Yet v. i.) (For further
i.

And

of the children of Ephraim

points on introduction v.
1.

w.

-.)

And

all Israel

was

registered].

This sentence appears

1

like

a reference to the foregoing genealogies of

are written, etc.," rather implies that v.

Ch. and has been so

taken (Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but the following statement, "behold they
'

is

an independent

intro-

duction to this section (Be.) from the hand of the interpolator

(Bn.).

All Israel

is

not the ten tribes taken in contrast to Judah

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"

DC. 1-Si.]

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

169

(Be.) but either all the tribes in general (Ke., Zoe., Bn.), or better,

Judah and the elements which adhered to the S. kingdom after 722 b. c. (Ki.). The Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah] thus d, B, Meyer, EtUst. Jud. p. 100; " The Book of the Kings of Israel" JR, AV., RV., Zoe., Kau., Ki., and generally. Judah,
then, according to this latter rendering, is the subject of the follow-

ing verb and the next clause reads

captive, etc."
cf.

"and Judah was

Kings of mentioned
Israel

carried

On
35"

this
36*,

"Book of
where

the

away and Judah

with

2 Ch. 27'

it is

in connection
ff.).

Jotham, Josiah, and Jehoiakim

reader
is referred

(v. Intro,

pp. 21

Here the

to this

work

for the registration of all Israel,

while the writer confines himself to that of the inhabitants of

Jerusalem.

They were

carried away,

etc.].

This can refer only

subject need not be

to all Israel as represented in Judah.

The

Judah
tivity

of the text, but can readily be supplied.

The sentence serves

as an introduction to the following enumeration, since the cap-

had become the dividing point

in historical reckoning.

2.

A modification of Ne. 1 1'.

"And

First] i.e., chief, after the suggestion

of Ne. 11',

these are the chief

men

of the province

who

dwelt in Jerusalem "('131

WHO
(Ba.);

taken as that of chief

the captivity,
..,

men

VVn r6), and the list w. is or the first after the return from
first

the inhabitants of the land in the

century

after the restoration (cf. use of

JBW1

in

Ne. 5"

7') (Be.); but the

position of this chapter

exilic inhabitants

shows that the writer designed

to give pre-

and

it is

better to take first with that force (Ke.,

Zoe., Oe.,

Meyer, Bn., Ki.). In their possessions and their cities]. These words are almost meaningless here. They can only signify that the inhabitants of the land generally were divided into the
four following classes.

They

are an abridgment of " In cities of Ju1 1 ),

dah dwelt each one in

where the point
in
is

his own possession in their cities " (Ne.

that those enumerated in the following verses

as inhabitants of Jerusalem formerly resided outside of the city

which they had now chosen of

ii).

(Ne.

their

own

free will to dwell

Israel, the

priests, the

Levites,
11',

These words also are taken from Ne.

this designation

and the Nethinim]. from which "and the

sons of Solomon" has been omitted, possibly because at this time

had ceased, "sons

of

Solomon" being compre-

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170

CHRONICLES
Israd,
i.e.,

headed under the Nethinim.

descent
(cf.

laymen not of Levitical

Ezr.

2"

io et a/.).

The Nethinim, Temple servants

reckoned as inferior to the Levites, although later probably amalga-

in

mated with them. They are only mentioned here and in Ezr. -ju. . 11 10 (ti) ni. 11. They probably 2*. 11. 77 giT. 10 Ne. J*. were of Canaanitish origin most likely to be connected with the Gibeonites (Jos. 9") and the foreigners mentioned in Ez. 44'. 3. And in Jerusalem dwelt certain of the children of Judah and

certain of the children of Benjamin].

These words appear also

Ne.

4.

And
make

certain of the children of

Ephraim and Manasthis post-exilic

seh].

These words apparently have been added to

it
fit

register to

pre-exilic conditions.

According to the

members of Ephraim and Manasseh adhered to the kingdom (2 Ch. 28* 3011 > 34*). They are not, however, mentioned by him in connection with the restoration. 4-6. The sons of Judah. 4. Ne. n 4 * begins with "From the sons of Judah," which may be supplied as the heading of this
Chronicler,
S.
-

verse (Ki.) or the equivalent of this heading

may be
is
-

seen in the

son of Judah, with which the verse ends and which

not found in

Nehemiah.
whichever

is original,

'Uthai f] 'Athaiah Ne. n* f (v *) The names, are obscure and of uncertain meaning.

Bani\ 'Amnrihudl Cf. j-. Omri]. Cf. T.Imri] Ne. 3* Cf. 6", a frequent name in Ezr.-Ne. This line of descent is entirely obscure and different from the one given in Ne. n.

The most conspicuous clan of Judah {cf. 2' ). 6. The Shilonites] (^Vwi Ne. n J^n) correspond with the ShelaPerez].
nites

(WOT)
whose
is

given in
cf.

Nu. 26" as the family or clan from Shelah

'Asaiah].
Cf.

the son of Judah,

(v. s.),

4".

line of descent

through

six ancestors

4" Ma'asaiah Ne. n from "the

Not given in Ne., where the corresponding verse (xx) reads "and all the sons of Perez," the last word an error for Zerah (Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 187, note). Six hundred and ninety] in Ne. n the number is "468 men of strength," i.e., capable of military service. The larger number may indicate the increase of population of this clan at the time when this chapter was written.
Je'uel].

Shilonite"

given.
9.

6.

Zerah],

Cf. 2* the third clan of Judah.

Cf.

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DC. 1-34.]

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

171

7-9.

given also in Ne.

It is

The sons of Benjamin.7. Sallu the son of Meshullom] n't. but with a decidedly different pedigree.

not improbable that "son of Hodaviah son of Hassenuah" (nNJDn n*ltin p) is a corruption or derivation of "Judah

fTTirP) Ne. n (n*1Tin and 2" and 3'), and hence the pedigree of this Sallu son of Meshullom has here been entirely omitted. 8. Ibneiah f] has been seen in "Gabbai" or "Gabbai Sallai" of Ne. u. The other heads here mentioned, Elah and MeshuUam, are without correspondences in Ne. 9. The number in Ne. is

son of Hassenuah"

(nKUDn

mi!"P are confused in Ezr.

928.

10-13.
very exact

The priests.Here the correspondence with Ne. is (v. s.). The material, however, is given more comone enumeration
are
families
is given v. ', cf Ne. n"- " ". mentioned, Jeddioh, Jehoiarib, and

pactly, since only

Six

priestly
v. ",

Jachin,

without pedigrees, apparently because these three

priestly families

names appear among the

who received
first

courses or

appointments for service in the Temple at the time of David:

Jeddiah, the second course 24'; Jehoiarib, the
the twenty-first 24".
list

24'; Jachin,

of the priests

Jeddiah also appears as a family name in the who returned with Zerubbabel Ezr. 2 M Ne.
chiefs of the priests of the
1

7",

and as the name of two

1

same period
priestly

Ne.

'.

Jehoiarib or Joiarib (Ne.

1")

is

the

name of a
(1

house of the days of Joiakim whose head wasMattenai Ne. 12",

and from which the Maccabees were descended

Persons of this

Mac.

2').

name

also are

mentioned among the

priests

who

went up with Zerubbabel Ne. 1 2% and with Ezra Ezr. 8". 'Adaiah and Ma'asiah (v. s.) v. " belong most likely to the same category
as the other three families, since, while not

names of priestly houses

mentioned
jah,

in 24' ", the

former

is

given as a descendant of Malcki-

who held the fifth priestly course (24*), and the latter from Immer, who held the sixteenth (24"). 'Azariah v. , for which we should read Seraiah, after Ne. u", probably represents a similar
priestly family that

appears

among

the

list

of the priestly families

of the time of Joiakim Ne. 12".

A
who

priest of the

same name

is

given in Ne. i2>

among

those

returned with Zerubbabel.

The genealogy

of Seraiah, however, is that of the high priest

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172

CHRONICLES
who went
into captivity, with the

Seraiah, the father of Jehozadak,

variation of

Meshullum
*)

for

Shallum and the insertion of Meraioth.

Cf S" *
view
of
is

(6"

of this Seraiah

While it is possible that this is the true genealogy and that he represents the high priest's family, the
identified Seraiah with the high priest of that

plausible that this genealogy has arisen through the gloss

some one who

name (Bn.).

'Azariah most likely came into the text from " Azariah

the father of Seraiah" (5" (6)).

The

ruler of the house of

God

may refer either to A hifub or 'Azariah

is

(Seraiah).

This

latter

may

have arisen from 3 Ch. 31", where Azariah of the reign of Hezekiah
given that
office,

of this record.

This

since in 3 Ch. 31*

of the

may describe an actual office of the time may not mean that of the high priest, several such rulers are mentioned. The sum
or
it

office

numbers

of these priestly families given in v.

"-

"

is 1,760,

while in Ne. 11"-

" we have 822, 343, and 128, a

total of 1,192.

V. " not only contains this single

phrases found scattered in Ne. 11.
of their fathers' houses has
of valor, in
its

summary but groups

together

And

their brethren the heads

correspondence in

n"

';

mighty men

n;

the

work of the

service of the house of God, in 11".

In addition to the names given here, Ne.

n" mentions an overseer,

in

"Zabdiel the son of Haggedolim."

14-16. The Levites.

the

14.

Shema'iah appears

Ne.

n" with
Buni"
(Be.).

same pedigree except

that instead of closing with from the sons

of Merari

(niD
This
is

""iS

|D) the line closes with "son of

(yi3 p).

latter

may have

arisen

from the former

The name
Juduthun
passage.)

frequent and given in connection with the Merarite

in v.

16.

" and 3 Ch. 39". (Ne. 11" has no parallel in our Bakbakkar f] is a strange name, perhaps the same
etc.] in

as Bakbukiah Ne. 11".

Ne.

11.

Mattaniah,

Heresh f and Galal] are wanting in Ne. 11" (v. s.) is styled "the chief

to begin the thanksgiving in prayer,"

RV.

The

text

probably

is

corrupt (see

Mattaniah, EBi.). 16. 'Obadiah]

(v.

s.).And

Berechiah son of Asa the son of Elkanah

who

dwelt in the villages

11
;

of the Netophathites] entirely wanting in Ne.

appears like a
list

marginal gloss added by some one to complete the

singers

of Levitical

rather

than

the

inhabitants

of

Jerusalem.

Elkanah

represents the family of

Heman,

the Kehathite, otherwise not

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DC. 1-84.]

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM
{cf.

173

represented here

<">) .

The

villages of the Netophathites are

''the singers."

mentioned in Ne. 12" as the residences of

has been identified with

Netopha

"Umm

Toba," north of Bethlehem

(SWP. III. p. 52), or Beit Netttf, about twelve miles west of Bethlehem (Rob. BR. II. pp. 16/., rejected by Bn., Baed. 4 p. 124). The number of the Levites (in Ne. n" 284) is entirely omitted. This
list

of the Levites is principally that of the guilds of singers.

17-34. The gate-keepers and their duties.

only

In

this section

further description of the personnel

is a and duties of the gate-keepers of the Temple and possibly of some additional Levites. The statements, however, are somewhat contradictory and confused.

w.

"

are paralleled in Ne.

and the remainder

Conditions of the writer's

v. ",

own

time

v. "*, of

the Davidic period

and of the Mosaic period are not sharply distinguished. Likeis

wise the status of the gate-keepers

not definitely outlined.

are introduced as though distinct from the Levites (v.

They " compared

with

v. "), and yet they are called Levites (w. ' "). Their office goes back to the Mosaic period (w. * '), and yet David and

Samuel are said to have ordained them

in their office (v. ").

They appear

in the

list

of the inhabitants of Jerusalem

and yet

they, or at least

a portion of them, are given residence in villages

outside of the city

(w.

).

In the description of their duties

the writer passes at once, without any indication of the fact, in

v.

(Be., Ke., Oe., Zoe., Bn., Ki.), or in

v.

"

(Ba.,

duties of the Levites in general.

is

And
and

finally in v.

ARV.), to the " the statement a

list

made that

these are the singers

in v.

we have a subscription
i.e.,

apparently of an altogether different paragraph,

chief

of the

men
:

of the Levites

tion of these difficulties

who dwelt at Jerusalem. A partial solumay be found in the following considerafrom the Levites, and
this distinc-

tions

(1)

The

gate-keepers, probably in the earliest post-exilic

period, were regarded as distinct

tion

was made

in the first

list
>,

of the inhabitants of Jerusalem,

reflected in

w.

" Ne. n-

but later they, or at least the chief

gate-keepers, were reckoned as Levites

tradition respecting their origin

(w.

'

- c.

26).

(2)
first,

The
that

may
the
1

have been this:

along with the other

officials of
(v.

by David and Samuel

cf.

Temple they were instituted 16" 26 ), and then, secondly, that

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174
I

CHRONICLES

this institution applied only to the subordinate gate-keepers

resided in the country (w.

), while the chief gate-keepers

who who
to

resided in Jerusalem (v. ") traced their office to the Mosaic period

(w.

'

').

(3)

The abrupt

transition of subject

may be due

corruptions of the text or the omission of verses originally written

(v.i.).

17. Shallum,
lies of

gate-keepers

Ezr. 2".

Akkub and Talmon] are among the six famiwho returned with Zerubbabel according to Shallum does not appear in Ne. n", probably through
oversight.

a copyist's

He is mentioned with
(see also v.

the others in Ne. 12"

under the name Meshullam

').

Ahiman] (JDVW)
arisen

wanting in Ne., and elsewhere only the name of a son of an Anakite

Nu. 13"

Jos. 15" Ju.

i"

f, is

suspicious

and may have

from
the
io",

the following their brethren

(DiTTttt) (Ba.), written

perhaps to

take the place of Afer, which

original text, since four

may have been dropped from

are needed
(cf.

names

Ezr.

2" and

where Ater (itSK) may have been corrupted into Uri (*H1N)). Or this fourth name, Ahiman, may have been coined to meet the
requirement of
v. -, the original

document

of the inhabitants of
to this time].

Jerusalem having only three names.

18. And up
i.e.,

The

reference

is

to the period of the writer,

of the Chronicler

(Ki.), or of his interpolator (Bn.).

At that time Shallum was

stationed in the king's gate on the east side of the

The

eastern gate of the court of Solomon's

Temple area. Temple may have been

pre-

called the king's gate

and the ancient name may have been

served in the second Temple; or this name, since the natural en-

King would have been directly from the palace on derived from Ezekiel's temple, in which the royal entrance is placed on the east (Ez. 46' *).Ofthe camp of the sons of Levi] that is, the Temple with its chambers and courts, an expression derived from Nu. 2", and paralleled in the "camp of Yahweh" 2 Ch. 31', and doubtless used to indicate that the families of the gate-keepers (v. ") already at the time of Moses were "in office" (cf. v. ""J. 19. Shallum] clearly the same as the Shallum of v. ", and identical with Meshelemiah 26 Shelemiah 26".
trance for the the south,

may have been

Keepers of the thresholds], i.e., gate-keepers. Cf. for the use of this term 2 Ch. 34* 2 K. 12" <> 23* 25" Je. 35*. Of the tent] ..,

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INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

IX. 1-34.]

175

Temple; the term could apply to and probably was used with that intent; or the writer may have meant David's tent (2 S. 6") (Zoe., Oe.). And their fathers were over the camp of Yahweh keepers of the entrance]. There is no record of this in P, but since the Korahites were given descent from Kehath (Ex. 6"- ")> and since the Kehathites held the first place among the servants of the holy place and were
either of the tabernacle or the either (see v.
)

responsible for the holiest vessels (Nu. 4*

easily

),

this tradition could

have

arisen.

The camp

of

Yahweh

is

the tabernacle,

and

the entrance is the entrance into the court of the tabernacle (Ke.),

or the reference is to the camp of Israel and its entrance (Ba.). The former, the more usual explanation, is to be preferred. 20. And Phinehas the son of Ele'azar was ruler over them in time past]. This tradition may have arisen from Nu. 25* , where in v. is

mentioned the "door of the tent of meeting" where

gation of Israel were gathered,

all

the congre-

and in v. ', "Phinehas arose from the midst of the congregation and took a spear in his hand," as though he were an officer there on duty, in command of the keepers of the gate. May Yahweh be with him/] an instance of the Jewish and Oriental custom of uttering a pious wish when mentioning the

name

of a distinguished righteous dead person.

a.

21. Zechariah,
v.
',
-

etc.]

continuation of the glorification of

ShoUum

since (identifying Shallum with

Meshelemiah and Shelemiah)

(26 s ") Zechariah

was

his son.

Zechariah clearly was a

man

of

prominence
(26").

in the priesdy traditions,

"a

discreet counsellor"

In connection with

w. -

' the tent of meeting must be

understood as the tabernacle at Gibeon (Bn., Ki.) or the tent

for the

ark during the time of David, while as a continuation

'

parenthetical

Mosaic tent is meant (Bn.). Vv. l,k -' are and probably a gloss, since by making the gatekeepers' office an institution of the Mosaic period they apparently contradict the statement of v. M where David and Samuel
of
clearly the

w.

are

its

founders (Bn., Ki.) (yet v.

s.).

22.

All of them

who were
state-

chosen for gate-keepers at the thresholds were 212].

This

ment
is

is

a continuation of

v. .

Cf. Ne. n', where the number

172.

The emphasis

They were reckoned by genealogies in their villages]. is on the final phrase in anticipation of v. .

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176

CHRONICLES

David and Samu'el

trust].

the seer established them in their office of

is

This statement respecting the work of David

agree-

able to the Chronicler's view of his having organised the personnel

of the sanctuary, priests 24*, Levites

23" 24", singers 25'

*-.

gate-keepers 16"

and

implicitly in 26 1

Samu'el

is called

the

seer after 1 S. 9', also so called in 26'* 29", likewise

16'
".

Hanani

2 Ch.

This

is

the only record of Samuel's participation in arit is

rangements for the sanctuary and

Midrash.

a good example of Jewish

have been in con-

Historically, his activity could only

nection with the tabernacle placed

by the Chronicler at Gibeon (16" 2 Ch. i>), since he died before the death of Saul, and hence before the reign of David. 23. They and their children were at the gates of the house of Yahweh, the tent-house, for guards]. This

statement refers to the families of gate-keepers living in Jerusalem.

The two
tent,

expressions, the house of

Yahweh and

the house of the

seem used to cover both the case of the Temple and the period
built.

of

David before the Temple was

The second

expression

then either refers to the tent of the ark on Mt. Zion

the tabernacle at Gibeon; or the writer

(cf.

16") or

may not have distinguished

For guards,
i.e.,

between them.

This
cf.
'-.

last is
7'.

most

likely.

guardi-

ans of the gates,

keepers in 26"

Ne.

24.

Cf. the arrangement of the gate-

26.

And

their brethren

who were in

their vil-

lages were obliged to be with these].

come every seven days, from time

to time, to

No mention elsewhere is made of the gate-keepers

The
singers, however, did so (see v. ").

dwelling in villages.
These,
i.e.,

the gate-keepers mentioned in v. ".

26. For

the

four chief (heroes of) gale-keepers were in continual office (trust)] i.e., they did not rotate from time to time as the under gate-

They are

keepers.

The four

clearly represented the four families of v. "*.

From this it would seem that the under who resided in the villages were not yet reckoned as Levites. The writer possibly has meant to distinguish two classes of gate-keepers: first those of the four families of v. ", who traced
the Levites].

gate-keepers

their office to the time of

Moses, were acknowledged of Levitical

descent, resided in Jerusalem,

continual office of chief gate-keepers

scribed in

and whose representatives held the and whose duties are deunder gate-keepers, who resided

w. Mb

; secondly the

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IX. 1-34.]

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM
office to

177

David and Samuel, and and were not reckoned as Levites (v. s.). And they were over the chambers and the treasuries of the house of God]. These words either introduce a
out of Jerusalem, traced their

performed their duties at stated

intervals,

new paragraph
and not
In 26"

speaking of the duties of the Levites in general

of the gate-keepers (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.)

still

or the four chief gate-keepers are

*-,

the subject (H, EVs., Ba.).

list

after the

enumeration of the gate-keepers, a

is

of in-

dividual Levites who were over the treasuries

given.

Chambers,

store-chambers in which tithes and sacred vessels were kept.

Cf. 2 Ch. 3i-
'

Ne. i3 4 -*.

These were both a part of the

Temple

itself

(judging from the plan of Solomon's and Ezekiel's

Temples, see DB. and EBi.), and possibly separate buildings in

the courts (26") (Bn.).
babel's Temple.

27.

for upon them rested

Very little, however, is known of ZerubThey lodged round about the house of God, the duty of watching, and they had charge

of opening {the temple) every morning].

The

subject

is

either

the Levites

who had charge

of the stores of the

Temple and
or,

hence were required to guard them with care day and night,
as the last clause suggests, the principal gate-keepers.

Open-

ing (IWBD)

may

also be rendered key, as elsewhere Ju.

i.e., it

22"

),

hence they were over the key,

3" Is. was incumbent upon

(Be.).

them more
5'

to

open the storehouses every morning

28.
*-

And
i'

some of them had charge of the

costly traditional gold
to, since

utensils of service].
silver utensils

Probably the
(28"

and

Dn.

) are here referred

they were to be accurately counted.

29.
30.
work
cf.

The holy

utensils]

from the connection would appear to

soil.
';

have been those used in the offerings of the products of the

statement suggested by the last word of v.

Ki.).
Its

perhaps

a gloss (Bn.,
Ex. 30"-".

motive

is

to

show the

limitation of the

of the Levites in connection with the spices.

On

the work,

31. Shallum]
a
first

is

the family

name and

Mattithiah
in

the first born represents

different period of time

from that

which Zechariah was the

Mattithiah
is

born

(cf.

w.'- " 26').

'

The name
In
the

frequent is"-

i6 25'-

Ezr. io Ne. 8<t, but

Cf. Lv.
2'

none of
office

its

bearers can be identified with this person.

6'

of trust over the pastry of fiat cakes].

< >

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178

CHRONICLES
One
of the three great divisions of

7" ,

etc.

32. KehathUes].
cf.

the Levites,

Nu. 3"-

".

Their brethren] with reference to

the Levites mentioned in v.".

For the way

of arranging the

show-bread, see Lv. 24*

33.

A subscription out of place, since

w. uu which
,

the singers are not mentioned in the immediately foregoing verses.

It either

was

written in reference to

relate princilist

pally of singers (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), or

it

closed a

of sing-

ers

who

dwelt in the Temple chambers and were freed from other

service

(Bn., Ki.).

(D^ltDB J"OtS^3), which has been omitted from the text For day and night they were in their work] the

reason

why
i.

sentence v.

34.

they were freed from other service.

On

peculiar
v.

Another subscription, either going with

re-

ferring to all the Levites

mentioned

in

w. '",

or

it is

a repetition

of

to the context

8" and has come in here with w." and has been adjusted by the insertion of the Levites, see 8".
4. A comparison with N<*. n' suggests that several names have dropped from this line, thus: rr>tp p n>np. Ne. 1 i f ib <md SkSS.id p rues* p sviek p nnw p 1 Ch. 9* f"IB jd ja J3 p ncH p >iop p iwdp p 'nip. ncK] wanting in <X, since the transliteration would be the same as that for nop, cf. <&. 6. <jS<rn] Ne. n 'jSpn, read with Nu. a6

'??. so Be., Ke., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki."i3n mrp] the firstborn appears wrong when none of Asaiah's brothers are given. <S read ns3,

which
'jSeri).

is

certainly

wrong as

far as the suffix is concerned (after ?o

10. annrm] Ne. 11" 12. om p]Ne. 11" +

oSpo
so
<&.

Possibly the original was

tvo
'>

ra

srrp cf

-\ria

.-t<B>po

Ne. n.
n-w.

incorrectly

p.11.

nmjn] Ne.

rrn
'inn

'Idk J3 n'SSs

IS presents M a long
in

mm'] Ne. 11"

Smtp

<dpdpi.

p<bWd]

n" p. p Snnp p
Ne.
(Dav. Syn.

ippoi
rv>

series of constructs

26).
final

Probably, however, before P3Sd a S from the influence of the

letter of S>n

has fallen from the text (Ges. 128c), or according to Ne. 11" an p has been omitted (cf. 23"). 16. Since *nn has no 1 pre-

1] read tfw carpeniarius. Instead of SSji enn Cheyne reads rrVnnn vn-\, "the leader in the song of praise," and places after Mattaniah son of Asaph (EBi. a. col. 2019). nsi] some uss., Ne. . n -o. 16. n>jiv p ni3jrt] Ne. jrnwp k-opi. kok] 32 uss. idk,
fixed,
. .

read
oJrot

M
iut

18.

nuns]

pi.

Ges.

1246 or

e.20k. wp nw]

<&

ml

atirov,

otioi. y>j-ico,

"And

the Lord tvas with him."

coram Domino, AV., RV. 22. noa > "* ] an accusative of

cf.

the obj. Ges. 125a

f.n.23. nviBPcS] for guards,

Ne.

7,

BDB.

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IX. 38-44.]

GENEALOGY OF SAUL
1.

179
injuncregular,

motro,
tion,

26.
TH.

KiaS] inf. with h of past time with implied

Dr.

J 204, Ges. 114*.

a'O'a nyae*]

definite,

28.
and
1

and expected,
non] Dr.

since present to the mind, see Ges. 134m,

TH.

aoi (1).

1269.
clos-

D'iSn on]

an independent clause
<K

ing a section (Kau., Ki.

Kom. Das

sind die Leviten).

omits on

(before <f") and connects with the following. Ke. (followed by and Ki. SBOT., and BH. doubtfully) also connects with the following and suggests that the original text for vm 0'iSn oni was |Di vn D'lSn. 27. For oni Be. reads onm. 33. hskScs &vhf nS'Si odi> '3] literally, by day and by night there was upon them in the work, i.e., they were busy day and night in their work. The clause is peculiar both in haying no subject expressed and in the peculiar force of a with the noun. Cf. 1. 117 a, Ew. 295 e, BDB. 3 V. note.

Zoe.

35-44. The genealogy of Saul.A duplicate of

pp. 164-7).

8"

(see

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X-XXIX.

THE HISTORY OF DAVID.

falls into

This history of David

building of the

two parts

(i)

x-xx

contain-

ing an account of his reign; (2) xxi-xxix preparations for the

Temple and the orders and arrangements

it

of the

servants of the Temple,

(xxi serves as connecting link between

the two sections, since

either.)

could be appropriately classed with

Saul

X. The death of Saul. The entire connection of David with is passed over and the Chronicler begins his history of David
i S.

with an account of the death of Saul taken from

31 ,l *, with a

few
in
1

slight variations

due partly to

intention, partly to accident,

and
of

some instances preserving a

S.

better text than the present

1.

The

narrative of the battle of Mt. Gilboa is introduced ab-

ruptly, the Chronicler taking for granted that the events

which led

to

it

were well known to the reader.

The

introductory clause

Now

the Philistines fought against Israel is a general statement which was conveniently supplied by the source. In 1 S. it serves to reintroduce the main theme after a digression concerning

David's attack upon the Amalekites.

cared for his
icler for

Each man of

Israel fled]

implying that the defeat turned into a panic in which each

man

own

life.

This has been substituted by the Chron-

more general statement in 1 S. "and the men of and was doubtless intentional to make the account of the defeat more vivid. And fell down slain in mount Gilboa], According to 1 S. 28', the Philistines were encamped at Shunem (the mod. Solam) and the Israelites were gathered together on Mt. Gilboa (the mod. Jebel Fuku'a). This ridge commands the enthe
Israel fled,"

trance to the southern angle of the Plain of Esdraelon through

Dothan, and also the main highway from Esdraelon to the Jordan,
180

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X. 1-14.]

DEATH OF SAUL
It

l8l
was, therefore, a point
Philistines alike.

viz.,

that through the Valley of Jezreel.

of extreme importance to Israel

and to the

To

the former

was the connecting link between the tribes north of Esdraelon and those to the south, while to the latter it meant conit

trol of

the important trade-route which drained the rich grain-fields

of the

Israelites failed to profit

Hauran and passed on to the gardens of Damascus. The by the advantage they had gained in
the Philistines pursued Saul

2.

possessing themselves, in advance, of the key to the situation.

And

and

his sons closely]

is

paralleled

by the action of the King of Syria who commanded his

charioteers at the battle of Ramoth-gilead to attack only the person

of the
shu'a].

King of Israel (i K. 22"). Jonathan, Abinadab, MalchiCf. 8=9.3. The archers hit him]. The Heb. idiom
"the archers found him."4.
Cf. Ju. 9".

has

it,

me

through].

because of his

Draw thy sword and thrust But his armorbearer would not] either reverence for his lord (Sm.), or, more likely, from
(cf.

fear of blood-revenge

2 S. a"),

which would be
fell

all

the

more

certain to overtake

Then Saul took his own sword and

rare cases of suicide in the

one who slew the Lord's anointed

(cf. 1 S. 26*).

upon
all

it\

One

of the
f, also

OT.,

cf. v.

2 S. 17" 1

K. 16"

Mac. 10" 14" 4. 6. The abridgment, armorbearer and all his men " of 1 S., can
2
to Saul's servants (Ba.), yet
it is

his house, for "his

scarcely be a reference

certain that Saul's house did not

perish at that time

(cf.

2 S. 2* ').

This

is

probably nothing more

Still,

than a careless statement by the Chronicler.

the text of Chronicles.

Bn. prefers
of Israel

7. The valley from which the men

that of Jezreel
(cf.

saw the defeat was

their cities]

Ho.

i).

They forsook

one of which was doubtless Beth-shan, where the bodies

his sons

of Saul

and

were exposed

(1 S. 3i'- ")

the Philistines

was

of short duration, for in 2 S. 2*

Jezreel.

making Ish-bosheth king over

The tenure of we find Abner Yet this kingship may

have been one of vassalage to the

the parallel.

Philistines.

9.

And

took his

head] implying that he had been beheaded, a fact directly stated in

10.

And

they put his weapons in the house of their

gods] just as the sword of Goliath had been deposited at the

sanctuary at
1

Nob (1

S. 21 ).

The variation of the

text of v. '">

and

S.

31

"

suggests that in the original both readings were found

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182
i.e.,

'CHRONICLES
they placed in the house of

the passage read,

His weapons

Astarte, his skull they nailed in the house of

Dagon and

his body
:

they exposed on the wall of Beth-shan (Be., Zoe., Oe., Bn.)

other-

wise
is

i S.

preserves the original text (We., Dr., Ki., Sm.) and, as

we have here a modification of the Chronicler. In Dagon] to whom there were temples at Gaza (Ju. 16" and at Ashdod (i S. 5 i Mac. io ,, - n 4 ). Dagon may be derived from SI, fish, hence has been described by David Kimhi as having the head and arms of a man and the body and tail of a fish, or from ]J1, corn, whence Philo Byblius makes him a god of husbandry. The latter seems more appropriate for the inmost
likely,

the house of

habitants of the Philistine plain, but the uncertain origin of these

people leaves the question open

(cf.

Del. Par. p. 139; Sayce, Rel.

Bab. pp. 188/.; Scholz, G&tzendienst, pp. 238/.; Baud, in PRE* III. pp. 460 ff.; Jen. Kosmol. pp. 449 ff.). 11. 12. All the in-

habitants* of Jabesh-gilead],

Saul

(cf. 1

S.

These paid a debt of gratitude to ii 1 ") by recovering his body and those of his sons

according to

1 S. in

a raid by night

and giving them honourable

Burying the

burial in a sacred place, under the oak in Jabesh.

dead was considered an act of piety

(cf.

Tob. 1"

2).

The doubtful

phrase "and burnt them there" of

1 S.,

considered original by

Sm., was omitted by the Chronicler, since burning was looked upon

as something abominable (Am. 2

gilead
is

uncertain.
it

Eusebius places
it

). The exact site of JabeshThe name is still preserved in Wady Yabis. six Roman miles from Pella. Oliphant sought
1

in the ruins

Meriamin, and so more recently Merrill (but see

Robinson conjectured the ruins ed Deir wady but somewhat off the road from Beisan to Jerash (so GAS.). 13. 14. This reflection upon the
Buhl,
p. 259).

GAP.

on the south

side of the

death of Saul with the observation that

Yahweh turned

the king-

dom

from the Chronicler, and after his manner cf. 2 Ch. i2 13" 21" 24" 25" 27* 28". The cause of Saul's death is found in his trespass of not keeping the word of
is direct

unto David

Yahweh, probably with reference to the disobedience recorded in 1 S. 13" is 1 ", and Saul's consultation with the witch of Endor
'

1 S.

28'

In
1 S.

v. "

Saul

is

apparently misrepresented, since ac-

cording to

28* Saul did ask of

Yahweh but

the Lord did not

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r 1-14.]
answer him.
far

DEATH OF SAUL

183

Doubtless the thought of the Chronicler was not

writes,

from that of the mod. commentator who

"Saul had

neglected to seek the favour of Jehovah with proper zeal

inquire of

and then

Him"

(Zoe.).

1. icnSj] preferred as the original

o^vrhi.

B"H on]
*

form by Bu., Sm.

S. paSjn also v.
.

1 S. 31'
cf.
. .

S.

<
.
.

tt'i

On On

B" in distributive sense

1

Gn.

9 io* 40*-

Ex. ia and often.

rati
.

paSj]

2.

nnn

nrm]
cf.

1 S.

31'
1

n*.

the Chronicler's usage with -inn

Ju. ao
Sm.

S.

14".

tnjv] 1 S.

jnjm\

The

spelling jniv is found

elsewhere, in 1 S. 13'31*
'e>

and some 37 other

times.

3.

Sins' Sp]

S.

The

substitution of Sp for Sk

may be due

to the influence

which does not use Sk. Bn. regards Sp as the original. pppa onion] 1 S. 'pa O'Cjh onion. The Chronicler has preserved the better order and according to Bu. the better text. If O'COK belonged onvn |D Sn<i] 1 S. to the original text it should precede onion (Dr.). omonD -mo Sn'i. Probably the Chronicler's text is an abridgment. The verb Sni presents a difficulty. Dr. takes it from Svi "trembled." Sm. thinks that <S takes the word from SSn, we think more likely from nSn, an apocopated Hoph. or for nSny (Klo.), cf. 1 K. ai- a Ch. i8" and Ch. 35". <S renders here and a Ch. i8* 35" by the same word hrtrtaar, brintca. Bu. gives the clause up as hopelessly corrupt. 4. kpj-'jk] 1 S. 31 4 Hvh. Before iSSpnni 1 S. has 'jipn. The Chronicler's text is better (Bu., Sm.). 6. a-nn] 1 S. 31' win, which after 9 is to be preferred (Bn.). rap is omitted after nci. Bn. regards both as additions to the original text, nci is wanting in (S8 by haplography. 6. ino rw ino Sai] an abridgment of 1 S. 31' Sa 01 l'Sa urn
of Aramaic,

rm mnn ova

rejK.

7.

eH Va]

1 S.

31'

wwpopa -wh]

preserving

and an abridgment of 1 S. of which the present text is jrvn -opa y*m popn iapa -wk, and in which ^pa each time is probably a corruption of npa in the cities of (Klo., Bu., Sm.). Dr. retains the present text of 1 S. Sme vwk, are the subject of j in 1 S. <S has here I<rpoi}X, from which Kau. supplies Skib" wk,
more nearly the
original text

so also Ki.
lapaijK

Some
'1

subject seems

necessary.

<K K

with rat before

Va

may

retain the original

sg.

verb must be put in the

jna.

with

8. iS. 3i , hasP'?e' ni

vSa]

1 S.

31* vSa nn wce'i vs>ki

onnp] onpn ona] before run iphi nn wei wowi pk requires as

<$. 1 S.

reading of Ch.

Then

the
S.

nn.

ija.

9.

ima'i.

irrjeM] Pi.

its

object the head

and weapons of Saul

(so Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Sm.).

it

Since, however, the inf.

"waS implies a personal subject

may be

well to understand messengers as the object of mSei

and point as

a Qal (Kau.,

Ki.,

preferred (Bu., Sm.).

Bu.).anoip nw] 1 S. 'p ma, the former is to be 10. onnSn ra] probably a direct departure

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184
from
i S.

CHRONICLES
nnwj
sg.

3i rrnnvt
i

p>3.

(Dr.,

Bu., Sm.).

vMu pki
wp,
i

jwi na vpn]

S.

\v

no

nnvia ippn

pu pki.

Instead of
Wi?h in

they

drove in as a tent pin,

we probably should read

exposed after Lagarde (Dr., Bu., Sm., Ki., Bn.).

ipSj] i S.

31" ip^J <a

11.
Sa,

S. <Ay

Sa

ijroei

v'jw >poM.

Ki. restores the latter in his

text of
'i

Ch.

(SBOT., Kom.).
S<n 1 S.
.
.

<S

read V?i >}&>

which suggests

12. After
1

ra <3P< Sa as original here, so Kau., Bn.

31" has nS'Sn Sa

laS'i.

"V* *n pk] i S. "Wk ph. pbm pdu pk w'i]

. . .

S.

P'U

P' pk mp'i.

The

Chronicler has substituted the

in

Aram, and
nu.
1

late

Heb. word nou, found

the

OT.

only here,

for

After vja the Chronicler has also omitted iP'3prjms.Dwa'i ns"3>] nw W3'i. The Chronicler perhaps has only added the
S.
sf.

because the vocalisation originally

&).

3i'ne>a>a

Ch. omits op opk witm. eoo nSKn pnp onvnoxp pk rop'i] Wkh pnp mpi) orvpioup pk 13. The verse presents
1 S.
wip'i.

may have been

the same

(<B,

the heavy peculiar style of the Chronicler.

SikpS]

inf.

used instead

Dav. Syn. 96 R. 4), cf. of the finite verb (Ew. 351 c, Ges. 6". mS] inf. in a supplemental sense equivalent in meaning to gain

mp,

instruction.

XI. 1-3. David

of the

made king over all Israel.The

Chronicler

omits, as foreign to the purpose of his narrative, David's reception

news

of Saul's death, his reign over the tribe of

his contest with the

house of Saul (2

S. 1-4),

Judah, and and proceeds at once

to David's establishment as king over all Israel.

is

The

narrative
"all the

a close copy of

2 S. 5'-'.

1.

In 2 S. instead of

all Israel

tribes of Israel

came," who represented the adherents of the house

of Saul in distinction

from the

tribe of

was reigning.

The

Chronicler, having in view the

is

Judah over which David main fact rather

passing over in silence,
).

than the details of the history which he

uses Israel as including

According

to the

Judah with the rest {cf. w. word of Yahweh by the hand of Samuel].

3.

These

words are the Chronicler's contribution to the narrative taken from 2 S. It has been inferred that the Chronicler had among his sources a "Testament of Samuel" (Bn.), but perhaps it is
sufficient to think of 1 S.

15"

i6-

1.

Smn

Sa wapn] 2 S. s 1 Sk*ib H53p Sa yuan.

wanting in % and "iokS in <S. njn] 3 The third at is wanting in a S. 5*- iwnon nnK V?o] a K'JTO nr\"7i npK. Mocm] a S. 3oni is probably a scribal

where

-DK'i is

^okS]

a S. tdkS idk'i
S. S.

wm.

2.
Ges.

U'Sp V?o

error,

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XI

1-9.]

DAVID MADE KING

a S. ntf, also

185

74*. a "* iw]

'0J is

in

Ch. followed by Ki., SBOT.,

but the Greek tradition seems rather to support

second

cf.

d"-,

"B.

The

wanting

in <S

and

2 S.,

hence

is

omitted by Ki,

SBOT.

3.
4-9.

onS] a S. s

iSdh.

The capture
'

of Jerusalem.This

is

a somewhat

free

and modified
2 S. 5*

transcript of 2 S. $''"

The

chronological notices of

are omitted here to be inserted in a

more appropriate

place (29")-

4.

Chronicles has

all Israel

engaged with David

in the assault

upon Jerusalem, while

his

2 S.

speaks of "the king and

his

men,"

i.e.,

body-guard or warriors.

The

Chronicler has

added the
18"

archaeological note explaining Jerusalem as

though
proba-

anciently called Jebus.

This

is

after the usage of P, cf. Jos. 15*

"

Ju. 19"- ".

Jebus as the ancient

name

of the city

is

bly a mere fancy derived from the fact that the Jebusites dwelt
there at the time of David.

In the Amarna tablets the

is

name

Urusalim repeatedly occurs, while there

no

trace of

a name cor-

responding to Jebus. Jerusalim is also given as the name in Ju. i'- " Jos. 15" 2 S. s (cf. Moore on Ju. i9")- And there

were the Jebusites the inhabitants of the land].

sets forth directly the

In 2 S.

we have

"against the Jebusites the inhabitants of the land," which phrase

thought of an attack upon non-Israelites

as the purpose of David, while Chronicles has turned the words

into a description of the conditions of the time of David.

6. 6.
is

Chronicles gives but the

sites to

first

part of the defiant speech of the Jebu-

David, omitting the scornful boast of the impregnability of

it

Jerusalem, that the blind or the lame could defend

(2 S. 5*).

Probably the reference to them was no longer understood.

This verse

is far

smoother and quite different from the obscure

parallel in 2 S.

Although
it

this

prowess of Joab with

its

reward

nowhere

else

mentioned,

probably was not an invention of the

Chronicler, and his later position as commander-in-chief may have had some connection with the capture of Jerusalem in spite of the
fact that

he led the
2 S. 5*

men

of

David

earlier (2 S. 2").

part of the fortifications of Jerusalem; location and

8. MUlo] meaning are

obscure

(cf.

K. 9" 11").

the city of

David

2 Ch. 32* (for discussion

The Chronicler placed it in GAS. /. II. pp. 40 ff.).

And Joab

restored the rest of the city].

This statement has no

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186
parallel in 2 S.

CHRONICLES

The rest of the city means the city apart from the David thus rebuilt the fortress and Joab the rest of the city. This legend concerning Joab may have arisen from the prominence of the family of Joab in post-exilic Israel, 4" Ezr. 2*
citadel;

8 (We. TS.).
4. }nen Sai tvi] 2 S. 5*

favoured by Bn., follows 2 S.

ari"DO>n Sk. aoon ipi KiSan jd]

2 S.

6.

oia<

w
<Sf-

win T?d.i. <Sb adopted by Ki., SBOT., and agree with % a" Ofl 0!n]
->dkm] 2 S. "idhm.

8. aaDD
jai.

vpn

pi

a3Dn np> HiSon p.

2 S. s nivai flP- follows

mSon

jd a^ao
is

tti

<| B

omits

a<aon

suspicious,

especially

with the

art.,

(Bn., Ki.).

rua

so perhaps the original

(n'i)
is

was nan ipi and to <Ac palace here used with the meaning to rebuild with

the added notion of enlarging,

ing, 2

Ch. 32*
<S

33'-

" (BDB.).

cf.

2 Ch. 8*
-\nv

n*

26*,

merely rebuildin'

"l'pa

rn

nw

anvi] wanting

David as the subject. <BL follows ^. 9 translates: "Joab gave his right hand to the rest of the men who were in the city." This paraphrase is based upon the rendering of nwr> to keep alive (so Ba.). But the meaning to restore is supported by Of- rtouwovfyraTo, and the use of mi in Ne. 3".9. nin<] 2 S. 5" +^.
2 S.
ical ixo\4iii)9t> ko.1

B has

fta/Ser rljr riXtr with

10-47. David's mighty men.

">"

This

section is taken
l0
,

from

2 S. 23- with the exception of the introductory v.

and w.

recorded elsewhere.
tion,

which give the names of sixteen additional mighty men not These additional names and the superscrip*, have suggested that the entire list, w. -", came from v.
2 S.

a source independent of
(Graf).

(Bn.) and perhaps the source of 2 S.

is

Another explanation
c.

that
v.

w.

41b -"

are out of place,

belonging in
in

w.

,lb - 4 '

are in

the Jordan.

The names many instances if not all of persons from east of The first twelve of these heroes given in w. are
12 between v.
'

and

(Bu. in Com.).

mentioned again as monthly commanders of the army of David

(2 7 ).

10.
to

And

these were the chief of the

David who held

strongly with

together with all Israel to

mighty men who belonged him in respect to the kingdom, make him king]. These words explain
list

the Chronicler's introduction of the

of the mighty

men

at this

point in his narrative.

He
In

regarded them as participants in the

coronation of David.

fact,

many of these mighty men probably

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XL

10-47.]

DAVID'S

MIGHTY MEN

187

won their places in subsequent campaigns of David and were unknown at this time (We. Prol. p. 173). According to the word of Yahweh unto Israel} is a good example of the Chronicler's religious comment and view-point of David's reign.
11-14. The three mightiest.This section is incomplete. Vv. bl " of 2 S. 23 have been omitted by a copyist (v. i.), so that
the

name

of the third hero

Shammah

is

lacking and his exploit

is

assigned to Ele'azar the second hero, whose

omitted.

own

exploit has been

11. Instead of Jashobe'am we should read Ishba'al, and

instead of thirty, three, of

whom

Ishba'al

was the

foremost, coming

before Ele'azar and

Shammah.

After 2 S. also eight hundred

should be read instead of three hundred.

Ahohite].

12.

Dodai

*].

v.

i.

Cf. v.

'.

13.

Ephes-dammim

(1 S. 17 1 ) (v.

Pas-dammim] wanting in 2 '.). 14. They stood, etc.].

S.

29*,

Read

after 2 S. 29", he stood, etc.

10. O'ptnnDn] cf 2 S. 3*
>bdd] 2 S. 23* nmtp,

Dn. 10" and for references 3 Ch. i 1 11. which Ki. prefers here. But the probability is
.

that Ch., the harder reading,

has preserved the original, since the

sum

is

given in 2 S. 23"

(cf.

Bn.).

ops*"]
al.).

<fc

B ItatfiaSa, 1 IttrocfiaaK,

which are certainly not corruptions of A lepaan 41. 2 S. 38" P2e>3, <S B Uapbaee I Ic<raaX. The Lucian text reveals the true
reading Syae" or Sjd*>k (Dr., Ki., et
corruption of ne>3-eK,
cf.

8.

The

reading of 2 S.
'inarm

is

'jiosn-ja] 2 S.

'jrjann

(We.

Stos? p, which Bu. adds to the Hachmonite is unknown. A corruption of ona-ma has been seen in it (EBi.). avrktm ck-i] Qr. '1 owbvn, 2 S. 'tSe>n pk-i. Thus the Heb. texts provide three renderings, chief of the thirty (<fc B in Ch. preferred by Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.),

TS., Dr., Bu.).

In 27*

we have

text of 2 S.

The

reference in

chief of the captains, chief of the third part (of the army), so
2 S. preferred

<$

in

by Ba.

<P< in

both 2 S. and Ch. represents

nn
m\f
Dr.,
in 2

rahvn, chief of the three. This (preferred by We. TS., Dr., Bu., Kau., Now., Ki., Mar., Bn.) is probably original. The three were
Ishbaal, Eleasar v. ",

and Shammah son of Agee 2

unp.

S. 23".

wjn

nn] 2 S. 23'
is generally

uwn

The
by

latter text is

meaningless and the

2
S.

former
S.

accepted as the true reading in

(5 (cf.

(cf

Bu.), although unsupported

We. TS.).

Mar. reads

niyo his axe, instead of in<jn his spear. e>Se>] 2 S. njDB>, which is be preferred, since Ishbaal had the first place and three hundred 12. 13 -\tshtt] is are mentioned slain by Abishai, v. (Ki., Bn.). wanting in 27*, probably through copyist's error (Dr., Ki.). Mar.
to

regards this omission as the better reading for 2 S. 23*.

nil]

S.

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188
hii,

CHRONICLES
Otherwise the text of a
is

which
is

is

the true reading.

to

S. for this

be restored accordingly (Dr., 13. Don oe] usually taken as equivalent to O'Di dck (i S. Bu.). 17 1 ), is a misreading of omm 2 S. 33*. Mar. with probability sees in both 2 S. and Ch. a corruption of O'hdi poj (cf. v.
verse
inferior

Ch. and

to

14*

S.

5"the

23 1 *).
text
nrr>

After

portion

of
v.
,

found in 2
O'nrSe

ncrhrh a copyist has omitted that S. 23 between or wow OTie^ea

v. ",

nonVoS

and

womi

through the eye wandering.

lentils.

For ompp,
ist

barky, 2 S. 23" has O'Pip,

is

It is impossible to

determine which

correct.

14.

The

verbs

w>n* mS'jM, and wi

are to be read in the sg. after 2 S. 23"

was

either misled

by the

pi. in \o\ v.

and (5 (Ki., Bn.). ' (also sg. in 2

copy-

S.) or in-

troduced these plurals by design to associate David with Eleazar

(Ke.,

Ba.).jwim]

2 S., <S rp'i.

16-19. The exploit of three mighty

2 S. 23 ,, -").

men
men

at

Bethlehem (mentioned, but

The

compiler of 2 S. probably thought that the

just

actors of this story were the three mighty

since they are three of the thirty chief

and the

thirty

have not yet

V. ,,k
,, - |,

been mentioned, they are probably entirely different and the story
is

out of

its

original connection

(We. TS., Dr., Bu., Bn.).

appears to have been the true conclusion of

probably came after the
v.") (so Bu., SBOT.).
list

w.

11

-",

and
and

vv.

of the thirty (in 2 S.

w.

" after 2 S. are

The

variations between Ch.

few and unimportant.

see below.

The

15.

Philistines

Unto the stronghold* of 'Adullam] were in the Volley of Rephaim, a

vii. 12.

plain south of Jerusalem.

it

According to Josephus (Ant.

4)

was twenty

stadia south of Jerusalem

and reached to Bethlehem.

l Cf. 14* Jos. 15* i8' 2 S. s -

18.

Is. 17*, Buhl, GAP. p. 91. And the three brake through the host] an exploit probably made

" 23"

by night and possible through the loose

cf. 1

discipline of the time,

S.

26".
it

The water was too precious to drink, hence David

a libation
offering, unto

poured

out, as

Yahweh.
the

19.

Shall I

drink the blood of these men] for the risk at which the water

was

brought

made

it

equivalent to their blood,

it

cf.

command

not to

eat the blood of animals but "to pour

out on the ground like

water," Dt. i2- 15".

IB. <S of a S. 23" omits

who

thinks the word has

m and come from

is

followed by Bu.,

2 S. 23".

SBOT., "n] the true read-

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XL

10-47.]

DAVID'S
2 S.

MIGHTY MEN
Read m*o
after

189
v." (We.
not a

ing.

Tip.myo]

3 S. the same.

TS., Dr., Bu., Kau., Ki., Bn.).

cave,
cf.

Aduttam was a

hill fortress,

Baed. 4 , p. 104. Buhl, GAP. p. 97. rono] an equivalent suggested by the following o<in for the more unusual n<n of 2 S-, 17. won] if the latter is the true reading. 16. "i'*ii] 2 S. 23" asm.

far)]
cistern.

2 S. 23"

nwnn.

2 S.

On the apocopated form of Ch. see Ges. 756ft. niao. im a well of living water, but ni3 properly a

The change may have been intentional. To-day no well is found at the gate of Bethlehem, Rob. BR.* I. pp. 47a 473; SWP. iii. p. 28; so also v. '. 18. ns>Se>n] 2 S. 23" onajn nrVr. loi'i]

such an expression is the better usage. nnpn] necessary to complete the sentence is lacking in 2 S. The original of 2 S., however, may have been different (see Bu., Sm.). rnrtu] in 2 S. preceded by ooSnn which is restored here by Oe., Kau., who went at the risk of
Pi. t,

S.

TD'i

Hiph. 19.

viSko]

S.

23" mm.

jd

in

their lives.

The

prep, in that case

is

3 prelii as here in
restoration

orweja 1
is

in

the following clause.

Without

this

the a

that of

accompaniment, Ges. non, cf. Gn. 9* Lv. 17", the blood of these men shall I drink with (i.e., and therewith) their lives (Ke., Ki.).

owun

onre>D

>a]

an explanation of the previous cnwow from the

Chronicler.

20-26. Exploits of Abishai and Benaiab

(-

3 S.

23"-).

The immediate

connection of these verses with the preceding and

the reference in the present

Hebrew text

to the three suggest that the

two heroes Abishai and Benaiah were members of the triad who broke through unto the well at Bethlehem and constituted a second triad of heroes distinct from the first three and also distinct from
the thirty.

This view apparently appears in

H and AV. and RV.,

and was generally that of ancient interpreters. The prevailing modern view, however, is that those who drew the water at Bethlehem are entirely unknown and that, further than in their exploit, they do not constitute a triad of heroes distinct from the thirty,

and in short only one such triad is mentioned, viz. Ishbaal, Eleazar, and Shammah. The text presents a certain amount of confusion and uncertainty. Abishai and Benaiah, while not equal to the three (w. *' *), yet clearly form a class by themselves, but whether distinct from the thirty (according to Dr., Mar.) or enrolled among
the thirty (according to Kau., Bu., Ki.)
is

not clear.

20. 21.

And

Abishai* the brother of Jo'ab, was the thirty's* chief, and he swung his spear over three hundred slain and he had renown like

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190
the three.

CHRONICLES
honor and he became
three].

Among the thirty* behold he* was in

he did not attain unto the
cf.

their captain, yet

events in the

life

of Abishai

18"

1 S.

26*

2 S. i6 i8

For further 21" '.

22. Benaiah the son of Jehoiada from Kabze'el was a man of valor*, mighty in deeds. He slew two young lions having gone
to their lair/*

and he went down and slew a

lion in

pit

on a

snowy day].
is

The prowess

of

Benaiah

in conflict

with wild beasts

here vividly set forth; in the following verse his prowess as a

Kabze'el]
.

warrior.

was a town
Five

in

south Judah, unidentified,

cf.

Jos. 15" Ne.

u M 23.
is

cubits high]

a touch of description

wanting in

2 S., as also like

1 S.

from the story of Goliath,

to the Goliath story
his

17' 2 S. 21".

a weaver's beam, derived probably Another resemblance

the fact that the Egyptian

was

slain with

own weapon,

1 S.

17".

24. And he had renown

'tfStf n

like* the three

mighty men].

Cf. v. ".

20.

vnn]

a S. 3' correctly '*3K, so also <t,

cf.

a".

nrV?ra]
and
a S.

a S. Kt. the same;

Qr.

but some

less, (see

Gins.)

have o<Sg>n, the true reading, adopted by Be., We. TS., and scholars generally (not by Ke., Oe.).

fc.

The

kS

is

preferred

kSi] Qr. and a S. in, so also (ft, by Mar., who reads 'a ot nS, he was

among the thru. Others generally read 'S. Instead of we read with Bu. and Sm. nSa. Dr. retains *H in a S. with a similar meaning. "Abishai and Benaiah had a name beside
not reckoned

nrSe>a

'the Three' though not fully equal to theirs."

read cpb>Sm.

31.

Kau., Ki., and Bn.

v. shows that
generally).

Dr.,

nvhvn jd] a S. 23" the same; a comparison with we should read cwiSeri jd (We. TS., and scholars Mar., Sm., translate "more than the thirty, etc.,"

which puts Abishai and also Benaiah (see v. *) in a distinct class by themselves apart from the thirty. In favour of this is the fact that the number thirty is complete without them (cf. a S. *$"). Others translate "from among the thirty," thus enrolling the two with them (Kau., Ki.). ooca] retained by Ki. with the rendering "stand er tweifach in Ehren"; rejected by Kau., Bn., who (as above) substitute un from v. , which is the reading of We., Dr., and Bu. in a S., where we have on, a certain corruption. Sm. prefers to read ton. 22. p] before h>n r>H should be omitted as in 3 S. 33", since Benaiah and not his grandfather is clearly described (We. 2*5., o'Spo an] usually rendered mighty in deeds Dr., Kau., Ki., et al.). but by Bu., since his origin fa here described, mighty in possessions, the striking thing being that a man of wealth should be a hero.

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XX. 10-47.]

DAVID'S
'jb>

MIGHTY MEN
and
<SL

I9I >
'js>

3kid Sioih

pk] OK in

2 S.

here have Sk'-ik

last

rx,

adopted by We. TS., Kau., Dr., Ki., Bn., and the

read jkidd.
smote the two altar pillars of Moab (Ba., note L). The use of nan is against this.

four also

Retaining the text the rendering has been given,

He

WRS.,

Religion of Semites,
the next sentence)

We
nn

prefer with Bu. after

Klo. (owing to similarity of

*?'>

with

in

onano-^K
Benaiah.

'Ti

\p

'IE*.

This places in a natural order the exploits of

The

prep. Sk

Otherwise two of warfare are separated by one of hunting. 23. mo vh] 2 S. 23" is used in a pregnant sense.

hkid e"K preferred by Ba., while the reading of Ch.

is

preferred

by

We. TS.,

Dr., Bu.,

Mar.24>.

See

v.

.25.

See

v. .

26-47. The mighty

men

of valor.

Vv. -

2 S. 23"-".

The

title

given in v. " (wanting in 2 S.) to this section shows

list

that the Chronicler regarded this

as independent of those men-

tioned above. carrying the

The

addition of the sixteen

far

names

in

w.

<">-,

number

beyond

thirty,

has probably led to the

refer-

removal of any relation to the thirty by the omission of that

ence in
list is

v.

and of the summary

this list

in v. ".

Compared with

2 S. the

better preserved in Chronicles.

The

great majority of these

and the one in 2 S., are otherwise unknown and hence require no comment. Nine of them, with Jashobeam, Eleazar, and Benaiah (v. s.), however, appear in the Chronicler's
men, apart from
list

of the captains of David's host (27'-").

26-41.
bosheth.

26.

'Asah'el]

(cf.

2"

27') slain in the

war with

Ish-

Elhanan] the name also

of the slayer of Goliath (2 S.

identical.

21" cf.
moth
Cf.
'

2o); the

two have been regarded as

the Harorite] perhaps identical with

i.

in 27';- v. also

27:

Helez].

Cf. ay".
cf.

PelonUe]

27. ShamShamhuth mentioned

v.
i.

28.

'iru],

Teko'ite]

from Teko'a,
cf.

'

Anathothite] from 'Anathoth,

(v. i.).

2>:Abtezer]. Cf. 27". 6" <>.29. Sibbecai] 2 S. 23"

cf.

Mebunai
'llai]

Cf. 27".
(v.

Hushathite] from Hushah,

*'.).

4'.

an uncertain name
2
S.

Ahohite] reference unknown.

30. Maharai].

Cf. 27".Netophathite]

from Netophah,
Cf.

cf.

2".

Heled]

23" Heleb

(v.

.).31. Benaiah].
in

27".

Pir athonite] of Pir'athon, a town

Jffurai] 2 S.

Ephraim

(cf.

Ju. 12").

32.
'.).

23" Hiddai

(v. .).

Brooks of Ga'ash]. Ga'ash in the

hill

Particular

wadys frequently designate

Ephraim.

localities;

country of

Abi'el] 2 S. 23" Abi-'albon, probably Abi-ba'al (v.

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192

CHRONICLES

'Arbathite] from
(cf.

Beth-'arabah, a town of Judah or Benjamin

Cf. 12*.Baharumite] (imof

Jos. i5- ').33. 'Azmaveth].

v. i.)

proper spelling
Sha'alboniie]
Aijalon.
certain

from Bahurim, a town

2 S.

Benjamin
(cf.
*.).

(v.

*'.).

from Sha'albim, a town of Dan

23" Jashen
uncertain.
*'.).

Jos. 19"), near

34. Hashem]
(v.

(v.

Gizonite] un2
S.

Hararile]

35. Sacar]
(v. *'.). 36. (v. i.).

23"

Sharar
is

(v.

i.).Eliphal] 2 S. 23" Eliphelet

This verse
Carmelite]

entirely uncertain,

probably corrupt

37.
S.

from Carmel, a town near Hebron.

(v.
*'.).

Na'arai] 2

23" Pa'arai

38.

V.

i.

39.
S.,

Berothile] from Beeroth, a

town of BenjaThis completes

in all"

min.40.
the
list

'ilhrile].

Cf 2".41. Uriah
Zabad] wanting
is

the HiUiie] the officer

in 2 S.

whose wife David took.

given in 2
(2 S. 23").

where

added

"thirty

and seven

Zabad may have belonged with the list in 2 S. and for some reason have fallen from the text, thus making a complete number of thirty-seven
v. '),
(cf.

2 S. 23").

Chronicles, lacking Elika (see

furnishes
is

3+2+30
nj]
v.

35 names.
in

Usually, however,

Zabad

grouped with the

O'S'nn the

fifteen

new names

w.

*-".

26.
the
pi.

men

see Ges.
{cf.

124}.
).

rm

read 'in

After am' anS ivsd] a

of valor, wanting in 2 S. 23*. On 2 S. has O'r'wa. Instead of

S. 'S P'a.

27.

moe>] 2 S. 23"

nov. * here and 27' nvnoc, preferred by Ki. (SBOT., but not Kom.) and Bn. nrw] 2 S. mnn, usually followed (Be., Ki.), since a locality -nn pp is mentioned in Ju. 7 near Mt. Gilboa. Bn. regards this as entirely indecisive. Mar. and EBi. (art. Harodite) emend to mp.i, connecting it with 'Arad, a town in the Negeb. In 27* this warrior is called an Itrahite ('mi'), but the true reading is probably 'mt, Zerahtie. This favours a Judean origin and so far the emendation of Mar. and EBi. After nse> 2 S. has another

is wanting in <S BL, However, this omission is probably due to bomceoteleuton. 'ji'rn] 2 S. 23" 'oSon. This latter is perhaps to be preferred, since we know of a corresponding place tho P'a, a town of Judah, Jos. 15" Ne. 11" (Be., Ki.). Yet in 27" we have 'jiVen

hero

mrm

Hp'Sn, Elika the Harodite, but since he

Mar.

rejects him.

to Ephraim. Bn. well says we know too little of KeXwM in 2 S. towns to determine the true reading. Mar. after reads 'nSppn, the Keilathite. 29. 'aao] 2 S. 23" 'MD. Ch., it is generally acknowledged, has the true reading, since Sibbecai the Hushalhite is mentioned in 2 S. 2:". 'V'jr] 2 S. 23" poSx, but 'EXXwr < AXXar, hence the name may have begun with f, but the

and Helet belongs

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XL

10-47.]

DAVID'S
is

MIGHTY MEN

193

second half

The former
read (n"?n)

23"
It is

>jnjno.

We. TS. has jv?p. 30. iSn] 2 S. *3 aSn. by 27" nSn, and as proper name by Zc. 6 10 is by Bu. (SB07\) and Mar. in 2 S. 31. 'jnjnon] 2 S. The former with the art. is correct. 32. nm] aS. nn.
uncertain.
attested

uncertain which

is correct,

but the former

a S.

is

preferred by

We.

TS., Bu., yet the latter by

Ki.Sk'3k]
to

83" paSp on.

supported by
read 'oiman.

3" i6 17" 19" 34. >] after <K L in 2 S. 33" to be struck 1 K. a. a S. has 'eman. out, a repetition of the last three letters of the preceding word (Dr.,

d* of a S. We. The reference is

TS., Bu., read Spa-OH.

Ch. is 33. 'Dnnan]

Bahurim,

cf.

2 S.

Ki., Bu.,
S.

Mar., Bn.).

dbti] a S. js>\

by Mar.

win] wanting
Mar.).

The former

is

preferred in a
4

in ^j of a S., but *

gives the true reading 'iun, the Gunile, of

26*' (Dr., Bu., Ki.,
S.

kj

Tovn, which a family of Naphtali, Nu. jruw] a S. nn jniw\ <| L in 2

has

has p and is followed by scholars generally. Whether we should read Hxe or noe> is uncertain. The latter is preferred by Ki. after
4KL.

We. TS. prefers the former (or hjm) and thinks that Jonathan was a brother of Shammah, a S. 23", since both were Hararites.

36. "oe>] 2 S. 23> vie*.

Ki. prefers the former.

Bn. the
:

latter, since

supported by <S L in a S. oSon win 'maon -\er\ (36) -vm ja Sd'Sk] Kau. rea S. 23" 'jVjn Son'rw ta op'Sn 'napon p 'aon* ja b^b^k.
tains the text of

Ch.

Bn. reads bSd'Sh and

'jSjn after a S.,

but re-

gards the text of 2 S. as a whole as entirely corrupt.

text of a S., inserting

Ki. prefers the

of

from Ch. only ion -nw

in the place

'aww

p.
Eli

Bu.,

SBOT.,

follows a S., except that he reads ra instead of

prefer: Eliphelet the son of

before 'Papon.

We

am

the son of Ahilhophel the Gilonite.

37.

the Ma'acathite,

am

npj] 2 S. 23*

<aiicn

npe.

Of

these two readings between which Dr., Ki.,

is

and Bn.
23" Sw>
tim
correct,

are undecided, that of Ch.

jnj

probably the

later,

serted before the place adjective (Bu.).

38.
to

having been inS.

jro'nK

W] 2
name

p.

<fc

B in

Ch. has p, which

it

is

to be read in the place of

is

(Ki., Bn.),

but

is

impossible to determine which

fa

probably Skj' because Skv

ruption.
if

too

inac]

common

have
is

likely suffered cor-

2 S. naxD.

The

reading of 2 S.

of the

name of a place;
njn
after

followed (Ki., but

S.

name, ' Bani 2

all fa

uncertain, Bn.), then

represents a proper
either

'run fa hardly correct.

.*.,

Read

2 S. the Gadite (Ki.) or 'tnjn the Geraite,

of the Benjaminite clan of

Gera (Mar.).

42-47. The sixteen persons including Zabad

Chronicler to the
list

(v. ")

added by the

given in 2 S. are

all

otherwise

unknown and

we have no
names

other source for determining the correctness of the

given.

42.

'

Adina

the son of Shiza the Reubenite, chief

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194

CHRONICLES
These words would well

of the Reubenites and with him thirty}.

fit

into a statement of a gathering of Reubenites unto

similar to that of the Benjaminites, the Gadites, nassites mentioned in c. 12.

David and the MaThen the names following would

be a fragment of the

list

of the thirty

who were

with "Adina
c.

and the
tween
v.

original place of these verses

'

might well be

12 be-

and

v.

(Bu. v.

s.).

that the gentilic adjectives in

w.

In favour of this is the fact "-" represent places east of the

Jordan.

If this

view

is

not taken, then instead of thirty with

over thirty

him (' vty), we should read

Bn.).

(WVfbV ty)
is is entirely

(Be.,

KL,

According to Ba. thirty with him

a marginal note deobscure.

city of

signed to follow v."*.43.

The Mithnite]

44. The 'Ashterathite]

i 4 Jos. 9> el al.

The

i.e.,

from Ashtaroth, a

Bashan, Dt.
Judah,

'Aro'erite].

The

reference probably is to
in southern

Aroer in
1

Moab

(cf. 5*).

Another Aroer was

46. unknown.46.
S.

30".

The Tizite]. The place referred to is entirely The Mahavite] v. i. 47. The Mezobaite] v. i.

46. O'mon] is an impossible form for a singular gentilic name, Kau. and Ki. give it up as hopelessly corrupt. Be. suggested *)ra}a the Mahanite, i.e., from Mahanaim east of the Jordan, * has Maamr possibly representing W90 the Meonile, *>., probably one from Beth Meon, a city of Reuben, Jos. 13" ((K8 Jiut, L Mcuoft, are corruptions of *).47. no*on] is also a corruption. Kau. and Ki. attempt no rendering. Possibly we should read nisi? from Zobah (cf. v. ') (Be., Ba.).

XII. 1-23 (1-22). David's recruits

Saul.

when

estranged from

captain of a band made up of his kinsfolks, fellows in distress, debtors, and discontented and desperate men generally. That is a narrative of history, while in this present chapter we have a Jewish Midrash or interpretation whereby David's recruits become the choicest and most valiant representatives of the tribes of Israel, and come to him in such numbers that instead of some four hundred or six hundred men (1 S. 22' 27*), he has under him a great host like the host of God (v. M <*>). Our chapter then has no real historical worth. The names it contains, however, probably are not fictitious, but are those of leading men of the tribes some of
1 S.

In

22"-

we

are told

how David became

whom

in actual life

may have been

associated with David.

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mi-93.]

DAVID'S RECRUITS

195

The chapter is assigned by Bn. to the Chronicler's sources; according w. '- may have been written by the Chronicler, but contain here and there material of good historical worth; vv. -" he assigns to M. <> suggests that they were written by the The heavy style of w.
to Ki.
'

Chronicler

(cf.

xi" 23"

27'),

is certainly characteristic

of

and the exaggerated statement of v. <> him (cf. especially ia> * " *). In the light

of the loyalty of Benjamin to Saul, even long after his death (2 S. i6

20), the statement that large
'

numbers of Benjaminites deserted to David (w. " <> * >) and among them even a Gibeathite, one from Saul's borne town, is historically suspicious. Benjamin formed a part of the kingdom of Ishbaal (2 S. 2'). Since certainly in post-exilic times Benjamin held a high position in the Jewish community (Ne. 11' *), it was an act of pious imagination to relieve this tribe, and especially those families which were represented in this late community, from the odium which would attach to those who followed the house of one whom Yahweh slew (10"). Only in a work like the Chronicler's where David is exalted far above even the builder of the Temple (cf. cc. 22 ff.) and where Saul is ignored, except to show his ignominious end, should this vindication of late Benjamlnite families be expected. Hence this treatment of
the Benjaminites points to the authorship of the Chronicler.
the

Some

of

names may be

old, for

he would probably include the reputed

ancestors of well-known Benjaminite families of his own day.

Just how much of this passage may be from an older source is, therefore, uncertain. The name Be'aliah (n>Sjn), v. <*>, is certainly old (v. '.).

1-8 (1-7). The recruits from Benjamin at Ziklag.1. David's sojourn at Ziklag cf. 1 S. 27'-'. While he was under restraint through Saul] i.e., while because of Saul he was not free to come and go in Israel. Helpers in war]. Cf. the use of the verb ("ity) to help in w. ' <> ' <'>.2. Using both the right hand and the left in [slinging] stones and in [ shooting] arrows with

On

the bow].

The

Benjaminites are mentioned elsewhere as

left-

handed and expert slingers (Ju. 3" 20"). Of the kinsfolks of Saul of Benjamin]. This statement is probably wide of the historic truth, since even on the death of Saul the tribe of Benjamin remained faithful to his house, cf. 2 S. 2"- , and much less can we believe that such desertions to David took place during Saul's
lifetime.

Israel

The prominence of the Benjaminites in post-exilic may have contributed to the origin of such stories. 3.

Ahieser] elsewhere the name of the chief of the Danites. Nu. in 3 7- io M j Joash the son* of Shema'iah * f (or Jehosha-

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196
ma'*) the Gibe'athite].

CHRONICLES
to

The local reference is

Tell-el-Ful,

Gibeah

of Benja-

two and a half miles north of Jerusalem.And Jizi'el f (Jezu'd or Jezo'd, Kt.) and Pelel (2" f) sons of Azmaveth]. Azmaveih is the name also of one of David's mighty men (n** cf. 8"). Beracah f and Jehu the ' Analhothite]. Anathoth was a Benjaminite town, the mod.
of Saul the

min or

mod.

'Andta, three miles north-east of Jerusalem

(SWP.

III.

7).4.

Ishma'iah

j-

the Gibe' mite].

Owing

to Saul's treatment of the

Gibeonites, a Gibeonite might well have passed over to David.

Cf. 2 S. 2V-*.

A mighty man among the

thirty

and over the thirty].

It is noticeable that the list of

mighty men given in

Ishmaiah's

n"

is

not

called the thirty in Chronicles.

list,

name also is not

in that

hence the conception of the thirty here appears to be different from that of the author of 2 S. 23.-5 (4b ). The Gederathite] i.e., from Gedera, a town of S. Judah Jos. i5, perhaps the ruin
Jedtreh nine miles south of

Ludd (SWP.
(SWP.

III. 43), or since the

context seems to require a Benjaminite town, perhaps the village

Jedtreh north of Jerusalem

III. 9), or possibly the

town

was Gedor

15" south-west of Bethlehem mod. Jedur (Bn.). 6 (5). ECuzai \ and Jerimoth (cf. 7') and Be'aliah]. This last name (rP^JD), Yahweh is Baal, represents an early period when
Jos.

no objection was taken to the identification of Yahweh with Baal 8" 9" 11" 14'). Shemarjahu f and (cf. for similar names 8 Shephatjahu]. Written in the shorter form (iTBBtf, mOff), these names are quite common. The Haruphite or Hariphite\ A Hareph appears among the sons of Caleb (2"). Sons of Hariph are mentioned among those who returned with Zerubbabel. 7 (6). Ishshijahu f] a name not infrequent in shorter form
1

Jshshiah.

The
We

Cf.

24"

et al.

Joezer

].

Jashobe'am].

Cf.

n".

names Elkanah and

'Azarel are frequent.

Korakites].

are to think of persons from the town of

of the Levitical clan,
cf.

members

2".

Judah rather than

(7).

v. s. v. < cf. 4*.

Clearly from v. <" on

From Gedor*] we have a list of

been combined (Be.).

Judeans rather than Benjaminites, as though two lists had here Perhaps the introductory words for the

Judeans have

fallen

from the

text (Ba.).

(Ke. held that

all

were

Benjaminites, some residing in Judean

cities.)

Digitized by

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mi-83.]
1. <uo] because

DAVID'S RECRUITS
of.

197

DBD.

nie 6

a and

c2.

r\vp ivpt].

This

phrase occurs also in 2 Ch. 17" and Ps. 78* (where <on should be
struck from the text as an explanatory gloss).
<t omits

v?i conbe-

necting ne>p(a) with '-wp v.

fore O'latea.

8. njwn <]

',

and

supplies a verb (vQtrtorijrat)

(so

Kau.) read perhaps with

ja
(/".

n'por

ponn, 3"). Then a dittography of the following n caused the trouble. Swrn Qr. S*>p] some uss. read Sir> and Sm perhaps a corruption of Skw
(Ki., Ba.), or possibly

the original read JDtfiv

"God

sees" (EBi.)

(cf. v.

).6.

'mm

form agree inn u, r>">n Ne. 7" 10". 8. wun] text of Baer. "mn Sup. Heb. uss. vary, <K text of Ginsburg and Ki. BH.

Qr.

>vw] with

the

first

9-16 (8-15). The recruits from Gad.Chronologically

lowing the Hebrew text) this paragraph precedes w.'-'

(fol-

">, since

David dwelt

in the fortress (v.

(8). Separated themselves]

i.e.,

on Saul's side

(Be., Ke., Zoe.).

<>) before he went to Ziklag. from the other Gadites who were The verb expresses more than

David which is the rendering of Kau. and Ki. To the stronghold in the wilderness]. When David was fleeing from Saul he sought refuge in the stronghold of Adullam (11" 1 S. 22 4 ') and in others (1 S. 23") located in the wilderness of Judah. It was during this period of his life that these Gadites are represented as coming to him. The, reference is not to any
the simple going over to
'

particular stronghold.

Men of the host for battle].

i.e.,

This expression
(cf.

indicates that these recruits were

trained soldiers

11

).

Arranging the spear and the shield]

given in v."
<">.

in order for battle,

a
is

peculiar expression also found in Je. 46'.

The more
cf.

usual one

On

their likeness to lions in the fierceness of

their appearance or onset, and to roes for swiftness,

2 S. 1" 2".

11

(10).

Mashmannahfl.14

(13). Machbannai f]. 15 (14).

(Ke., Zoe.), better, leaders

Heads of the host] i.e., chief warriors or commanders (Be., Kau., Ki., RV.).
hundred, the greatest over a thousand.

Ki. after Jf carries forward

this idea of leadership to the next clause: the least one over

With

this rendering
is

one

would expect by instead of

smallest, or weakest, could

b.

The

true interpretation

that the
greatest,

cope with a hundred, and the

or strongest, with a thousand (Be., Ke., Zoe., Kau., RV.).

Is.

Cf.

30" Lv. 26'.16 (15).

In the

first

month]

i.e.,

the

month

Digitized by

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198
Nisan

CHRONICLES
when
the Jordan
is
is

(April), the period of the barley harvest,

{cf.

at its flood

Jos. 3").

In the summer the Jordan

cross.

easily fordin the

able, but after the melting of the

snows on the mountains

spring

it

is

hazardous to

And

they put to flight all [the

the west].
of Saul

inhabitants of] the valleys

writer evidently has in

on the east and on mind that the adherents

The

opposed

the passage of these Gadites to join David.

9.

On

the plural force of <"un

cf.

"xttjf}].

The pathah under

x is

Gn. 10" due to the

ia*.

Kon.

iii.

close connection

256 1. with
rtfi

the following word.

iptltov,

<B BL omit the

phrase and also have 4*4

implying that the Gadites came from the wilderness evidently

(cf. v. ')

to Ziklag
text,

"O"

11

"]

Instead of noil the Venetian pointed

1526,

curiously

had po, perhaps through the influence

inf. see

46 (Be.).
5 1340-

todS] on use of

Ges. J 1140.

14.

of Je.

"wry 'nrp]

Ges.

17-19 (16-18). Additional recruits from Benjamin and

Judah.

This

paragraph reads

like

an insertion from another

narrative between the accounts of the recruits from

Gad and

Manasseh.
striking,
rative.

names is and especially the vivid and dramatic form of the nar17 (16). Benjamin and Judah]. The point of view is
omission of the mention of personal

The

post-exilic, cf. v. KUntq the stronghold]. Cf. v. <>. 18 (17). And David answered and said]. The Hebrew idiom employs two

verbs in introducing speakers in a colloquy where in English

usually only one
is

used.

If in peace you have come unto

is

me

to

help

me

then shall mine heart be at one with you; but if to betray

me

to

my adversaries,
see

although no wrong

in

my

hands,

may

the

God of our fathers

by David of
1

and

judge].

On this

beautiful

commitment

S. 24"-'.

his cause to God, with his assertion of innocence, cf. 19 (18). Then the spirit took possession of 'Amasai]
itself

lit.

put him on, as a garment, clothed

with him.

Cf. 2

Ch. 24" Ju. 6" (see Moore in loco).Chief of the thirty (Kt.)]. In 11" we have found according to the true reading that Abishai

was chief of the thirty, hence Ki., after the interpretation of Be. and others, reads here Abishai instead of 'Amasai. Others (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.) prefer to identify Amasai with Amasa (KB7DJ?), whom Absalom made his commander-in-chief and later David,

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Xn.1-23.]

DAVID'S RECRUITS

199

and

whom

he said].

Joab treacherously slew (2 S. 17* 19" <"> 20'). And These words are wanting in ^, but are given in (&.

And

Thine [are we] O David, with thee O son of Jesse,

to thy helpers *

Peace, peace to thee.

And peace
This response

For thy God hath helped

is

thee.]

a beautiful

bit of

Hebrew

poetry.

David's whole

career from the point of view of the

OT.

narrators had been

marked by evidences of divine assistance. The band]. David's company of four hundred or six hundred men (1 S. 22* 27'). The word band is usually used of marauders (cf. v. " 2 Ch. 22* 1 S.
30''

i K.

u u etal.).

18. -wrS aaS] equivalent to iro aaS.

substantive.

Only here

is

"w used

as a
156c.

'oaa

Don

tcSa]

neg.

circumstantial

clause

Use
Qr.

of k ? with prep, is chiefly poetic

and

late, cf. v. 34.

19.
is

Ges.

owSpn]

&whvn.
ft.

of <S, 0,

The former
rypjn "in qS].

is

generally

preferred
l|S.

and and

the reading

<K read qipgj "in

also read q^ ref

peating

it,

and has otherwise amplified the

pi.

verse

also the preced-

ing verse.The

ywh

should be read after 4,

And
52".
28'

20-23 (19-22). The recruits from Manasseh.- - 20 (19). of Manasseh some deserted to David] lit. fell. For the use of
cf.

the verb }BJ with this force

Ch. 15*

K. 25" Je. 21' 37" 39*

Cf.
1 S.

When
'

he went with the Philistines against Saul].

29'

The

clause

is

used to describe the very time

when

David received

his recruits

from Manasseh.
<">

turned to Ziklag they came v."

against the Amalekites v.

and

assisted

As soon as he rehim in his raid

<">.

And
clause.
sent

he did not help them*] a

continuation

of

the

previous

Because on advice the

tyrants of the Philistines

had him

of our heads he will desert to his

price of our heads is suggested

away saying: At the price master Saul]. The phrase at the

1

by

S. 29*.

The

thought

is that

some act of treachery involving the death of the Philistines. 21 (20). When he returned (lit. went) to Ziklag there deserted unto him from Manasseh 'Adnah f, etc.]. This verse fixes more exactly than v. > the time of the accession of these recruits and defines their personto Saul through

David would reconcile himself

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CHRONICLES

20O
ality.

Except 'Adnah (2 Ch. 17" f) and ZUlethai

are not especially rare.

(cf.

8"), their

names
seh].

Chiefs of the thousands of Manas-

The

writer

is

thinking of the military divisions of the tribe

to

of

Manasseh according

{cf.

Nu. 31"-

"

).22 (21).

And they].
recruits

It is difficult to

determine whether the pronoun refers

to the seven Manassites just

mentioned (Ke., Zoe.) or

all

the

w. '"

<"> (Be., Oe.).

The band
i.e.,

is

the Amalekites
1

who

sacked Ziklag during David's absence

(v. s.

23

(22). This verse explains the host, the last

and 1 S. 30 ). word of the precedhost.

ing verse.
epithet,

Like the host of God]

is

a very great

The

"of God,"

used to distinguish a thing that

is

very great

(Dav. Syn. 34 On 6). (Cf. 1 S. 14" Ps. 36' 8o Jon. 3'.) the wide remove of the writer from historical fact see above.
90.
ject, a~yt].
it

While David and his men might be taken as the sub-

is

better to read with

as the subject (Ki.).

21.

(?) the

verb sing,

otjjj,

with David

iroSa].
1 S. 1

The

been determined by naV?

used of the Amalekites in

29".

22.

S. 30'-

may have The word ivu (1. 17 ?) is .23. ova on n? ?] (1. 48).
choice of i*?n here
1

This phrase
likely

This verse is not unfrom the hand of the Chronicler instead of from his source.
is

given elsewhere without npS.

24-41 (23-40). The number of the soldiers who made David king at Hebron. These verses are another account of the events already related in ii'-'. Their object is to show the completeness of the assembly of all Israel to make David king, and especially to

set forth the military

pomp

of the occasion.

are the numbers of the heads of the armed

24 (23). And these men of the host]. The

:

word heads occasions a difficulty. Ordinarily heads (D*BW1) are interpreted leaders, commanders, or chiefs and so here by <S, B, Be., Ki. This meaning, however, does not agree with the context,
since the

number

of the heads in that sense is only given of the

house of Zadok
(v. <">): all of

(v.

"

<>), of

Issachar

(v.

<>),

and

of Naphtali

the other

numbers are

of the units of the tribes.

Hence

it

has been thought with probability that the heading

to
like

originally belonged

a list which, tained the names and numbers of

w. "

<">

"

<",

con-

Others interpret heads as polls,

and warriors (Be.). persons (Ba.), after Ju. 5" (a usage

chiefs

not paralleled elsewhere with BW*) but requiring rbibi, see

Digitized by

Google

mat-41.]

HOSTS ASSEMBLED AT HEBRON

loco),

201
"

Moore in

or as bands, divisions, after Ju.

y- " o"

"

S.

ii" (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

usage of P.

The
the

host is the

To turn

kingdom of

army of Israel after Saul to him according to

the
the

word of Yahweh]. Cf. io n ".26 (24). Bearing the shield and spear] the large shield (rtf) covering the whole man in
contrast with the small shield (po) carried as a protection against

arrows.

The

spear (Pim)

was a lance

for thrusting.

The num-

numbers from the northern tribes. Ke. explains that since David had already reigned seven years at Hebron, Judah and Simeon needed to send only relatively few men, merely to witness the ratification of his kingship by others. The enigma really remains unsolved. 28 (27). And Jehoiada' the prince of the house of Aaron] identified with the father of Benaiah (n- " 2 S. 8") (Raschi,
ber of Judah
is

noticeably small compared with the

Kimchi, Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.); a simple uncritical reflection

of Jehoiada the priest that brought
11,

Joash

to the throne (2

K.

12) (We. Prol.

p.

174).

The former view

and hence from

probably was
*
,

the design of the writer, since according to 1 K. 2"

Benaiah

slew Joab in the Tent of Yahweh,

the point of view

of the Chronicler, having such access to the sanctuary, he naturally would have been of Levitical descent and his father might well have been a leader of the Levites distinct from Abiathar the priest

at

the time of David's coronation.

is

In the following verse

Benaiah's cotemporary Zadok

("IJ?J),

mentioned as a young

man

thus in the proper age relation to Benaiah's father.

29

(28).

And Zadok]. This Zadok, who with

is

twenty two captains

is

of his father's house

represented as associated with Jehoiada,

probably designed to be the priest

court of David (2 S. 8")
entirely (1

who with Abiathar was at the and who later supplanted Abiathar
of the
1

K.

2).

The twenty-two captains are a reflection

twenty-two priestly classes of the post-exilic period 24'-" Ne. I2

-'-

ii.ii (We., Bn.), yet the twenty-two classes are doubtful. 30 (29). For until now] i.e., up to the time of David's coronation, the event which the writer is describing. The great part of them kept

their allegiance to the house of

Saul]

lit.

kept the charge of the

house of Saul, a form of expression used frequently of the care of the sanctuary (23 M Nu. 1" 3"- et at.). The writer corn-

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202

CHRONICLES
2" not only Ben-

pletely ignores the fact that according to 2 S.

Judah adhered to the house of Saul until the death of Ishbaal31 (30). Of or in their fathers' houses]. This is the usual rendering (cf. 5"). But Be. preferred according to their fathers' houses, i.e., that was their order (for this use of b cf. BDB. 5 i (a)).32 (31). And from the half-tribe of Manasseh] i.e., from Manasseh west of the Jordan. The other half, east of
all

jamin but

Israel except

the Jordan,

is

mentioned in

v.

<">.

Who

were designated by

31" Nu. 1" Ezr. 8". The writer assumes that a roll of individuals was kept and thus these eighteen thousand were summoned to come to make David king. 33 (32). And from the children of Issachar those having an understanding of the limes knowing what Israel should do]. This applies to the two hundred heads or leaders. The meaning probably is that they were skilled in astrological lore and thus knew what Israel should do ( and some of the Rabbins, Be., Oe., BDB. nj? 2 b cf. Est.
name].
Cf. 16" 2 Ch. 28"

i'*)f

though others have found here only the thought of prudent

the times

men who knew what

characterisation of

demanded

(Ke., Zoe., Ba.).

This

members

of the tribe of Issachar has been

brought into connection with the inquiries

of Issachar, according to 2 S.
their brethren at their

made

at Abel, a

town
all

20" (We.

Prol. p. 174).
is

And

command].

The number of these

strangely

omitted, and perhaps has fallen from the original text.

38 (37).
of forty to

One hundred and twenty

thousand for each
tribe.

thousand].

The round number

These contingents that came

6,800
Issachar

make

David king present a

total as follows

Judah Simeon
Levi
(4,600

....
"from Levi,"

...
"and
.
.

?
all

7,100

(200 chiefs
their"

8,300

brethren")
.

Zebulun
Naphtali

000

3,700 with Jehoiada,

37,000

Zadok, and 22 captains)

(with 1,000 chiefs)

Benjamin. Ephraim

3,000
20,800 18,000

Dan
Asher

....
. .

.... ....

28,600

40,000

Half Manasseh

Tribes E. Jordan 120,000

339,600

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XII. 24-41.]

HOSTS ASSEMBLED AT HEBRON

upon which these numbers were reckoned
it

203
is

The

basis

im-

possible to determine.

The writer's

object clearly

is

to

magnify

the part taken by the tribes of the subsequent Northern

in David's coronation.
statistics

kingdom

He

has imparted a pleasing colour to his

by the

variety of phrases with

which he describes the

Ch. 30"
*
.

tribal hosts.

40. 41 (39. 40).

Cf. for descriptions of similar joy

and

feasting 20"- 2 Ch. 7-' 1

K.

8-" 2

While

sacrifices are

not mentioned here, they would naturally accompany

a coronation festival with its oaths of treaty or allegiance (cf. Gn. 31"- M ). Food 0/flour] i.e., bread stuffs made of wheat or barley,
usually in the form of thin
Jigs].
first flat

round cakes.

Pressed cakes of
figs are

Cf. 1 S. 25' 3o'.

In making these the

sometimes

beaten in a mortar and then pressed into a cake (DB.).

raisins].

Bunches of

Cf.

S.

25" 30"

2 S. 16'.

These were

dried grapes, probably also pressed into cakes.

24. OS has t A iri/iara (prat instead of neoo). This probably was written by a careless transcriber through the notion that the verse was a subscription of the preceding verses. On the omission of

wk before wa, see Ges.

na 3a" Jos.
v. 'JiSn, those

5 i55<*.

Bn. after <S

inserts ib>k.
ije.,

kx6 f Ann]
cf.

equipped for the host,

for war,

Nu.

31'

4".

34. 3j 'hjv].

This phrase is parallel with *a* <wn See v. . nDnSo '^a Saa nvrho <a-y]

v. *,

cf.

5".

setting

in order

for war with every kind of weapon of war,

114^.

d,
is

Tt,

while the text

v.

and some Heb. is adhered to by

in

less,

Ges. have "pS preferred by Kau., Bn.,

cf.

v.

~njh>]

Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki.

Here and

in

" nj

apparently used as a synonym of TV, which word actually

v.

appears in

"

some mss.

(q.

v.).

Pedes suggests as

original in

both passages the word -nc which in Babylonian as sadS.ru has the technical meaning " arranging (an army) in battle array." A copyist
then inserted

TV as a
tcSa]

gloss to this foreign

arose the form "np by combination of the two

181).
cf.

aSt
v.

aS

with one heart,

lit.

whence (OLZ. 8, 1905, coL " with not a heart of two kinds,"
in both places,

word

Syn. 39 R. 8. On whether we should draw a distinction between these (Now. Arch. I. p. 363), although the former has been regarded as the heavier weapon used by 37. a* <k*v] cf.v. great warriors (a S. 3 33") (EBi. art. Spear).
Ps. is*, for construction Ges. 123/.
cf.
'.

16a

35.

Dav.

mjm] w.

"

no-.

It is uncertain

39.

mp] some
v.*.

less,

and

<B o"ip preferred

by Kau., Bn.

(id.

or

mp),

cf.

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CHRONICLES

204
XIII. 1-14.

The removal of the ark from Kiriath-jearim.

is

This narrative
that time.

taken from 2 S. 6'-", but

is

provided by the
conception

Chronicler with an introduction w.'-

of the organised hosts of Israel

fitting it into his

and

of the activity of the Levites at

In giving the removal of the ark immediately after

David's coronation and capture of Jerusalem

(n

**)

the Chronicler

has departed from the order of 2

building himself a house,

S.,

where accounts of David's

and

of his family

and

of his victories

over the Philistines (2 S. 5"-"), precede the mention of his removal

of the ark.
in order to

The

Chronicler has clearly placed this last event

first

magnify David's concern for the worship of Yahweh.

David's religious acts are the main thing with the Chronicler.

Others are mere episodes in the King's career.

1. For such consultation with all officers of the realm
2
cf.

28'

Ch.

i.

This representation may be due to the Chronicler's

in the

desire to minimise the suggestion of the arbitrary authority of the

King seen
Israel]
i.e.,

books of

S.

and K.

(Ba.).

2.

All Ike assembly of

the assembly of officers.

Let us send in every direction

(Oe., Ba.) or let us send quickly (Be., Ke., Zoe., Ki.)].

The former

rendering (RV.)

is

the better according to the meaning of the verb

Is.

(pB).
in

</

Gn. 28"

54' Jb.

districts

of Israel]

i.e.,

those

1" (but v. i.)Who are left in all who did not come to make David kbg

Hebron.

The
and

writer closely connects the removal of the ark

with the assembly of the hosts described in the previous chapter.

The

priests

the Levites].

The

narrative in 2 S. has

no word

Their due to the point of view of the Chronicler. Everything must be done according to P. In their cities that have
introduction here
is

concerning the participation of the priests and the Levites.

pasture lands].
cities

An

express provision of the Levitical and priestly

was

that pasture lands, the immediately adjoining suburbs,

1

should go with them (Nu. 35 , see also Jos. 14* 22" 1 Ch. 6 . (u *., 2 Ch. 11").3. And let us bring up [lit. round] the ark
of our God].
the ark.

The

Chronicler varies in his use of terms designating

it

In passages independent of Biblical sources he calls

151

2 Ch. V, the ark of the covenant of God i6, the ark of Yahweh 15*- " " 16' 2 Ch. 8" and the ark of the covenant of Yahweh 16" 2a" 28*- , and in the Biblical excerpts he
the ark of God v.
"

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THE ARK

1-14.]

FIRST REMOVAL OF

205

has allowed to remain unchanged ark of God w. ' and the ark of the covenant of Yahweh 2 Ch. 5'- ', and has substituted for the ark of Yahweh, the ark of God w. " (the ark) " 16', and for the
ark of Yahweh, the ark of the covenant of Yahweh i$ u
-

",

and the same also for the ark of God 17'. Thus while a tendency is shown toward preferring the term God to Yahweh, since in no
instances
is

the ark of

Yahweh allowed
is

to stand in a Biblical

extract, yet since this

term

used by the Chronicler himself, we

have no real consistency of usage.

The

preference, however, of

Yahweh is noticeable. For we have not sought it in the days of Saul] i.e., we have made no inquiry concerning it (cf. 1 S. 7' '). 6. From Shihor of Egypt]. In Is. 23* Je. a" Shihor clearly stands for the Nile. The name properly seems to have been that of an arm or branch of the
the Dtic. term the ark of the covenant of

delta or canal of the Nile (Shihor,

DB., EBi.).

In

this

passage

and the

parallel

Wady el
1

one Jos. 13' the name is more applicable to the 'Artsh or the Brook of Egypt, which is elsewhere taken as

the south-western limit of the Promised

Land (Nu. 34*

Jos. 15*-

K. 8"

Ch. 7

Is.

27") (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

Ki. thinks of

the most eastern

arm

of the Nile delta; Bn., that Shihor is in our

text through careless transcription.

Probably at the time of the

Chronicler one thought of the Nile as well as the

the ideal boundary of the ancient

Wady el 'Arish
(cf.

as

kingdom

of Israel

Spurrell

on Gn. 15")-

Even unto

the entrance of

Hamath]

the northern

boundary of Israel (Nu. 13" 34* Jos. 13* Jg. 3') identified with the Bekd, a broad valley between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon watered by the Orontes, in which was located the city of Hamath, mod.

Hamd.

Kirialh-je'aritn]

a city of the Gibeonites west of Jerusalem

(identification uncertain) (cf. Buhl,

was placed
6.

there after

its

GAP. pp. 166/.). The ark return by the Philistines (1 S. 7' ).

is

From

this verse to the

S. 6*-"

end of the chapter the narrative

taken

directly
v. "),

from 2

with few variations (yet a marked one in

better preserved than in 2 S.

Ba'alah] was another name

18").

and the text is on the whole here

for Kiriath-jearim (Jos. is'"-

"

The name shows

that the place

was an ancient sanctuary

or seat of Baal-worship.

Yahweh

enthroned above the cherubim

whose name

is called over if*] i.e.,

over the ark; signifying that

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2o6

CHRONICLES
Yahweh
(Oe., Bn., v.
*.).

the ark belonged especially to

description of
of
2

This

God
i

probably did not belong to the original text

cart]
7'.

7. New Abinadab]. Cf.

S.
6. is

to avoid any possible

defilement.

S.

In 2

S. 6 the

house of Abinadab
sons.

located on a

hill

and 'Uzza and Ahio are his

The
v.
.,

Chronicler has omitted these particulars and also the verb and
they bore

and

8. On the instruments of music 9. Chidon] the name probably of the owner of the threshing-floor. 10. That Uzza met his death from some
it

(irHW*!).
".

cf.

is 1 *-

'

cause

now utterly unknown

while the ark was being brought,

may

be

historical,

15").

On

and the reason assigned would be most natural (cf. the other hand, the story may have originated in an

endeavour to explain the meaning of the

v. ".

14.
own
6"

And
house]

the ark of
i.e.,

in

its

the

local name Perez- uzza God abode by the house of Obed-edom ark was in its tent alongside or near the
is

house of Obed-edom.
2 S.
(v. .)

This statement
is

a modification of that of

where the ark

represented as placed in the house

of

Obed-edom.

The

Chronicler, however, evidently could not

conceive of the ark placed in an ordinary dwelling and modified

the text accordingly.

On Obed-edom

as a Levite

cf.

15".

by two genitives, cf. 2 Ch. u 12" Ges. 128a. rQr vpteftvripu* cat before rnp is not likely original. nu SsS] in short -with every leader. For the force of S v. BDB. V 5 e (d). <& xal fitra warrit Ip/m/iUrm probably had no different underlying Heb.2. a 03'Sy oh]. Sy has here the force of a dat. cf. Ne. a ' Est. 1" 3* et at. U'SiSn nw jd] cf. Gn. 24". nnSn nrwj] for the construction v. Ges. 120A. <K connects nsnej with previous clause and This suggests that % is corrupt. SS. conjecture renders riw8Jftj. ny>i or fflnru Niph. forms, favoured also by Kau., Bn., BDB.; hjtj Klo., who connects with previous clause and renders und voir von Jahve unserm Gotte Gunst dazu erlangen. Ki. BIZ. after <S reads nnnj, and from Yahweh our Cod it is acceptable. Both It and
1. >] followed
/itrit
1

flp

favour connecting the verb with the previous clause.

interchanges with Sh in late Heb. v.
this plural of f*>M is

vrm

BDB.

Sk note 2 and Sj 8.

mm]
3.

Vp].

Sy

and
as

2 Ch.) used, as here, for districts of Israel, cf. also 2

almost wholly late (some twenty-two times in 1 Ch. 11* 15*,

et at.

well as countries adjoining Israel 14" 22* 29**,

(L 6).

vwvi]

mxhfi.

may be a
inf. after

corruption of % or vice versa.4.

nirjS] on the use of

-\wcf. 27" 2 Ch. 21' Ps. io6 Est.

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XIV.

1-7.]

DAVID IN JERUSALEM

207

6. Sh-W" hat in Syi] 2 S. 6 -* opn ">ai in iVi om $ 3380. In 2 S. 6 l the people who are with David are only thirty thousand, while according to Ch. v. * David has assembled all -vrtrvS nnSpa]. The text in 2 S. is corrupt. Ch. probIsrael. ably preserves the original with the insertion of o ,-ip> nnp Sk (Bn.). oonan sw> nvn nSpa. Bu. in 2 S. (SBOT.) reads mpj
4',

Ew.

inn.

mw
ft,

or] 2 S.
in

vSp

owan

ae>

mux iw
omit

osr
oe>

or mpj .
*

appear faulty.
with Oe., after

Dr., Bu., after

in 2 S.

Both texts Kau. substitutes

Ch. the text of 2 S. with this omission and that of 'ax. Bn. and thinks the Chronicler changed 04, reads vSp

w,

the order of 2 S. purposely to avoid placing the ark in close connection with the

God

of

Israel

as

Yahweh

Sabaoth, the
. .

God
.

of

whose name is called over it; the last phrase indicating merely ownership Ki. BH. reads rae> (for ref. see BDB. I. mj> Niph. 2. d. (4).). Vinci win in 2 S. 6- ' are a dittography and to or. 7. npaia be struck out. The Chronicler has, however, omitted the remainder
refers to the

War, and instead merely

ark as of Yahweh

of v.

in 2 S.

the true reading.

8. o'-crai Saa] nrwxnai O'nSxoai] 2

p

S. 6

O'rro

xp Saa.

Ch. has

S. O'SxSxai o<pjpai.

The

latter

The motive of the change was to introduce instruments better known or more in use. The onxxn are often mentioned by the Chronicler (13"- ** i6- 2 CK. s''text is the original (Be., Zoe., Dr.).

9. p<a] has paj which as a n> nx] wanting % of 2 has also instead required by Heb. usage (Dr., Bu.). 2 woe*] read perhaps see BDB. 10. Compared with quite corrupt, Ch. has here the original whose 11.
13"-

" S M

o et al.)

(1.

44).

2 S. 6

part, fixed is meaningless (v. Dr.).

in

S. is

S.

irooi

of

tnnS.
6',

>octf,

2 S.

text is

text.

which is also the rendering of If vim in 1 S. 15", hence the emendations to "ipM or "ijm proposed by Dr., Bu., SBOT., do not appear necessary (Sm. on 1 S. 15"): po a] 2 S. 6 r -ck Sp. 12 . o>rh*n ' "* ] 2 S. 6* nw. -inn ?] 2 S. -idkm. How jAwtf / 6r /Ae <w* wnto me]. 2 S. " How shall the ark come unto me." 14. Before ma" of 2 S. 6" the Chronicler 13. -non] 2 S. 6" nonS nan.
-uvi]
ko.1 IfiOiairer,

has inserted op and he has also inserted after 'Obed-edom imaa (v. s.). h tom "?a nm oik nap no dm], <S omits no and 2 S. reads n

mo

Va nio o-m nap.

5"- M .

XIV. David in Jerusalem. This chapter is taken from 2 S. As already remarked, the Chronicler has varied the order
David's removal of the ark,
c. 13,

in 2 S., giving the first place to

and now the second to his buildings, his family, and his victories. 1. 2. David's assistance in building from Tyre. The embassy from the Phoenician King with gifts of cedars and skilled

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208
slaves

CHRONICLES

was a

recognition of David's great power, his friendship

being worth cultivating, and this prosperity indicated that

God

had established David as king over exalted on high.

1.
o*v>n]

Israel,

for his kingdom was

Qr. has 0"im preferred by Ki. (see his note SBOT.), and
-

also occurring in a Ch.

This

is

a*- " ' 8 1 ' 9". In S. and K. we have ovn. what we should expect from a compound of rot, which is

generally seen in
O'vrut is,
vp.

Hiram
a S.

(v.

BOB.,

o*vn after

rot;

also v.
a S.

Ahumai
5"

4*).

of course, possible like Snub.

V>

no

i'p *nm]

pn

*nni
of

nuaS]

using the

inf.

of purpose

inS no ran. The Chronicler is fond and substitutes it for the ivaw consec.

2.

o] a S. s" av It is difficult to determine whether the omission of the 1 is a slip or intentional by the Chronicler to show why David knew n*vi\ must be taken as a that Yahweh had established him as king. Niph. pf. 3. fem. and so 04 of 2 S., where ^ has iroSoD ww. The Chronicler has substituted the common word of late Heb. vioSd, and also inserted for emphasis nSpoS, a phrase peculiar to Ch., to intensify the verb, cf. aa 23" ao * a Ch. i 1 ao", with iy i6' 17" a6 (1. 87).

3-7. David's sons born in Jerusalem. (Cf. 3- 2 S. $"") The Chronicler has omitted from 2 S. the mention of the concubines, either as derogatory to

David (Bn., but

cf.

3*) or

because

according to 3* the sons here mentioned were only those of wives

(Be.).

The names
as in 3*
b-

of the sons correspond to those given in 2 S.,

'

except
Elpelet

(q. v.)
b -

we have
and

the two additional

names

and Nogah w.

correctly Be'eliada

(jTT^ya)

instead of Eliada' (JTV^K),

cf. 3'.

3-7. Besides the omission of D'bmSd before

d<c>],

the Chronicler has

omitted the reference to Hebron, but has preserved the true reading
oSs>rva instead of oS:s>vvd.
nvv> nSvi,

He
in v.

has also given

*

in

iSvi instead of

and

also

we have

oniSv-i, instead of

onVn, followed
lip
(v. ')
is

by

the additional words

vn ipk.

The
to

retention of

meaningless, since the record a S.

3'-*,

which

it

refers, is omitted.

For variation in the names see above.

8-12. David's victory at Baal-perazim.

(Cf. 2 S.

5" -'.)

The

Chronicler follows here very closely the text of 2 S.

The only
v.

specially

noteworthy variations are his removal at the end of

of the reference to the stronghold, which perhaps he did not under-

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XTV. 8-17.]

VICTORIES OVER
is

THE

PHILISTINES

209

stand and which in meaning

substitution of
in v.
>,

not perfectly plain (see Sm.); his

", and the new statement David as King of Judah had
'*

q. v.

8.

Elohim
Over

for

Yahweh w.

all Israel].

not been a menace to Philistia and

it is

possible that he thus ruled

with some kind of consent from the Philistines, but they naturally
could not countenance the extension of his power over
all Israel.

9.

In the valley ofRepha'im] very near Jerusalem, through which passes the railway from Jaffa (Baed. p. 15) (GAS. HGHL. p. 218). 10. Inquired of Yahweh] by the sacred lot, the Urim and

Thummim or the Ephod (cf. Ju.

28".
If the

i 1 1 S.

2y-

-" 30*

'-.

11.

Ba'alIs.

perazim] should probably be identified with Mt. Perazim of

' '

The site is unknown. The meaning is Lord of breakings." name is not more ancient than David, to wit, that of some
is

sanctuary of a god, then Baal

equivalent to

Yahweh, who, as the

left

remainder of the verse implies, had given them the victory that
day.

12.

In 2

S.

5" we read that the Philistines

the images of

their

gods and that David and his

men

took them away.

Here we

read that David commanded and the images were burned with fire.

The

Chronicler could not think of any other disposal of idols by

their destruction according to the law, Dt. 7'- ".

David than
8.
3 S.

in

nroj] 2 S. 5"
9.

in pk wwd.
wsi\
<h]

Ss] wanting
latter is

in 2 S.

onooS

kjm]

mixon Sk wi.

(Bn.).

Probably the stronghold of Adullam was meant

wo<]

2 S. s'

This
2 S.

by Ki. preferred.

says

it is

impossible to determine which

2 S. onnn.

is original.

5" iwa.

onnn] 12.
in

11

O'npSon ok,
.

a good

illustration

hy>y] 2 mss., OS sg., 2 S.

by 5" in k3m.otiSkh]
in
Sk.

10.

Bn.

O'nSto] 2 S.

o<nnji] 2 S. jnn jnj '3

of abridgment

the Chronicler.
2 S.

nrn

n>a]

2 S. 'JoS.

DrvnSR pn] a s.

5" onoi? nx.

Ch. supported by

H in 3 S. doubtless preserves the original reading (Dr., Bu., Bn., Sm.). A transcriber of 2 S. refused to call idols gods.H3 wvi in iokm]
2 S. vvitn
OK8"i, v.
s.

13-17. David's victory over the Philistines in the valley

(

2 S.

5"-" with the addition of

v. ").

V.

'

has been abridged

with the loss of Repha'im, the

above, has been substituted
v. ", giving

name of the valley. Elohim, as for Yahweh in w. "-' and inserted in

and God

said.

inquiry of

God by

inserting the

Emphasis has been placed on David's word again. 13. In the valley]

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2IO
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CHRONICLES

of Rephaim (v. s.). 14. Philistines are to be attacked on flank or rear. 15. When thou hearest, etc.]. The omen for attack was to be the sound of the wind in the trees: the wind was

regarded as a manifestation of
Jb. 38
1

Yahweh

(cf.

a S. 22" 1

K. 19"

'

).

It is

not necessary to think that the trees before this

event were regarded as sacred.

16. From Gibe on even

to Geter],

The former
(cf.

(cf.

8") indicates the quarter of attack and the

latter

6"

<">)

the Canaanitish city the probable place of refuge

of the Philistines.

and escape
miles.

This scene of the battle

".

omission of Rephaim in v.

The distance is some sixteen may account for the Chronicler's 17. The Chronicler has given an

exaggerated significance to this victory quite in the line of his

desire to glorify David.

cnrSe and won instead of *w (see with O'kbi after pop. 14. (V. s.) Dfi'Sjm son onnnK nSjn kV] 2 S. S on*-vm S aon nSpn 16. The text of 2 S. is preferable. A frontal attack is forbidden and one commanded on the rear. Chronicles gives
13. 2 S. 5" has roW> after
v. )

the wrong connection to ormnit,

its

and yet adapted it probably by changing from behind them to that of following in a straight direction omSpo is either an original addition of the Chronicler, or after them. possibly the original of 2 S. was on<Sp nSpn kS and we have by oversight in Chronicles an interchange of prepositions (Be., Bn.). In both texts read 20 instead of aon (Dr., Bu., Ki., BDB.). 18. ncntas mn m] " paraphrase with much loss of originality and vigor " of 2 S. 5" m rw. 16. ' n:no nit um] 2 S. 5" ' n y\ ppsto] 2 S. pare. The former is the true reading, cf. Is. 28" " where Perasim and Gibeon are mentioned together as scenes of celebrated victories. The Philistines are in the O'Ktn pop south of Jerusalem. David advancing from the south does not approach them in front, but makes a circuit and assails their rear. From Gibeon, on the north-west of Jerusalem, would thus just indicate the quarter from which his attack would be made " (Dr.).
force

XV.-XVI. The bringing of the ark

This narrative differs, especially
lel

to the city of

David.

in its elaboration,

from the paral-

in 2 S. 6"-".
is

In 2 S. the impulse for the second removal of the

ark

derived from the blessing which the ark had brought to the

house of Obed-edom and which had taken away the fear of the

King

(v. "*, cf. v. ),

and the removal

itself is

described as perpriest

formed by the King and the people without the mention of a

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XV.

1-84.]

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

211

or a Levite.

In Chronicles, on the other hand, this blessing of the

is

house of Obed-edom

mentioned only incidentally (13" -2

S.

6")

and

made the motive which led David to carry out his original intention of bringing the ark to Jerusalem. The King, apparently
is

not

having realised that the failure of the

first

attempt was due to a

proceeds to bring up

non-compliance with the Levitical law,

the ark with due ecclesiastical state
If

now

and ceremony.
and Obed-edom and and is probably

we
.

exclude is"-*.

**

** b

and

in i6> the words,

Jeiel

and Asaph

(v.

'.),

the narrative runs smoothly

the composition of the Chronicler.

The

sixfold division of the Levites

somewhat peculiar and has been given as the ground for assigning is -" to an older source (so Bn., Ki.), but the text does not imply that Eluaphan, Hebron, and Uuiel were co-ordinated with Kehatk, Merari, and Cershon as sons of Levi Subordinate members of a family might have become heads of classes beside those named after their forefathers (cf. 2 Ch. 39" ). According to Nu. 3 M >- the family of Elizaphan, the son of Uauael, had charge of the ark and in the light of Nu. 4" where the transportation of the sacred utensils is committed to the sons of Kehath only, it is surprising that the descendants of any but
(w.
-) is
1

this family

should be represented.

The

tradition that there

were only

three sons of Levi

(6 )).
1

was

firmly established by the time of

it

(see

on 5"

Hence we think

simpler to suppose that the Chronicler himself

introduced the representatives of the three great divisions of the Levites

These men with their brethren do not represent necessarily all the Levites, but merely those assigned to this task, which accounts for the small number. The Psalm fragments (16") may be later interpolations (Hitzig, Reuss, Bn.) or more probably they were introduced by the Chronicler
beside those from the family of Kehath.
(Ki. Kotn. p. 70).

The

evidence that is"-"-

was added

later, is

as follows :

(1)

The

corrected text of v.

"

(v.

'.)

refers to twelve singers

whose names are

found to that number, followed by the names of two gate-keepers, but in w. * the whole number are classified as singers, including the well-known gate-keeper Obed-edom (cf. 15" 16" a6'< ) and one new name Atatiak (v. '.). (2) Although the Chronicler gives lists of singers elsewhere, he never classifies them according to their
io1 v. *'.). (3) The phrase nnSp S? (v. ") is found elsewhere only in the titles of Pss. (o> 46' 48" t, see BDB.), and the same is true of rvrwri Sp (v. ", cf. Ps. 6 1 12' t). n*S precedes the latter in both Pss. cited, and in Chronicles nwS follows the phrase. If the Chronicler had been interested in these musical terms, we should
instruments (except
expect

them elsewhere

in

a narrative so

replete with references to the

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212
singers.
(4)
(v. <*)

CHRONICLES
unknown
gate-

The

notice concerning the elsewhere

seems to take the place of the two in v. ". On the other hand, v. may have come from the Chronicler, since he knows a Chenaniah, a Kehathite (26"), who would be a suitable prince of the carrying. The Chronicler thought the singers needed instruction (25'), and he might well have thought the bearers of the ark also required directions after the ill-fated ending of the first attempt (13"). Either the reference to Chenaniah in v. *' is also secondary or v. *" is from
keepers
the Chronicler.

The development of is"-" seems to have been somewhat as follows: The Chronicler wrote w. '' " An interpolator interested in the
according to musical instruments added w. names except Atatiah from the preceding lists. He found the text of v. ' in its present corrupt form (v. .) and so concluded that all the names were those of singers. There is no indication in the present text of v. > that Mihneiah concludes the list of the singers. Then, supposing the names of the gate-keepers to have fallen out after onpwn (v. '), he added two gate-keepers (v. "), probably appropriating the names from 9". The final clause of v. " originated in a marginal
classification of singers

"-" taking

all

the

gloss contradicting the statement in v. *.

' also inserted the words, and Obed-edom and Asaph into 16'. Obed-edom and Jeiel were added since otherwise only one harp-player would have been mentioned (cf. IS") and the insertion of and Asaph assigns to him the cymbals as in 15". Since the phrase, Obed-edom also the son of Jeduthun, in 16" is probably a gloss (v. '.), there is every reason to doubt that Obed-edom was known to the Chronicler as anything but a gate-keeper, and since his position as a singer (15" 16*) rests in all likelihood upon the inter-

The interpolator of w.
Jeiel,

and

polator's misunderstanding of 15". there is

history the family of

little

probability that in

Obed-edom were ever anything except gate-keepers.

XV.
ark.

1-15. The general preparation for bringing up the

direct parallel in 2 S.

These verses have no

The two

Six Levites

were assigned the task of carrying the ark, the Chronicler possibly thinking of a representative of each of the three great classes of
the Levites as at one end and three representatives of the Kehathites at the other.

priests

who were
(c/.

appointed doubtless
4").

had the task

of covering the ark

Nu.

These were

commanded to sanctify themselves. houses]. The reference is either to

ings besides the palace which

1.

And

he made for himself

the erection of other buildbuilt

David had

with the

assist-

ance of Hiram (14') (Be.) or to the internal construction of the

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X?.

1-84.]

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

and

213

palace as a residence for wives

children (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

And

he prepared a place for the ark God].

is

Some kind
tent

of

permanent enclosure
erected for the ark.
icles,
i.e.,

clearly

meant where a

could be

was

after

The old tabernacle, according to ChronGibeon (2 Ch. i, cf. 1 Ch. 16" 21").2. Then] the ark had been three months in the house of Obedat
in v.
'

edom
to

(13") (Be., Ke., Zoe.), or better after the preparation

mentioned

when, according to the

writer,

David

is

ready

renew the attempt to bring up the ark. The observation about the Levites is made in view of the death of Uzza (13"). It is implied that the Law had not been observed in carrying the ark on a cart (13'). For the law cf. Nu. 1" 4" j* 10".-3. This state-

ment or
Uri'el],

its

equivalent

is

lacking in 2

S.,

although such an assembly

might be inferred from 2 S. 6" where

all Israel is

mentioned.

6.
6.

The name

occurs in the Kehathite genealogy of Elkanah

first

6*

<">.

He

is

mentioned

because the Kehathites had the

duty of carrying the furniture of the sanctuary, Nu. 4".

'Asaiah].
in

A Merarite of this name with his genealogy is mentioned

6"

<>.

7.

Jo'el].

One

of this

name

is

mentioned in 23' as a

son of the Gershonite Ladan and the head of a family.

phan].
Cf. 2 Ch. 29"

8.

Elizo-

where Elizaphan also represents adivision

of the Levites.

In Nu. 3" the prince of the Kehathites is Elizaphan

Shemaiah] a name of frequent occurrence o)-9. Hebron] a son of Kehath in 5" (6) 6 > 23" Ex. 6" Nu. 3'. Eli'el] in the genealogy of Heman 6" <> and the name of a Levitical overseer appointed by Hezekiah 2 Ch. 31", elsewhere in Chronicles as the name of non-Levites cf. 5" 8"- *
the son of Uzziel.
{cf.

ii

'

12"

<.

10.

'Uzsi'el] like

sages given above v.

Hebron a son 'Amminadab] the name

of

Kehath

in pas-

of a son of

in 6' *> but there the

name is a textual error for Izhar.

Kehath 11. Zadok

and Abiathar the

in 2 S. to
(1

priests].

8"

(cf.

Ch. i8 for true

This double priesthood is mentioned text) 15"- 19" 20" and came

an end K. 2"5"

in the reign of
).

Solomon when Abiathar was deposed

v. ".

12.
-

Of
30-

the Levites] is here used in the general

cf.

sense, including the priests,

Sanctify yourselves]

(cf.

2 Ch.

29- "

"

* 31"

35)

by the washing
aloof

of the
defile-

body and the garments and the keeping

from every

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214

CHRONICLES
{ef.

Unto

ment, avoiding sexual intercourse

Gn. 35* Ex. io"-

"

).

the place which I have prepared for it], Cf. w. ' . On the construction see textual note. 13. The verb bear (KW) may be supplied in the first clause (Oe., RV., cf. v.; has

prasentes,

on

<K v.
it

i.).

Made a breach upon

him)
aright].

us].

Cf. 13".

For

we did

not seek

(or

The

text is

ambiguous, the

pronominal object of the verb

13* (q. v.) (Ba.) or to

may
:

either refer to the ark as in

God

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

and most).

The

former, however,

is to

be preferred

bring
plied

up the ark in the right way. 14. David's request is comwith.15. Upon their shoulders]. Cf. Nu. 1" 7*, but see

We

did not search out and

text. n. 1. nvj]

is

here taken with the force of nja by Be., Kau., Ki., while

Ke., Zoe., Oe. give the force to prepare (see npy

on use of
lS

Ges. 114I. >pu>n Sh] equivalent to 'w

inf. ef.

7.
'n

BDB. II. 3).

jwu,
see

atrvi]

read

on 6 1
5,

2. rwv^] 12.
.

oipD Sk Ex. 23".

On the omission
Rem.
Ew.

of the relative see Ges. 15611 (d), Dav. 144, 145

333 ! f r tne same construction where preposition precedes verb 2 Ch. 13 . swhisdV] apparently i* and very similar 1 Ch. 20* 2 Ch. i6 3o"'-. a combination of nnS and njs>m;i, the union being formed as in the case of no with short words, nro Ex. 4', osSo Is. 3", hkSpd Mai. 1" (Be.).

noS then has the force of

ii.

wh

Sp wherefore, because,
:

2.

38oh.

Hence Kau. renders the clause

nicht tugegen wart.

BDB.

(under no
at first.

1.

e)

Ew. 353 a, Koe. Weil ihr das erste Mai renders Because ye were
:

not (employed) for

what was

Ki. retains the interrogative force

<S L reads Art o&r

and

renders:

Warum

wart ihr dock bisher nicht daf

Bn. then rea corruption and reads '-a ooui c.-i* k"? s. 15. ooroa] is wanting in < u and hence is regarded as a gloss derived from |roa in Nu. 7* by Bn., Ki. In P the carrying staves of the ark are O'na Ex. 25" * Nu. 4* et al., 010 the frame or flat surface on which the utensils of the sanctuary were carried Nu. 4'- ", also the grapes of Eschol Nu.
ir rji wp&rtpop i/tat tlrai irotfuivt

omits

iroljiovi).

gards

^ as

13", see Gray,

pi. in

Com. in

locis.

on<Sp].

The

suffix refers to the

implied

ooro.

16-24. The musical arrangements for bringing up the ark.

On the composite character of

this section, see above.

16. And

David commanded] expresses the Heb. idiom more nearly than the spake to of EVs. (v. *'.). The chiefs of the Levites]. The reference may be to the six enumerated in w. ' repeated in v. ". With

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XV.

1-84.]

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

215

and harps and cymbals]. These three instruments are by the Chronicler v. 13* i6 2 Ch. s" 2o Ne. 12". The cymbals expressed by metiltayim are mentioned only in Chronicles. In 2 S. 6* Ps. 150 1 the Heb. word for cymbals is ul&lim (cf. 13*), although we cannot distinguish between the
psalteries

often mentioned together

instruments (Now. Arch.

I.

pp. 272
cf.

Reman, Asaph, and Ethan,

ond degree
(v. i.).

17. On the three singers, f.). 6"-" <"-"> 25* . 18. Their

brethren twelve] should be read instead of their brethren of the sec-

The

singers here mentioned are given again in

s.).

w. "

and

in part in 16* (v.

26-

Zechariah] has been

col.

identified
is

with the Zechariah of 9"

" (EBi. TV.

5390).

The name
>.

an Asaphite, probably family, name

in 2 Ch.

20" Ne. 13"

The
(6"

following Ben, wanting in v.

"

16*,

should be read Bani

(v. *.).

A Bani appears in
and

the line of descent of the singer Ethan

<">)

and as an Asaphite (Ne.

25',

nM

).

'Uzzi'el*] (so read also

in v.

"

i6 instead of 'Azi'el, Je'i'el) the

name

also of a musician,
in 2

a son of Heman, in
Shemiramoth],

of

a son of Jeduthun

Ch. 29".
17* f
else-

Jehi'el] the name of a son of Heman

A Levite of this name appears also in 2 Ch.

2

Ch. 29" Qr., also

Eli'ab]
in

where frequent.

a Levite in Ne. a frequent name, not elsewhere of a musician.

'Unni] wanting in
i6,

12* Qr. f.

Beniah]

an Asaphite pedigree 2 Ch. 20".

Ma'aseiah] wanting in i6.

Mattithiah].

Cf. 9", a son of Jeduthun 25*- ".Eliphelehu f and Mikneiah f ] both wanting in i6. 'Obed-edom], This historical
Philistine caretaker of the ark,

a native of Gath,

2 S.

6"

'-,

is

trans-

formed by the Chronicler, or the school which he represents, into a Levite of the division of the gate-keepers, v. M 16" 26* '-, and as a
Korahite gate-keeper
as a singer see above
(26'<),

he

is

and on 16".

a Kehathite. On his appearance Je'i'el] a name of frequent oc-

currence; in an Asaphite genealogy 2 Ch. 20". doubtless used for the same individual as Jehiah
is

The name

is

(v.

") but which

correct cannot be determined.

Jeiel, cf.

and

9"

-.

The gate-keepers] i.e., Obed-edom With the Chronicler both singers and gate-

keepers are fully recognised as Levites.

19-21.

The
fell

singers are

now

With cymbals].
ductors to

divided into three divisions according to their musical parts.

Cf. v. ".

These instruments

mark

the time (art. Music, DB.).

To sound aloud]

to the con-

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216

CHRONICLES
With
i.e.,

perhaps equivalent to beating time (Ke., Zoe.).

psalteries}.

Setto'Alamoth]
(cf.

Cf. v.

',

stringed instruments perhaps not unlike the

lit.

Greek
in

lyre.

to (the voice of)

young women,
phrase
is

soprano

Ps. 46' 48",

BDB. noty).
translate.

The

obscure.
v.

Kau.
i6,

and Ki. refuse to

hence

'Azaziah] wanting in

and

With harps]. Cf. v. , stringed instruments whose difference from the psalteries is not entirely clear, but they were probably more harp-like. Set to the Sheminith lit. upon the eighth, i.e., prob. to a deep octave or in the bass,
not be original.
cf.

may

22.
35*.

Ps. 6' is'.

To

lead].

The

musicians led the service of song.

Chenaniah].

Cf. v.", the

name

also occurs of Levites in

26" and as Conaniah, which Ki.

after <K prefers here, 2

i.e.,

Ch. 31"

'

Chief of the Levites in the carrying]

he had charge of the

the usual interpretais

duty of carrying the sacred furniture and directed the carrying

(of the ark) because he
tion,

was

skilful.

This

is

but the word massa, meaning bearing, carrying, uplifting,

<&,

23.
cf.

rendered uplifting of the voice, song, by

EVs., Oe. (B prophetic).

Berechiah]. For the occurrence of the

name in

kindred

lists

v.

" 6"

<">

9".Elkanah].
-'

Cf. as above

9".

Elkanah,

derived from the father of Samuel, appears in the genealogy of

Heman,

cf.

6>- <"-">

<"->.

keepers here in addition to those of

that this section is composite.
priest in

The introduction of two gatew. ,l is striking and suggests 24. Shebaniah] also the name of a

Ne. 10*

<>

12",

haps
phat.

Ch. 24"
Neither

f.

in Ne. 9 4 ' io" and perJoshaphat] an abbreviated form of Jehosha-

and of Levites

name

occurs elsewhere as that of either a priest

or a Levite.

Nethan'el] the

name

of priests in Ezr. io*

Ne. 12",
6'

of Levites in 26* 2 Ch. 35* Ne. i2 M .

priest's
>

'Amasai] not elsewhere a

name, but

in the

genealogy of the Kehathite

Heman,

and of the Kehathite Mahath, 2 Ch. 2<)".Zechariah] not elsewhere the name of a priest; of Levites see v. . Benaiah]
<>,

"

not elsewhere as a priest's name; as Levite see

priest's

v. ".

Eli'ezer]

name

in Ezr. io'.

Sounded with trumpets] (hazozeroth

fVnXXn)

the long straight metal homs with flaring mouths, mentioned almost entirely as a sacred instrument (v. " 13' 2 Ch. 15" 20" 29" " Ezr. 3" Ne. 12" " espec. Nu. io'-*) in distinction
in early

from the shophar, the curved horn of a cow or ram used

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XV.

1-84.]

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

war
(Ju.

217

Israel especially in signals of

3" 6 M j*

S. 13* 2 S. 2", etc.),

but also by the priests (Jos. 6 Lv. 25*). The seven priestly trumpeters before the ark were doubtless suggested by Jos. 6'.

'Obed-edom and
repetition

Je'i'et*

were gate-keepers for the ark] a curious

from

v.

(q. v.),

probably a

gloss.

16. -wkm] a late use of * with the force

command followed by

inf.

+
13'
1

S of pers.

(1.

4), cf.

2 Ch. 14* 39" 31* Est. 1"; so Kau.,

inf.
cf.

Ki.TDjfrt]

inf.

instead of the direct discourse in older writings,

27" 2 Ch. 1".

140.

4.

wvk]

expressing means,

Ew. 338 a, cf. Ew. 280 d, Ges.

i:oj,

Sipa].

in.

nrwS] S
BDB.

On

use of a

Ew.

282 d, Ges.

should be struck out: a dittography.

(Ki.).

17.
wp
is

BDB.

we>v>]

<P

nuralov, <Ru- Kuralov, hence with reference also to

6" we

should read

vwp

18.

owon

omntt onojn]
text

d*je>o
is

occurs elsesuspicious.

where only
places (see

in 1 S. 15*

and Ezr. 1", where the

corrupt in both
contains twelve

rueo and authorities there

cited),

hence
list

After subtracting the two gate-keepers, the following

names.

Accordingly

we

conjecture that the original read

onvw
fall

oncjn

mt
of

o-itf,

and with them

vmat]
ja is

their brethren twelve, the first

two consonants
out.

owan

having come in by dittography caused -wy to

would naturally be omitted before the copulative, since it is used nowhere as a proper name. Probably 1 and * have been transposed and the copulative before the resulting < has been connected with the preceding word, accordingly read Sn'tjn '}?' rvoi. The spellings of the first and of the last of these names are supported by v. M Sxvpi nna: and partially by 16* Sio? ;vot (q. v.). itcbn] without > suggests some disturbance of the text (see Ki. SBOT.). <6 has 1. The preceding name is dubious, On constr., Dr. TH. 188, Ges. 13 id.22. cf. <&. 19. rro]. in J hence Ki. reads <R8KL have Kwrtna, Xureria, Iexerw, ,V- r] wjjw. KffDa 1 ] wanting in <S, and so omitted by Ki., Bn. twca 10] d Spx T " tfSQr, KPon if followed by Ki., Bn., the former renStriyi ja

wanting in

<&, v.

and

i6,

but

it

dering

kpd with
s.

certain, v.

n'm] read
follows
:

Oe. regards it as a noun or ptc. 24 on* Jnc] from denom. win Kt. onsino Ges. 530 (for on*"j*np Stade, Gram. 280) or onwnn Baer, also BDB. Qr. o-wip Ges. 530, Baer, Koe. i. 305 e). Cf. 2 Ch. 5" 7* 13" 29", Piel 2 Ch. 5" f (L 44).
"'] inf. abs.
.

reference to carrying the ark, the latter being un-

Hiph.

ptc.

after v.

'

S<p\

Following the clue of 16' Bn. and Ki. give the original of

w. "'

as

The

Levites appointed

Asaph

the son of Berechiah the chief

and Zechariah

the second in rank, then Uztiel,

Eliab, Beniah, Matlithiah,

and Shemiramolh, Jehiel, and Obed-edom and Jeiel, the gate-keepers.

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2l8

CHRONICLES
who
Mb

The names omitted

has also added

ate regarded as coming from a later annotator

v.
is

w.

-**;

still

later gloss (but see above).

26-XVI.

3.

The bringing up

of the

ark.The
which
is

Chronicler

took these verses from 2 S. 6" >-', making such alterations as were
necessary according to his view of the
affair,

shown

in the

preceding passage.
v.

26. So David,

etc.].

The

connection

is

with

after the details concerning the preparation

have intervened.

makes no mention of the elders of Israel and the captains of The ark of the covenant of Yahweh] in 2 S. "the ark of God" or "the ark of Yahweh," cf. w. - with 2 S. 6- ". This change is a touch of the school of the Chronicler, cf. 13:26. When God helped the Levites]. The Chronicler piously
2 S.

thousands.

introduces the divine agency as the cause of the auspicious begin-

ning of their undertaking.

2 S. has

"when

they that bare the ark

bullocks and seven David is the sacrifker and the sacrifice Ke. and Zoe. harmonise the passages is "an ox and a fading." by making them refer to two distinct occasions, 2 S. describing the start and 1 Ch. the conclusion of the journey. But the sacrifices
six paces."

had gone
rams].

That they sacrificed seven

S.

According to 2

of the conclusion are mentioned in 16 1 .

Ba. points out that the

and the large one King and his elders. For special sacrifices consisting of the same numbers of the same animals cf. Jb. 42* Nu. 23'- ", also 2 Ch. 29". 27. With a robe of byssus]. Not only David but also the Levites and singers are represented as wearing processional robes of white linen. And upon David was an ephod of linen] from 2 S. is perhaps a gloss. According to 2 S. David wore only an ephod, which was a scant skirt or kilt, and thus he was liable to shameful exposure (EBi. II. col. 1306) 2 S. 6"- ". According to the Chronicler, David wears the priestly
small offering of 2 S.
is

represented as David's

of Chronicles as that of the

robe.

The

Chronicler omits

all

reference to David's dancing

save incidentally in v. ".

The

scandal of the exposure of his per-

28. 2 S. mentions David along with and introduces only one musical instrument, the shophar at horn (cf. v. u) occurring in Chronicles only here. On the other
son
is

passed over in silence.

Israel

instruments, the addition to the text of 2 S.,

cf.

w. >"

**.

29.

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XV. 26-XVI.
It is

3.]

SECOND REMOVAL OF THE ARK

219

a mark of the unskilful

art of the Chronicler that this single

verse of the episode of Michal's judgment on

here introduced

when

the story as a whole with

Peace-offerings]

David

is

omitted.

1.
A

David should be its reflection on were largely eaten by the

worshippers; hence indicative of feasting.

people].
cf.

2.

He

blessed the

The king
).

as well as the priest exercised this function;

Solomon's blessing (1 K. 8 M)

omitted by the Chronicler

(a Ch. 7'

3.

portion] uncertain whether of flesh or wine

25. O'aSnn] strike out n,

6U

a denom. verb from BAram. kSsis Dn. 3" or from Saa with 1 inserted, BDB. Be. thought fia S'jroa Sanaa a corruption of tp Saa na-uc (as in 2 S. 6") through illegibility, and this emendation is accepted by BDB. More likely the change was intentional, as the omission (v. pa p. xoi). 'loS would show. The statement also that "the Levites that of bare the ark " danced would then be inappropriate, while a description of their sacred vestures is a natural touch of the Chronicler. ipn]. Either the art. is to be omitted or read nvos instead of nwon, cf. v. n. oi-wo.">'] is an explanatory gloss (Zoe., Bn.) by a reader who understood Mfon to refer to the lifting up of the voice in song, cf. v. n (Kau.). 29. wi] 2 S. 6 U nvn. The latter is striking in pre-exilic
is

w ft which

a dittography, so Kau., Ki.o-woj]

cf. v.
'.

a S.

superfluous here,

27. Sanac]

either

literature,

Dr.

TH.
a
S.,

133, Dav. 58
cf.

c,

and

is

Ka].

On

the perfect

Dr.

TH.

165.

pnroi ipiD]
a S. 3.

probably a corruption.
instead of

a more movement or because more intelligible. iroo is an iw. Xry. and hod a 8f Xry. XVL 1. 0'nSa>- ] a S. 6" nw, cf. 13*.
nanaei nos in

substitution

made

either to suggest

dignified

After

wk

o^oSn.

2.

a S.

has tovna.
a S. 6'

'ui roSy

'ip ,
13*.

'>]

nw]

nwa,

cf.

nw

S mSip

Sp'i

The

Chronicler con-

denses Sm-w pen SaS opa SaS of a S.

(the ordinary

6"

into Sne "k SaS.

S.

Taa]

word

for loaf, Ju. 8*

1 S.

a io Pr. 6 Je. 37") a

that
2 S.

nSn

elsewhere only in

of a sacrificial cake, implying

the people
in
If,

received cakes connected with the peace-offerings.

not
of

<8>,

the numeral, nntt, inn, with each

Xry. is

gift.

has The exact meaning

nod* dr.
cf.

unknown; the renderings

in the Vrss. vary (for full

discussion

Dr. TS., pp. 307/.).

XVI. 4-6. The Levites appointed for service before the ark.

These verses are original with the Chronicler with the omission
of the words,
(v. s.).

and Obed-edom and

Jeiel,

and Asaph, from

v.

The appointees already mentioned (15"

*) were set aside

Digitized by

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220

CHRONICLES

merely for the purpose of bringing the ark in state to Jerusalem.

They consisted of three chief singers with twelve of their brethren and seven priests. Here we have only one chief singer with seven of his brethren and two priests. The reason for this reduction in the numbers is to be sought in w. " . The Chronicler thought the tabernacle with the altar of burnt-offering was at Gibeon at this time. The occasion of bringing up the ark to Jerusalem was so
important as to
Levites.

When

for service in

and had been accomplished, they were divided both places. Asaph and seven of his brethren were
call for the participation of all the priests

this

assigned to service before the ark in Jerusalem, while

Heman

and Jeduthun and the

two
ark.
priests

rest of those

mentioned by name (v.")

were appointed to the worship in the tabernacle at Gibeon. Only

were appointed for services as trumpeters before the
the reductions are not in the

should expect Asaph with but four of his brethren.

same proportion. We The number two for the priests may have been suggested by 15" or Nu. io , while a large number of priests was indispensable at the altar of

Thus

burnt-offering.

Since the service before the ark

is

represented

as of a musical character entirely, the larger number of singers

appointed to that service

is

accounted

for, also

the

number seven
of prayer

may have 4. The

song as
is

influenced the Chronicler

(cf.

15").

administration of the Levites

was one

and
in-

implied by the following words, both to commemorate

to praise

and

to

thank and

Yahweh

the

God

of Israel.

These

dicate three forms of service, the

first

a liturgical prayer at the

<">

presentation of that part of the meal-offering which

.
e.,

the memorial

(cf.

Lv.

2-

5" 6

was burnt, Nu. 5* and

explanations of the
i.

titles

of Pss. 38

and 70

espec. Briggs, Psalms,

Intro.

39

(());

the second refers to the use of Psalms that

prominently confess and give thanks to God; and the third to

praises like those of the Hallelujah songs (Zoe.).

were assigned the duty "to thank and to praise

daily burnt-offerings

The Levites Yahweh" at the

')

and

at all burnt-offerings

(23"

of
all

which
three

the meal-offering constituted a part (Nu. 28'

),

hence

of these liturgical forms are connected with the burnt-offering.

Since the Chronicler represents that

no

regular sacrifices were

Digitized by

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JCVl 4-36.]

SERVICE OF SONG BEFORE THE ARK

this time (cf.

221

made in Jerusalem at
at the

21" *),

it

may be

inferred that

these Levites were to conduct the musical liturgy before the ark

same time that the offerings were being made on the altar at Gibeon with corresponding musical service. The two priests also (v. ) sounded the two silver trumpets as if present at the burntCh. 29"-" Nu.
io' ).

offerings (2

6.

Jahazi'el] does not apcf.

pear in 15".
4. pin]

For occurrences of the name

12* " k >

23" Ezr.

8.

so

KiSn>y*]

d+

nna.

5.

Vr, ] wd
1

V'JSJ also in is"-

q. v.,

fa

15"

iw

but

cf.

15".

7.

An interesting statement showing that Psalms of thanksgiving

to a particular class of singers

(Hodu Psalms) were assigned

(Bn.).

Psalm of thanksgiving.This is a compilation from w.-"-Ps. ios -", w.*-M -Ps. 96, 106'- " . w. --Ps. The variations from the text of the Psalter are slight. The original place of these verses was in the Psalter, since w. are clearly a fragment of Ps. 105. (This is now
8-36.
verses found in the Psalter,
1

universally admitted, although Hitz.

place to have been in Ch.)

Ps. 106", is the doxology of the Psalter,
it is

Hence, since

and Ke. held the original v. * corresponding to

fair

marking the close of the fourth book and usual inference that the Psalter had
if

already been arranged in five books at the time of the Chronicler.

Yet

it

may be

further said that

the small fragment

w.

**"

existed independently of Ps. 106 (so Cheyne),

section,

and

if

the whole

w.

, is

an

insertion of

later date

than the period of

the Chronicler (so Bn.), this inference cannot be made.

8-22 -Ps. ios

-'*.

According to Briggs, the

first

five verses

are an introductory gloss,

making the

Ps. into

a Hallel.

8.

9.

Two

tetrameter synthetic couplets

Give thanks unto Yahweh,

call

upon his name;

Proclaim among the peoples his doings.

Sing unto him, make music for him;

Muse upon

all his

wondrous

deeds.

The Hebrew shows

second and fourth

assonance between the

first

and

third,

lines, these

ending in the sounds

and the and au re-

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222
spectively.

CHRONICLES

composing one

Each couplet consists of three clauses, the first two short line, and the third a tetrameter and so a line by itself. In the first couplet the first clause calls upon the worshipper to pay divine honours, the second clause is a stronger repetition of this call, and the third commands him to proclaim the deeds of his God among the peoples; in the second couplet the movement is similar. Call upon his name] may also be rendered "proclaim his name," which is preferred by Briggs, but the former is better
suited to the structure of the stanza.

that this clause strengthens the preceding

anticipating the following.

The second couplet shows command instead of Make music for him]. The verb

(^Dt)

may

either

also here according to

instruments, Ps.

mean to sing to (?) God, Ps. 27* ioi" 104", BDB., or it may be used of playing musical 33' cf. 144* (parallel to n*WK), 71** 98* 147'

The parallelism of Ps. 144' suggests that the latter meaning 149'. may have been intended here, so Briggs. These two couplets

are based

upon

Is. 12*

'

which reads as follows

call

"Give thanks unto Yahweh,

Proclaim

upon

his

name;

among the peoples his doings. Commemorate for his name is exalted, Make music (VIC?) unto Yahweh for he hath
done
excellent things,
all

Let this be known in

the earth."

The first two lines were taken verbatim; the last three were reduced to the same form as the first two. The words "in all the
earth"

parallel to

"among

the peoples"

nal in Ps., but not in Chronicles.

i.e.,

may have been 10. Glory in his holy name]

origiall

his

name

as sacred and separate from

defilement.

Of

them that seek Yahweh].

the

Briggs substitutes as original the per-

sonal pronoun, him, instead of the divine

name

for the sake of

assonance.

11.

Seek his face continually] that you

may
the

gain knowledge of his greatness, even as

face of an earthly king,
verse, but in 12 there sound (niphle'othau .
is
.

when men sought

K. 10". No assonance appears in this an apparently intentional resemblance of

mophethau) in the midst of the lines

instead of at the ends.

Commemorate] celebrate by recounting,

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V
'

/
223

XVI. 4-86.]

SERVICE OF SONG BEFORE THE ARK.

deeds which he has done]
cf.

His wondrous

and

his marvels] espec.

is

the miracles of the Exodus,

Ps. 105".

This

done

in Pss.

105 and 106, but most of these wonders of

Hebrew

history are

omitted here.

13. The
is

original text of Ps. probably read,

"Ye

seed of Abraham, his servant,

(so Briggs),

Ye

sons of Jacob, his chosen one"

which

in Chronicles

has become, Ye seed of

Israel,

his servant (pi. in (8

not likely original),

Ye

sons of Jacob, his

chosen ones.

The

Chronicler copied the pronominal suffixes from

the present text of Ps., where the assonance has been destroyed

by a copyist's misunderstanding, by which the plural his chosen

ones,
i.e.,

the sons of Jacob, has been substituted for the singular

i.e.,

his chosen one,

doubtless substituted for Abraham, since

Jacob rather than Esau (Briggs). Israel was it makes a more obvious,

though

less poetic, parallel, cf. v. ".

14.

He, Yahweh, is our God;

In

all the earth are his

judgments] an assertion of the world-wide

Yahweh. 16-22. The Psalmist then recalls the covenant which Yahweh made with the three patriarchs in turn, with Abraham] Gn. 15, 17, 22"- , his oath unto Isaac], Gn. 26-, unto
rule of
,

Gn. 28 ,,1 , and to Israel for an everlasting covenant], Gn. 35* and how when they were but a few in number (so read instead of ye, v. i.), cf. Gn. 34", he suffered no man to wrong them], as in the relation of Abraham to the Canaanites, of
Jacob for a
statute],
-';

Isaac to the

men
The

of Gerar, of

Jacob to Laban and to Esau, and

reproved kings for their sakes], Pharaoh Gn. 12", and Abimelech

Gn. 20 , -.

patriarchs are represented as anointed kings only

In Gn. 20' (E), Abraham is termed a prophet. 23-33 -Ps. 96"' - '" ' ". The strong
here and in the parallel Ps.

beginning of Ps. 96

is

are inappropriate here (Be.).

otf the

weakened by omitting w. > **, In these verses an appeal

since they
is

made to

), and Yahweh is proclaimed as the one efficient God who alone has done wondrous deeds among all peoples (v. "). He is contrasted with the gods of other peoples which are things of nought and have done nothing for their worshippers, cf. Is. 40" 44* Je. 2" Ps. 115*-', while Yahweh made the heavens (v. ). All peoples are admonished to bring offerings unto Yahweh and to worship him (w. "). All nature shall rejoice, the heavens and the earth, the sea with all its life and the field with all its life,

earth (v.

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224

CHRONICLES
Yahweh cometh
is

and

the trees of the forest, for

to

judge the earth.

" ".

The The

conclusion of Ps. 96, v. "*,

omitted in Chronicles, since

the Ps. does not

first

come

to

an end with v. . a common

34-36 -Ps.io6

of these verses is

liturgical

phrase with which

and 136 begin and makes also an appropriate cf also Je. 33" Ezr. 3" 1 Mac. 4". 36. And gather us together and deliver us from the nations]. In Ps. "and
Pss. 106, 107, 118,
closing, Ps. 118",
is a clear reference to the dispersion and so inappropriate to the time of David. The writer sought to remove this significance of the phrase by inserting the words, and deliver us. Verse 36, the doxology of the fourth book of Ps.,

gather us from the nations"

is

not unsuitable here.

13.

we]

Ps.

105* vb.

IS.

htrwi mi] Ps.

105*

Oman

jni.

16.

WH]
*

Ps. 105* l?t &", unjuortioiur has

grown out of

W-

nrquottvur

ijt. Ki. BI1. prefers the reading of Ps. but the Chronicler may have changed to pi. imv. intentionally to accord with w. ' ' * + 16. pn**] Ps. 105* prarh which spelling also occurs in Je. 33 Am. 7- ". 10. oawna] Ps. 105" onvna, likewise 1 ms., <R, B. This is the better text. 20. naSoom] lis wanting in Ps. 105". 21.
.

e"nSj Ps. 105" o-w.

96*

wS.

Ps. 96*.

24. maa pk] Ps. 26. nwi] d

k.

22.

'H'ajai] Ps.

105" loajH
n*.

96* without

i 0c4t
is

V
place

U'nSm.

26. wiui] wanting 27. iopoa nnm]

1

23. w Sm] Ps.

in

Ps.

96*
in

wipDS miwPi. nnn

late

word frequent

in

Aram., elsewhere
substituted

OT.

only Ne.

8'*.

The word

may have been

for sanctuary because

more general and better fitting the abode of the ark before the Temple was built (Zoe.). 29. vS] instead of vPrwnS, Ps. o6, because the Temple was not built. snp p-nna]. The meaning is dub. RV. in holy array (margin in the beauty of holiness),

better in holy attire. Perles suggests a connection with the Babylonian adaru "to fear " and interprets veneration before the sanctuary, though
this rendering is excluded in 2

(OLZ.
verse

8, 1005, col.
is

127).

V.

Ch. 20", which he regards as corrupt ' corresponds to Ps. o6. 30. This
*nd

nDK'i] 32. Composed of 96" tw! Ps. 96" ntf 33. irn Sa g6 ub Ha] Ps. + na 36. rrom] wanting Ps. io6. 'S ip nw. uS'im] wanting Ps. 36. Ps. Ps. iv-Mn. Thus the termination X06 "mm.
Composed
on*>Da
of
Ps.

composed of

Ps.

96 ,b

10b .

vjoSc] Ps.
Ps.
96'

o6"

<i '.

31. no*. 96
o6 vice.
Ps.
'
"><

1 *"

0'Dj>

jn' wanting in Ch.

Sp\
'a.

Ps.

'.

fSjr]

'jbSd

'*?] Ps.

lto

p.

in

uptr* wiSm]
4'

U'.iSk

in Ps.

ntsM-i]

nvi'S SSni]

poetic

of Ps. 106 J "3-

is

turned into an historical statement

On

SSn

cf.

Ges.

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XVI. 37-43.]

LEVITES APPOINTED

FOR SERVICE

225

37-43. Levites appointed for service.

w.-.

37.

resume" of

w.

'-.

38.

continuation of

And

'Obed-edom and his?

brethren sixty-eight

and Hosa

to be gate-keepers].

We must
'

either

read

Am

with

<K,

H (Bn.) or transpose and Hosa to a position be-

The phrase and Obedfore and their brethren, etc. (Kau., Ki.). edom the son o/Jeduthun* is probably a marginal gloss which made The glossator finding its way into the text in the wrong place. Obed-edom represented as a singer in 15" i6 gives him a place in the family of Jeduthun, the singer (see below on v. "). In 26 the gate-keepers of the family of Obed-edom number sixty-two. On Hosa cf. 26' . 39. Thus according to the Chronicler there were two sanctuaries, the ark brought to Jerusalem constituting one and the tabernacle with its other furniture at Gibeon constituting the other (21" 2 Ch. i-). At this latter Zadok and his brethren ministered. On the high place which was at Gibe' on cf. 3 ' 1 K. 40. On the continual offerings cf. Ex. 29" Nu. 28*- . all that is written, etc.] i.e., everything which was the And to do priests' duty to do in the sanctuary. 41. With them] i.e., with Zadok and his brethren at Gibeon were placed the two guilds of singers represented by Heman and Jeduthun, while the guild of Asaph (v. ') ministered before the ark at Jerusalem. And the

rest

of the chosen] refers to

all

the singers chosen at this time.

i.e.,

Who
who

were designated by name]

those so designated in 15"

did not serve in Jerusalem (v.

).

42. And in

possession of

them were trumpets and cymbals for musicians and other instruments used in sacred song*] lit. and instruments of the song of God.

With song of God,

cf.

the sons of Jeduthun at the gate]

song of Yahweh, Ps. 137" 2 Ch. 29". And is dubious. Chronicles does not

know of any "Obed-edom

fallen

sons of Jeduthun

who were
,

gate-keepers except

the son of Jeduthun," v.

late gloss possibly

dependent upon the statement here.

Some words may have from the text between Jeduthun and at the gate.A&. Taken
-

from

2 S. 6 ,,b * 37.

and thus

is

a continuation of

v.

wwVi

|0kS] h

ef.

Ex.

pnn\

39.

s' i6 et at.

38.

with direct object, Ges. $ 117*. om ov ianS] jwv] is merely a copyist's variation of
'.

prvt pn] obj. of ap<i of v.

42. onrjyi]

BDB.

op 3. b.

proi'i jO'n]

wanting in <g and to be omitted as a

dittography

Digitized by

Google

226
from
v.

CHRONICLES
Be. holding that 'tm y> >Sa were equiva>

(Kau., Bn., Ki.)-

lent to the

nnaai

O'Sj j of v.
'a

rearranged

order of

v.

reading:

nvi>S

w. somewhat after the nmnS nova upi "ww onnan -wn

'

dtow
ao'i]

cnSiDi

nnnn

rtrwvi t" ,n ' O'nSwi

<Saa

non oSV>.

*S.

a S.

aw.

XVII. The promise to David in view of his purpose to build a temple for Yahweh. Taken with slight variations from 2 S. 7. According to Dt. 12" ' unity of worship should become law

had passed over Jordan and when Yahweh had given them "rest" from all their enemies round about, and had chosen a place "to cause his name to dwell there" (*'.., when the Temple should have been built). This "rest" came in with David and Solomon, cf. 2 S. 7'- 1 K. 5" > (We. Hist.
after the Israelites

of Isr. pp. 19 /., n.).

the Exile (so

If the narrative in 2 S. 7 is

as late as

Sm. Com.) the writer probably knew of this Deuteronomic provision and sought to show why this unity of worship was not ushered in by David through the erection of the Temple when "Yahweh had given him rest from all his enemies round
about"
wise
(v.
')

To the

Chronicler, David, the

(cf.

man

of blood, in

no

fulfilled this

condition

Ch. 22"

'),

hence he omitted
rest, etc.,"

from 2

S. 7 1 the

words "Yahweh had given him

')

and

substituted

will subdue all thine enemies (v.

all

for

"I

will

cause

thee to rest from

thine enemies" (2 S. 7").

1-15. Nathan's message to David.

1.

2.

When David dwelt in

'

his house] probably the one built with the aid of the King of Tyre,
14'

-2

S. 5".

Nathan, the prophet] (w.

and

parallels in
1

2 S. 7, 2 S. i2>

times in 2 S. 12,

1K.1

f 10 times in

K.

1,

2 Ch.

29" Ps. 51*

1

(title)

BS.

47'; in the phrase "acts of

Nathan the

prophet "

elsewhere)

Ch. 29" 2 Ch. 9"; and frequent as a personal name was the well-known court prophet during David's reign and one of the supporters of Solomon at his accession, 1 K. 1. Lo, I dwell in a house of cedar and the ark of the covenant of Yahweh
under curtains].

is

The

contrast between David's regal palace

and the humble

resting-place of the ark

was

sufficient to indicate

his intention to his religious adviser,

Do
first

all that is

in thy heart, for

who immediately responded, God is with thee. 3. Nathan's

impression that

God would

favour David's undertaking was a

Digitized by

Google

XVIL MS.]
mistaken one.
to

THE PROMISE TO DAVID

227

It came to pass the same night, that the word of God Nathan] doubtless in a dream. 4. Thou shalt not build me a (lit the, v. i.) house to dwell in] is expressed in 2 S. in the form of a question equivalent to a negative. 6. For I have not dwelt in a house from the day I brought up Israel, i.e., from Egypt (so 2 S.), unto this day, but have walked in a tent and in a tabernacle*]. This statement was not literally true, since the sanctuary at Shiloh

came

seems to have been a fixed structure (see Dr. in DB. IV. p. 500 a, also EBi. IV. col. 4925, 2).7-14. H. P. Smith finds traces of
rhythmical structure in this oracle, but not without extensive
7f . / took thee from the pasture, loco). from following the sheep] as narrated in 1 S. 16" . From this humble origin Yahweh had made David a prince over Israel and promised to make his fame like that of the great men of the earth. It is implied that David's honour is great enough without the added credit of building the Temple. 9. And I will appoint a place for my people Israel and will plant them] i.e., the establishment of the people in the promised land in safety from their enemies was not yet accomplished, hence the time for the building of the Temple as set forth in Dt. 12" ' had not yet come (v. s.). 10. Will build thee a house] certainly means a dynasty and not a building. 11. Thou must go to be with thy fathers]. 2 S. "thou shalt sleep with thy fathers" is the more usual phrase (cf. Gn. 47" (J) Dt. 31" 1 K. 2" n" 2 Ch. 26', etc.), while that of Chronicles has no exact parallel, yet cf. 1 K. a Gn. 15". The motive for the change

emendation (see Com. in

in Chronicles

is

difficult to

determine.

Boettcher (Aehrenlese)
it

thought the expression

to

go was more indeterminate and that

was introduced by one

life.

believing in the continuation of David's

12.

A direct reference to the Temple to be built by Solomon,

is

with which

coupled the fundamental Messianic promise.

In 2 S. the verse
evidently to avoid

may be a

gloss (so Sm.).

13. The foreboding

is

of iniquity with its punishment contained in 2 S. 7"

omitted

As I took

a sombre thought. "So sensitive is the Chronicler for the honour of David and his house that he cannot even endure in the mouth of Yahweh a reference to its faults" (Ki.).
it

from him that was

before thee]

i.e.,

from Saul, who

settle

is

mentioned by name in 2 S.

(v. .).

14. But I will

him in

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228

CHRONICLES
S.

my

house and in
shall

my

kingdom forever] 2

"Thy
is

house and thy

kingdom

be made sure forever before thee."

The change

of

Chronicles (2 S. has the more original text)

due to the point of

cf.

regards the kingdom as a theocracy, kingdom of Yahweh" 28*, "thine is the kingdom, O Yahweh" 29", "upon the throne of Yahweh" 29". My house must be taken parallel to my kingdom, thus referring to

view of the Chronicler,

who

"upon

the throne of the

the people of Israel.

1. Ch. has ivHs, a S.
7<

twice, run

and mpn nnn

nw mna \r\*

where

nm, npn<n Tina ae" B^Sun p-m. The V?cn Chronicler by his last phrase has given a clearer description of the
have
'3

position of the ark.

'sjk]

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. has elsewhere mk, except

Ne.
1*

t'

(LOT.

*,

pp.

the place of iSon,

155/, foot-note). 2. Ch. has again rn and has omitted -|S before npy. 3. OTiSm] a

in
S.

nw.

pj] 6
built,

itss.,

H<ajn,

which
is

is

not original,

'133

wi

Sh] a S. 7*

in
is

Sh nap Sk.

nae>S

cf.

a S.

4.

iran

'S

njan nnn *S] a S.

<nas>S ra 'S nian nnnn.

The

latter

undoubtedly the more orig-

inal statement.
shall

n<an

either definite with the idea, the house

which

not by thee, but by thy son (Bn.), or Ges. $ iaoj, only definite in the writer's mind and to be rendered indefinite in

be

our idiom.

8.

Sm-w nn

ti'Sjfi

"wh ovn

jo] a S. 7'

on*BD Shw.
This
latter

pODi Sn* Sh Snao n<nm]

a S.

' n* 'nSpnovoS pvvy\ Sno tS.-kib nviro.

is

(SBOT.)

after

probably the true text (Be., Kau., Ki., Bn.). Bu. Klo. reads jwd Sm jaron S.-ik Sh S.-ind tSh.-id roron.

"Thus

only," says Bu., "does the necessary sense of shelter under

strange roofs find proper expression whereas

(in a S.) expresses

it

wandering about
later fiction to

in

and with a

shelter belonging to

corresponding

S.-ik in P." But one would expect this be shown by the text of Ch. rather than S. (Bn.). 8. After "Ma* a S. 7' has . 'aa*'] the true text a S. '8ae, a clear

to the later fiction of ipio

case of copyist's confusion of

letters.

<op] a S.

nnx] a S. 7 "wikd supported by Ps. 78". Before Sme"> a S. has Sp, an unnecessary repetition and perhaps not original. 8. nn;Ki] a 0> in a S. agrees with Ch. in S. 7* nn> . a S. has Sui after atr'.

+ Sms

n*.

7.

9.

its

omission, hence Ch. has the true text (We. TS., Dr., Bu.,

Sm.).

As

a S. 7". inSaS] a S. inupS. Bn. thinks the text of Ch. is original, but the use of nSa in Dn. 7" suggests that this verb was supplanting the older and more usual njp. <S toS rairw<roi reproduces the text
of a S.

in v.

'

the preposition with 'cp

is

repeated before Sme>< in

7"

Perhaps ^ comes from a late transcriber. 10. O'CbSi] a S. In both texts after <S in a S. 1 should be omitted (Dr., Bu., Bn., Ki. ?). To retain the 1 causes a reference in v. ,k to the
si<n pSi.

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XVn.

16-87.]

DAVID'S PRAYER OF THANKSGIVING

229

Egyptian oppression, but this is a thought alien to the context, in which rather the blessings secured by the settled government of David are contrasted with the attacks to which Israel was exposed during the period of the judges. yaM* "" ph 'Ppjom] 3 S. ya'K Sao V> nrvim. We. 7*5., Dr., Bu. prefer for the text of a S. as more agreeable to the context va<n Sao 1S <nmim. Bn. prefers in Ch. va<w as demanded by the context. i ? n' n<ai "ft -urn] 3 S. nry no <a mn> iS inm mm i *. Both of these texts are harsh. Ki. in Ch. removes 1 before P'a. This is followed by 4K read iS-uo and I will magnify thee. Oe. and commends itself to Bn. In that case we should read nK, cf. the first person in v. "; mm has then arisen from mm the first word of v. ". Bu. (SBOT.) gives as the true text in 3 S. ~f> mjo m mm )"? r>2>j>' no a. Sm. suggests that the material of v. " is a gloss 11. mm] wanting by error in 2 S. 7" (Dr., (see his full comment). vnwn of roSS] 3 S. ymsn pk naasn followed by <& in Ch. Bu.). paD mm -i^k] a S. vpdo k< "wk, also < in Ch. The change in Ch. has been made to point more definitely to Solomon. otuSd] a S. itoSdo, see i4. 12. S] a S. 7" 'owS. woa] 3 S. voboo xn. <s> in a S. supports the text of Ch. 13. On omission see above. "vdk] supported by <S in 3 S. 7" where Ij has i\ and preferred as more Sikb> dj>d pointed by Dr., Bu., Sm. yjoS mn -who] 3 S. TmSb. The shorter 'xt of Ch. is original (Be., We. TS., Dr., Bu., Sm.). 14. oSy np jtti mm woai oSijwi ny 'nScai waa wmopm] 3 S. 7" oSip ip joj mm iKDa yieS oSij ip inaSooi lira toMi

wiw

16-27. David's prayer of thanksgiving.Thus David expressed bis gratitude for the divine promise delivered by Nathan.

16. Then David went in], the newly erected sanctuary (Be.) or
possibly his

own

house,

and

sat before

Yahweh].

This posture in

prayer

is

peculiar in the OT., but for instances

among

related

peoples, see

Sm. on 2 S. 7". Standing (Gn. 18" 1 S. 1"), kneeling (1 K. 8" Ps. 95' Dn. 6" <'>) and prostration (Nu. 16" 1 K. 18") were the usual postures. The prayer begins with an expression of wonder that Yahweh should have exalted one so humble and from such an unimportant family, Who am I, O Yahweh God, and what is my house, that thou hast brought me thus far? 17. This verse is obscure both here and in the parallel text of 2 S. (v. **.). 18. What shall David continue to say unto thee ? * for thou knowest thy servant]. This rendering is of a text corrected from 2 S. (v. .). David's heart is too full for utterance, yet God 19. Again the text is doubtful. 20. will understand his servant.

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230
All that

CHRONICLES
Yahweh, beside
original

men have heard

is

reveals the uniqueness of

whom there
und

no other God.

21.

According to Geiger (Urschrift

its

Uebersetzungen, p. 288) this verse in

most

form

contained a contrast between Israel's

nations.

God and

the gods of other

:

His reconstructed

text (v. *.) is rendered as follows

And

who
earth

is like

thy people Israel?

to

{Is there) another nation in the

which a god went

a name and

redeem

to himself

to

to himselffor a people and to give do for them great and terrible things in
its

driving out from before his people a nation and

T

gods.

But the
all this

Chronicler, or rather his forerunner in 2 S., applied

srael

to

by the change of another

("ilTK)

to one (Tlttf)

and other

changes until Chronicles read:

Israel? a unique nation which
people, giving to thyself a

And who is like thy people God went to redeem to himself as a

terrible

name by great and

things in driv-

ing out nations from before thy people, which thou didst redeem

from Egypt.
that the true

Chronicles passes from the third to the second

person, not an unusual construction.

22.

It

is

Israel's glory

God had

chosen them in preference to any other

nation, that they should be his people

23.

and he should be their God.

The King prays that the message borne by Nathan, the prophet, may be established forever. 24. Saying, Yahweh of hosts is the God of Israel * and the house of thy servant David is established before thee]. The prayer seems to be that the people may say that Yahweh is Israel's God, and that David's house has the legitimate right to rulership by divine choosing. The
change from third to second person
v.").
is

awkward, but possible

(v. s.

of Israel, and wishes them as firmly established. He justifies the boldness of this petition by recalling the divine revelation which he had received through Nathan, 26 thou hast revealed to thy servant that thou wilt build him a house. 27. The prayer closes with an assertion

beside

Thus King David puts the rights the right of Yahweh to be the God

of his house to rule

of the confidence of the worshipper that

Yahweh has

blessed his

house and what he has blessed, shall be blessed forever.

the text differs from that of 2 S., where the last verse
for this blessing.
is

In this

a prayer

Bertheau regarded the text of

2 S.

as the original

because the request for the fulfilment of a promise and also for

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XVn.

16-27.]

DAVID'S PRAYER OF THANKSGIVING

its

231

new

blessing has

proper place at the close of the prayer.

This

very fact, however, Benzinger alleges as the reason

why we should

look for the change of a perfect into an imperative, and not the
converse.

The

request for fulfilment he finds in v. ".

is

leading thought, he says, of David's prayer

his revelation has already

The Yahweh through brought a blessing and made a beginning

that
this

with salvation (w.- ); therefore David's house will endure, for

whatever Yahweh once blesses, remains blessed forever, and

thought
is

disturbed by the introduction of the imperative.

16. jk] 3 S. 7" 'mh, cf. v. . dviSk nw] 3 S. ntn <rm.17. a S. wnmi 7" has 19 after jopn. otiSk] 3 S. nw nn. by] a S. bu. nSpon own]. (Some Heb. mss. have Tina instead of wo, which helps

wo

not at

all in

solving the textual difficulty.)

And

(thou) host regarded

me

according to the estate of a

man

of high degree, AV.,

RV.

a S.

01M.1

min

nmi,

this the

corrupt

law of and are

And this too after the manner of men, RV., And is man? AVm., RVm. Both of these texts are clearly
unintelligible,

tt in

Ch. has koJ iwttiis at Cn Spara

half

irSpiiwov xal fywe&t at, the last clause of which,

(oVpni), gives

good sense, and from the

first

and thou hast exalted me Bn. would derive ';Kin

nmoa and
gives

mich schauen etwas wie eine Vision. Ki. Oe. reads 'jSyon d-w miro 'j.-i'Kii, Thou regardest me after the manner of a man (\e., in thy condescension), O thou who exaltest me. Ke. gave a similar meaning but retained aSpcn (as corresponding to pmncV) as regards the elevation, ix., the elevation of
render,

Du liessest

up as

hopelessly corrupt.

my

race

(my
ije.,

seed)

on

high.

Sm.), reads in 2 S. oiMH

of men,
ants.

We. TS., after hints of Be. and Ew. (see nVi 'jmni And thou hast let me see the generations

me a glimpse into the future of my descend* and then from nVpo in Ch. adds nSpS. Kau. 18. pk naaS yh* rn -ny pDi' no favours the reading of We. TS.
hast given
this

Bu. adopts

pay] 2 S. 7 yhtt lanS

iv

-in

nw noi.
difficult.

Ke. defends the text of Ch.

Zoe. allows
it.

as the original because the more

"133V after

Oe. reads

and thus obviates the harsh construction pk is wanting in & and came probably by dm. But of copyist oversight from the second half of the verse and naaS is likely an error for "uiS, hence the text of a S. fa to be preferred (Be., fa followed by nw ijik. Ch. omits Kau., Bn., Ki.). In a S. >rw, and nw, in M, goes with v. '. 19. nw] see v. ". TV] a S. tt 7 "pai, which Be. and Ba. regard as the original reading but <S in a S. agrees with Ch. and fa followed by Bu., SBOT., Sm. rightly but wants niSrun Sa pk. <fc B in Ch. (Bn.).After f-irh a S. has omits the clause. Bu. in a S. rearranges v. " b (after Reifmann given
toQ Sofrieai

TV

TV

TV

TV

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232
in Dr.)
icler,

I
(see Sm.),

CHRONICLES
Sa pk paj> jnwfc P'rp.

nwn nSrun

The Chron-

however, had clearly the present order in 3 S. before him. 90. Ch. has retained only out of '3 oviSk pS-u p Sj> in a S. 7"

mm

mm

before px.

The words

nSii

|3 >?

may be
).

represented

PiSrun of the previous verse (Be

a S.

in

the Ss n*

21.

Both the

texts of

Ch. and

7" give evidences of corruption, but the former

is

the better.

Ch.

has rightly Shi*" instead of

instead of nSnjn.

Sews,

f>n instead of Sn, and -u instead

v> ow"? instead of -p owS, and nSm Both texts require emendation of inn into "vw after <K B in a S. Ch. has omitted oaS PirpS (to be read onS 'Si) after Of and also at the end of the verse vnSx. The passage according to Geiger (Urschrift, p. aa8) followed by We. TS., Dr., Bu., Sm. (and Ki. in Ch.), originally read as follows : "vw 'u Smt" -joya <oi nwnm mSvu onS pwySi ob> iS dieSi oyS V> nrwS cnS* "pn nr* pus vnSm iu icy 'jdd riiS. Bn. emends owS reading oe>m and thus retains the second person and the clause respecting redemption from Egypt, which clause Ki. regards as an insertion or marginal note. 22. jnr] a S. 7" iS pm. 23. mm] a S. 7" 0>nS mm. jbh-] a S. opn. 24. )Dmm] wanting in a S. 7" and to be struck out as a ductography from v. *. Sme" viSk] wanting in a S., also to be struck out as a mere repetition of the following SkwS otiSk. a S. has 'ntitri Sy and has mm before jui. 26. 'hSk] a S. 7" Sm- nS* niKjj mm. PuaS no V>] a S. "p ma* no -idkS. After pay kid a S. has uS pm and The former is necessary to the text, but after Tie\ nun nSenn ph. the latter is probably a needless copyist addition (Bn.). 26. The oviSksi kwi nnn mm w\n nnyi text of a S. 7" is fuller and as follows : nwn aaa nn "\-at Sk nanm pdk v.m "p-urn. 27. -paS pSkvi] 3 S. 7" pai Shvi. oSiyS "pani Pans mm nnn 'a] a S. man mm jik nn 13

of tiikS, while a S. has correctly

oSiyS Tiap P'a *pa' inaiaoi.

On

these changes see above.

XVIII. 1-13.

A summary

of the foreign wars of

2 S. 8'-".

David.

David defeats the Philistines and acquires Gath with its dependencies and conquers Moab, Zobah, Damascus, and Edom. As a consequence of the defeat of the King of Zobah, the King of Hamath sends gifts, hence David controls practically all of Syria south of Hamath except the Phoenician cities and the remaining cities of Philistia. 1. Gath and Us daughters] instead of the unintelligible "bridle of the mother Whether the reading of Chronicles is the origcity " RV. of 2 S. 8'. We. TS. and Dr. think it derived inal is impossible to determine. from 2 S. 2. The Chronicler omitted from 2 S. the passage, "and he measured them with the line, making them to lie down on the
slight variations

Taken with

from

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XVm.

1-17.]

FOREIGN WARS OF DAVID

233
full

ground; and he measured two lines to put to death, and one

line to

keep alive," possibly because

reflections

this

harsh treatment of the

Moabite captives cast

after the previous kindness

upon the character of David shown him by the Moabite King, 1 S. 32* '-. Of that incident the writer of 2 S. 8* seems to have had no knowledge (Sm.), but the Chronicler certainly must have been
acquainted with
it.

This

fact, then, rather

than the excessive

cf.

cruelty of the measure, probably influenced him,

20*.

And

brought tribute] probably, as in the days of Mesha, this consisted

of wool, 2 K. y.

3. Hadad'ezer*].
cf.

Chronicles has here and else>,

where Hadar'ezer,
passages in 2 S.

w.

' '

iq-

as also (8 in

all

the parallel

The

original
1

Hadad'ezer, as in 2 S.

M, and

form of the name was of course K. 11". The component Hadad

1

carried by a number of kings of Damascus of later times, 1 K. 15"- "-2 Ch. 16'- * 1 K. 20 etc. Of these Ben-hadad II. is known in Assyr. ins. as Dadda4d-ri (var. 'idri) - Aram. Hadad-'idri - Heb. Hadad'ezer (KB. i, n. 1). Hadad was the name of a Syrian deity. The name p. 134, signifies Hadad is kelp (Dr.) (see Sm.). Zobah] an Aramean state of consequence during the reigns of Saul (1 S. 14") and

appears in the

name Benhadad,

David, mentioned in Assyr.

Par. pp. 279 ff. t Schr.

ins.

as Subutu or Subiti (see Del.

KA 7\ pp.

182 ff.), and situated according to

I. col.

Unto Hamath]
a glossator
is

Noeldeke between Damascus and Hamath (EBi.

is

280

6).

an addition to the

text of 2 S.

Whether from

or, as is more likely, from the Chronicler, the statement an inference from w. *-. Hamath is identical with the mod. Ilamd on the Orontes about one hundred and fifteen miles north of

Damascus.

A s he went to establish his hand by the river Euphrates

is

].

The

subject

either

Hadadezer

(Be., Zee., Dr.) or

more probably

David (Oe., Ba., Sm.).

4.

thousand chariots and seven thousand

horsemen] but according to 2 S. David took a thousand and seven

hundred horsemen and no mention

is

made

of the chariots.

Since

d of 2 S. agrees with Chronicles, the Chronicler did not likely alter

the text, but rather reproduced what he found.
all the chariot horses]

David hamstrung
cf.

as a measure to insure peace,

Jos.

'-'.

The Hebrews among their hills were slow in adopting cavalry and chariots, but David now began their use, for he reserved from them

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234

CHRONICLES

[horses] for a hundred chariots.

is

6.

Aram

a singular

collective for the

its

Arameans.

of Damascus]. Aram The Aramean kingdom

an important role in the was finally overthrown by Tiglath-pileser it III in 73a B. c. Damascus itself is a city of extreme antiquity, although early references to it are few and uncertain. It appears as Timasku in the list of the Syrian conquests of Thotmes III, and
chief city played

with Damascus as

history of Syria until

as Timaigi, Dimaika, in the Amama letters.

The independence of

Damascus was
sons* in
peoples,

also threatened

by this attack

the willingness to succour Hadadezer.

6.

Aram
cf.

of Damascus] as

was

his

upon Zobah, hence Then David put garricustom to do to subjected

credit for David's
is

v.

'.

victories to

Yahweh,

The writer piously ascribes the 7. Shields of gold]

cf. v.
'*.
-

a somewhat
Tibhath]

doubtful rendering, more likely arms or armour (Ba. Exp. Times

X. pp. 43/.).

Of gold would

refer to the decoration.

8.

and Cun j ] (2 S. Berothai) are otherwise unknown. Furrer (ZPV. viii. p. 34) identifies the latter with the mod. Kuna near Bereitan. Wherewith Solomon made the
(so read also in 2 S. 8 j )

brazen sea and the pillars and the vessels of brass]

is
its

an addition

from the hand of the Chronicler, whence

of 2 S.

it

made

way

into

9. To'u, king ofHamath]

(2 S. To i) is otherwise unknown.

Hamath,

regularly mentioned as the northern

boundary of

Israel,

on the western side of Hermon immediately north of Dan. This kingdom had plainly been threatened by the Arameans whom David
defeated.
is

known

in 1" (q. v.).

10. Hadoram, son] Joram). Nothing further him. The name appears as of an Arabian Upon the defeat of Hadadezer Tou hastened
his
(2 S.

of

that

tribe

to

send his son

to bless

David,

".

.,

to congratulate him, possibly to

gifts.

11.

acknowledge his suzerainty, and to purchase his favour with

These also did king David dedicate
to

Yahweh] together with the spoils of war from the nations, Edom, Mo'ab, 'Ammon, the Philistines, and 'Amalek. 2 S. adds "and from the spoil of Hadadezer, son of Rehob, king of Zobah." We have no other mention of a war of David with Amalek except that in 1 S. 30, where we are told that David distributed the spoil among his friends in Judah (w. ). 12. And when he returned he smote Edom*

in the Valley of Salt eighteen thousand].

This

is

probably the

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rvm.

1-17.]

FOREIGN WARS OF DAVID

an abridgment of 2
S. 8",

235
a

original text here,

"And David made

name.

And when he
is

returned from his smiting of Aram, he

smote Edom,*
Zeruiah,

etc. " of Chronicles, Moreover Abshai the son of due to a curious misreading of a copyist (v. *.). The Edomites may have taken advantage of the absence of David and

the army,

when they were

far north, to
left

make a

hostile raid, as the

Amalekites did when David

tines (1 S. 30).

Ziklag to go north with the PhilisSalt is only mentioned in connec6o*.

The Valley of
2
salt

tion with

Edom,

Ch. 25" 2 K. 14' Ps.

mountain,

On

account of

its

proximity to the

Khashm Usdum, and

to the Salt

Sea, it has been identified with the plain es-Sebkhah, at the southern end of the Dead Sea. 13. And he put garrisons in Edom] as he had done in Damascus, v. . The pious formula which closes v.

is

repeated here verbatim.

1. np>i] j S.

81

in.

s*Pia> nj pk] 3 S.

noKn jpd rw, which

is

quite unintelligible (see Sm.).

a S. 8 aura

wi.

2.

On
it

omission see above.

less.,

amo

vsvi]

3. nipTm]

many

a S. 8 -irprin.

Ch. pre-

serves a corrupt spelling, which since

appears

in (S of 2 S., 'ASpaafap,

may have been found

omitted

am

of nD*?n, at
after

nnon] wanting Helam, see 19".

p.

in

this

form by the Chronicler. Ch. has Bn. thinks it is a corruption a<nS] a S. vvrh. The former is read
in a S.
it

3 S.

mo] wanting

Dr. by Bu.,

who

thinks

represented in

briarfyrtu of

(S in

in Kt. of a S., given in Qr.

|Sk]

and some
iSk.

less.

4.

o<ene O'bVh ppaen

agrees with Ch.

an

S.

8 4 o<*no

pwd

pa*n

<S in 2 S.

But % of a S. is likely nearer to the true reading, which may have been originally seven hundred chariots, cf. 3 S. 10", to which was added a thousand horsemen, and finally by other ad6. K3'l] ditions and changes the text of Ch. appeared (see Bn.). a S. 8' ttarn. In "]VD-n instead of pPDi we have an unusual spelling, Syriac .jsotftoij. For a full discussion see J. Halevy, cf. v. and Revue Semitique, 1804, pp. 380-383. \ty\-i.-i ?] see v. . 6. O'aw gar-

risons given in 3 S.
0S"i.

8*

has fallen from the text as the object of

th ?'] a S. in dk. The a S. >"Pi It is found in the Vrss. former gives the better idea, Yahweh gave victory to David. 7. by nap] correct over against iap bn of 3 S. (Be., Dr., Bu., Sm.).
1

w]

thwni

in 3 S.,

pnaoo] true reading confirmed by <8 Gn. as". Kau. reads nasal. jdi] s S. vnani. <S in both 3 S. and Ch. has in rQr IkXiktQv nrrpo cf. 16" or inaDD (Bn.), ninaD (Sm.). Nothing is known of a city of either name. 'ui nis>p na] wanting in 3 S., an addition by the Chronicler, 9. ipr] 3 S. 8* 'pp, but the text of Ch. is confirmed by 41 in v. s.
oica<i]

wanting in 9.

8.

where

in V[ noao, cf.

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236
3 S. 9

CHRONICLES

and

is

the more probable form (Dr., Bu.).

S.

taw
is

-jSc]

wanting in
2 S.

S.10.

nS'i] 2
S.

8" adds

the King's
,{

name.own]
ant

oiv,

rn wa> am nerui *a> ips 8" "ipn and D<un the additional l*ra. 11. km] oviks] 8" oikd. The be clause of Ch. preferred Sm.). the additional clause has 12. on* nn nan nm p <nm] 8" naw iSo am
(Dr., Bu.).
iDai

but since <S in 2

has USSovpan the text of Ch.

<Sa 'mi] 2 S.
>ai

to be preferred
"?a

2 S.

also

after

e>aa is>k.

S.

text

is

to

(see

2 S.

after pSojroi

ja -ity-nn SVipdi.

2 S.

oik nM

wuno

iaca 0?

in

cj'i.

The

first

clause, i4mf

Dovtd made a

name, the Chronicler clearly omitted. Instead of wra the original after <$ in 2 S. was lawai (Bu., Ki.). This by a copyist has been corrupted into p <g>ax, and then some hand has added the missing name of the mother nvw. nan may have been the correct reading in
2 S. (We. 7*5., Bu.), where as the text

now

tute oik for oik, or possibly the original text

two clauses and as a whole read o-m rin nan (Bu., SBOT., somewhat
the son of Zeruiah smote

din
after

we must substimay have contained pm lmano 13P31 0? in vpi Be., who read And Joab
stands

Edom when

he returned from the conquest

of Aram).

Ke. read as Bu. except "p instead of nan. The words of the title of Ps. 60, n^D ttua ovm pk yi anv asm, support the reading of Be., yet the title most probably is subsequent to the text of Ch. with ueai (Bn.). 13. After o>ax) 2 S. 8" has the additional clause Vaa

o<aw

oa>

ohm, which

(if

omitted as superfluous.

not a dittography)
vni] 2 S.

the Chronicler naturally

wi
2 S.

14-17. Administrative officers.Taken from

8-. 14.

The King himself acted

of Zeruiah (David's

as chief justice, thus making himself acces-

15. David's nephew Jo'ab the son was over the host]. Cf. a". Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud was the recorder]. This Jehoshaphat always mentioned in this way (2 S. 8" 20" 1 K. 4* f) held office also in the reign of Solomon (1 K. 4'). The functions of the recorder (TD?D, lit. the one who causes to remember) are nowhere defined exactly. Most likely his duty consisted in reminding the King of important business (see Bn. Arch. p. 310, Now. Arch. I. p. 308).16. Zadok, the son ofAhitub]. Cf. 5* (6>).Ahimelech* the son of Abiathar]. V. i., cf. 24*. Shavsha was scribe]. The spelling is doubtful (v. '.). The scribe (IBID) was the King's secretary, an office distinct from that of the recorder. Shavsha's two sons acted as scribes in the reign of Solomon (1 K. 4'). 17. Benaiah the son of Jehoiadd] see 1 1", was over the CherethUes and
sister)

sible to the people, cf. 2S. 1 5* .

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CAMPAIGNS AGAINST

AMMON
15" 20'

237

the Pelethites] the King's guard (cf. 2 S.

!* ").

v.

Qr.

K.

And David's sons were about the king] is the Chronicler's paraphrase for 2 S. "And David's sons were priests " because he
could not understand
to P, the sons of
14. a S.

how any could be

priests except, according

Aaron

(see Intro, p. 13).

8" has in after n<i. 16. "wan p j'wain acrot p prwi] 8" iSdvw the true reading for Ch., but since Abiathar is mentioned as priest before, during, and after David's reign, most modern scholars prefer to read in 3 S. after 9 Abiathar the sou of Ahimelech (Dr.). The change, however, should go further and we
d, t, a
S.

should read in 3
(see

S.,

Bu. Com.).
1

30" and ntrvr

iVcn

ww] supported against 17. rvw K.

4*.

but not in Ch.,

aww p
3 S.

"iVotw

"t.-i<ati

pmn
a S.

si'tr of 3 S.

Sy]

by 8" woni by

k<8>

error.

tS o>wmn]

a S. ojna.

XIX-XX. 3. David's war with the Ammonites and their Aramean allies.Taken from 2 S. io'-" iv i2- The
.

Chronicler has omitted the narrative of David's kindness to the

house of Saul, 2
relation to Saul;

S. 9,

because he passes over entirely David's

also omitted the episode of David's
S.
11.

and he has

crimes in connection with Bathsheba, 2

reflects

12,

because

it

upon the character of the King. In this story of the Ammonite war the direct variations from that of 2 S. are of minor importance, chiefly those of a magnifying character to give David
t.
T. 16.

greater glory, or to simplify the narrative (see especially below

yy

lt\

XIX. 1-16. The King of

Ammon

insults

David.1. Na-

* hash the king of the children of 'Ammon] (v. ' 2 S. 10' 1 S. and perhaps also 2 S. 17") was already on the throne during the
1

time of Saul (1 S.
reign, since

n" *), but this does not imply a very long we have no exact chronology for the events of either

Saul's or David's reign.

2.

When

the

King of Ammon

died, David

resolved to

show kindness

to his son

Hanun

because of some
this kindness
it

kindness which the father had shown him. was, the history does not
tell us.

What

Bertheau suggests

may have
of Solo-

been during the time when David was persecuted by Saul. Hiram's
love for

David
K. 5"

led to a similar mission

<>).

upon the accession

mon

(1

3.

The princes of Ammon,

suspecting another

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238
aggressive

CHRONICLES
Hebrew King, warned their David desires to

move on

the part of the

lord in the scornful question, Thinkest thou that

honor thy father because he hath sent comforters unto thee?

4.

With a

reckless determination to provoke war,

Hanun

insulted

the ambassadors of David.

The beard was held in high esteem

the beards and shorten the

among
6.

the Hebrews.

To remove

robes of the ambassadors to near the waist, was an insult indeed.

dignity

David saved the feelings of his messengers and upheld his own by directing that they should remain at Jericho until their beards should be grown. Jericho] (VTV) is the well-known town
in the

lower Jordan valley, the mod. Eriha, about fourteen miles

(as the

crow

flies)

from Jerusalem.
in 3 S. 10 1 ,

which has tun before ua. Bu. after iwj. O'shSd] wanting in a S., which has the additional phrase via; va and Vm instead of Sj before van, 2 S. lacks Vm before p*, though given in some less., and 3. 3 S. 10* adds omj-iK after run, and instead of also raruS jun Sx. yh* viajj wa pun S.nSi lonSi -yprh "napa, 3 S. has Tpfi nn vn naya yhn viap n in nSs aaeaSi nSj-iSi. iaaDn] precedes the subject to throw stress upon the idea conveyed by the verbal form, Dr. TH. -ipraon]. * onVw] 3 S. io4 tapt 'xn nn rhrx. The Chron1 35 (4)icler has given a less offensive word than onnmv of 3 S. (Bn.). 5. uSm] and O'PJitn Sy] are wanting in 3 S. io.
1.

cm] wanting

We. TS. omits

\vn.

3. <a]

3 S. to*

6-16. The
rewritten 2 S.

first

campaign.
,

6.

7.

The

Chronicler has quite

io' b

which reads "The children of

Beth-rehob and
the
(of)

Ammon

sent

and hired and

(of)

Aram

sand footmen and

King

of

Aram Zoba twenty thouMaacah a thousand men

We. TS. and Bu. omit

(of) Ishtob twelve

thousand men."

"a
The

thousand men," since the Chronicler has a total of 32,000.

sources or the motives of the changes introduced in the text

by the Chronicler are mostly obscure. That he should convert footmen into chariots is obvious enough to make the victory of David so much greater; and possibly a similar motive, and his love of detail setting forth magnificence, may have led him to insert as the compensation the enormous sum of a thousand talents of silver. According to 2 Ch. 25* Amaziah hires 100,000 men for a hundred talents. " Ishtob " may have been omitted as obscure

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XIX.

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CAMPAIGNS AGAINST

AMMON

239

or because originally joined with Ma'acah or through oversight.

Aram-naharaim may have been substituted

for Beth-rehob be-

cause the Chronicler identified the latter with Rehob of Jos.

19", which as a possession of Asher could not belong to the Ara-

Arameans from beyond the River took part in the (v. "), Aram-naharaim was an easy substitute. The assembling of the host at Medeba is a touch of detail descripmeans.
Since

second campaign

tion,

but scarcely corresponds to the actual fact, since

northern Moab.
of

city of

In some

with

Rabbah
i.e.,

Amnion.

Medeba is a may have been confused Aram-naharaim'] "Aram of the two

way
it

Aram-ma acah] (Dt.

not

rivers,"

probably the Tigris and the Euphrates,

3* Jos. 13")

cf.

1".

was a small Aramean kingdom

Zobah]. far from Damascus in Gaulanitis. Cf. i8. Medeba] (Nu. 21" Is. 15' Jos. i3- ' f; also Moabite Stone nanriD, line 8) was about six miles south from Heshbon. 9. The

awaited Joab's attack at the gate of the city, doubtless Rabbath Ammon, while the Aramean forces were at
children of

Ammon

some distance in

the field.

10.

11. Joab prepares to attack the

Aramean

allies

himself with the flower of the army, because they

rest

were probably the stronger, while his brother Abishai with the
of the people

draw up before the Ammonites.

Abishai* see 2".

12.

On Jo'ab and

If the forces of

Joab should show themselves

unable to cope with their Aramean antagonists, Abishai should

send him re-enforcements, and in case Abishai should be put to

the worse, Joab promised to help him.
ever,
their

14. 15.

Joab's help, how-

was not needed,

for the

Ammonites
to

Aramean mercenaries
was
closed.

in full flight,

walls of their city.

And Jo'ab came

when they saw and retreated within the Jerusalem]. For the time
lost heart

the campaign

6-7. wtonn] 3 S. io wksj.

these verses
is

m
S.,

op] 2 S. ana.

quite different in a S.

(v. s.).

8. onajn nai

The remainder of
ha] a S. 10'

D'-iajn Kax.i Sa.

Dr. accepts a

the construction being that of ap-

position.

Bu. follows Ch. putting Mai in construct, but both of these

undoubtedly was onajni na*n Sa (Th., Graetz, Oe., Bn.),

readings convey the wrong idea that the host consisted of mighty men.

The

original

since the mighty

men were David's body-guard.

city

9.

vwn me.

Ch. has the original reading (Be., Bn.).

of

Rabbah, the royal

Ammon.

vpn nno] a S. 10' The city is

3 S.

'in O'aSnni]

repeats the

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CHRONICLES

240
names
of the four

allies.

Ch. has given a natural paraphrase.

11.
v.
>,

-nroo o'io] a S. io -nriKDi O'jeo.

<e>stt]

10.

ivia] a S.
is

nvu.

Bu. follows Ch.

so also
S.

a S.
.

io"

<"3H,

which

the better spelling,

ef.

n M w-9'i]
ywiS

S.

TV.12.

njwpS] a

io" njwS.

vokrn. It is impossible to determine which though probably that of a S. 13. ny] trw, 14. jeV ark, was probably the original text of a S. io" (see Sm.). norhth rw] a S. io" 0iK3 norhth. The wording of Ch. is the more 15. nan dj] and vrw] are wanting in a S. io". graphic. <S reads

pnprvw] a S. iV
text
is

original (Bn.),

ami /Aey
text after

also fled

his brother.

from the presence of Joab and from Hence it is inferred that 3nv <o stood
(Ki.).

the presence of
in the original

vyn) the additional amf /ooi came fa Jerusalem is certainly very abrupt, and more likely an abridgment of an original than that the text of a S. should be an expansion of an original represented in the text of Ch., as Bn.
a S. has after rrvyn (a S.

Dm

clause pop

' "to

3n 33i.

The

unrelieved statement of Ch.

suggests.

16-19. The second campaign. In

lost prestige.

this the

Arameans come

with re-enforcements from the far north in order to regain their

16.

The Arameans had

and

apparently returned to the

north, where they rallied

and brought out the Arameans that were beyond the River, i.e., the Euphrates. According to 2 S. it was Hadadezer who sent for the northern Arameans.
sent messengers

Either his authority extended to the region of Mesopotamia or

he only applied

to the
',

Arameans
2
S.

of that country for assistance.

Shophach]

(v.

Shobach

io"-

"

f) the

commander

of

Hadadezer's army, was placed in

17. David in turn gathered
all

command of the new troops. the fighting men of Israel together,

crossed the Jordan, and came

2 S. (v.
i.)

upon them; or better perhaps after Helam, an unknown place. And set the These words are superfluous and battle in array against them]. have arisen from a repetition of the text (v. *.). Apparently David commands in person on this expedition. 18. The Arameans
and came
to

were again defeated. Seven thousand chariots] 2 S. io" "seven hundred chariots," an intentional change by the Chronicler to magnify David's victory. But the change of "forty thousand

horsemen" (2 S.) to forty thousand footmen can only be explained on the ground that the Chronicler preserves the original text. Otherwise no footmen would be mentioned in 2 S. 19. This

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XX.

1-3.]

CONQUEST OF AMMON

241
to the

victory

was complete and the Arameans were reduced

position of a subject people.

16. ion] 2 S. 10" pj. The Chronicler has abridged and simplified the narrative of 2 S. by omitting the clauses " and they were assembled
together,"

"and they came

insertion in 2 S. (Bn.).

to Helam." The latter may be a wrong He also has retained one plural subject through-

out referring to the Arameans, thus they sent messengers and they brought
out, etc.,
etc.

new]

2 S.

has "Hadadezer sent messengers and brought out," law, so also v. . 17. ohSh na<i] to be read with nDxSn mm, Qr. neSn and he came to Helam (Be., Bn., Ki.).

where 2
a S.

S.

This proper name occurs twice in 2

of the Arameans,
here.

S. 10, in v. ", the gathering-place

and secondly
the

in v.

"

parallel

to

its

substitution

Helam, read by Cornill in Ez. 47" after Sibraim and situated between the border of Damascus and the border of Hamath, is meant. If this is accepted, Helam was the northern rallying-point for the Arameans called from beyond the River (2 S. 10") and the reading of upon them is correct and 2 S. 10" should be corrected from Ch. and not vice versa. onSn "pjn are to be struck out as a dittography from the following and the preIt is possible that in
first

instance

ceding words.

nenSD o^h nmpS tti TV

1]

a S. 10" "in

pmpS o-m wpn,

and A Ch., while in 2 S. follows Ch. and * a S. Either there was a variant tradition which made David initiate the action or more likely this change was due to the Chronicler and some mss. of <S came under its influence. 18. d'bSk] 2 S. 10" rme. >Sj-\ eK] 2 S. rano. The text of Ch. is to be preferred as original. Dr. and Bu. read *k. rnon itaxn -i ibw nto] abridged from 2 S. oe> nDM ran wax iavp ran. 19. 2 S. 10" has D'aVon Sa with nay 'n in apposition as the subject of nan kSi lmayi n>n oj] 2 S. imi onayi Skis" pk. The Chronicler is more concerned with David than Israel and has paraphrased accordingly.
follows 2 S.

XX.
is

1-3.

The conquest of Ammon.

1.

And it came to pass,

when kings go
out]

at the time of Ike return of the year, at the time

doubtless what the Chronicler copied from 2 S.

1 ,

but there

was "at the time when the messengers went forth," first sent messengers to Hanun, 19' -2 S. And Jo'ab led forth the strength of the host and io (see Sm.). destroyed the land of the children of 'Ammon, and he came and "And David sent Joab, besieged Rabbah] a paraphrase of 2 S. and his servants with him, and all Israel; and they destroyed the children of Ammon, and besieged Rabbah." The Chronicler
the original
..,

a year after David

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242

CHRONICLES
it

sharpens the narrative by making

retained from 2 S.

more

individualistic.

It

seems a curious oversight on the part of the Chronicler to have

Now David was abiding in Jerusalem, the words

and out
of place in the Chron-

introducing the story of Bathsheba

icler's narrative, since in

the following verses

David

is

clearly in

the field with the army.

And Jo'ab smote Rabbah and destroyed it].

is

Cf. 2 S. i2 M where the text

faulty (see Sm.).

According to what

seems to have been the

fortification

original text of 2 S.,

city's water.

which protected the

Joab captured a With victory thus

assured, he sent for

David

that the latter

might have the glory of

taking the

city.

By the
(2 S.

Chronicler's abridgment, the

King appears

abruptly on the scene in time to take part in the sacking of the

'Amman,

n' Am. 1" Je. 49* and frequent) the mod. and one-half miles north-east from Heshbon, twenty-eight and one-half miles east from the Jordan, was the capital of the Ammonites (cf. Baed. 4 pp. 142 ff.; Buhl, GAP. p. 260; and on the history of the place Schiir. Jewish People, II. i. pp. 1 i<)ff.).~2. And David took the crown ofMilcom*] the national god of Amnion (1 K. n- " 2 K. 23") and probably distinct from
city.

Rabbah]

thirteen

Molech

(see

Moore, EBi.

III. col. 3085).

If this

The name has not been

is correct, this state-

found outside the OT.

emendation

ment implies that an image of the deity was found at Rabbah. A parallel to the idol's crown has been found in that of the Delian Apollo. And he found the weight* a talent of gold and in it was a precious stone]. The weight is probably an exaggeration, since it came upon David's head, i.e., it was worn by him. 3. This verse has been interpreted to mean that David tortured the captives, and also that he put them at forced labour. The latter seems the more likely, hence we render, And he set * them at saws and at picks and at axes.

1. pkV>] wanting in a S. n*.

a S. see above.
in 2 S.

2 a

S. ia

w]

On

other variations from the text of

supplied

osSp] their king, so also a S.

<S"" MoXgo(X)/i

/WiMut

by the Chronicler. ato-Qr, and

up).

"

MeXxoX (other mss., MeXxop, I David coronam Melchom de capite ejus. Jewish commentators interpret as a proper name, osSo (cf. x K. u- 3 K.
rov paaiKiut afrrur

Tulii autem

3")> adopted by We., Dr., Sm., Kau., Oe., Bn.,

and

others.

roonw

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XX.

M.]

SLAUGHTER OF PHILISTINE CHAMPIONS

a S. nSpcc.

243

Spws] better hpvon k*di (Bn.).

a
S.,

na]
Ki.,

wanting in

but given in 9, V, t, and necessary (Dr., Bu., Bn.). 3. "wi] a The text of Ch., a At. Xry., was preferred as original by S. is" ov>\
Be., Ke., Zoe., but that of a S. correctly

of

by

Bn.mifflj]

a S.

Snan nntjs, ew> 0/

troit.

This

latter is the true text,

-vapni.

a S. has the

additional unintelligible clause

pSoa onw

4-8. Philistine champions slain.

Corresponds

with 2

S.

2i" M. The Chronicler passes over the story of Tamar and Absalom, Absalom's rebellion, and the atoning vengeance on the
house of Saul, recorded in 2
history.
S.,

as foreign to the purpose of his

This brought him

to the account of the slaying of the

four sons of a Philistine giant, 2 S. 21 <-*.

destruction of the
first

The account

of the

the Chronicler omits probably because he

thought

it

to be rescued

unworthy of David that he should wax faint and require by one of his men, 2 S. 21"-". He gives then simply

the story of the death of three sons of the giant, but departs from

the narrative of 2 S.

by changing the statement "Elhanan slew

Goliath the Gittite" into "Elhanan slew the brother of Goliath

the Gittite," v.
.

This change by the Chronicler was undoubtedly

this story

made to reconcile
Gittite falls

with that of

1 S. 17,

where Goliath the

is

by the hand of David.

The

discrepancy in S.

due 23"

to the different sources of the stories. (2 S.

1

1. Sibbecai the Hushathite

S.

21"

Ch. 11" and the corrected text of the parallel 2

*'..,

Ch. 27"

f),

Sibbecai from the town of

Hushah
Gob

(cf. 4').

He
was
S.

was

of the Judean family of Zerah.

otherwise unknown.

Sippai f] (Saph 2 S. 21" f)

in 2 S.,

6.

The
*.).

place of this war,

probably omitted because obscure, just as Gezer was substituted

in the preceding verse (v.
2i<;

and another of David's

f]
(v.
is

chiefs 2 S.

Elhanan, the son of Ja'ir] M 23" -1 Ch.

(2
f).

Lahmi

fiction

The

S.

21"

i.)Goliath the
spear

from the lehem of Bethlehem in the text of 2 Gittite] (1 S. 17'- 21" 22" 2 S. 2i>f)-

staff of whose

was like a weaver's beam].

It is

a mark

of the Chronicler's carelessness that he should have retained this

clause descriptive of Goliath when, according to his text, Goliath

merely identifies Lahmi.

6.

7.

The unnamed

giant

was

slain
is

by
ap-

Jonathan the son of Shime'a.

This nephew of David

parently called Jonadab in 2 S. 13* .

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244
4. iDyni]

CHRONICLES
2 S.

a corruption of

Oe., Ki., Bn.).

"]

21"

itf

nm which

Ct

has (Be., Zoe.,

2 S.

"n

G06.

The

Chronicler probably subthe original form.

stituted G'eier for the obscure Gob,

It is

which

is likely

considered the original here by Zoe. and Ki., while Be. preferred
<dd n]

But Gezer was a Canaanite city. Klo. reads (many mss. and editions a<w>vi) a S. rm i?-i] wanting in 2 S., and probably an addition '"1S0 "is>tt 10. of the Chronicler (Be., Zoe., and Bn. think the word may have fallen from the text of 2 S.). 6. 2 S. 21" has aua after nmSo. nip p \3fk* n<Vj vih <nnS riH (Qr. -vr)] 2 S. n'Vj ph cnSn po njp p jjnSn (omit* ting a'jiK after '*>?% which is a dittography from the following clause). The Chronicler has changed the original text given in 2 S. to avoid a discrepancy with 1 S. 17, where David slays Goliath (v. *.). TJP is clearly to be preferred to <v (Bu.). Ba. favours the assumption that Goliath is a title and not a proper name and thus harmonises the two statements concerning the death of Goliath. 6. mo] 2 S. 2i M pits a corruption (Dr., Bu.). jaim one>j> wen t> vrpajni] 2 S. ppaxm vVn niyaim m> probably an amplification <bdo paixi 0'-i;pp ri
Gettr in both places. Goth.

Kmn 'tSd novi

of the original.
'pes'

iSm] 2 S.
i6 .10c.

iS.

and

1 S.

8.

7.

kpdc] so Qr. in a S. 2i, but Kt.

vV*u S] 2 S. ai nV rrjn ppa^n ph.

The

Chronicler has omitted the numeral because he has omitted the story
of the death of the
rr^i, Ges. J oof,
first

of the four brothers.

nSu should be

pointed

cf. 3*.

Sn-riS*

these, v.

BDB.

XXI-XXIX. The

preparations for the building of the

Temple and the personnel of the servants of the Temple. In these chapters David is said to have made such preparations for the building of the Temple as to make him deserve the entire credit for its erection. It is to him that the Temple site is

revealed in consequence of the sinful numbering of the people

the propitiatory sacrifice f^i^aa 1 ). the building

and

The

material necessary for

and

its

furnishings, greatly in excess of

is

what could

possibly have been used,

silver,

represented as collected by him, gold,

hewn stones (22-*- "), and even precious stones, with variegated stuff and fine linen (see on 29'), in astonishing abundance. Workmen in wood and in stone, in gold, in silver, in bronze, and in iron are also supplied without number (see on 22" '). Even the plans are prepared in advance and delivered to Solomon by David with proper public ceremony (28" *). The princes are commanded to give the young King all possible assistance in carrying out the great undertaking (22" *-), Solomon
bronze, iron, timber,

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DAVID'S CENSUS

245

himself being admonished to conduct himself piously to secure

prosperity for the

and solved by David.

tive

who

carries

work (28 ). Thus every problem is anticipated Solomon becomes merely the representaout the predetermined plans, and is thus robbed
'

of the credit for that performance

which the

earlier historical

writings put

down

as his greatest glory.

The

organisation of the

Temple

servants, which

grew up during the long period between the

is

completion of the Temple and the post-exilic period of the writer,

also credited to

David

in defiance of historical facts.

critics have usually considered the greater part of cc. 31-29 from the Chronicler (so Ki., SBOT.). But recently, BOchler has come to the conclusion that cc. 22. 28/. are a part of an extensive extra-canonical source which he thinks the Chronicler used here and elsewhere (Zur Geschichte der Tempelmusik und der Tempelpsalmen,

Modern

to be

ZAW.

1899, pp. 130/.).

Benzinger carries BUchler's position

still

further, maintaining that c. 21 (ultimately taken

from 2 S. 24), excepting w.- , is from the same source, but he ascribes 2a"- ,, 28'* i4.li. m 1. 39it.1t Kittel now to t |,e Chronicler (Kom. pp. 61, 62, 64). adopts Benzinger's position (Kom.). BUchler's whole theory is based upon radical textual emendation which discredits his results (/. c. pp.
ff.).

97

The

Chronicler's omission,
is

in

the preceding chapters, of

to the

everything which

in

any way compromising

character of

David, properly prepares for this presentation of the crowning acts of his life. The passage must be late post-exilic, and since we find

many
reason

indications of the Chronicler's

hand

(v.

'.),

we can

see

no good

why practically

the whole section should not have been written

by him.

XXI. 1-XXII.
passage
is

1.

David's census and the plague.This

2 S.

dependent upon

24, but deviates

from

it

in

number of important particulars. (1) Satan (v. ') instead of Yahweh (2 S. 24') is the instigator of the census. (2) The officers of the army, there associated with Joab (2 S. 24*), are omitted, and also the description of the country traversed and the time occupied in taking the census (2 S. 24*-)(3) The results of the census differ (cp. v. with 2 S. 24*). (4) According to Chronicles no count of Levi and Benjamin was made (v. ), while according to
2 S. all the tribes

seem to have been counted.

(5)

David

sees the

destroying angel "between earth

and heaven"

(v. "),

while in 2 S.

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246
he
is

CHRONICLES
(6)

simply described as " by the threshing-floor " (2 S. 24 w )-

The elders appear with David, and both

cloth

are clothed with sack-

and

fall

prostrate (v. ").

Samuel.

(7) Chronicles also

This description is wanting in adds the representation that Oman

(v. ").

on seeing the angel went into hiding with his four sons

(8) 2 S.

The
24").

price paid for the threshing-floor varies (cp. v.

(9)
l

with

The

fire

from heaven

is

not mentioned in 2 S.

(10)

Vv. M-22
extensive

are wanting in 2 S.

Although these variations are

2 S.

and Chronicles has reproduced

parallels, there is little

24 in a freer manner
for the view that

than in the earlier

ground

the Chronicler must have used an intermediate source.

Of

the

main variations, (1), (5), (6), (7), and (9) might be expected from any late writer including the Chronicler; (2) is an abridgment most natural from him; (3) rather reveals the Chronicler after the
gloss has been omitted (see v. ); (4) is in accord with his religious
attitude.

Even
his

if

an

earlier

hand were

certain, (8)
is

must be an
an integral

exaggeration due to the Chronicler, while (10)

recognised as

coming from

hand

(except 22', which

*.).

is

certainly

part of the preceding paragraph, v.

Benzinger, followed by Battel, holds that since these variations cannot be explained on any one principle, neither by the theology of the Chronicler, overlooking exceptions, nor as an abridgment, the Chronicler did not take the chapter directly from 2 S. However, too much stress should not be laid on the variations in this case, since the Chronicler would
doubtless have omitted this account as doing David discredit had he

show how the site for the Temple was The changes seem natural enough from the Chronicler. He abridges what is to David's discredit (2 S. io>-') and expands that which does him credit (2 S. 24").
not found a
selected,

new use

for

it,

ix., to

a thing not hinted

in 2 S.

1-8. The census.

1.

Now

Satan rose up against Israel and

moved David to number Israel]. According to 2 S. 24' Yahweh moved David to number the people. Some commentators have held that Satan has fallen from the text of 2 S. (Ew., Zoe., Oe., The introel al.), but this finds no support in textual criticism. duction of Satan, who appears in Jb. i' 2' as an angel bringing complaints about men before God (</. also Zc. 3' ), is due to the
Chronicler,

who desired

to

remove the offence caused by the

state-

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XXL
ment

1-8.]

DAVID'S CENSUS

247

the direct instigator of an act portrayed David sinned by ordering a census to be taken without having been commanded to do so by God (cf. Ex. 3o"- and the luslratio populi Romani, introduced by Servius Tullius, which took place on Mars-field after each census, see Varro, de Re Rustica,
that

Yahweh was

as sinful.

ii,

I.;

Livius,

i.

44,

cf. iii.

22; Dionysius,

iv. 22).

According to

Thenius, Zoe., Ba.,

el al.,

the arrogance of David revealed in the

census was the principal cause of Yahweh's anger.

not hinted in David's prayers (w.
se.

But such
is

conduct, though possibly the basis of the popular view taken of a

census,
is

"); the census

regarded by the writer as a sin per

A connection between an

epidemic and the crowding of people in narrow quarters for

enumeration has been found by some.

instead of "Israel

For the use of Israel and Judah" (2 S. 24') see below, v. 1 2. And David said to Jo'ab, and to the princes of the people, go number Israel]. The census was a military measure, hence was entrusted to Joab and only those "that drew sword" (v.) were numbered.
.

On

Jo'ab,

cf.

southern and northern limits (see Buhl,

sheba, the
(cf.
,

From Be'ersheba' even to Dan] i. e., the extreme GAP. pp. 69 /.). Beermodern Bir-es-Seba' on north bank of Wady es-Seba'
2".
flies)
(cf.

4"), lay twenty-eight miles (as the crow

south-west from

Hebron, and was an

Buhl,

ancient

sanctuary
cf.

biblical derivations of the

name,

Gn. 21"

(E),

GAP.

p. 183,

with references there).

For 5*). 26 (J) (see Dan, the modern

Am.

Tell-el-Kddi, had the original name of Laish (erh) Ju. 18", Leshem (DC^) in Jos. 19". It lay in the extreme north of Palestine, and according to Onom. (2nd ed. Lag. 249. 32, 275. 33) was four Roman miles west from Panias (see Buhl, GAP. pp. 2 38 /., with references there; also GAS. HGHL. pp. 473. 480, who identifies Dan with the modern Banias). For the Chronicler's

habit of defining limits from south to north,

cf.

n",

also

Ch.

13'.

Ch. 19 4 30* Ne.

increase his

3.

And Jo'ab

said, Let

Yahweh

people as

much

as one hundred limes, is not

my

lord the king, are

not all of them servants of

my lord?*] (v.

.).

Popular superstition

connected a plague, and consequently a large decrease of the

population, with the taking of a census.
called this fact to his lord's attention

Joab diplomatically by wishing for him Yahweh's

Digitized by

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248
blessing in

CHRONICLES

a great increase of people.

the

He

also assured the

King
unto

of the loyalty of his subjects.

Israel?]
i.e.,

Why will he be a cause of guilt

guilt
cf.

community
its

which

results

from the

sins of

one or a part of
sword].

members,

Lv. 4' Ezr.

io'- ".

6.

And

all

Israel were a thousand thousand

and a hundred thousand that drew

500,000

This number falls short of those given in 2 S. 24* (800,000 = 1,300,000) by 200,000. This decrease was probably

intentional

Levi and Benjamin

on the part of the Chronicler, since he had excepted (v. ) from the census, an explanation which is

favoured by the round

tribe,

number
V.">

of the decrease, 100,000 for each

or 200,000 in
(2 S.

both
26.

lists

6.

a gloss (v. '.). The numbers in and here) are at variance with those in Nu. 1. 2. and This verse, wanting in 2 S., is from the Chronicler. Its
all.

is

historicity

was maintained by

Be., Ke., Zoe.

The

Chronicler
2 M),

excepted Levi because the law required that this tribe should not

be numbered

among

the children of Israel (Nu.

V,

cf.

*..,

They might be numbered by themselves, however, for religious purposes (Nu. 3" 26"). Some commentators have held that Benjamin was not numbered because the census was interrupted (27") by a countermand from David (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.). We., followed by Bn., makes the ground of the
for military service.

omission of Benjamin the fact that the holy city lay within
borders.

its

But Jerusalem was sanctified by the Temple and this was before even the site of the Temple had been consecrated through the sacrifices of David. The Chronicler would scarcely overlook this fact when in v. he explains why David sacrificed in Jerusalem. It is more probable that he was influenced by the fact that the tabernacle of Yahweh, which the Chronicler considered the centre of worship in David's time, was set up at Gibeon within the borders of Benjamin (Jos. i8). 7. Therefore he (God) smote

Israel] anticipates the account of the plague.

According to 2 S.
sin,

24"

it is

David's heart which smites him for his

and leads to
dis-

his repentant cry to

Yahweh, while here God

first

shows his

pleasure.

It

is

not necessary to suppose that the Chronicler

wished to represent that David's confession was wrung from him

by the appearance

of the pestilence (Ba.).

He simply emphasised
the Temple.

the divine leading in establishing the

site for

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XXI. 1-8

DAVID'S CENSUS
a
late

249
cf.

1. nep<i] rise up,

usage for earlier mp,

c;
1.

2 Ch. 20"

Dn. 8"

10" ix" (BDB.

stood,

-iDp

Qal. 6

88).

Zoe. following

&

*<mj, rendered

but <KL and other variations of <R have dWorij,

.

consurrexit,
S.

9 )oj
24 1
.

Smt"
cf.

V; mjbd

O'pn

is

an attempt

to

harmonise with 2

PD'i] the
inf.,

same form
2 Ch.

in a S. 34 1 , but there
i8*

a against, while

here

36") where only in which is certainly from the Chronicler, cf. 2 Ch. 32" i8 (without doubt from the Chronicler) %. 2. -vyi] 2 S. 24* "|"?on. Same change in w. * 2 S. 34- * . The Chronicler seems to prefer rn, cf. 17' 2 S. 7 1 , 17 1 2 S. 7*, 17* a S. 7", 11 4 2 S. 5'. apn ^g> Ski ato Sk] 2 S. 24* >> S<m > attv Sn
Is.

32" ( 2 K.

Ch. the

inf. follows.

Also so used in 2 Ch.

i8,

in*.

Be. read doubtfully mtt TOK Stbi

nr Sm aw
ew

Vk.

Ki. follows

OS xat rpit rod*

apxorrat

rfyr

dvvii/ueut.

TO>D wS for the unusual

cohortative,

ow

and npo
in 3

(in sense of

muster) in 2 S. 24'.

appears also in 2 Ch.

16' (intensive stem) J.

p
K.

njn pae> "ao].

Ch.

3c*.

2 S. 24* has

pac "wo

"ijn

This order elsewhere only pa, so also Ju. so1 iS. 3"
cf.

2 S.

3"

17'' 24'-

"

Am. 8".fliHKi]

Ges.

$ 48c for form, io8d for use.

3.

is;] 2 S. 24' oyn.

The

suffix

makes

Yahweh the real ruler. This is the Chronicler's stand-point, cf. especially 29". ona] 2 S. 24' Bnai ona. The repetition is customary in S. (cf. a S. The Chronicler's use corresponds to that in Dt. 1". 'J"W Sn ia'). onapS 'jik ? oSa iSon] is at variance with 2 S. 24* nn Y>on 'jm <ipi,

a more attractive reading. Be. thought the text in Ch. was the a corrupt text by conjecture. Oe. preferred the reading in 3 S., because the increase of one hundred times is not yet a fact. Although Bn. thinks <&, nol oi 6<p$a\pol mplov pou ffkbrorrtt, may have been corrected from 2 S., he regards it as probable that the text of 2 S. was also original in Ch. The continuation of <S virret t$ mplif pan waTStt makes it altogether probable that <S is corrected from 2 S., hence has no independent value. Origen's text (Field) contained only this ~|Son 'nn kSd may better be taken as a nominal sentence, last clause. with rw as the subject and iSsn as the predicate, which should be
which
is

result of reconstructing

my lord the king" (cf. waSo aw Is. 33", K. 18"; and on the rather unusual use of kS with a nominal clause Ges. 152^). A 1 may have fallen out before oVa, but is not mSh must be understood before the second clause as in indispensable. Ju. 9" 1 S. 9"- and probably also in Gn. 20. This gives a smooth
translated "Is not

won

0'aSnn

reading and explains the double question which follows:

lord require this thing, for is

why

does

my
are

he not the king (over these or a hundred

times as many), and

they not his servants.

1.
11

why
';

will he be
cf.

a cause of guilt unto

io'- ",

Israel, for

noe>K]

Err.

also 2 Ch.

3 j Ezr.

oit

'

'

elsewhere Ps. 69* Lv. 4

24" aS'*- " 5" 22" Am. 8";

Torrey says of
Ezr. o*)
(1.

7).

"used chiefly by the Chronicler" (CHV. p. 19, on wei of 2 S. 24' is replaced * Abridged from 2 S. 24'- '.

Digitized by

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250
by the more common
v.
.

CHRONICLES
Both are used
Sa
is certainly

Y>nn'i.

w]
6.

parallel in Jb. 1* a*, v. t.

3 S. S4 iSnn v.

a-in tfrv

r'K

|Sk

hkdi]

Ww

t. v. (text. n.).

O'bSk *|Sk

Ww m
Sa

used for the whole kingdom

in v.

general sense to include the

be noticed that in v. ' the Chronicler used Smc in the run Sk-w rm of 2 S. 24'. The writer's intention seems to have been to ignore the separation implied in the term "Israel and J udah." David's kingdom was one kingdom, hence Skis" Sa
'.

It will also

mw

seems to be used in the same sense here.

the internal evidence given for this
is

V.

*b

/3

then

is

a gloss and
<&V

supported by

its

absence from

(The phrase could have been lost from the text of <$ (or its underlying Heb.) by homceoteleuton, but the other evidence is strong against its originality.) The Chronicler certainly would not reduce the number of 2 S. 34* from 500,000 to 470,000 (Bn.). The glossator was influenced by a S. 84*. 6. apnj IJ, 7. 'n Sy] cf. same construction in Gn. ai u and more usually without Vj a S. 11" Gn. 38 10 8. b^hShh] 3 S. a4> w<. A frequent though not consistent change of the Chronicler, cf. v. " a S. 24", also 1 Ch. 11" 14" ' 17' '-respectively a S. 83" 5"- 7*- '. See also for further instances Dr. LOT.", p. ai n.

9-13. Gad's commission.

David's seer\
2 Ch. so";
cf.

9. And Yahweh spake unto

is

Gad

Gad

is

mentioned twice elsewhere in Ch., 29"

also 25*

where

Heman

said to be the King's seer.

a prophetic counsellor of David whilst a fugitive from Saul, 1 S. 22' j\ 12. For triads of divine judgments cf. Lv. 26" 1 K. 8" 2 Ch. 2o Je. 14" 2i'- 24' 27- ' 29" 32"-" 34" 38* 42"- 44" Ez. 5" 6" '; also 7" 12"; for the angel
figures as

Gad

of

Yahweh

as an expression for pestilence, 2 K. 19".

The

Chronicler brings out the contrast between "the sword of

man"

and "the sword

answer

of

Yahweh" which
than in 2
<g

serves to

make David's

(v. ") clearer

nasi]

S. 24".

10.

3 S.

24" Ssu.
late

&p
cf.

in both places.

adopt the reading of Ch. in both places.

11.

We., Bu.,
8

et at.,

Sap] not in a S.;

(1.

Aram, loan-word,
13.
B'j*
is

(BDB.),

12" 2 Ch. 2o" Ezr.

an 103).
34" aim]

dSe>] 2 S. 24'* O'jr V3V but <$ rpla try.

Ch.
yo\,

original (Be., Zoe., et at.).

tow] an

The

reading of
a S.

error for njpj;

frtyur at, Vlefugerv (Be., Oe., Ki., Bn.).om pjtdS yaw

om
iBit

and Oe. the by Ki. and accepted in BDB, holds that roe>sV arose from a misreading of nvn oto, which was original in Ch. This is an attractive possibility owing to the
Zoe. prefers the reading of Ch.,
24"),
text of 2
S.

a S. 24" nvn

mm.

We.

(on a

S.

followed

general resemblance of the letters, but the Chronicler introduces the

first

two alternatives with 'vdk, hence we should naturally expect the

text as

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XXL

9-17.]

THE DIVINE JUDGMENT

Moreover, the second clause in a

251

kvi, shows that someS., David was necessary to make this punishment equivalent to the others. T3'W 3tn< adds nothing not

given.

wn

thing more than the flight (101) of

already expressed in -\ v\t.

It is far

simpler to suppose a 1 to have fallen

out after

>,

as the sense demands, so

&;

9, hence the clause read origi-

nally ruro V>

T3MK 3*wn and

the sword of thine enemies overtaking thee.

Cp. for an exact

iVmu,

parallel Je. 42".

The same use of the participle occurs

in the last clause of the third alternative (n'rwo).

13.

nSe*] 3 S. 94"

but there <K iiutun&iiai.

14-17. God's judgment and David's repentance.

there fell (^D* !)
1

14.

And

from Israel] because they became the victims of the sword of Yahweh; a S. 34 "And there died (nD vl) from the people" in consequence of the pestilence. The Chronicler eml

phasises the divine side (v.

s. v. ').

15. And he (God)

cf.

repented
1 S.

him of the

evil].

For repentance of God

Gn.

Ex. 3a"

15" Je. i8" 43" Jon. 3". And the angel of Yahweh was standing by the threshing-floor of Oman the Jebusite]. The threshing-floor
of

Oman

lay

on the top of Mt. Zion, where

1

later the

Temple

was built
of the

(cf.

22

).

a S. does not connect the incident with the site

Temple.

On Jebusite, cf.viv. Oman is the only Jebusite

mentioned by name.
a S., is

Verse 16, not found

in the parallel text of

an embellishment by the Chronicler based upon the phrase "when he saw the angel that smote the people" (a S. 34") (Be.). In the older narratives the angels of Yahweh have a human form 13* ), but here the angel hovers between (cf. Gn. 18 Ju. 6"
earth

and heaven.

ovrtai rwi] 2 S. 24u ikSdh rr> rrWn, 16. The difficulty with the text of Ch. lies in the indefinite "ih'to, since the angel has already been mentioned (v. ") and has accomplished his work outside of

Jerusalem

(v. *).

Moreover,

God

gives this

command only to counter:

Oe. and Bn., pointed out that the reading in Ch. arose in the following manner 'n (3 S. 34'*), in a text
Be., followed later by

mand it at once.

which did not separate words, was mistakenly read nw and this the Chronicler changed to cnSttn, according to his custom (v. s. v. *). However, the text of Ch. should not be changed, for it is the original of the
Chronicler.

nvirro] other kss. and

editions

'a,

ttui,0^, but IS '3.

a clause not found in a S. but necessary here to explain why God sent an angel against Jerusalem and immediately repented (Be., Bn.).31] enough, cf. 1 K. 19* Gn. 45". ty-w] 2 S. 34" Kt.
nv\i ,-un rnneroV]

Digitized by

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252
ruron, Qr. "fl"a.
2

I
S.

CHRONICLES
24"

Kt

rvr>* or

njpw
all

Qr.
cases

as above.

Elsewhere in 2 S. 24 always as Qr. <& 'OprA in

both 2
41,

S.

and Ch.

always

^*|.

16.
com

oDn
j>a,

j<ai

pun
ft.

pa] so also

V;

other Heb. mss.

pun

101

so I,

17.
is

neS hS

icyai]

Be. and more recently Ki. regard these words, which are not found in
2 S., as a gloss, but such

an accumulation

of clauses

characteristic of

the Chronicler.

18-27. The purchase of

sacrifice.

Oman's

floor

18. And the angel of Yahweh commanded Gad].

-

and the expiatory The

appearance of the angel of Yahweh consecrated this spot, cf. Gn. 28" Ju. 6" ' i3 u " '. In 2 S. Yahweh gives the command, but in the
narratives in Judges the angel

commanded sacrifices to be made. These may have influenced the representation of the Chronicler. 20. And Oman turned about and saw the angel; and his four
him hid themselves] since to see the angel of Yahweh was same as seeing Yahweh himself, which portended death (cf. Ju. 6" 13" Tob. ia ' also Gn. 32" Ex. 20' 33" Is. 6).Now Oman was threshing wheat] is wanting in 2 S. 24, but might easily be inferred from v. " (cf. the similar addition in <S of 2 S. 24'* Kal r/fj^pai Oepurftov irvpmv) and appears to have been introsons with the

duced by the Chronicler

v.
*'

in

view of the following statement of

threshing-floor.

and

abruptly

Oman went out from the with Oman and his sons
v.

V.

ends

in hiding, but in a similar

left fallen

upon their as David came unto Oman] is wanting in 2 S. but is made necessary by the 22. The Chronicler fittingly makes the King insertion of v. ". speak first. Place] more than the actual area of the threshingfloor (Ba.), which would have been sufficient for an altar (2 S.
fashion in
faces because of the presence of the angel.

" David and the elders are

21.

And

24" ) but not for the

for the meal offering]

site of

the Temple.
(v. ).

This change goes

with the increase in the purchase price

is
1

23. And wheat

later times the

not found in 2 S.

In

meal-offering
(cf.

(cf.
).

Lv. 2 ") was united with the burnt-offering

Nu.

15*

The

sacrifice

influenced the Chronicler.

26.

recorded in Ju. i3

may have
the

And David

gave

Oman for

place six hundred shekels of gold by weight].

According to 2 S.

24" David paid

fifty shekels of silver for the threshing-floor

and

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XXI. 18-XXIL
the oxen.
tions,

1.]

THE PURCHASE AND SACRIFICE

not likely that
is

253

It is

we have

here two variant tradiIf fifty shekels of

nor that one

a corruption of the other.

silver is too

small a price, by comparison with Gn. 23", six hundred

is

shekels of gold

certainly too high.

We have here a characteristic

Temple

exaggeration of the Chronicler (Th.) not only for the sake of exalting David (We.) but also to emphasise the value of the
site (v. s. v. "),

which should not be paid for

in silver

but in gold.

(Note the later descriptions of Solomon's Temple, in which nearly

everything
is

described as covered with gold.)

While no im-

portance can be attached to the ancient harmonising effort whereby

each of the twelve tribes was made to pay

the six hundred in Chronicles
gests
six

fifty shekels, and thereby was accounted for (Raschi), this sug-

what may have been the Chronicler's reasoning in reaching hundred shekels as the price of the Temple site. The Chron-

makes David pay fifty shekels of gold for each tribe since the Temple should be the place of worship for all. 26. And he called upon Yahweh and he answered him with fire from heaven upon the altar of burnt-offering]. God showed his acceptance of David's sacrifices with fire from heaven as at the consecration of Aaron (Lv. 9", cf. also 1 K. 18" 2 Ch. 7' 2 Mac. 2 ). This altar is thus put on a par with the former one (Ki.).
icler

19. -013] better 13-0 3 S. 34", Be., Oe., Gin.

3 S.

4" wi nw TK3.

tion in v. ". direct

34**.

Gad command (v.

is

mm oe>3 "on "wk] This change was necessitated by the alteraspoke " in the name of Yahweh " but not at his
s.

v.

").

20.

Be. corrected this verse from 3 S.

v.

Ke. correctly asserted that

reproduced in
v. .

the latter

w. and . ikSdh and O'lonnD being incomprehensible after i^en is transliterated neffaxapelw, but translated by A (which has row /3a<riXa like B ) upvpopuumi. <f- also has rbr /W1XA1, but roptw/Urovt for Otonno. V, 3, follow M. Ki. regards iSd.i as the original reading, and the mistake by which it was read ihSdd led to the insertion of O'lonnc, which he supposes to have been originally O'sSnPO (SBOT.), thus
doublet in
iSc.i),

u is not parallel to s S. 34", but The result of Be.'s correction is a is rendered by <t B rbr ftavMa (

finding three steps (Kom.) in the development of the verse.

(1)

As

Oman
turned

turned about, he saw the king going about,

about he

etc.

(3)

turned about and he

saw the angel going about, etc. (3) saw the angel, his four sons hid themselves with
in its original

As As

Oman Oman

him,

etc.

Furthermore, he regards the verse as a gloss

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254
form, since
weight.
it

*
conflicts
is

CHRONICLES
v. .

with

No

reason

apparent

The theory falls from its own why a glossator should insert this

verse in Ki.'s original form, since

<$

it adds nothing and explains nothing. has the supposed original form l^sn, and also the reading S'tonno,

which is regarded as the result of misreading ikSdh for i*vn. (See Tor. Exra Studies, p. 112.) The Chronicler desired to add more witnesses
to the presence of the angel at this spot, since this fact consecrated

the

Temple

site,

and

for this purpose the narrative is recorded.

The

introduction of the four sons of

Oman

is

thus accounted for.

Other-

much more important part in this narrative than in the account in 2 S. (cf. w. '* > *'= respectively 2 S. 24'*- " ). 22. <S mjn hSo iwa] t 23. omwn] threshing f. Gn. 23*. Hedges. For a description of them, see Bn. Arch. pp. 209 /., Now.
wise the angel plays a

i.

Arch.
niSyn'?

pp. 232/.,
basis of

on
cf.

verbs,

DB. I. p. 50. 24. PiSyni] Bn. and Ki. correct to 8, but niSpn may be an inf. abs. in m as other n*S 2 Ch. J' nrnro. 27. pj f] is a Persian loan-word (see

BDB.).

Temple determined.At Yahweh had answered him in the threshing-floor of Oman the Jebusite when he sacrificed there then David said, This is the house of Yahweh God and this is the altar of burnt-offering for Israel.] V." has usually been understood at that time when David saw, etc., then he was wont to
1.
site

28-XXIL

The

for

the

that time,

when David saw

that

sacrifice there

(Luther, Be., Ke., Oe.).

Ba. rightly points out that

v.

"

is

a protasis to which 22< forms the apodosis,

w.
(v. )

'

being

parenthetical.

The

translation he

was wont

to sacrifice there is

doubtful, since the fear of the angel of

Yahweh

did not

prevent David from going to Gibeon to sacrifice after this event.

Before the Temple was built Solomon sacrificed at Gibeon (2 Ch.

i').

It follows that v.

" and

22 1 , as protasis

and apodosis, cannot

come from

different sources (as

Bn. and Ki. maintain).

The unity

of this section is also

Yahweh God

{cf.

shown by the fact that this is the house of Gn. 28") and this is the altar of burnt-offering

for Israel (22') are brought out in contrast to the tabernacle of

Yahweh which Moses made in the

offering respectively,

Gibeon

(v. ).

wilderness and the altar of burntwhich were at that time in the high place at The purpose of these verses is to show how, as a

consequence of the census and plague, the threshing-place of

Oman

became the consecrated

site for

the Temple.

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XXII 3-Oj

PREPARATION FOR TfiE TEMPLE

itss. 'a

255

29. ppajJ] other

so 0.

90.
cf.

Dn. 8"

Est. 7; in Pi. Jb. 3'

2
ft

S. 22*.

XXII.

7 times, 1 S. i6'
29'.

nraj J] elsewhere in Niph. ' Is. 2i Ps. i8

1. DTiSKn nn<]

The
1

to be fond of this designation for the Deity.

Chronicler seems Ch. 17"' " has mm

iw >j-ih in 2 S. 7 1 * "; ^. also 'nn '< 22", 'k '' a8 2 Ch. 6 M 26" (all probably from the Chronicler); also 32" (which Bn. and Ki. ascribe to a Midrashic source). Possibly onSnn was inserted by a late editor (see BDB. nw II. 1. h), but then it is strange that this editor should have chosen almost exclusively those passages which seem on other grounds to belong to the Chronicler. Of course
O'nS* for
-

the possibility remains that the Chronicler himself inserted oviSkji in

an older

source, though this is not likely.

chapter

XXII. 2-19. David's preparation for the Temple.This is a free composition by the Chronicler, full of general and exaggerated statements, with a number of short quotations from earlier canonical books woven together. No careful, definite
statement suggests a trustworthy historian or even the use of an

earlier source.
likely (2 S. 7),

That David contemplated building a temple and he may have made some preparation for

is
it,

but the Chronicler's description must have been drawn by infer-

ence from the older canonical books, assisted by a vivid imagination.

2-6. General preparation.

Not a studied account

list

of material

prepared for the Temple, but rather a careless

as happened to occur to the writer.

of such things
is

Cedar
(1

(?"IK)

the only
l -

timber mentioned, though

fir

(BTO)
'

K. 5" "" 6

M ) and

olive-wood (JOt? 'XJJ) (1 K. 6" -) were also used. 2. David is here represented as anticipating the action of Solomon in setting non-Israelites at forced labour, for he

together the sojourners that were in the land of Israel;

masons,

etc.

The

historical fact

seems to

commanded to gather and he set have been that Solomon

made a
tions

levy

(cf. 1

upon pure Israelites K. s*' ' * '> 11" 12').

K. 9"

to carry out his building opera-

A later writer taking exception

made
the levy
').

to the reduction of Israelites to practical slavery

consist of non-Israelites (1
this later

The

Chronicler following

view represents the levy as consisting of sojourners, but

responsible for calling

makes David

them together

just as

he

anticipates every other need in connection with the building of the

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256
Temple.
represents

CHRONICLES

With characteristic inconsistency the Chronicler later <" '>) Solomon as making the levy (2 Ch. 2 '*> '
1

The

sojourners

(gMm) were

foreigners

who

for one reason or to the

another

left their

native clans

and attached themselves

Hebrews.
free,

Like the jdr among the Arabs, the gtr was personally
political rights.

but without

By

the performance of certain

duties he rendered a return for his protection.

His

lot

was

often

hard, as

is

evidenced by the repeated exhortations to deal justly

with him Dt. i 24" 27", to show him kindness Dt. io u 26", to
refrain

Dt. 24" Je. 7 Zc. 7".

from oppressing him Ex. 22" 23* (both JE) Lv. He was entitled to the Sabbath
(both JE) Dt. 5".

io

(H)
Ex.

rest

20"

In

the gir represents the prosecf.

lyte of the post-exilic

community,

Ex. 12" Lv. 24 w Nu. 9"

iju. h. n.

3.

ifon in abundance] exclusive of the 100,000 talents

given by the princes (29').

represented as

Binders] obscure.

made
(2

of iron, but in the only other place

Here they are where the

word

is

found

Ch. 34") they are of wood.

Possibly they were

merely iron or wooden pins used to

make

the joints fast

in

(BDB.

"clamps or the
pillars

like").

The bronze was for use

making the two

its

which stood in front of the Temple, the sea with

support-

ing oxen, and various sacred utensils.

4. Cedar-trees]ot

Lebanon,

the much-prized building-material of the Assyrian and Babylonian

among the Syrians, were then abundant on the Lebanon range east of the Phoenician coast and probably also on Hermon and the Antilebanons, also on the Amanus Mountains Sidonians and Tyrians] the further to the north, and elsewhere. inhabitants of the two well-known Phoenician cities, on which cf. i. 6. For David said to himself] is better than and David said,
kings as well as

etc.,

since v.
*'.

'

in

w.

Solomon

states the reason for

David's preparation as narrated

tender, etc.] (cf.

my

son

is

young and

29

agrees with the Chronicler's representation that the father

and

not the son was the moving

2. OiS].

spirit of the great

undertaking.

Ec.

2'-

3.

The use in the Qal is late (BDB.), cf. Est. 4" Ps. 33' The only place where this root is found in any form else-

where in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. is Ne. 12 44 , which is agreed to be from the Chronicler. There also it appears as the inf. cstr. with S (1. 53). 0'*un] <$ xirrai roil rpoffqXfrovs, so V; )ta*w ^OfllSflS. Sm.

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XXn.6-19.]

CHARGE TO SOLOMON AND PRINCES

257

and corrects to Dnun or "masons" or " stone-cutters," comparing 2 K. ia> aa* (JBL. vol. XXIV, 1895, p. 29), but the Chronicler's motive for introducing O'-un is evident, cf. a Ch. 2". tori] L 89. DnStn no] 1. 15.-8. yh] also in aa 1 39', etc., L. 105. m-iano ?] appears also in 2 Ch.
takes offence at the word in this connection
o"njn,

34" t, where the construction work of the Chronicler, 1. 34.

is

the same, a verse agreed to be the

EVs. said. Ki. renders dachle, cf. Gn. 20 11 26' Nu. 34" 1 S. so" a S. $* ia 2 K. 5" (BDB. tCK Qal a). EVs. render these passages thought. laS Sk (cf. Gn. 8") may be "nderstood as well as uSa, hence, For David said to himself.VunS] on S see 1. 129. -hfvh] L 87. nrc-in] L 6. -van]
p. 20;

CHV.

132.

ai

*]

1.

105.

pan] L 6.

54.4.
-idhm]

J'kS] cf.

Tor.

rohortative used to express self-encouragement, see Ges. 1086 (a).

word cf. v. *, also for pM (1. 54). a*V>] 1. by Driver (LOT. *, p. 539) as one of the Chronicler's strangely worded sentences.

On

Chronicler's use of
verse
is

105.

This

cited

6-13. David's charge to Solomon.

7.

As for me,

it

was

my
is

purpose

to build
1

dependent upon

a house unto the name of Yahweh my God] K. 8", which is followed almost verbatim

except in the change of person.

The

Chronicler represents

what the latter says of David 8. The word of Yahin his prayer of dedication (1 K. 8" ). weh came to David through the prophet Nathan, commanding him not to build a Temple (2 S. 7 - 1 Ch. 17), but no reason is given. Elsewhere David's wars are given as the reason
David as
telling

Solomon

his son

why he could
(Ki.).

not build the house of

Yahweh

(1

K. 5"

<>),

but

only because they did not leave him time for other undertakings

The

Chronicler was the

first

to state that

David could
(cf.

not build the Temple because he had shed

much

blood

28'),

which may be nothing more than a

1

religious interpretation of

K. s"

<>.

9. And I
1

will give
'

him

rest from all his

enemies round

about].

Cf.

K.

s">-

(4"''

$<).For his name shall be Solomon]

ftobu peaceful), but he is also called Jedidiah (rPTT beloved of Yah, 2 S. 12" ').10. With only slight variations, this verse is a repetition of 2 S. 7"- " - 1 Ch. i7>- , but the order of the last three clauses is reversed. With the first clause cf. also 1 K. s"*P <">. 13. Be strong (cf. 1 K. 2) and of (U\b&
peace,
1

good courage; fear not neither be dismayed].

Jos. io, also Jos.
1

Cf.

28"

2 Ch. 32'

(where

pJ?H

takes the place of

KTO).

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258
7.
41
ija]

I
Qr.

CHRONICLES
and
Qr., also 'J3 Kt.

')};

other kss. us Kt.

and Or.

rimer,
(/".

f Fffl mi.
(_ 2 ch.
6'-

AV.,

Kc,
K.

Zoe., Oe. follow Qr., but the emphatic

'
8".

a8) favours the

Kt. (RV., Be., Ki.).<aaS op]

1

ii. ii

io
1

(-a Ch.

9') 3

cf. 38" 1 K. Ch. i 34* ao".

9.

K. a* Ps. 79; also Ges. J 134a. and NT. mostly ZoXo/iwr. epe> f]. 10. L 54. Sm* Sp] not found in a S. 7" Ch. 17". inuSo] L 67. 11. Top mn n>]. Same expression is used by the Chronicler in v. u, cf. also v. ' and a8w, both agreed to be from the Chronicler. 12. nai Ssv] cf. a Ch. a" (which Bn. and Ki. ascribe to the same source as this passage), bye is used alone by the Chronicler in 36" a Ch. 30", also Ezr. 8" Ne. 8*, see Tor. CSV.
8. a-b]
c/.

L 105.o'Di]

38*

ddSb>] <S ZaX/u>r, rarely ZaXo/wr, <K L

ww]

p. 34.

14-16. Transfer of material. 14.

labor I have prepared for the house of
talents of gold

Now

behold by

my

hard

Yahweh a hundred thousand and a thousand thousand talents of silver]. The

amounts are impossible, and out of all proportion to the actual cost of the Temple. The intrinsic value of this gold and silver is very nearly equal to five billion dollars in our money and its purchasing value was still more. Even if the light talent was intended (Ke., Zoe., el at.), reducing the value one-half, the amount remains incredible. According to 1 K. io, Solomon's yearly income amounted to only 666 talents of gold, cf. also 1 K. 9"- io".
15. 16. Moreover, there are with thee in abundance workmen, hewers and workers of stone and timber; and in every work of gold, of
number].
together
silver,
all

who

are skilful

and of bronze, and of iron, without

These two verses were certainly intended to be read and their separation causes trouble (v. *".). Without
workers of gold,
etc.

number

refers to the skilful

The

metals

were weighed, not numbered.

This construction preserves the balance for the whole section (w. '*-'). In v. " the Chronicler
records the material, which David prepared, in two groups: (1) the metals, (2) the timber and stone. In w. " ' he tells of two

groups of workmen

whom David gathered together:

The

(1) those

who

did the rougher work in stone and timber, (2) the skilful artisans

who worked
also timber

in metals.

order of these two groups

is

reversed

the second time in accord with the Chronicler's habit.

(Notice

and

stone v. ",

and

stone

and timber

v. ".)

The ma-

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XZIX.6-19.]

CHARGE TO SOLOMON AND PRINCES

-weight
.

259

terials

were without

in abundance
.

(v.

"),

and the
>

workmen were in abundance

my
trouble,

without number (w.

piov,

').

14. "jpa] <K Kara H>r vruxtlap

Jt in paupertate

mea,

AV. in
Bn.

AVm.

in

my poverty,

so

BDB., RV. in my

affliction.

renders

my

hard-pressed situation {bedrangten lage), explaining that

David was poor compared with the rich Solomon. But the whole is an effort to exalt David even above Solomon, who has little to do except carry out the plans of his father. HWB. n gives Make for this passage, which is followed by Ki. In Ps. 107" poverty is regarded as an affliction (<};), but, possibly in Gn. 31 s and certainly in Dt. 26', '? means oppressive toil. Be., followed by Ke., rendered
account
durch meine mUhevolle Arbeit.

The

parallel

to
Is.

Saa in ao favours
is

by

my

hard (or painful) labor.

\ 1190.

In any case the 3

instrumental (so

in the translations of Be., Ke., Ki.), cf. Ps.

and see Ges. and Temple,

>eoo

16.

i8

io

ML

4" Ho. 12"

nan] skilful, used of artisans of tabernacle

. 16. cf. Ex. 28' 31* 35" 36'- * 2 Ch. r* SnaSi nrroSi |DaS aroS] RV. of the gold, the silver, and the brass, and the iron, there is no number, so Ke., Zoe., et al. Ki. Kom. translates Gold, Silber, En und Eisen ist unermesslich viel vorhanden. These renderings are dependent upon the Massoretic punctuation, which

creates

two

difficulties.

(1)

We

should expect the Chronicler to use

J'k,

S">*o t'K

as in

w.

",

instead of "<bod

when speaking

of metals

which were reckoned by weight and not by number. (2) No good reason can be assigned for the repetition of this list which has been given with more detail in v. ". It does not appear from the text that the metals are the main thing and must be grouped together again to add force to the exhortation, as Ke. suggested. Without emending the consonant text, both difficulties are removed by connecting *p^n antV SnaSi nmoSi with the preceding verse, ibdd pn referring to the oan Syi 'a of v. ". So ($ seems to have understood '"> nal vat ooipot ir rarrl tpy<f, " ir XPwUf, ir ipyvpbf, ir X a ^* *' i" "^fiV, &* tortw
ipdrft.
cle;
(It is

see Ges. $ 126m.)

not necessary to suppose that <K did not read the artibrings out this meaning clearly by repeat|<k,

ing m. r\\ " workers " before each metal and by translating tbod
1l
i

lSn (soi\ 2m) Pjj, they (masc.) were not

to be

numbered.

17-19. David's charge to the princes. 18. For he hath delivered the inhabitants of the land into

my hand]. Not the Israelites

cf.

but the original Canaanitish peoples are intended,

18' this

u<

Nu. 32 M
time on
15'

19.
K.
8'

Jos. a M

The

ark of the covenant of Yahweh] was at

Mount Zion

in

a tent which David had prepared for

it, cf.

2 Ch.

s.And the holy

vessels of

God].

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26o

CHRONICLES
was done in the reign of Solomon what he represents as commands of

The
(i

Chronicler drew upon what

K. 8 4

Ch.

5*) for

David.

XXIII-XXDL The
is
1
-

last acts of

David.This passage

is

best
title

understood as a unit from the hand of the Chronicler, whose

contained in 23 , When David was old and full of days, then (1) he made Solomon his son king over Israel, and (2) gathered together
all the princes

These
as
is

last acts of

of Israel, (3) with the priests, (4) and the Levites. David, which concern his son, the princes, the
Levites, the Chronicler recounts in reverse order,

priests,

and the

his habit elsewhere.

According to 2 Ch. 204 , Hezekiah brings in "the priests and the w. ' he addresses the Levites and assigns them their task and in w. he commands the priests to do their work. In 2 Ch. 20" cp. "And the Levites stood with the instruments of David, and the
Levites," then in
priests with the trumpets," with

"and the trumpets

together with the

cf.

instruments of David," v.". 26".

For further instances

22"

22'*-

<*

25*

Beginning with the Levites

(c.

23), the Chronicler narrates

how David
result

divided them into courses in preparation for the

new

service in the

Temple.

The

increase in their duties which would

from the building

(v.
),

of the

Temple, and the

lighter nature of

them

led

David

to reduce the age at

*'.).

which they should begin

of

service to twenty years (v.

Then David, with the assistance

loco.)

Zadok and Ahimelech, divided the (24"-" is a later insertion, see in

organisation of the singers
(c. (c.

priests into courses (24 ,l ).

The account

of the

25) and that of the gate-keepers

26) follow.

The

third act of David's old age, to gather tois

gether the princes of Israel (23*),

doubtless introduced to give

an opportunity
ice

to describe the military forces

(c.

and the

civil servall

as well organised

27), so that Solomon could devote

his activity to carrying out the plans of his father concerning

the Temple.

This chapter (27)

differs

from the preceding,

since

the organisation or reorganisation of the religious functionaries

is

represented as taking place at this time, while the military

civil officers

and was

are simply exhibited as already organised.

This

to be expected, since the former were being prepared for

new

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xzm.

i-as.]

courses of the levites

come with

261

duties which should

the completion of the Temple,

while the latter had their duties throughout the reign of David.

The

last act of

David,

"He made Solomon

king"

(33">), is nar-

rated in cc. 28/.

XXIII. The Levites.With

to record the last acts of David.

this chapter the Chronicler begins

After the superscription (w.

'

what provisions David made for the Levitical oversight of the building of the Temple (w. ), followed by a list
he
briefly states

of the heads of Levitical houses

(w.

),

the introduction of a

who were new legal age

to

divided into courses

for service

(w.

*")

and the duties of the Levites (w. *-).

Ki. assigns 23 , -

and Bn. 33*-"

a hand

later

than the Chronicler.

The
c. 24.

list

of Levites, however, should properly be placed first.Csince the

priests

were a subdivision of the tribe of Levi, 23" naturally preceding Benzinger adduces the following reasons against the Chronicler's

authorship of 33*-": (1) the description of the Levitical service is general and out of place here; (a) w. *-" contain a correction of v. ;

would not have But the general description (1) is rather a mark of the Chronicler; no actual contradiction (3) exists between w. x-n and v. *, since the former deals with the legal age of the Levites after the Temple should be completed and the latter with the more ancient legal age (see below on 23", also 23*- '); and (3) the sequence of duties
(3) the Chronicler in his preference for the singers
last.

placed this service

accounts sufficiently for the order

(cf. c.

25).

An account of this Levitical

service is not out of place here, since

it

follows the appointment of the

younger Levites to public duties and leads up to the description of the

priestly organisation.

1. 2.
old

The

superscription to cc.

23-29.1. When David, was

his son king] not a nomi-

and

full of days] a statement defining the time of the acts

which

follow.

Then he made Solomon

nation to the kingship, the actual anointing and elevation to the

throne taking place later (29") (Ke., Oe.), but a sub-title which
introduces
c.

28 (Bn.).

Verse 2 gives the remaining

sub-titles,

which the Chronicler has taken up in reverse order

1. |jw] not the adj.

(v. s.).
d>d' jjjfr] so

but 3pers.

sg.

pf.

of the verb.

also in 2 Ch. 24"; usually as

an

adj., cf.

Gn. 35" Jb. 42".

3-6.

The oversight

of the service of the Temple.

3.

Now,
Since

the Levites were

numbered from thirty years old and upward].

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Google

262

CHRONICLES
statement begins a

w.

'

are a
is

title (v. s.), this

new

section, so the

copulative

better rendered

now. The Levites were numbered ac4-

cording to the old custom (Nu.

").

The Law

also

knows of a numbering from twenty-five years old and upward (Nu. 8 u -) (cf. v. *). And their number in men by their polls, was
thirty-eight thousand].

This number is found only here. AccordNu. 3" the males from one month old and upward numbered 22,000 in Moses' time, or 23,000 according to Nu. 26". Those between the ages of thirty and fifty were 2,750 + 2,630 + 3,200 - 8,580 (Nu. 4 " ) (cf. v.").4. 5. Of these twenty-four
ing to

thousand were

to oversee the

work

(i.e.,

of building, v. i.) of the

built,

house of Yahweh].

The Temple was

according to the

Chronicler, under the direct oversight of the Levites.

These

24,000 were to have general oversight of the work.

Associated
officers

with them in some

way

in this oversight

were 6,000

and

judges, 4,000 gate-keepers,

and 4,000

singers.
is

Just

why

these

should have a part in building the house

obscure, unless the

Chronicler thought of them as having the oversight of the building of their respective quarters.
34'
' ,

The

fact is supported

by

Ch.

where the
in

singers, scribes, officers,

and gate-keepers had

It is

a part

the oversight of the builders.

hardly satisfac'

tory to regard these

since one

words as glosses

in 2

Ch. 34>

(Bn., Ki.),

of these passages supports the other.

Thirty-eight

thousand overseers would be unnecessary, but such an exaggeraThese overtion is natural from the Chronicler (cf. 22" 2o ).
seers

were chosen from the existing body of

),

official Levites,

namely

those over thirty (v.

and not from those whose

service

was

to

begin at the age of twenty at the completion of the Temple

(cf.

w. M
that

).

Which J made].
*
'

The

use of the

first

person indicates
Chronicler refers
2 Ch.

w.
cf.

contain the words of David.

The

to the musical instruments of

David elsewhere,

29" Ne.

i2,

Am.

6.

This Niph. is used positively only here. on?J%iS] pi. from nSSi; here and in v. ** head, poll, in which sense only P and late, cf. Ex. i6' 38" Nu. i- ' " 3". anaiS] is a nearer defini3. noO'i].
sf.,

with

1 tion of onVjSj ', excluding

women.

agree with

v. ",

but see n. there.

o<e>Se>]

Ke. corrects to O'-wj to

4. nxiS] act as overseer, is used in

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1-S8J
a Ch.
'

COURSES OF THE LEVITES

", Err.

263
workmen
in building

i'-'a Ch.

34'-

'

of overseeing the

or repairing the Temple.

repairing of the

The

Levites acted as overseers during the

Temple under Josiah (2 Ch. 34"- "), and also at the when Zerubbabel was governor (Ezr. 3'- *, where the same phrase np rea MhSd Sj> nwS is used), hence it is likely that the function of these Levites had to do with the oversight of the building of the house. The Levites did not oversee the work of ministry, but performed it (w. " ). 6. \"i'*>S k] <S ofi fcroJije and "B qua fecerat are an effort to make a smoother reading.
rebuilding

6-23. Heads of Levitical houses.

fathers' houses are usually

Twenty-two
1

heads of

found here, and various attempts have

been made to increase

this

number to
all

twenty-four, since there were

),

twenty-four courses of priests (24'-"), of singers (25*-*

gate-keepers (26' "), but

and

of

have been more or

vii.

less arbitrary.

The

David divided derived from 24". Bertheau restored the number twenty-four by inserting Jaaziah with his three sons Shoham, Zaccur, and Ibri (24") into v. ', omitting Mahli of v. as a repetition. Berlin, more recently, departs from Bertheau only in making this Jaaziah either the son of Mahli of v. or of Jerahmeel the son of Kish (JQR. XII. pp. 2 95 /) These emendations are based upon the supposition that
statement of Josephus (Ant.
14. 7) that

the Levites into twenty-four classes

may have been

our text has only twenty-two heads of fathers' houses, while according to the true interpretation of v.

(q. v.)

twenty-three should

be counted. Very likely one name has been lost from the text through corruption, but just where and how remains dubious. 6. On names Gershon, Kehath, Merari, cf. 5" (6 )7. La dan and Shime'i] La dan also in 26", elsewhere Libtti and Shime'i, cf. 6 <"> Ex. 6" Nu. 3". Zockler escapes the difficulty by considering La dan a descendant of Libni. More recently this view has been put forward with confidence by Berlin (/. c. p. 292 B). The variation may be the result of different traditions. La' dan also occurs as the name of an Ephraimite 7** j\ 8-11. Ladan had three sons (v. ) and Shimei four (v. '), two of which united to make one
1

fathers' house, since they

had few sons

(v. ")

A second
(v. ).

Shimei

with three sons

v.
>>

is

found between these two

Although

connects this Shimei with the family of Ladan, his relationis

ship

not indicated.

J.

H. Michaelis, following Kimchi, con-

Digitized by

Google

264
sidered this

CHRONICLES
of

Shimei a son
'

La dan {Hie Schimhi,

).

inquit,

non
(/.

est
C.)

Gersonis filius v.

sed unus ex Lahdanilis v.

Berlin

holds that he
(v. i. text. n.).

is

a brother of La dan, both being the sons of Libni

Still

another solution has been suggested by Ben-

zinger,

place
v. ">

a gloss which has crept into the wrong and properly belonged with v. ', adducing as proof that

who

considers v.

belongs with

v.

But

v.

as a gloss to

v.

' is

more

inex'.

plicable than

where

it

now stands, and v. is unnecessary after v.

of Shimei.

V.

"> itself is best

explained as a gloss inserted to escape the

diffi-

culty caused

by the two-fold appearance

first

After striking

out

v.

b
,

the

Shimei

(v. *) is to

be

identified with the

'

second

son of Gershon

(v. *),

and Shimei

(^JJOttO of v.

is

probably a
is

textual error for Shelomoth (niD^C).

In 24" a Jahath
is

chief

of the sons of Shelomoth, but there the latter

represented as a

son of Izhar.

Then

v.

"

is

a glossator's attempt to restore the nine

fathers' houses

which had been increased to ten by this error (Bn. regards this verse as a correction). The family of Gershon
fathers' houses in the original text, viz.

formed nine

Gershon
1

v.

Ladan
!

Shimei
!

v.

Jehiel

Zetham Joel

v.*
1

Shelomoth Haziel Haran

i
i

v.

Jahath Ziza Jeush Beriah

Jehi'el the chief]
i.e.,

8.

chief of those over the treasuries of the

house of

God
v.

26"

'

29*.

Zetham] and Jo'el] appear as sons of

Jehiel in 26" q. v.

Shelomoth]
the

i.

Hazi'el f
in 6-

Jo'el is possibly the

].

same as Joel in 15'- ". 9. Haran] appears elsewhere only as

1

name of Abram's brother, the father of Lot Gn. 1 1"" cf. also the place-name pn JV3Nu. 32"= D1H '3 Jos. 13".10. Jahath]
"j ,

possibly the reading,

cf. v.

same as " and

<" ">.

Ziza*]
is

is

probably the correct

text. n.

Ziza

also the

name

of a Simeonite

Rehoboam 2 Ch. n" f. Je'ush], Cf. v. ", also the name of a son of Rehoboam 2 Ch. ii". Bert ah]. Cf. v. ", a common name. 12. The sons of Kehath are given elsewhere in
4", and a son of

Digitized by

Google

run.
the

i-asj

courses of the levites

265

same

sanctify

Ex. 30'

order, cf. 5" (6) 6 <> 26" Ex. 6" Nu. 3". 13. To him as a most holy one] (v. *'.). To burn incense]. Cf. -. 14. The sons of Moses were reckoned among the tribe

of Levi] and did not share the advantage of the sons of Aaron.

For an ancient
Moses].
Eltezer].
(v. i.)

tradition of
'

Cf. Ex. i8
Cf. also v. ",

a common Levitical name. 16. Shuba'el*]

them
cf.

Ju. 18".

and

for the birth of

15. The sons of Gershom Ex. 2".

became ruler over the treasuries (26") and is mentioned also in 24"- ".17. Rehabiah]. Cf. 24" 26" ^.Likc that of Gershon, the family of Kehath is divided into nine heads of fathers' houses. 18. Shelomith]. See text. n. on v. '.19. Jeriah], Cf. 24" 26" f.Amariah]. Cf. 24", also 5" (6').Jahazi'el]. Cf. 24". Also the name of a Benjaminite 12* <4I, of a priest of David i6, of a Levite 2 Ch. 20", of an ancestor of one of the families of the
restoration Ezr. B*.Jekame'am].

Cf. 24"

f.20. Micah].
Cf. 24",

Cf.

24M. j a

as the

name not uncommon, cf. 5. name of another Levite 24";

.

Isshiah]

and

elsewhere the
7',

name

of one

of David's helpers 12',

a man of Issachar foreign wives Ezr. 10" j 21-23. Possibly

one of those with

heads of fathers'
text,

six

houses were derived from Merari in the original

restorations

must

rest

on conjecture alone
'

(v. s.).

21. 22.
>

but

all

With

the

possible

exception of 24*

(q.

v.)

tradition
cf.

agrees that

Merari had two sons Mahli and Mushi,

3".

6 ,(,,

Ex. 6" Nu.

v.

Ele'azar

as a gloss

and Kish]. Cf. 24" by the same hand as v.

'-.

Benzinger regards

".

This

is

not probable,

but Ele'azar
sidering v.
*

may
a

be counted as a fathers' house without con-

gloss.

According to the

later law,

where there
family

were no sons, daughters inherited, and with the express purpose of preventing a man's

name from
In

being

lost to his

(Nu.

27'),

but such daughters must marry only into the family of

v.

the tribe of their father (Nu. 36).

"

it

is

stated that these

conditions were fulfilled in the case of Eleazar and doubtless the

verse

was added

the fathers' houses though he

23. Mahli] the

show why Eleazar was also counted among was known to have had no sons. grandson of Merari is mentioned only in 24"
to

and gn
t.
1.)

ui)
t

but as the

name

of a son of Merari v.
is

'

24-

"

6-

"

Ezr.

8" Ex.

6>

Nu. 3" f.'Eder]

also mentioned in

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266

CHRONICLES
Judah
7'.

24"
Jos.

f;

cf.

also place-name 'Eder in extreme south of

15"
list

j\

Jeremoth] in 24" written Jerimoth

(v. .), cf.

This

of the sons of

Mush*

is

only found here and 24".

Probably should be
nioSp]
.tf. v.

Btel Baer,

Gin.;
cf.

some mss. opSny.

(v. s.)

PL

onto,

BDB
n.

Bn.,

34'.7. Berlin

supposes the original to

have
pipSsr,

read: 'PBPtppV [S 'ja 'jwt S] ywS.9. 8 'AXoOtip, a corruption of A 2o\c*m* ri'P flt

Qr. "24"-

n 2&n.
v. ".

Qr.

fa

necessity for reducing all these

followed by Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn., but there is no names to the same form. Stom] v. *.

10.

Kin] in v. " ron, <X

is

Ztfti,

Z*> and one us. cited by

Kennic.

mn, which

probably original, so

BDB.

11.

nrw

rnj5fS]

for one class of officers, see BDB. mpa a c, or possibly /or one appointrf ministraret in ment, which suits 34'- ". 13. o'tf-ip tr\p wnpnS] sancto sanctorum, so 6, Zoe., Oe., but the holy of holies elsewhere enp

'pn.

Without the

art.

the phrase
a*,

is

used of holy things connected with

worship, cf. Ex. 30" Lv.

the most holy things.

accordingly EVs. read that he should sanctify

Then

the suffix must be a subjective genitive.

The most

natural rendering "to sanctify him, a most holy

one" was

accepted by Be., Ke.

Ki. mentions

it

as a possibility, but leaves the

is

question doubtful, since the expression

not used of persons elsePs. 139' also

pi.
tif

where. ras>a]
14. Sp

cf. cf-

i6 Dt. io ai* a S.

wyv]

Ezr.

a" Ne. f.
a6

16.
cf.

6"

']

Nu. 6 . when only one son

"?naiP.

follows, cf. a".

''koj*]

*>*%f, a4

S^tf,
n.

here Zov/9a4\ which

should be read with Oe., Bn., Ki.,

n'sS]

Sab. proper noun

Skw>] <t* '0{i^\ A IafiijX, V Jahaziel. Ki. supposes ' to be the result of a dittography from the preceding '> and then resolves this Sunn into Vk'Ijj on the basis of <K*. This change introduces a second Siotp into this list and also in 34* , which though not impossible is not likely. Such forms as S(j'jn (v. ) and S&'tiv exist side by side, cf. S(o&j (4) and Stoffl^ (11" 37"). The evidence of tit is vitiated by the fact that in 16' and a Ch. so14 Skwv is rendered 'Of(e)i^X. Ki. ques23. tions the latter but passes over the former without comment. picv] 24- niD'-p, <KB in both places 'Apeipube, * Iapi)ia0 and ItpquuB,
34" rvxh&,
v.
s.

v.

text.

19.

18.

Jerimoth.

24-27. Legal age for Temple service. 24. From twenty years
old

and upward].

Various attempts have been

in v.
>,

made

to reconcile

this statement

with that

according to which the Levites

were numbered from

thirty years old

and upward.

The

older

commentators explained the apparent discrepancy on the ground

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M-39.]

AGE AND DUTIES OF THE LEVTTES

267

that

ing to the

numbered the Levites from thirty years old accord(Nu. 4*) and then later from twenty years old since there was no further need of transporting the sanctuary That the Chronicler had two (so J. H. Mich., also Kimhi).
David
first

Law

variant traditions contained in different sources has also been

suggested (Be.).

After describing all attempts to get rid of the

,

discrepancy as makeshifts, Ke. arbitrarily emends v.

twenty for
later
thirty.

reading

Recent commentators ascribe

w.

to a

hand.

In later times, apparently, the Levites were

eligible

from twenty years old and upward. The scarcity of numbers was the probable cause for the change (cf. Ezr. 2" 8' ). The Chronicler, however, makes this practice the rule for the whole post-exilic period (Ezr. 3') and also carries it back as far as the reign of Hezekiah (2 Ch. 31"). He would hardly leave the
to service

matter there.

The

proper time for the institution of the

new
2 Ch.

custom was

at the building of the

Temple.

As

the Chronicler
(cf.

ascribed the organisation of the

Temple

service to

David

8"

),

so he

made him
this

responsible also for this change.

In

v.

he necessarily gave the enumeration from thirty years old and

upward, since

enumeration was made that David could

provide for overseeing the building of the Temple and only

experienced Levites would be chosen for this task (see

w.

-).

When David divided

the Levites into courses (v.

to

do the work

for the service of the house of Yahweh (v. "), after it should be completed, the younger men from twenty years old and upward

were included among those

last

eligible for service.

27.

For by the

words of David, the number of sons of Levi was from twenty years old and upward]. No new census is supposed, as EVs.
imply.

David decreed that the younger men should also serve

but did not provide for a recount.

24. onmpB] ef. Nu. i Ex. 30".mo* neooa] cf. Nu. 1" 3".onSAjfr] v. s. v. text n. Tift] other mss. '(fi>, cf. Ne. ii and Ezr. 3* nrp with Ne. 13" 'rp both pi. Only another way of writing the same form. 27. O'ynnKn T>n '"oia] Be. following Kimhi rendered "In the later histories of David" and so also Oe., Ba.; but Be. was influenced by the theory that the Chronicler used two sources.

Better render by the last words (or commands) of David,

t&t pacta pra-

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Google

268
cepla, so J.

CHRONICLES

as neuter

ncn] Ke. took Zoe., Bn., Ki., cf. 2 S. 33'. (Ew. 318 b), since non is nowhere found with the signification sunf, and rendered "'This,' \e., this was done, viz., the numbering of the Levites," but cf. on hSk Nu. 3", and Ges. 141^. h. Here non agrees with and strengthens >iS <ja as the most important part of

H. Mich., Ke.,

sg.

the

compound

subject mS

'

*>sod,

Ges. 146a.

28-32. Duties of the Levites.29. For the showbread]

bread of rows,
cf. cf.
,

lit.

9",

and for

the fine flour for the meal-offering]

cf.

Lv.

2'-

or of that which is baked in

whether for the unleavened wafer] a pan] cf. Lv. 2 6 U

Lv.

2*,

">,

or that

which

is

mixed]

cf.

Lv.

6' <">,
cf.

and for

the measures of capacity

and

the measures of length]

Ex. 29" 30".

The
cf. cf.

Levites

may
Nu.

have been the keepers of standard measures,

Lv. i9.
Ex. 29"-

30.

On

the morning

and evening burnt-offerings

to offer
(cf.

28'-.

31.
),

And

(to stand, etc.) at every offering of

all,
etc.,

burnt-offer-

ing].

EVs. and

is
'

Besides the Sabbaths

Nu.

28*

a mistranslation (v. *.). and new moons {cf. Nu.

28 ,,

1,

there were three annual historical feasts (Ex. 23"-"),

Passover and Mazzoth (Nu. 28"-"), Pentecost (Nu. 28 M -"), and

Tabernacles (Nu. 29"-").

32.

According to the Law, the Levites

i8)

should keep the charge of the tent of meeting (Nu.

charge of the sons of Aaron their brethren (Nu. 3'

and the

i8- )

but they

were expressly forbidden to approach the vessels of the holy place

(Nu.
i8", cf.

however

Ch. 9") and the priests were given the

i8).

charge of the holy place (Nu.

Buchler

(/.

c.)

has used this

as evidence of a priestly source which has become confused by

the Chronicler's introduction of the Levites, but a variant tradition ascribes this duty to Levites (Nu. 3").

The

Chronicler

could have secured

all his facts

from Nu. 3 without consulting

Nu.

18.

28. SaS
jpi

mna]

cstr.

before

S,

cf.

(Arl) before

nvja and

^3 Spi
v.
**.

(et

Ges. 130a. <K evidently read in universis). 0> also omits the

copulative at the beginning of

As

the text stands the repetition of

to agree with

"k should be emended and connected with the following verse, ' onSS (omit Accordingly 1 with <6) defining rmya more closely, cf. Ges. 13 1. read 'n cn^S O'iSk.t po map rwpo Sjn and in the work of the service of the house of God for (in respect to) the showbread.31. mSp nApn Ss^iJ
nw)
owiSiwi

no man;

adds nothing.

Hence

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XXIV.

1-19.]

COURSES OF THE PRIESTS

269

EVs. render incorrectly and to offer all burnt-offerings. This verse is a part of v. * and can only be translated and at every offering of burntThe priest had the exclusive duty of offering the burntofferings (Kau.). M) offering but the Levite had to stand . to thank and to praise (v. while the offering was being made. Some commentators have held that the verse refers to the duty of the Levites to procure and prepare the
. .

animals for

sacrifice (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.),

an attempt
(/.

to account for

the apparent anomaly of Levites offering the burnt-offering.

By

the

same misunderstanding
itself

of the text, Buchler

c.

p. 131

f.

n.)

has been

led to the conclusion that v. " belonged to

only with the priests.

32.' <X

omits enpn

a source which concerned mDPD ni, which may be

this
is

an

intentional correction

from Nu. 18 s , where

duty

is

given to the

sons of Aaron, or more probably the omission

due to homoeoteleuton.

XXIV. 1-19. The

courses of the priests.The account of

is

the duties of the Levites in serving the priests (23"- n )

followed

immediately by the description of David's organisation of the

priests

(a^-").

These were divided

into twenty-four courses

(c.

which cast
(c. 24),

lots for places.

The

order, Levites

23), priests

was

likely

determined by the fact that the priests were a

subdivision of the tribe of Levi; 23" could not follow 24 1 -".

Schttrer (Gesch.* II. p. 237) has questioned the genuineness of a4- , ,

suspicioning that this

list

since the class of Jehoiarib,

2'), is

was not framed until the Hasmonean period, from which the Hasmoneans sprang (1 Mac.

first contrary to Ne. V2'-- ', but this evidence is not conand can only be used to question the relative position of the class of Jehoiarib. That may have been altered through later influence.

placed

clusive

1-19. The twenty-four courses of priests.

1.

The

sons of

same order in 5" (6) Ex. 6*. 2. An abridgment of Nu. y. Nadab and Abihu offered strange fire before Yahweh and were devoured by fire (Lv. io'- Nu. 3*). 3. Zadok and Ahimelech, the leading representatives of the two families of Aaron, were associated with David in dividing the priests into their courses. Earlier writers would probably have assigned this task to David alone, but not so the Chronicler (cf. 2 S. 8" with 1 Ch. 18"; also 25'). Ahimelech is associated with
Aaron are given
in the

' and in 18" (where Ahimelech should be read Ahimelech with Vrss.). According to v. and 18" (= 2 S. 8")

Zadok

in v.

Ahimelech was the son of Abiathar, but

in 1 S.

22" an Ahimelech

Digitized by

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270
is

CHRONICLES
That grandfather and grandson should
Semitic practice
(cf.

the father of Abiathar.

bear the same

ijm
.

name is in accord with common

and Phoenician Eshmunezar Inscription lines 13 /.), but the only known son of Abiathar was named Jonathan (a S. 15" 1 K. 1") and elsewhere Zadok and Abiathar (instead of Ahimelech) are associated as the priests, both in the time of David
(6
')

(2 S.

15" 17"
1

Ch. 15") and in the time of Solomon

in 2 S.

(1

K.

4', cf.

also

K.

1'

with 1"), hence the probability that the two names

were transposed through corruption

icler

8" before the ChronPossibly

wrote (see EBi.

art.

Abiathar).

4.

Chief men].

the heads of individual households which constituted the subdivisions of

fathers'

house

(cf.

Jos. 7"-") (Ke.,

Zoe., Oe.),

though more probably the heads of fathers' houses are intended

and

(Be.).

The
they,

last clause of v. <*

i.e.,

should be taken with what follows

David, Zadok, and Abimelech, assigned them, of

the sons of Ele'azar sixteen heads of fathers' houses

and of the sons

not of

of Jthamar eight fathers' houses.

the family of

Some

Levites

who were
At

Zadok ministered

in the second

Temple although
least,

they were not eligible to the

certain Daniel of the sons of
8').

high priesthood.

Ithamar returned with Ezra (Ezr.

this

The

Chronicler

assumed
i.e.,

later

superiority

of

the

Zadokites also for the time of David and assigned sixteen classes
to the sons of Eleazar
to the Zadokites
sixteen

and
and
(cf.

eight to

the sons of Ithamar.

clearly artificial, since

These numbers

eight are

they are related to each other as the

rights of

first-born to

single

younger brother

Dt. 21").

Upon

the deaths of
fell

the first-born

to

Nadab and Abihu without sons, the right of Eleazar. The high priesthood also fell to the

Zadokites as the right of the first-born.

6.

So they divided them

Apart from having

by

lot

one like the other

(lit.

these with those)].

a double share of classes and the high priesthood, the descendants

of Eleazar-Zadok
in

had no advantage over

their fellow-priests, for

both families were found princes of the sanctuary and princes of God. These two terms are probably synonymous, being different designations also for the "chiefs of the priests" of 2 Ch. 36"
(Ba., Bn.). 6. Shemdiah the son of Nathan'el, the scribe] is known from this passage. One fathers' house being taken

only

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JDOV.

1-19.]

COURSES OF THE PRIESTS

(v. *.).

271

for Eleazar and one* taken for Ithamar]

7-18. The same

vii. 14. 7,

courses were maintained in the time of Josephus (Ant.

Vita 1).

Individual courses are mentioned elsewhere, Jehoiarib

(Joarib), 1 Mac. 2 Bab. Taanith 29 a; Joiarib and Jeda'iah, Baba kamma ix. 12; Abijah, Lu. i; Bilgah, Sukka v. 8 (see Schilr.

Gesch*

II.

pp. 232 jf.).

Jehoiarib, Jeda'iah, Ilarim, Malchijah,

in either

Mijamin, Abijah, Shecaniah, Bilgah, Ma'aziah occur one or both lists of priests in Ne. io < > and 12' .

Se'orim,

Huppah, Jeshebe'ab, Happizzez, and Gamul do not occur elsewhere.

On

Jehoiarib, Jeda'iah, Jachin,

Harim, and Zerubbabel (Ezr. 2-

Jeda'iah, of

of

Ne. 7")

is

wanting here.

The descendants of cf. 9". Immer returned from the exile under - Ne. 7" ' ), but Pashur (Ezr. 2" The children of Hakkoz were debarred
2"

from the priesthood

after the return since they could not find

their record in the genealogies (Ezr.

- Ne.

7").

Jeshu'a

may

be the head of the "house of Jeshua" of Ezr. athat one.

Ne. 7".

No

connection between Eliashib and the post-exilic high priest of

(Ne. 3 ) is probable, since the name was a common Jakim and Pethahiah occur only here as the names of priests. Jehezkel is also the name of the well-known priest and

name

prophet, son of Buzi, Ez. i 24H f.

1
is
.

<S B omits the second JVik , so also Origen's text (Field), but

probably original.
1

6" Lv. io Nu.

3*.

3. d adds nxr

mn<ait] <S 'A/9>8 here

oftcovt

and

in v.

5 (6*)

warpt&r

airrQr.
.

read with other uss. oaoi, so H, JE, 0, Ki. 6. inn trim Some late mss. read trw irmy instead of mM why, <K <fi rf

Ex.

6. '333']

irw vm].
.

rft eft;

Mr1

t-

- I"*2*5 !-"--

^ost

commentators correct
Be. retained

the second inK to inn (Grotius, Ges., Zoe., Kau., Ba., Bn.).

a relation in the proportion eight to sixteen and trm to '.., two lots were drawn for Eleazar to each one for Ithamar. Ke. pointed out that the text would then imply that the two lots were drawn for Ithamar, not for Eleazar (cf. also Oe.). Ki. has sought to overcome this objection by transposing Eleazar and Ithamar, but Eleazar is elsewhere mentioned first (w. * ' '). A comparison of a5'-< with 35*-*1 shows that there the houses were taken alternately until the two smaller families were exhausted; then the remaining names of the large family of Heman were divided into two groups. These were taken alternately (cf. 35'-") until all had been assigned. According to this analogy, the older and simpler emendation the

M, finding mM mm,

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Google

272
second inn to
"ini*

CHRONICLES
original.

gives the true

The

lot alternated

between

and the descendants of Ithamar until the number of the latter was exhausted, when the remaining eight houses of Eleazar were assigned places by lot. Then Nos. 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12,
the descendants of Eleazar
14, 16, in vv.
'*

belonging to the family of Eleazar.

ItrftaaK, Jt k Isbaal.

were members of the family of Ithamar, the rest 13. ana] <K* omits but

"

Ki. conjectures that the original form

in

was

Spaew,

which was omitted

in

the copy of Greek and intentionally altered

because of the offence caused by the form Spa.

p. 24) follows Ki.

19. ompe] Ki. points ornpn because of the precedlist

Gray (HPN.

ing

nSit.

20-31.
list

supplementary

of Levites.
in

This

second

of the sons of Levi has

but also adds several

omitted and a
Six

many names new ones. The

is

common

with 23'-"
is

family of Gershon

new

subdivision

added to the family of Merari.

new heads

or chiefs, Jehdeiah, Isshiah, Jahalh, Shamir,

Zechariah, and Jerahme'el, supplant six of the older heads of fathers'

houses and are represented as the chiefs of their descendants, but

are not necessarily their sons.

Bertheau held that these verses

chiefs of the classes

were written
23'-*

in order to

add the

enumerated

in

but in some cases the writer did not have the information

which he needed and so simply repeated what he had already given in 23' *; and the family of Gershon was omitted, since the
writer

had nothing to add, hence

repetition.

to include this family

would
is
is

make an unnecessary
chiefs are given out of

The

fact that only six such

a possible twenty-three or twenty-four

of the Levites, given in c. 23,

against this view.

The account
list

connected so closely with the priests (24>') that the natural place
for a supplementary
of Levites

would be

after the latter rather

than between the two.

fact that

The

Chronicler would be as likely to

place such an additional catalogue here as a later glossator.

The
was
of

some

of the

names here

are repeated from 23"

does not

in itself militate against the proposition that the Chronicler

the author of both passages.

Nevertheless, there are good reasons

list

for suspecting the Chronicler's authorship of this second

Levites,

and

for ascribing
is

it

to

later

hand

(so Ki.

Shuba'el (Shebu'el)

called the chief of the

SBOT., Bn.). sons of Gershom in

In 23", Rehabiah

23" but here

his place is taken

by Jehdeiah.

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XJ3V.

20-31.]

SUPPLEMENTARY LIST OF LEVITES

')

273
he
is

is

called the chief of the sons of Eliezer but here (v.

sup-

planted by Isshaiah.
(cf. v.

with 23");

The same is true of Shelomith (Shelomoth) Micah and Jsshiah (cf. w. with 23"); and
All of these

names could have been indo not add to or subtract from the number of fathers' houses. As they stand we have two chiefs for the same house in six cases. Either new families had gained the chief positions formerly held by the chiefs of c. 23 or the Chronicler gave preference to his friends which a later writer contradicted. "The rest" at the head of this list suggests a supplementary
Kish
(cf.

v." with 23 M).

,

cluded in 23"

since they

catalogue not only to

ers, gate-keepers,

c.

23 but also to cc. 25. 26, since the sing-

and other officers were also Levites. The quotation of a part only of 23, "and he had no sons," in v. ", unAccording wittingly gives the opposite meaning to this passage. to 23" Eleazar must be counted as a father's house (cf. 23" ), but here he is excluded. "These were the sons of the Levites after their fathers' houses" (v. " k ) is a strange subscription to
what purports to be only a partial list
v. ),

of the Levites

(cf.

"the rest"

but

is

easily understood as a quotation of the first part of

"These likewise" (DPI D3) (v.") occurs only would be in place in 25* or 26". Properly, this lot should be cast for all the Levites, not for the part of them The lots might have been in this list to whom " these " must refer. cast in the presence of Zadok and Ahimelech (v. ') very fittingly,
23"
(v. i. v. ).

here, though the phrase

or only David after

v.
.

but we should expect "chiefs of the Levites" in the light of 15"- >, However, v. is simply repeated from 23*.

20.

And

of the

rest

of the sons of Levi] not those

who

re-

mained

after the priests

had been subtracted (Be.) nor those who

containing additional names.

assisted the priests in the service of the house (Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but

a glossator's
list

title

to a

list

That

this

contains

many names set forth in

23 " cannot be urged against

this conclusion (as Be.), since those

names are given

officer of

in order to

place the

Jehdeiah]
Rehabiah].
23
,f .

new ones
is

in relationship to them.

Shuba'd].

Cf. 23".
f.

also the

name

of

an

David 27"
*,

21.

Cf. 23".

Isshiah] occurs again in v.

cf.

23".

22. Shdomoth].

Cf. Shelomith Cf. 23".

23".Jahath].

Cf. 4'.23. Cf.

24. Micah].

Shamir] here only as a personal

Digitized by

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274

CHRONICLES
Cf.
writ-

name, but as a place-name Ju. io*- * Jos. 15" f. Isshiah], 23". Zechariah] a very common name, especially in the
ings of the Chronicler.

26. 27. The sons of Merari: Mahli and Mush* and* the sons of ' Uzsiah. The sons of Merari : of ' Uzsiah* Bani* ( ?) and Shoham and Zaccur and 'Ibri]. The writer inserted among the sons of Merari as he found them in 33" the family
of 'Uzziah,

who had

three or four sons.

This 'Uzsiah was not a

son of Merari but the head of a family claiming descent from him,
otherwise he would have been added directly to Mahli and

Mushi

without the intervening the sons 'Uzsiah in

v.

of.

The

addition of his son after

(B Benno, EVs. Beno) contradicts this fact directly by making 'Uzziah a son of Merari, wherefore it is necessary to
Rittel

consider the sons of before, or his son after, 'Uzziah a gloss.

does the former

likely
6 >

he resolves \J2 into D31) but it is neither that Merari had another son besides Mahli and Mushi (cf.
(*'..,

33" Ex. 6" Nu. 3"- M) nor that the original writer would

have had the boldness to add another son to the two so well known.

The second
gloss, is

alternative, i.e., to regard his son after 'Uzziah as a more likely and has the support of <$. Beno (EVs.) in v. " must either be struck out with the following copulative or it is a corruption for Bani, a common late name, which text is supported by d (viol avrov VJ3 - '1 ">J3) (v. i.). The origin of

this family of

Uzziah cannot be determined.

Shoham

occurs

nowhere
Hebrew.
*3* (**)

else as

a proper name and

*<"*

'Ibri only as the gentilic of

Zaccur occurs only once outside of Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., Nu.

28* And **
cf.

no sons ] >s repeated from 33" evidently

(v.
s.).

as an abridgment of that verse

Jerafrme'el] also the

Kish].

Cf.

33".

name

of the well-known family in southern

Judah,

3',

and
(

of the son of
(

King Jehoiakim
difficulty

Je. 36".

30.
first

After copying 33 M
clause of 33"

v. ) the writer

continued with the

v. ).

31. No

need be found

in the
list.

fact that twenty-four

heads of families are not given in

this

The

glossator based this statement

)

upon what was done

in the his

case of the priests (w.

and did not trouble himself to make

catalogue correspond to the right number.

20. Siow]
cf.

S3"

text.

n.

but compare the style in

w.

21. Bn. omits mom oaS 23 M and Vrss. are

.

with <K

defective.

Add

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XXV.

1-31.]

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

275
added only

after

*%

rmn

pian,

KL, Bn.

Earlier commentators

jnan Luther, Be.

and so B. 86. 87. The present Hebrew text of these verses cannot possibly be the original, since v. Mb is self-contradictory (v. s.) and the copulative \ lacking before ', must be inserted (Bn.) and ua wtp\ found only here, is probably an crept in possibly from v. n error for vijw, so Ki., cf. also BPB., Gray, HPN. p. 391. in of
.

24. imf\ so Kt., but Qr. -nor,

<K ZomiJp,

>

5owtr,

v.

read

n may have read <}} originally (v. s.). svwy jr 11 win jj wnpS tb a

Accordingly the original text

<i mpoi

'Vm

'a.

(On

attempts to find here the original of 33"

-, cf.

33*-*.)

courses of the singers.The singers formed a and important class in the Temple worship when the Chronicler wrote. Their special duties and privileges were the result of historical development just as in the case of the Levites proper and
distinct

XXV. The

the Aaronites, but the Chronicler believed that the system of his

own time

originated with David.

Probably three distinct

classes,

the sons of Asaph,

Heman, and Jeduthun ( - Ethan) respectively,

Accord-

were already prominent in the time of the Chronicler.

ing to this chapter they were divided into twenty-four courses

corresponding to those of the priests (24' ") and probably also

of the

Levites originally

(23* ).

Doubtless the Chronicler

thought that corresponding courses of each of these orders served

at the

same

time, the Levites to prepare the sacrifices, the priests

make the offering, while the singers stood by and sang praises to Yahweh (23" '). The Chronicler's order, Levites (c. 23), priests (c. 24), and singers (c. 25), was not unlikely influenced by
to
this

sequence of duties.
time, since the

We

cannot be certain from this chapter

that there were twenty-four courses of singers even in the

icler's

Chron-

number may simply

represent an ideal of

the writer.

The

peculiarity of the last nine

names

(v. *.) rather

supports the latter possibility.

This chapter
plained.
is

certainly

a unity and from the Chronicler.

difficulties

Recently

proposed analyses have created more

than they have ex-

the only one of the three families of singers mentioned does not follow, as Kittel thinks, that this chapter in its original form only dealt with Asaphites. The presence of now ' in v. ' really proves that all three families were enumerated in the following
is

Asaph
but

in

w.

*-,

it

verses, since the

name

unless

it is

a gloss resulting from a dittography

Digitized by

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276
(so

CHRONICLES

Bn. and Ki. on another page)

(cf.

must have been inserted to

first

call atten-

tion to the advantage the Asaphites received in having the

first lot fall

to

them

what Josephus says of the

toXXJj
Si

of the twenty-four courses

Sta<f>opi).

of priests, Vita, I.:

xir To&rtp
of v.
*

The

artificial

character of the last nine

names

(v.

.)

indicates

nothing

concerning their source.

glossator as

They

are as difficult to understand from a

the latter.
in this

It

from the Chronicler, and the number twenty-four points to cannot be shown that the Chronicler was not interested
violence to the text.

number without doing

1-8.

The singers according to

i.e.,

their families. 1.

David and
(cf.

the chiefs of the serving host*]

the chiefs of the Levites

(

15")

who were
fifty

in active service
(v.
'.).

those between the ages of

<->,

thirty

and

years

Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun

Ethan) were

descended from Gershom (read Gershon), Kehath, and Merari

respectively according to 6"-'
chief families of the Levites

thus representing the three

'

(cf.

15"-

16"

Ch. 5" 29"

gives
to

'

35")-

Who

should prophesy].

The

Chronicler

the

service of song the

i.e.,

same dignity as

to the service of exhortation,

Israel,

he ranks the singers with the prophets of

thus placing

them above the ordinary serving Levites. Elsewhere he calls them seers, a term to him synonymous with prophets (cf. v. ' and references there cited) and in 2 Ch. 20" he makes a singer actually figure in a prophetic capacity. A close connection, however, always existed between the musical function and the prophetic office (cf. 1 S. io ' ' ). With lyres, with lutes and with cymbals] (see Bn. Arch. pp. 272^., also art. Music in DB. and EBi., cf. 15"). And the number of them]. The number is not the one recorded in v. ' but refers to the numbers in the succeeding verses, i.e., four sons of Asaph (although the number is not expressly stated in v. ), six sons of Jeduthun (v. ), and fourteen sons of Heman (v. ). The total number of these together with their brethren is given in v. '. (An exact parallel is found in Ezr. 2 ,b = Ne. 7"> where also some families are mentioned in the succeeding verses although their number is omitted, the total sum being given at the end, Ezr. 2" Ne. 7".) Hence w. cannot be considered an insertion on the ground that v. Ib demands that a number should follow

which
of

is

not found until

is

v.

'

(Bn., Ki.).

2.

This
,0
,

list

of the sons

Asaph

otherwise unknown, Zaccur, also v.

being the only

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XXV.

1-31.]

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

277

one mentioned elsewhere as a son of Asaph (Ne. 12" cf. also Zichri 1 Ch. 9" - Ne. 11" where *1DT should be read for nat). On

name cf. 4M and 24". mentioned son of Jacob,

the

Joseph] also
is

v.

*,

besides the frequently

the

name

of

a man of Issachar Nu.

Nethaniah] also
name
of

13', of

one who took strange wives Ezr. 10", of a

v. ", is

Ch. 17'

J.

priest Ne. 12". found only once elsewhere as a Levite Asar'elah]. Cf. Jesar'elah v. " f. The sons

and he in turn prophesied at the direction of the King. 3. Only five sons of Jeduthun are given although he is said to have had six. Shimei (*pQt7) of v. " must be the missing name, since it is not found
of their father

Asaph were under the guidance

in

w.

**

as are

all

the others enumerated in

<&).

w.

",

hence
six

it

should be inserted after Jeshaiah (thus

of

Of these

sons
cf.

Jeduthun only Mattithiah

ti

is

mentioned in another place,

jju.

10 ( but there he

is

not called a son of Jeduthun.

On

the

name cf. g n .Gedaliah] also v. , not elsewhere the name of a Levite, but the name of a priest Ezr. 10", and otherwise not infrequent.
Jar**] so read with v. instead of Zeri f (v.
v. ", besides
*'.).

Jeshaiah] also

the well-known prophet Isaiah,

is

a Levitical name
v.

26" Ezr. 8", a grandson of Zerubbabel 3", a chief of the sons of

Elam
vitical

Ezr. 8 T, a Benjaminite Ne. 11'.

Shime'i*] also

",

eleven times elsewhere in the writings of the Chronicler as a Le-

name, and otherwise frequent. Hashabiah] also v. ", is a name found only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. (15 times in all), mostiy of
Levites.

4. A Mattaniah appears as an Asaphite in 9" - Ne. 11" Ne. ii" i2- 2 Ch. 20" 29". With the possible exception of 2 Ch. 20" a son of Asaph is not intended, since the name is used

of

later individual.

The name appears

fifteen

times in Ch.v.
'

The former is a frequent Levitical name and the latter appears as the name of priests in Ne. 11" 12" (v. *".). Shuba'd*]. So read with <g and v. " instead of Shebu'el (Ki.). Also the name of a son of Gershom 23" 24"- " 26" f.
'Uzzi'el] in

Ezr.-Ne., and elsewhere only 2 K. 24".

Bukkiah] also

f.

v."

'Azar'el.

Jerimoth]

v.

Jeremoth,

is

found fourteen times

in

Ch.-Ezr.-

Hananiah] also v. , is a frequent name, but not elsewhere Levitical. Hanani] also v. , was the name of a chief musician in the time of Nehemiah Ne. 12*, and is
Ne., but not elsewhere.

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278
not infrequent.

CHRONICLES
Giddalti] also
v.

Eli'athah] also v." f.

f.

v."

f.

Romamti-'ezer] also v.
also v.

Joshbekashah] also

"

f.
'

MaUothi]
f-

).Hothir] also

v.

j-.Jfa&aat'aft] also v.
last eight or

It

has

long been recognised that the

nine words, although

intended here for proper names, are almost impossible as the

names
isation

of real individuals.

With only

slight

changes

in the vocal-

and

in the separation of the consonants, they

form a prayer,

which may be translated as follows:

Be gracious unto me, Oh Yah, be gracious unto me, Thou art my God whom I magnify arid exalt. Oh my help (or Thou art my help) when in trouble, I say.

He giveth
(V.
i.)

(or Give)

an abundance of visions.

Why

what was possibly an ancient prayer should thus

be resolved into proper names cannot be determined.

culty
is

The

diffi-

not removed by assigning

it

to

later

hand.

See Ew.

Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr. p. 680;

p. 143; Koberle,
seer].

We.

Prci. p. 219;

WRS. OTJC.*
the king's

TempelsSnger, pp.

116/

6.

Heman,

Gad

is

called

"David's seer"

(ai),

Asaph simply "the

35'),

seer" (a Ch. 29") and Jeduthun "the king's seer" (a Ch.

if

or

d there is correct Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun were the King's

rov /3aai\4oR); see further on
v.
.

seers (ot irpotyJTai

In the

may mean either in divine affairs (cf. 26"), or by the commands of Yahweh (cf. a Ch. 39"). To lift up his * horn God gave, etc.]. To lift up the horn would stand alone here in
words of God]
the sense of blow the horn (Be., Ba.,

BDB.).

Better ignore the

Massoretic pointing (Athnach under pj3) and connect with the

following (v.
*'.).

Elsewhere the phrase means to heighten the

(cf. 1

power of any one

S.

a"

Ps.

exalted the power of

Zoe., Oe., Bn., Ki.).

Heman by

giving

89" 93" 148" La. a"). God him many children (Ke.,

6.

Asaph, Jeduthun, and

the fourteen sons of

All these] may refer to all the sons of Heman (Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but better only to Heman (Be.). Not only the singular their

father but also the similar statements after the sons of

(v.
)

Asaph
his

and

of Jeduthun (v.

support this conclusion.

In

characteristic fashion the Chronicler reverses the order of the

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XX7.

1-31.]

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

'.

279
total

instruments in repeating them from v.

finds
its

7.

The

number

natural place here after the enumeration of the heads of

houses

iff. v. ')

With each

of the above twenty-four were asso-

ciated eleven of their brethren,

so that the total (24 x 12).

*.., members of the singers' guild, number was two hundred and eighty-eight

These were the accomplished musicians,

distinguished from the

skilful ones

mass of the singers, the scholars (D*VD^n), as is shown by v. . Presumably the latter are included among the 4,000 singers who were assigned some work in overseeing the building of the Temple (cf. 23* ).
1.

(0^30), who were

nm nw].

%i.,etal.)

The usual rendering the captains of the hosts (EVs., may be understood as referring either to the commanders of the

army or as synonymous with princes of Israel considered as the host of Yahweh (cf. Ex. 12"- ). Keil preferred the latter and identified these
princes with those mentioned in 33* 34* (so also Zoe., Oe., Bn.).

But

there is no reason

why David should be assisted either by the commanders of the army or by the princes of Israel. When David divided
was assisted by the two leading priests, Zadok and Ahimeby analogy he should be assisted by the princes of the Levites here. Previously David commanded the princes of the Levitts (o'iSn 'if) to appoint singers from their brethren (15"). Although
the priests he

lech (34'), so

Max ns>

is

not used of the Levites elsewhere, as Keil pointed out,

the phrase

may

refer to

them
"

in this case, since Has

is

used of the

Levites in Nu.
is

4'- "

8- .

In

all

of these passages

m*

used in connection with the age at which the Levites were qualthe tent of meeting.

ified for service in

In Nu. 4"-

" the phrase

ioiS usually rendered "service for the work in the tent of meeting," and in Nu. 8" mapn axs " from the service
reads iy>o Srwa
of the work."
ice."

mapS

in connection with its qualifying Immediately following (tain no, mapS is most naturally taken as a genitive modifying Kaxn in the same sense as in Nu. 8*, and is better rendered the chiefs of the serving host. <idm 'S pnrvi jovii] on co-ordinate genitives depending upon the same nomen regens, cf. Ges. 138a. O'loajn] Qt. owajn. <t iroftkyyoitipovs.

In the latter case, the to be noted that in follows Kaxn. If mapS were intended by the singers, it should have appeared

sense

is

certainly
this

" active serv-

Now

it is

our passage

same niapV

to describe the service rendered

clause 'aa O'toajn.

Kjjn in
'd]

w. favours Qr., and so Be., Ke., Zoe., 'w in apposition with otbdd, cf. Ges.
'

Oe., et at.
13 m.

vw otbdo

2. rr>n-*K] so

Baer, Gin., Ki; also written

TJ'.;

nSmify

here Zovptt

nw nn

cf. v. " nWiip;.3. vifl v. " nr, hence read nj % so KL

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280
Kom.,

CHRONICLES
'

BH.4.
original,

wtjfl v.

Sirng, <g here 'AfupaijX.

Either spelling

may

be

but since Stutp as a

although the writer

common

Levitical

name might

easily take the

place of the less usual

Smrj, the latter

may

be

preferred with

<S,

on a Ch.
'ItptpubS, v.

26'.

taatf]

(v. s.)

may have
,l
-

used both forms, see

" nwy,

v. >}*, <g Sou/SaijX, c/1 33'*. nwv] (X 'BpW. nC? ?8] v " "^Vg. Kau. (ZAW.

,(

1886, p. 360) departed from

last

nine names
rnSp np|i.

Ew. and others in the renditions of the by reading second person instead of first, re"'.JT.

pointing the text as follows : a#>

I3'}9',

'w

Furthermore, he held that

etc., it

tfpA nlJ9 ?S 'JWJ "J ''?? if the Massoretk point-

ing be accepted for tiSij,

tion of the verse

from

nS-u

was necessary to suppose that the poron was taken from a context different

from that of the first five words. Oe. rightly pointed out that this change from first to second person in three verbs is very doubtful. He rendered the last two lines, Ich preise und erhebe Hilfe, im Unglilek
sitzend rede ich Uberaus viele Gesichte or

im

Unglilek sittend verwette ich

er gab reichlich Gesichte.

The

text of Kau., followed recently

by Bn.
should

and

Ki.,

and the rendering of Oe. are

as the object.

alike difficult, since it; gives poor

sense as the object of the two preceding verbs.

From
if

Ps. 34'

we
is

expect

"God "
is

Such

is

the case,

the relative

underin

stood before nSii.

poetry and
it is

(The omission of the

relative is not
1.

unknown
iao.)

common

in the Chronicler's writings, see

Hence

neither necessary to change the pointings of the verbs nor to suppose

different contexts.

Accordingly the

first

part of the verse is better

rendered Be gracious unto me,

art

Oh

Jah, be gracious unto me.

Thou

Cod, whom I magnify and exalt. In what follows, instead of nrp 3V> ntf read rngf|>){f <?.. The verb of the last line may also be

my

rendered as an imperative, like

'lin at

the beginning of the verse.

full text is

In

that case read "inm instead of Trim.

The

as follows:

'" "J 'n

'Pdoii rrW> sin*
Sji

rooms nrnn) vnvi

With nvp

v comp.
inf.

0'0"O

in 97". nr]

may be

also connected with the fourth line

and taken as a Pi
couplet rendered

abs.

'm pVjd thus balancing the second, from nSo (= kSc), Ges. 75*, and the

abundantly visions.
for ivaa.

6.
is

Thou

art

my

help
'1

when in

trouble,

Fulfilling

Instead of

8.

pi? read
cstr.

inp with Ki.

6.

rna']

nopS]

apparently the

et al., cf.

BDB.

npjj d).

ToSn f] an Aramaic word.

:

before a sentence (Be., Ke.,

9-31. The singers according to their courses.

succession

The order of
received

was determined as follows

the sons of

Asaph

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XXV.

1-31.]

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

1, 3, 5, 7;

281
2, 4, 8, 10, 12,

courses

numbered

the sons of Jeduthun

15-24.

14; the sons of

Heman
lists

6, 9, 11, 13,

From

this

Bertheau

judged that two

ing the sons of
of the sons of

of seven
(v. *)

were

first

arranged, the one includ-

and the second, third, and fourth and the other the six sons of Jeduthun (v. *) and the first of the sons of Heman (v. '); then from each list lots were drawn alternately. The last ten sons of Heman finally drew for the remaining positions 15-24. Since three

Asaph

Heman

(v. '),

separate urns could not have been used,

all

Keil

proposed that
does not ex-

must have been placed

in

one urn.

But

this

odd numbers and of Jeduthun with even. If two such lists were formed (Be.), they could have been composed of twelve names each as well as seven, since it is no more difficult to see why all the last
plain

why

the sons of

Asaph

received courses with

places should have fallen to the Hemanites, than to believe that the lot would
fall

to the four sons of

Asaph before taking one

first series.

of

the three sons of

Heman
in

included in the
lot

No

doubt

we have
ment
scheme

here not a record of an actual

but a simple rearrange-

of the
is

names

apparent.

w. - by the Chronicler himself. His He began with a son of Asaph and then w.
'-,

alternated with the sons of Jeduthun, taking the sons of both

families in the order given in

with the single exception that

Zaccur and Joseph

(v. *)

were transposed.
of

For the sixth place, he

first

skipped the family of Jeduthun and took the

instead.

son of

Heman

After exhausting the

list

Asaph's sons, he took up

',

those of

Heman in their stead, in the same order as v.

list

alternating

these with the remaining sons of Jeduthun.

With the fourteenth

which he
of

course he had also exhausted the

of Jeduthun's sons, to

naturally added the next succeeding

sons.

name from his list

first five

Heman 's
list,

The

last

nine

names

of

Heman 's

sons remained and these

in

he divided into two groups, putting the

the last four in another.

one

and
is

Within these
v.
.

lists

the

names
justifies

are again

taken in the same order as in

manifestly
artificial.

The whole arrangement

later,

No

break in the scheme

the con-

clusion that
poses.

a part of
division

this list

was added

as Kittel sup-

The

into twenty-four courses of twelve each

would

certainly

be natural from the Chronicler.

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282
9. <S

CHRONICLES
alrroD before nottS.

adds vl&r a&roB rat &St\4>Qr

The number

388 (v. ') and the analogy of the following verses demand that wwo v npy o-}V should be added after idpV (Oe., Bn., Ki.). There seems to be some confusion also in the last part of the verse.
to Bn., this
is

idk ?].
it

According
gloss.
(v. '),

a dittography from
it.

qovS.

Ki. strikes
(v. "),

out as a

41 certainly read
(v.),

On

ns

(v. "),
cf.

nSmit"

Vmtp

Vksit

rorw

(v."), nn'^K (v.),

w.- textual notes.

XXVI. The
Levites.

gate-keepers and other Levitical officers.

Chapter 26 concludes the account of David's organisation of the

The genealogical connections of the gate-keepers are dew. '", and their appointments in w. "-". In the former division are twenty-four heads of houses distributed among three families. The appointments (w. >) were distributed to the famiscribed in
lies

according to the points of the compass, so

it

became necessary

to divide

one of these families in order to make four divisions

Zechariah, the first-born of Meshelemiah (Shelemiah), receiving a

special

commission

(v. ")

The

administrators of the treasuries

Similarly the keepers

(w. ) follow the gate-keepers

naturally.

of the treasuries follow the account of the gate-keepers in

9"

',

where the former are also classed as gate-keepers (o-). The chapter closes with an account of the Levitical officers for the
outward business of
Korahiies].
Israel

(w.

).

1-11. The genealogies of the gate-keepers.

1.

Of

the

Korah was the name of an Edomite (Gn. 36'- " "), of a son, i.e., a descendant, of Hebron (2"), and of the head of a Levite family (Ex. 6"- u Nu. i6' ). The genealogy of Heman, the singer, is traced through Korah to Kehath (6" <* >); the "sons of Korah" are mentioned in the titles of a number of psalms (42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 84, 85, 87, 88); and "the sons of the Korahiies" appear as singers in 2 Ch. 20". Here Meshelemiah, a member of the fourth generation after Korah {cf. 9"), is the head of a family of gate-keepers. Benzinger (Kom. p. 74) argues from these data that the tribe of Korah rose from a non-Levitical, even nonIsraelitish origin, to become gate-keepers and later singers, but
identity of

name

is

hardly sufficient support for this connection of

families

which may have acquired the same name quite inde-

pendently.

The

Chronicler certainly

knew

the Korahites as sing-

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XTVI.
ere (2

1-19.]

COURSES OF the gate-keepers

According to 6"

<

283

Ch. 20") as well as gate-keepers.

M *>

the singers of the family of

Heman

claimed Levitical descent

line of de-

through Korah and Rehath, but other branches of this

scent must have been employed in other
service,

and so a family

of

gate-keepers

may have

traced their descent from Levi through

Kore, Abiasaph, Korah.

The

general effort of the late classes of

(cf.

Temple

servants to

show

Levitical descent

Ezr. 2") doubtless

any rate the oldest patriarchs of the tribe would likely be appropriated by widely differresulted ofttimes in conflicting claims,
at

and

ent families.

Hence these genealogical connections are of little or no

Cf.

value for determining the true standing and relationship of the late

families.Meshdemiah].
(v. *.).

9".Kore].

2.
nM
,

Cf. g

3. Zechariak] of the sons of Meshelemiah,

:Ebiasaph*] is men-

also the

tioned again in v. ",and occurs also in g n ,cf. also 24". Jedfa'd] is name of a Zebulunite 7*- ' " (q. v.), and of one of David's

heroes

cf.

12"

">

f-

Zebadiah] a frequent

name

but only in

the writings of the Chronicler.

Jathni'd

f].

'Elam] besides the

name

of the country east of Assy.,

cf.

but only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,

8".

a frequent post-exilic name, Jehohanan] a frequent name,

especially with the Chronicler.

turning exile Ezr. 8 4 f.4. 5. with the Gittite by the same

Elieho'enai] also the name of a reThe Chronicler identified 'Obed-edom name (13" 2 S. 6" ), as is indi'

cated by the clause for

known
context

elsewhere as

glossator is classed

(Bn.). Obed-edom is a gate-keeper (15"- M 16"), and by a later as a singer (15" 16' q. v.). In the present
blessed

God

him

Obed-edom may be taken

v.

as belonging, through Korah, to

the family of Kehath, since the Merarites are not taken

v.
,

up

until

and

limits the gate-keepers to these

two families
is

(Be.,

Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

Kittel places

Since he

is

also called

a son of Jeduthun (16")

but that phrase
prob-

him
(v.

in the family of Merari,

loco).

ably a gloss

in

None of these eight sons of Obed-edom

are otherwise
Jo'ah,

known to us. The names Shemaiah, Jehozabad, and Nethan'd occur very frequently in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. as the names of priests and Levites and are more or less common elsewhere. 'Ammi'd is also an east-Jordanic name 2 S. o 4 ' 17", a Danite Nu. 13" (P), and the name of David's father-in-law 1 Ch.
-

3* f.

Sacar only occurs elsewhere as the father of one of David's

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284

CHRONICLES
is

heroes ii u , while Issachar

only found as the

Jacob and the

Repha'el

tribe bearing bis

name.

name of the son The name Pe'ullethai

f,

of
is

otherwise unknown.
f,

7.

The sons of Shemo'ioh: 'Otkni

and

and 'Obed, and* Elzabad, and* his brethren mighty men of valor (lit. sons of strength) Elihu, and Semachiah f J, These The name 'Obed is found only six men are otherwise unknown. in Ru. 4"- " n and in Ch., and Eltabad is the name of a Gadite in 12" f. Elihu is not an uncommon name. With Semachiah may be compared the Levitical name Ismachiah 2 Ch. 31" f. Verse

9 belongs logically after v. but it is doubtless in its original place. The Chronicler evidently overlooked this statement and so added
,

w. " " and in 16", where he a gate-keeper f. Shimri] is the name of another Levite 2 Ch. 29", also of a Simeonite 4", and of the father of a hero of David n" f. For there was not a firstborn], 9 adds the statement that the first-born had died, which is doubtless an inference from the present reading. Possibly the
it

later.

10. Ifosah] appears also

in

is

also associated with 'Obed-edom as

has fallen out before first-born ("IT33(n) PP!"!), which would permit the rendering for he was not the first-born. 11. Hilkiah] is a very common name. Tebaliah j-]. Zechariah].
article

On name
elsewhere.

The
+

cf. v.

'.

Not one of these appears as a

total

son of

Hosah

number
in

(62

18

13), cf.

M 16".

was ninety-three Since the Chronicler knows of four

of gate-keepers
(23'),

thousand gate-keepers

David's time

he probably intended

these ninety-three as the chief

1. idk] in

men.

9"

no;}?,

(6
61
.

but
t.)

iD'a

< here A/&4 Za<t>i.p. <|OK was a Gershonite was descended from Kehath through Korah (<f. o"
>

<

Ex. 6-

),

hence read either ipjpp or

9"-

|??'?$

(Be., Ke.,

Zoe., Oe., Gin., Ba., Bn.), the latter being preferable.

6. D>Srosn] elsewhere Dn. n- where the only used. Here for concr. dominions rulers; possibly we should read O'Sron.7. adds
w.

vWwo]
-aypi\

so

v.

M vvthv; 0" rmsSro;

,

"

OlSr.

in

sg.

is

abstr.

orw.

reads

frioVa
1

rm

nafat].

After other mss. cited

by

Kennicott, also 9, prefix

to

both words (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn.).

icler

12-19. The appointments of the gate-keepers.The Chrondescribed the Temple as if it were already in existence. The

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XXVI.

1-19.]

COURSES OF THE GATE-KEEPERS

285

was attached to the south of the Temple area, hence no watchers were necessary there. The Chronicler clearly had the post-exilic Temple of Zerubbabel in mind, thus he was describing conditions of his own time or idealising them. 12. Even of the chief men] i.e., the ninety-three chiefs who are enumerated above. 13. The small like the great] not as -well the small as the great (EVs.), since the literal meaning of the phrase is the like of the small is the like of the great. The house of Hosah with only thirteen chief men (v. ") fared the same as the house of Obededom with sixty-two (v. ). 14. Shelemiah] the same as Meshelroyal palace

emiah

v.

>.

Zechariah]
is

is

mentioned above

in v.

Counselor

with prudence]

probably no more than an

effort to explain

why

the subordinate Zechariah should have been ranked equally

'").

with the three chief houses of gate-keepers (w.

15.

The

guarding of the southern gate and the store-house

fell

(cf.

Ne. i2 M )

to

Obed-edom and

his sons

cf.

w.

The

Chronicler prob-

ably thought of this store-house as identical with the treasury

building, hence his addition
cp. with 2
cf.

"with Obed-edom"
side
(v.
fell

in 3

Ch. 25",

K. 14".
'
.

16. The western

Shuppim
At

to the lot of

Hosah,

w.

Strike out to

.).At the gate of the

chamber*

(v. /.).

the ascending highway],

street

which led

up

to the western side of the

Temple from

the Tyropeon Valley,

the principal approach from the lower city and from the Western
Hill.

17. 18.
i.e.,

The number
six

of gate-keepers serving at one time

east, four

on the north, eight on the and apparently two at each of two doors of the store-house and six on the west i.e., four at the highway and two at Parbar a total of twenty-four. No relation between this number twenty-four and the twenty-four courses of priests (24' ) and of singers (25* ) is apparent, nor does there seem to be any connection with the twenty-four heads of families
south
four for the gate

was as follows:

on the

named

in

w.

*".

The

Chronicler's preference for the

number

twelve, also twenty-four as

explanation.

a multiple of twelve, is a sufficient Parbar] a Persian word meaning possessing light,

was apparently a colonnade or some kind of structure on the western side of the Temple area identical with the Parvarim (Rv.
the precincts) in 2 K. 23" (see Dr. art. Parbar, DB.).

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286

CHRONICLES

IS. i?;n tgt^lfor every gate, an idiom

(L.

124).

14.
ml

woW]

cf. v.

'

text.

n.

w-on] should
certainly

common in Ch. and late Heb.

read

vmarV
text.

with Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Gin.,

text,

et al.,

but the versions probably read our

Zax<tpla, viol Zuiifis

ry MeXx<?
also.

had our

"B

Zacharue

likely

a
in

correction

tSd TV*

suggests that

<K

MeXx<f originated

should be struck out.

clearly arose

an Aramaic gloss to rr>'. 16. morS* Hosah alone is in place (cf. v. '*) and crW?

by dittography from the preceding D'dom, Be., Ke., only here as a proper noun, and once as a common noun Is. 6*felling (of trees). The usual meaning catting forth Ki. questions, since this was the main gate toward the city. H renders qua ducit, *'.*., -0 (cf. Ju. 5' Ct. i 1 ) + pj " the gate which goeth into the ascending highway." <K UL have ra<rro<tpiav, so also Origen's to ra<rro<jx>pu>r is used to translate nyeh in 9" 23" 28" 2 Ch. text, 31" Je. 35* Ez. 40"- " ", hence <K must have read ryyth or rwS. According to 2 K. 23" there was a chamber on this side of the Temple in the on -mo (c/. v. '). By itself <K has no more weight than since either may represent a transposition of two letters of the original, but the absence of the name elsewhere, the difficult meaning if taken as a proper name, and the fact that a chamber (napS) is spoken of as in the 0'ine (2 K. 23") favour the reading of 9, nsrS or m<eh. On cstr. followed by a see Ges. 130a. 19. >rryn] <K read Kaa$ nnp, but
Zoe., e< a/.

rij|?E>]

^ is probably original, cf. v.

'.

20-28. Administrators of the treasuries of the sanctuary.

Two

classes of treasuries are differentiated, those of the

house of

God, and those of the dedicated things (v. "). The former were under the hands of Gershonites (w. ' ) and the latter under "Kehathites(w. M -). 20. And the Levites, their brethren,ek.] (v.i.)

is

a superscription to the following

section.

Over the

treasuries

of the house of

God]

i.e.,

for the fine flour, wine,

oil, etc., cf.

9",

and over

the treasuries of the dedicated things] cf. v. .

The same

two divisions seem to be made in 9" ' (Bn.). 21. 22. The sons of Laadan, the descendants of the Gershonites through
Laadan],

The second
cf. 23'.

clause

is

in

apposition with the

first.

The heads of the fathers' (houses) of Laadan the Gershonite, Jehi'el and his brethren* Zetham and Jo'el were over, etc.] Cf. 23*. The sons of Jehi'eli is a gloss (v. *.). Jehi'eli^ is an incorrect reading. Jehi'el* is the same individual mentioned in 23* 29'.

On Laadan

not found elsewhere.

The name is common in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., but His brethren*] read as plural (v. .), is

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xrvx

20-32.]

treasurers and civil officials

287

added to show the inferior position of Zetham and Joel, cf. 23' 29*. 23. Kehath rather than the four families which sprang from him, should be expected here, since only Amramites are

mentioned as over the

treasuries.

Possibly the others are added

because special offices of the Izharites and Hebronites follow

(w. " *), but there is no further mention of the Uzzielites. 24. And] omitted in translation. Render with v. ', of the Amramites ruler over the treasuries. 25. . was Shuba'et* (cf. 23") And his (ShubaeVs) brethren of Eli'ezer]. His brethren is used because all are descended from two brothers, Gershom and
.

Eliezer, sons of

Moses,

cf.

23"

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

prefers the reading of <S his brother.

Benzinger

Eli'ezer]

and Rehabiah].

Cf. 23 l,> ".

Jesha'iah] and the three following individuals are

known from this passage. On name cf. 25*. Joram] is a common name. Zichri] is also the name of an Asaphite 9" (cf. Ne. 11"). The name occurs twelve times in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. of
only
eleven individuals, elsewhere only Ex. 6" (P).
v.

Shelomoth]. Also

" and in

v.

"

Shelomith.

The
is

spelling of the

name

fluctuates

between these two elsewhere and

doubtful.

Two other

Levites,

an Izharite 23" 24"-

a son
Ezr.

of Rehoboam 2 8".26. Which David, the king had dedicated]. Cf. i8 - 2 S. 8", 2 Ch. 5'. 27. To repair the house]. Apparently the
.
.

and a Gershonite 23*, bore this name, also Ch. 11" and the head of a post -exilic family
.

Chronicler thought David also provided for future needs.

28.

Saul the son of Kish].

cousin,
cf.
1

Cf.8 u -g.AbnerthesonofNer]. Saul's

Jo'ab the son of Zeruiah],
Cf. a".

S. 14"- ", etc.

The

Chronicler presumes that every one

who

led forth the

of the Israelites into battle consecrated of the booty to

army Yahweh.

20. nvw]. Read omi with 41 &St\<pol atrQr, so J. D. Mich., and most commentators after him. 21.22. The text is certainly corrupt if these verses come from the Chronicler, since Zetham and Joel are here sons of Jehieli, but in 23* they are his brothers. <S B adds to the confusion and gives no aid. <S L , which usually has the fullest reading,

here follows

in v.

n but omits 'Sktt from

,

v.

and

inserts the

copulative before ont.

<KL

may have been

it

corrected from 23*, but also

internal grounds point to

'Shw ' as a
is

gloss.

The gentilic form

is

out

of place in v. , also in v. , where

simply repeated, and vnu pointed

as singular, as in

M,

is useless,

but as plural contradicts 'Shtp <.

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288
<

CHRONICLES
) is

The final of <Siwv (v. vmo] <5 rat r$ <MeX0$

PVjSr, v.

a remnant

of the lost

before ont.

airov

r-rmS*

adopted by Bn.
(c^.

rwjSr, <J XaXaifiaS in both

33' text. n.).

26 rooVr] Qr. 26. '*?]

n.>"i

Ke. corrects to

nn with I, so also Oe.,

Ki., but cf.

a8 text

nwom
repair

O'cSk.i].

Co-ordinate genitives depending on the same nomen

regent are

unusual, Ges. J 128a.

27. ptnS]

is

used elsewhere to

an old building a K. ia ' " aa a Ch. 24- , etc., cf. BDB. pm PL 1. C. Here it must have the same or a more general sense, 28. *"V a!1 ] on art. for the rel. pron. see Ges. i38", also v. *. r\>thv] cf. v. text n. 1. 119. e^Tije"] Bn. corrects to tfji^n.

29-32. Officers for the outward business.29. Chemniah]

appears elsewhere as the
q. v.).

For the outward business over

of the
Officers] i.e.,

name

of

a master of the carrying (is- "

Israel].

Cf. "Levites
of

had the oversight

(Ne. n').
(cf.

outward business of the house

who God"

<$

ypafipareveiv).

some minor officials, possibly scribes As early as Deuteronomy (17* * 19"

duties as judges.

21*) priests

and Levites are assigned

In later

times the priests and Levites seem to have exercised a certain

amount of authority in outward things throughout the land (cf. 1 Mac. 2", Jos. Ant. iv. 8. 14), which was probably the case in the time of the Chronicler, who ascribed to David the inauguration 30-32. One thousand and seven of the customs of his own time.
hundred Hebronites were appointed to have oversight over the business (rONf?D) of Yahweh and for the service (fH3]?) of the King
in western Palestine (v.
).

Their work seems to have been the

performed
in eastern Palestine,

same as
i.e.,

that

which

their brethren

for every affair (131) of God, and [every] affair (131) of the
(v.

King

a ). Just how
officers

this service

was related
(v. ), is

to that of the sons of

Chenaniah, the

and judges

not clear, nor can their

to

duties be determined with certainty.

If

we suppose them

have

been collectors of taxes, both for the Temple and for the King,
the account follows naturally the appointment of the treasurers

hundred and one-half tribes, when there were two thousand seven hundred for the two and one-half tribes of Eastern Palestine, seems strange. Possibly these numbers
there should be only one thousand seven

(w. ").

That

overseers for western Palestine with ten

contain a hint of the importance of the district of Gilead in the

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XXVTJ.

1-16.]

COMMANDERS OF THE ARMY

own
time.

289

Chronicler's

Gilead

(1

Mac. 5").Ja'ser]

Judas Maccabeus found many Jews in (cf. 6- <">) also seems to have been

an important trans- Jordanic Jewish centre (1 Mac. 5' '). Hashabiah] is not found elsewhere as a Hebronite. On name
cf.

a$:Jerijah].

Cf.

33" 24".
means
cf.

90. nanps pi'S iijm]

literally

from beyond Jordan westward.

Western Palestine is meant,

Jos. 5 1 aa'.

XXVII. The organisation of the army and the officers of The preceding chapter closes with an account of the Levites who were assigned semi-secular duties. The organisation of the army (w. <), the list of tribal princes (w. '-"), the royal
David.

treasurers
(vv. -)

and

overseers

(w.

-'),

and the King's

counsellors

naturally follow.

cc. 11/.,

Although the Chronicler has given the list of David's mighty men in such a doublet does not necessarily point to different authors While the Temple is the centre (cf. Bn. Kom. p. 79, Ki. Kom. p. 99).

of interest in cc. ai

ff., it is also apparent that the writer wishes to magnify David in every possible way. Solomon built the Temple but David here receives the greater credit, since he collected the material, money, and skilled workmen (c. 22). He, too, prepared for the service in the Temple by organising Levites, priests, singers, and gate-keepers (cc. According to 2 S. 23* (1 Ch. 11" ) David had many mighty *3ff-)men, but they were not organised. The Chronicler would scarcely

attribute the preparation of the plans of the

Temple

(c.

28)

and the

organisation of the personnel of the cult (cc. 23 /.) to David because " Solomon. . . is young and tender " (22* 29'), and then overlook the

and official bodies. David was pre-eminently a military leader and Solomon a man of peace. Hence the Chronicler represents that David had a large body-guard organised into twelve courses of 24,000 each. This account forms an essential part also of the history of David's preparation for the Temple. A well-organised army and trained officials would aid materially in the successful completion of this great
military

undertaking.
to his account,

The

Chronicler does not ignore this fact, for according

David appeals to these classes for aid (22" 28" * 29* ), and depends upon them to furnish the necessary political support (28* *-). Rather than being a later bungling piece of work inserted in an unsuitable place (Bn.), c. 37 seems to fit into the scheme of the
Chronicler perfectly.
(cf.

24*

25*

*),

The number 24,000 also suggests the Chronicler and a body-guard of 288,000 men is about the kind
(cf.

of

an exaggeration

a S. 15") to expect from the writer of 22".

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290

CHRONICLES

1-15. The organisation of the army.

force of officers, one for each

Solomon organised a
every

King and

his household (1

month, to provide victuals for the K. 4' '). For this account the Chron-

icler substituted

a large body-guard

who served the King "in

from

matter by courses," but ascribed their organisation to David.

The names

of the twelve officers are taken

n"

1. After

this superscription

fuller

account might be expected, but the

catalogue which follows (w. -") contains only the twelve classes,
the

number belonging
officer,

to each,

and the name

i.)

of the

command-

ing

hence Bertheau thought only a partial account was

here given.

2.
of

Ishba'at* (v.

the son of Zabdi'el] does not

since the latter

contradict "the son of a

is

Hachmonite" (n")>

a family (Oe.). He belonged 3, to the family of Perez (cf. t* ') from whom David also was descended (2- ). 4. Ele'azar the son of Dodai*] is restored from 11" (v. *.).
the

name

And

his course (and) Mikloth the ruler,

is

obscure.

Mikloth

occurs in 8"

9"

-,

but there

is

no ground

for connecting

him with
a proba-

the one mentioned here f.

Cf. ii*-"
ble gloss
strikes
it

6. Benaiah, the son of Jekoiadd].

18"

27*, also v.

The
is

priest] is considered

by Oe., since Benaiah was a military

out because Jehoiada'

leader,

and Bn.

nowhere

else called

a priest, nor

even a Levite.

Aaron (12"

But a Jehoiada occurs as a military leader for and Levites figure in a military capacity (12" ">).6. Cf. ii- b = 2S. 23"-'Ammizabad f].7. Cf. u2 S. 23". 'Asah'el] was slain by Abner in the early part of David's
<">)

reign (2 S. 2 1,M ), to which the clause

and Zebadiah

his son after

him clearly refers.

Cf. 11".
slightly

The name Zebadiah occurs only in the writings

all).

of the Chronicler (nine times in

8. Shamhuth the Zerahite*].

').

9-15. The order of the names from v. onward varies from that in 11" . Helez and 'Ira' (11" ') are trans'Ilai

posed, as are also Abi'ezer and Sibbecai (11"

omitted, so also Ithai (11") between Heled

(11")

is
),

and Benaiah (11"

the last two also being transposed.

2o.

Sibbecai, the Hushathite].

Cf.

was a citizen of 'Analhoth, a Benjamite town (cf. 6 <)).Maharai] of the family of Zerah (cf. 2'). Cf. n 'Othni'el] by his relation to Caleb (Jos. 15" Ju. i"-" 3') was
Abi'ezer]

incorporated into the tribe of Judah.

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ZXVIL

16-24.]

THE TRIBAL PRINCES

291

nion] used of enternMsmrofrMnn*] cf. 26" text. n. and leaving service, a Ch. 33*- 2 K. ix- ' . man] each, cf. Ju. 8" Nu. 17". 2. opae"] so also n, but 2 S. 23* nara a". H here Zo/JoX ( Spar'), 11" 'Utef}aS&. ( ItM/SaaX Spat"), 2 S.
1.

wm

ing

23*

'lefitxrDt,

hence We.,

e< a/.,

are doubtless right in reading ne>a"

as original in 2 S.

and Spar'

for both passages in

Ch.4. in]

n>*

rm p
Be.,
1,

ii^Sk

(but read there with <t Aal, nn), so also a S. 23*,

hence supply

-irySn,

Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn.

*,

mSpoi wpSnoi]
this clause,

on the
is

basis of the addition to v.

(also
41,

struck out the copulative,

before PiSpD

Ke., Zoe.).

Oe. suggested that

which

wanting in

arose through dittography.

<S,

Kittel corrects v.

to inpSno Spi according to

rat tvl,

mpn

nwtps'] flP 2oXo<i9 4 "Ka-pSe, *

and reads the same here. Zapaud ItftmcX, L Ifia.

8.

1"

vvrVin nie!>,

" Za/uuM

A 'AW, 2 S. 23"
is

mm

npjf.

Oe. corrects to

10. SU *o\Xoi. 2 15. v^p] XoX84, xi"

>jV>en]
'J'PJ.

vnivi, so also Ki.

The form rnp

S.

found only here, cf. vm w. " '. 23" 'oSon. 12. 'jn?V?^l r< "*?

<B

"rSrj

<K XfaoS, 2 S.

23"

a^n.

census (w.
viz., to

16-24. The tribal princes.The two verses concerning the M ) indicate the probable purpose of this section,

David followed the legal method in making an (c. 21). When, according to P, Yahweh commanded Moses to take the sum of the people in the Wilderness of Sinai (Nu. i '), Aaron and a prince from each of the twelve tribes (Nu. i") were associated with him in the work and only the males from twenty years old and upward were counted (Nu. 1" *) David likewise here had twelve princes of tribes besides Zadok, the representative of the house of Aaron (v. "), and only those from twenty years old and upward (v.*) were numbered. No previous order is followed in this catalogue of the tribes (cf. 2' ' Gn. 35" 46* 49* '). Gad and Asher are wanting. The six sons of Leah come first, in the order of their birth (cf. Gn. zg"* 30"- M and 35"), then follow six tribes (or divisions of tribes) of whom Rachel was the legal mother, Bilhah's son Naphtali (cf. Gn. 30 1 35"), the grandsons and son of Rachel (cf. Gn. 30"-" 46" 35"-") and Bilhah's remaining son Dan (cf. Gn. $o*). Gad and Asher have neither fallen from the

show

that

enumeration of the people

text (Zoe.)

nor

is it

likely that they

have been omitted accidentally

to be omitted.

(Ba.).

The number twelve was full without them, and coming last
Gn. 35*) they were the ones
It

in several lists (2

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292
is

CHRONICLES
six princes

significant that
if

we have

from Leah and

excluded.

six

from

Rachel,

Zadok, the

priest,

who

represented the whole people

is

rather than a part of a tribe

five individuals

(cf.

20 M ),

Of

the twenty-

whose names appear in this list of the princes only five are otherwise known. Zadok, David and his brother Eli'ab,* and Abner the cousin of Saul, cf. 26", are well known. Hashabiah

Most of names are common. 16. Eltezer the son of Zichri]. Cf. 23" and 26".Shephatiah]. Cf. 12'.Ma'acah] as masc. personal name n" Gn. 22" (J) 1 K. 2" f. 17. Hashabiah]. Cf. 2$: Kemu'd] is the name of a son of Nahor Gn. 22" and of an Ephraimite Nu. 34" f. For Aaron, Zadok] is expected rather at the beginning of the list (cf. Nu. i>), but is also in place after Levi. 18. 'Omri] is also a Zebulunite name 7* (q. v.), and a
is

possibly identical with the person mentioned in 26".

the other twenty

Judean g'.Micha'el].
Jerimothl
Cf.

Cf. S'. 19. Ishma'iah]. Cf. 5" Je. 36"

2 Ch.

Cf. i2

j\

25: Ezri'ei*].
name 15"

f20.

'^*-

ziah] as a Levite

31"

f-

Hoshea'], Jo'd], and

Pedaiah] are frequent.

designate

21. Gile'ad].
(See

Cf.

5:

The term might

pp. 548/.)

Iddo].
Cf. ii

all

eastern Palestine.

GAS.

HGHL.

Cf. Ezr. io (Kt.)

fZechariah].
Cf.

Cf. 24.Ja'asi'd].

t22.

'Azar'd].

25:Jeroham]

Because

Yahweh had

said, etc.].

is frequent23. David refrained from counting

all, since such an act would imply a doubt of God's promise in Gn. 22".24. But finished not], Cf. 21* '.Neither was the number put in the book* of the acts of days of king David] because natu-

rally to the Chronicler

no record would be made

in the royal

annals of such an impious and disastrous census.

wSk] Qr. kwSk. Read with <B 'E\iA/S - 2K'Sk, which is name of David's eldest brother elsewhere, 2" 2 Ch. n' 1 S. io* i.i7 , 7 . . $ cf, 2 a, zoe., Gin., Ki. 19. Sh<-ijj] as in 5" Je. 36", but the Hebrew pronunciation should be ^Kntj, so 9 in every instance,
18.
the
> i

adopted by Ki.

22.

om>]

<K&* laf*m.,
in 2

lepoa/i.

24.
i4-

-\D0D2 -wodti]
etc.

<g to /S0Mw, cf. O'D'n

nan tee

K. 12"

13*

The
hence

second iddd probably arose through the influence of the read iBDa with Ki.

first,

26-31. The officers over the King's possessions.

officers are

Twelve

here enumerated, another instance of the Chronicler's

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XXVII. 36-84.]

OVERSEERS AND COUNSELLORS

293

preference for this number.

i.e.,

25.

And

over the king's treasures]

etc.

those in Jerusalem in contrast to those in the field,

'Azmaveth] also the name of one of David's heroes (1 i M 2 S. 23"), of the father of two of David's mighty men (12*), and a Benjaminite

name (8* -9")

the RamathUe].

t26. 'Ezri j].Chelub\

Cf.

4" f

27. Shime'i

(Jos. i8) (Be., Ke., Zoe.) or

19'

stores

Whether he was from the Ramah in Benjamin Ramah (Ramoth) of the Negeb (Jos. On name cf. 25*. For the S. 30") cannot be determined. of the wine]. Cf. 2 Ch. iiZabdi (cf. Jos. 7'- >' " 8"

Ne. 11" (?) f) the Shiphmile] may have been an inhabitant of Shepham (Nu. 34" ') (Be., SS. who vocalise *t5$ip) or f Siph-

moth

in the

Bn.), with site

Negeb of Judah (1 S. 30") (Ke., Ri. HWB., Ba., unknown. 28. The sycomore-trees] were pro-

verbial for their

1"

cf. 1 K. 10" - 2 Ch. - 9". The Shephelah properly means lowland. George Adam Smith (HGHL. pp. 201 ff.) would limit the technical designation

abundance in the Shephelah,

to the

low

hills

west and south-west from the hill-country of Judah,

but Buhl (GAP. p. 104, n. 164) has shown that several passages
(Dt. 1* Jos. 9' 2 Ch. 26') favour the broader significance given in

the usual rendering of

d plain (to ireSiov or

of

17

irttivrj).

(See also

44SS and Dr. in DB. III. pp. 893 f.yBaal-hanan Ba'al-hanan was the Gederite] from Gederah or Gedor, cf. 12'.

EBi. IV.
also the

col.

name

of

a king

Edom

i-

" Gn.

36"-

"

f-

Stores

29.
also

of

oil],

Cf. 2 Ch. 11".

Jo' ash] also a Zebulunite 7'

(q. v.) f.

Sharon] the name of the coast-plain from Joppa northward to Carmel, noted for its fertility. Shitrai f]. Shaphat]

name
3''

of a grandson of Zerubbabel 3",

a Gaddite

chief 5",
'

a
2

prince of

Simeon Nu.

K.

6" t

'Adlai j-].30.
manage

13*,

and the

father of Elisha 1 K. i9'-

Obil] a form of the Arabic

word

&bil

(J^T)

able to

camels.

The Ishma'

elite].

That an
list

Ishmaelite

and

also a Hagrite (v. " Heb.) appear in this

does
ap-

not indicate an earlier source for the names as Benzinger supposes.

The name
f.

Obil, which occurs only here, with

artificial origin.

its

propriate meaning points rather to an

Cf.

Jehdeiah].

24"

MeronothiU].

Meronoth
<>.

(<J

B MepaOatv) seems to
3'.

have been near Gibeon and Mizpah,

Hagrite].
Cf.

cf.

Ne.

31. Jaziz

\, the

5"

'

Ps. 83'

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294
27. O'pisajq

CHRONICLES

29.

O'pny -n a On -f for see Ges. 36. f. '-WP] Qr. V?yf, <X * 'Avapralt, Zarpat, so also V, *lj*>

<

and so 9.

Kt. preferable,

BDB.

31

ruin]

1.

107.

32-34. The King's counsellors.This catalogue has Jo'ab, the

captain of the host, and Abiathar, in
lists,

common with previous similar

also Jehoiada' the son

(v. i.), cf.

Jehoiada'
lover].

ofBenaiah instead of Benaiah the son of 18"" - 2 S. 8" and 2 S. 20" ".32. David's
uncle,

EVs. render

which

is

common meaning

of the

Hebrew word (TH), but no uncle of David by the name of Jonathan is known elsewhere, while Jonathan, a son of Shimea
(Shimei), David's brother,
Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.,
is

mentioned

in 20'

-2

S. 21*',

hence

Bn. take the word (TTT) in the general sense of kinsman, here nephew. Zoe. cites Je. 32" as parallel, but there
son (p) has certainly fallen from the text (cf. w. , other Heb. mss., and <B). The uncles of David are nowhere given Jonathan
;

is

one of the most

common Hebrew names;

uncle.
is

the

common meaning

V, certainly took nephew would not likely be

<R,

chosen as a counsellor, nor

there

any reason why

either tradition

or the Chronicler arbitrarily should leading counsellor.

make

this

nephew David's
20).

On

the other hand, the only Jonathan

of Saul
{cf. 1 S. 19.

was an adviser
of 2 S. (v.
i.),

of

David was the son

who The
parts

Chronicler certainly selected Ahithophel and

Hushai from

which he did not quote, so he may also have wished David and Jonathan. The word "m is used most often as loved one (lover), Ct. 1" + 30 times b Ct., also in Is. 5 , where it is equivalent to friend (BDB).
to refer briefly here to the romantic story of
1

Lover
18'-

is

not too strong a word to describe the friend of

'

S.

20"

2 S. i M .

A man

of

skill,

a fair rendering of the next

2 S.
i"-

clause (|*3D

W)
B

(cf.

2 Ch. 26* 34"), is certainly

(cf.

tion of Jonathan, the son of Saul

scribe

an apt descrip") And he was

(Kin "IB1D1) could not describe him, but the form suggests

gloss, which is made more probable by their and from Origen's Septuagint text (Field). A glossator found a scribe mentioned in 18" 2 S. 8" and 2 S. 20", and missing the office here, added this phrase to the first officer, ignoring the fact that he was already described as a counsellor (fj?^). Although Jonathan had long been dead (1 S. 31'), Ahithophel had

that these

words are a

absence from <8

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XXVUI. 1-10J

DAVID'S ADDRESS

ON THE TEMPLE

295

also been dead for

some time (2 S.

1 7"),

and the list does not purport

to give the officers living in David's old age.

The proper place for

was David's

Jonathan
first

is at

the head of this catalogue, since he

Jehi'el, the

counsellor.

Hachmonite is
ing "wise"
is

son of a Hachmonite]. A son of a mentioned once elsewhere (1 1 ") The word meanparticularly appropriate here, of the tutor of the

Ahithophel] a most trusted counsellor of David, whose word was as "the oracle of God" (2 S. 16"), joined himself

King's sons.

33.

to

Absalom during

the revolt of the latter (2 S. 15"), then killed

the Archite] befriended

was not followed (2 S. 17"). Hushai, David during the same rebellion, cf. 2 S. IS"-" i6"- i7-". The "border of the Archites" was not far from Beth-el Jos. 16'. The king's friend]. Cf 2 S. 15" 16" "The friend" and "the well beloved friend" were also 1 K. 4. titles of honour in Egypt (see Erman, Ancient Egypt, p. 72). (Cf. also 1 Mac. 2" 3" 6" r&v <f>fktop; io M n" 2 Mac. 8 r&v vpancov <f>i\a>v.) 34. Jehoiada', the son of Benaiah] is elsewhere
himself
his counsel

when

"Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada" (see references above

v.

').

Bertheau would simply transpose, but against this change are Ke., Zoe., Oe., et al. A priest is expected before Abiathar (cf. 18"
2 S. 2o u)
(v. s.)

and

since Jehoiada is designated "the priest" in v.

the text

is

probably correct as it stands.

(On

the

same name

for grandfather

and grandson,

cf.

24*.)

Abiathar].

Cf

24*.

Jo'ab] David's sister's son, 2".

XXVni-XXIX.
David
is

David's last assembly and his death.

represented as calling a general assembly to ratify the

choice of Solomon as his successor, but according to the historical

record in

Solomon owed his succession to the machinations and the prophet Nathan. According to the Chronicler, Solomon was the appointee of God himself (28* cf. 22* '). The principal purpose of the assembly was to acquaint the public with the project of building a temple and so secure the popular support (28 -'), hence Solomon was publicly advised of his responsibility (28-"); the plans were transferred to him (28"- ); he was given encouraging assurances of support (28"-"); and the
1

K.

1,

of his mother, Bath-sheba,

princes were called

tions (so'")-

upon

to aid the project

by personal contribu-

As Solomon

signalised the completion of the

Temple

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296

CHRONICLES
K.
8"-), blessings (1

by a prayer

of dedication (1

K. 8m-41 ). dedi-

and a sacred feast (1 K. 8W), so David, according to this account, marked the completion of bis preparations for the building of the Temple by a prayer (29 ,, ,,) blessings (29"). sacrifices (29"), and a sacred feast (29***). The history of David closes with the anointing of Solomon as King
catory sacrifices (1 K. 8"-"),
)

(29" b ), the account of his death and a summary of his reign

(29"-").

XXVIII. 1-10. Solomon presented

sembled
all

to the assembly as the

divinely chosen successor to the throne.

1.

Now

David

as-

the princes of Israel] a general term including all the

list, i.e.,

princes designated in the following

ike princes of the tribes]

mentioned by name

in 27"- n , the princes 0/ those

who

served the

king by courses] mentioned by

captains) of thousands

name

in 27 , - u , the princes (or

and

the princes (or captains) of hundreds]

repeated from

27', the princes over all the

property and the

cattle

of

the king] those the eunuchs],

c.

mentioned by name

in 27 M ".

And

his sons with

eius, J. H. Michaelis (recte Syr. regis el fUiorum Male Vulg. filiosque suos) and modems (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., EVs.) connect and his sons with the preceding the possessions of the King belonging also to his sons but the mention of the King's sons is to be expected here and they are certainly in place in such an assembly, cf. 1 K. i- ' (v. *.). 2. My

27"-

'.

brethren].

Dt. i7-

The King was regarded as the brother of his subjects, cf. " also 1 S. 30" 2 S. 19" >.As for me, etc.]. Cf. 22'.
rest

house of

for the ark]

i.e.,

a permanent abode.

It

carried about
stool

from place to place previous to this time. of our God] refers to the "mercy-seat" (mBD) {cf.
(cf.

the ark

refer to the preparations of 22*

Ex. 25") (Be., Ke., Oe., Bn.). / had prepared] does not * , since those were made to aid

had been The footv. ) upon

Solomon

(22*).

The

Chronicler here represents that David

made

ready to build before

= 2 S.

7).

3.

Cf.

God had commanded him not to do so (c. 17 22. 4. 5. As Yahweh chose Judah from all the

tribes (cf. 5'), the

house of Jesse from Judah

(cf. 1 S.

16

),

and

David from among all his brethren (cf. 1 S. i6-') to be the reigning prince (cf. n i7'-2 S. 7* 1 K. 8"), so he selected Solomon from among the many sons of David to sit upon the throne of the kingdom

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XXVm.
of

1-10.]

DAVID'S ADDRESS
29" 17").

ON THE TEMPLE
is

297

Yakweh

(cf.

Solomon

thus clothed with divine

(q. v.).

authority.

6. 7. V.

is

repeated from 22'

With

v. ' cf.

17",

and with

v.'<> cf. 1

K. 3" 8" 9*.8-10. David closes

this

a personal admonition first to the congregation of Israel (v. ) and then to his son Solomon (w. '). With v. cf. Dt. 4" ' 30" ' Lv. 25".With a perfect heart]. * Cf. 29*- ' 1 K. 8'. Yahweh hath chosen thee, etc.] v. s. w. * The address is interrupted by the transfer of the plans of the Temple to Solomon. David resumes his admonition to Solomon
portion of his address with
in v.
'",

beginning as he leaves off here.

1. Snp'i] elsewhere in Hiph. in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., 1 Ch. 13* is* (both from the Chronicler) 3 Ch. s (- 1 K. 8') n 1 (- 1 K. ia). 15* is ascribed to an extra-canonical source by Bttchler, Bn., Ki. f but v. in
loco.

nipSnon]

1.

42.

very

common word
(BDB. rrm
1

of the

Chronicler.

ovnron]

for royal officers is late

b), cf. 27' 3

Ch. 17"

23 Est. 1" Pr. 39".

vvr!\ used elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. as a general

term for movable possessions, 37" 3 Ch. 31' 33 M Ezr. 8" io' all of which are probably from the Chronicler, 1. 107. O'Dnon oj waSi] wanting in <S BA <f- Kal r<Zr vlQr ainod <ri roit tipo&x ", V filiosque suos

cum

eunuchis.

Bertheau stated the following reasons for taking

1

l'jaSi

with the preceding iSd ?

(1) S is

the sign of the gen.

before

i^d

and would hardly be the sign of the ace. before the next word; (3) if the sons of David had been intended, they would not be given in this position. The first is no valid objection in the Chronicler's writings. As regards the order, if we turn to c. 37, we shall observe that up to this point the Chronicler has included in this
verse all the officers to the end of v. (v.
in order (27"),
s.).

Jonathan, the next

and following him a well-known fact that eunuchs frequently had charge of the education of young princes (see DB. I. pp. 793 /., art. Eunuch), hence the King's sons with the eunuchs are not out of order here, as Be. contended, but exactly where they should be expected. By construing vjaSi with the following, with V, we also have a satisfactory explanation of op, which is otherwise
had long been dead
(v. s.

37"),

is

the tutor of the King's sons (37").

It

is

peculiar in this

list

of accusatives.

2. <jwbp]

1.

115.
1.

only in poetry and late writings (BDB.).

tov YerAr&u fu /WtXfa,

w>i]
nw>>t]

ona

54.

J] occurs

t. -p^onS] <$

<f.

<$,

V, read wSdhS.

ut me, eligcrct regem,

1.

hence Oe. thinks

1.

6.

nuSc]
Je.,

67.

7.

54.

inwSc]

1.

67.

rnn ova] especially Dt.,

and subsequent

7 h).
also

Used elsewhere

ma

in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. only in a orns only in Dt. 6" Je. 44"; also Ezr.

(BDB. w> Ch. 6" (- 1 K. 8"),

writings
9'- '

are from the Chronicler (see Torrey,

CHV. pp.

nff.).

Ne. 9", which

8. Israel
is

the

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298
mn>
so4.
"jnp also fa

CHRONICLES
*?

La. 1" ML a Nu. i6 39" aaS tj'V (from the Chronicler) t; elsewhere fa OT. Gn. 6 (J) oS niarno < Sa. hp is not found alone in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., and niapno only occurs fa uemn] L 23. these passages with this meaning, see BDB. narrtD 1 a.

onSrun

J],

Ne. 13 1 , cf. Dt. 9. pwotid '

Sa],

C/.

num

irvjp] in the Hiph. late

earlier Qal), only three times fa

OT.

from another root, see BDB.), 2 Ch. 11" 29". Ki. {Kom. Bn. Ascribes p. 126) says the former could come from the Chronicler. both to Midrashic sources, 1. 30. ipV J] Driver gives among the words or constructions of the Chronicler which are used elsewhere only fa poetry (LOT.", p. 539). 10. wjn pm]. The same phrase occurs as the final admonition in a speech fa Ezr. 10% which is certainly from the Chronicler (see Tor. CSV. p. 21).
(Is. io is

literally

11-19. The transfer of the plans. 11. The pattern (nrjan), "construction," was probably a description in words of

etc., similar to what is found in Ex. 25" *-, David delivered to Solomon the pattern of the porch, cf. 2 Ch. 3* 1 K. 6; and of the houses thereof (v. i.), i.e., the rooms of the Temple building, the hlkdl or holy place, the debir or holy of holies, and the side-chambers (1 K. 6 '); and of the treasuries, probably the side-chambers; and of the upper chambers, cf. 2 Ch. 3'; and of the inner chambers, the porch and holy place according to Be., Ke., Zoe.; and of the house of the

the dimensions, material,

and not a drawing.

mercy-seat,

i.e.,

the holy of holies.

all

12.

David, as here repre-

sented, also

worked out

the details for the courts and for the

surrounding buildings, and delivered to his son the pattern of everything which he had in his mind (lit. spirit). This use of
spirit

(rm) as the

seat or

organ of mental acts

is late, cf.

Ez.

20" (BDB., nvi.

6).

For

the treasuries of the house of

(cf.

for the treasuries of the dedicated things]

closely one use to

God and 26") describes more

etc.,

which

all the

chambers round about were put.

Verse
bers (v.

13. is ambiguous. And for the courses, taken as a continuation of for the courts and for
'*),

may be
cham-

all the

i.e.,

that

David delivered
etc., to

also

a description of the

courses of the priests,

Solomon; or the verse may con-

tinue the description of the uses of all the chambers round about
(v.

").

Benzinger points out that the word pattern (JVJan)

could hardly

be used for a description ot the courses,

and

Digitized by

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XXVm.

11-21.]

PLANS OF TEMPLE GIVEN TO SOLOMON 299

certainly connected this verse with
all

d
v.

(ical

r&v KaraXvfidrwv)

".

Bertheau (followed by Ke., Zoe., Oe.) held that

of

this verse is

a further description of the uses of the chambers, a continuation of the things described by pattern,
v. ".

while v. "

is

hence he understood he gave him the pattern before

14.
of

The

Chronicler

was probably

influenced by the account of the

gives

tabernacle in Ex. 25, where

Yahweh

Moses the pattern

pleonastic style

For

"the tabernacle" and the pattern of "all

all vessels

its

vessels" (Ex. 25*).

is

of every kind of service].

The

characteristic of the Chronicler.

15. And a weight for

David appointed
(cf.

the golden

candlesticks

and their lamps]

i.e.,

(jr.*!) (v.

")

certain weight for the candlesticks

2 Ch. if).Candlesticks

of silver] not mentioned elsewhere; thought of as used in the

priests'

chambers (Ke., Oe.); in

reality

a mere fancy of the

Chronicler.

The same
(cf.

16. Elsewhere only one table of show* 37" 40" Ex. K. 7" Ch. 13" bread 17. As the foregoing except 2 Ch. 4", he 29"), the pattern must be understood. The flesh-hooks forks gave
in the following verse.
is

applies to the tables of silver mentioned

mentioned

as**

q. v.

in

verses,

(i.e.,

for lifting meat) are mentioned elsewhere only in Ex. 27* 38*

Nu.

4"

Ch. 4";

cf.

also 1 S.

2" ".The basins were used for sprinkling

cf.

the blood of the victim against the altar,

2 Ch. 29",

and the cups

(Be.,

were those with which the drink-offering was poured out, Ex. 25"

37" Nu.
Ke.,

4' f.

The

bowls were possibly

in

a covered dish
Ezr.

et at.);

mentioned elsewhere only

Altar of incense].

Cf. Ex. 30'-" 2 Ch.

v- ' 8". 18. 26".And the pattern

are thought of as
<>.

of the chariot, the cherubim].

constituting

The cherubim
in Ps.
i* *
'

God's chariot as

18"

The

Chronicler
in

probably had the vision of Ez.

19. All this in writing is

(cf.

BS. 49*)

mind.

hand of Yahweh upon me, causing me to understand, even all the works of the pattern]. As Moses received the pattern of the tabernacle and its vessels by from
the

divine inspiration (Ex. 25-

27'),

so the Chronicler, while giving

David the
that
of

credit for preparing the plans for the

Temple, declares

Yahweh was Yahweh upon

(cf.

the source of David's knowledge.

.
.

"The hand

"

is

a frequent expression for divine inspira-

tion

K. 3" Ez.

i 3", etc.).

Digitized by

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300
It. n\>an]

CHRONICLES
which anything
is

pattern according to
cf.

constructed,

P and

late

(BDB.),

w.

"
is

'

.vna nm]

&

ml

rfi

oUur

o*toC.

This, omitting nn, which

the Temple.

unreadable unless njan is supplied, is the correct rendering, generally adopted, with the suffix referring to

Bn. corrects vna to non. vaty] also in restored text f * loan-word from or through Persian (BDB.) 1. 19. rm] only here by the Chronicler in the sense of seat or organ of mental acts. This use is occasional and late (BDB.). 13. o<nStn no] 13l>-14. * here and in the following verse abridged. 15. 15. 1. am orvn-ui antn nruoS Spwsi]. Be. construed "?pe>D as ace. of the obj.
of v.

dependent upon

jn^i

of v. " (also Zoe., Oe.)

is

18.
mn<
ways.

tion to

ofwui (Zoe.). The text

n'janSi]

corrected to O'aaoro

mupa] other mss. miapa. S the sign of the ace, Ke., caaoi DMtnsS] Be. o'tnon with mro t>d anaa Ke.19. V, but
obscure.
Be.,
et al.
<K,

and

ant as in free subordina-

see

"hp

S'arn]

nw must be the subject

of

Swn,

as

it

is

implied in the phrase

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.). "hf has been construed in three different Bertheau connected it with anaa as in Ps. 40' "hf aina "prescribed to me," hence he rendered the passage das alles hat dutch eine mir tur Norm gegebene Schrift von Jahve's Hand Jahvt gelehri, and un-

td

derstood the law of

this passage.

Moses to be meant, since Ex. 25 ff. Keil connected Sy with the preceding

was the

basis for

nw t>d " writing

from the hand of Jahve came upon me," i-e., a writing which was divinely inspired, but not necessarily received immediately from Yahweh as in the case of Moses (so also Zoe.). Oettli construed the words as Ke., but since a writing composed by David could not be said to teach him, he corrected S'acn to ^'afrnS. Benzinger takes hy with "j'arn, which is not an impossible construction in Ch. ana] 1. 60. S'aen]. The Hiph. is so used by the Chronicler in 2 Ch. 30" and Ne. 9", cf. also Ne. 8- a V. " is quoted by Dr. among "the heavy (see Tor. CHV. p. 24). combined sentences, such as would be avoided in the earlier language by the use of two clauses connected by ttn" (LOT.", p. 539).

20. 21. Encouraging assurances to Solomon.20. Be strong, etc.], </. v. ' 22 ah , for Yahweh will not fail thee nor forsake thee] a

Deuteronomic phrase,
service of the house of

cf.

Dt. 31'-

Jos.

i.

All the work for the

Yahweh]

i.e., all

the

work

of building the

house.

Now behold the pattern of the porch (of the Temple) and of

and of the treasuries thereof, and of the upper and of the inner chambers thereof, and of the house of thereof, the mercy-seat, even the pattern of the house of Yahweh*] restored from <B, is doubtless original and dropped out by homceoteleuton,
the houses thereof,

rooms

see Tor.

ATC.

p. 67,

Ezra Studies,

p.

73.21. And

behold the

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1-9.]

THE OFFERINGS FOR THE TEMPLE

301

courses, etc.] described in cc. 23-26.

and

The presence of the priests who are not mentioned in 28', is not implied. Every willing man that hath skill]. This combination (2nj n03l"O), not found elsewhere, may have been suggested by "whosoever is of a willing heart" (13^ anj bs) (Ex. 35*) plus " every wise-hearted man " (3^ D3PI ^3) (Ex. 35"). The idea that skilful men should offer their services for the building
Levites,
of the sanctuary

was

certainly suggested to the Chronicler

by Ex.

35"

30. At the end of the verse restore from <$

nw
21.

rna n'ani
'-u

mean

nai oojon

mm vrvSp

uhwn rvn n nam

tohji vnai (v.
*.).

W?J.

Be. struck outS but similar uses of S elsewhere by the

this.

Chronicler are against

following phrase.

Dr.

calls

it

Ke. thought it was used to emphasise the the S of " introduction," LOT.", p. 539,

No. 45

As in 5 a6 o, S is apparently used to introduce a (1. 130). nominative similarly to a late use of rtM (see Ges. 117 and probably should be explained in the same way.
1-9. David's appeal for free-will offerings

XXIX.
response.

and the
modelled

Here again the account

of the Chronicler is
s.

after the history of the tabernacle (v.

28").

As Moses appealed
cf.

to the people for free-will offerings (Ex. 35*',

latter

25'-)

and the
is

responded to that appeal (Ex. 35"-")> s David

rep-

resented as appealing to the princes of Israel,

their
28*,
gifts.

and receiving
chosen],
cf.

1.

Solomon whom alone God hath

without
assistance,
cf.

is yet

young and tender] and therefore cannot carry out

plans
22*.

his

father's

The

palace]

(iTT3n) a word used ordinarily for a Persian palace or fortress, cf. Ne. i Est. i- 2- 3", etc., Dn. 8, also of
1

2, but here, in v. " and Temple itself, a term descriptive of its grandeur. So used also in the Talmud (see Tor. CHV. p. 36; With all my might]. Cf. "by my painful toil" 22" 1. 12).2. David had prepared gold, silver, and brome] the materials (q. v.).

the fortified courts of the Temple, Ne.

possibly in Ne.
7',

of the

which the people gave for the tabernacle (Ex. 35^ cf. 25*), also stones of onyx] (D!"lttO a precious stone, possibly onyx or beryl,
but identifications are dub. and Vrss. vary; found in Havilah,
according to Gn. 2".

The

phrase stones of onyx

is

also used

Digitized by

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302

CHRONICLES
where ephod and for the breastpriesdy

combined with and

plate,"

stones for setting in Ex. 25' 35'- ",

these stones are described as " for the

whence the Chronicler probably derived the phrase.

(v.
*.).

Variegated stuff and fine linen*] to be used for the

vestments

3. I

give unto the house of

my

God] not
all that

necessarily his whole private fortune, according to the text, but

cf. v.
4
.

The

object of the verb follows in v.

i.e.,

*.

Above

I have prepared]
cf.

above
gift

all

prepared in his

official capacity,

22".

4.

David's

millions of dollars of

our

would amount to over one hundred money if weighed by the heavy

standard, or one-half that amount by the light standard. This amount is a pure fiction, as the similar exaggeration in 22". Solomon was the first to secure the gold of Ophir (2 Ch. 8" 9'-i K. 9" 10"), but such an anachronism is not strange from the Chronicler. The King set aside his private gift to overlay the walls of the houses] i.e., the various rooms of the Temple proper, cf. 28", also 2 Ch. 3-, and also 5 to supply gold for the things of gold and silver for the things of silver even for every

work by the hands of artificers, thus furnishing the precious To consecrate himself] lit. metals for the most sacred things. " to fill his hand," is a phrase used regularly of induction into

priestly office, cf. Ex.

28" 32" 2 Ch. 13* 29", but here figura-

tively,

"who

will offer willingly like

one consecrating himself to

-work]

the priesthood?"

6.
".
fifty
(cf. v.

those recorded in 2j u

The

princes over the king's

are

7. Gold, five thousand talents] or

about

one hundred and

millions of dollars, or one-half this

amount

by

light

standard
fifty-six

and

22").

Ten thousand

darics] slightly

less

than

thousand

dollars.

The

use of daric, a Persian

coin, is clearly

an anachronism.

Why this small amount in darics

rep-

should have been added to the large amount in talents does not
appear.

The

resents the
Jehi'el].

older explanation was that the sum in darics amount contributed in coin (Ke., Zoe., Oe.). .9. These gave with a perfect heart] Cf. 26"
'

8.
i.e.,

without grudging,

cf. 28*.

1. 'k 12 ina -irk].

On

the omission of the relative by the Chronicler

is

see

1.

tao.

Possibly "inn

the

Temple only

here, v. ",

a copyist error for "w>n. "rvan] is used of and Ne. 7*, and of "the fortified court or

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1-9.]

THE OFFERINGS FOR THE TEMPLE

s', all

303
(v. s.).

3.

enclosure of the temple " Ne.

?33i]

passages from the Chronicler

1.

K. 9" Je. 4 M means stibium in the form of a blade mineral powder used for darkening the edges of the eyelids; in Is. 54" possibly a dark cement, setting off precious stones, but We. and TKC. correct to "U)J. Here "|io
other mss. Saav

toji]

54.

"po]

in a

is

usually taken as a stone of dark colour.

is

Ki. corrects to ^pj here also,

but this

doubtful.

wv 'jam mp< jau Sal nnp"n]

Est
nspn
i* Ct. 5".
is

th$ meaning marble,

Elsewhere ti#
is

occurs only here and as tfp only

common word
where
else for

for "fine linen."

usually understood as a

Be., Ke., et ai., but the word is used noa stone, and elsewhere means exclusively " variegated woven stuff." In Ex. a6" 87'* 35" 36" 38"- * 39" the weaver of " blue and purple and scarlet " is called a " variegator " (Ofc*<). Now, it is exactly this "blue and purple and scarlet" and also fine linen (w) which we should expect here from Ex. 35* 35' after

variegated stone here,

which the Chronicler's account is modelled (v. *.). nnp-i includes the coloured material as the product of the " variegator " (0i2"i). These
materials were necessary for the

Temple

as well as for the taber-

nacle, since they were used for making priestly vestments (Ex. 28'. 11 391. n. 11. u). Hence it is probable that mp* ja* Sal is a mar-

ginal gloss intended originally to explain the difficult

crept into the text after nvjrn instead of before

it.

"iio, but which This gloss caused

the addition of the following 'jam, which <& probably did not read A ml x&pior with <S L ml Xitfovr xaplovt). Accordingly the (cf.

original read

w\ nopii.3"iS]
p.
1.

see Dr.
a* t-

LOT.",

-bftb]

87.

nuan]
as*,

cious metals also in

late word (BDB.), cf. Ec. 54.-4. PPo] used in the Pu. of pre38" (from the Chronicler), and in Ps. 12' <*>; and

539.

nV] a very
1. 1.

1.

105.

3.

A strangely worded sentence,

of settled wines in Is.

3a.

mo

%].

6.

nanSo] in sense of

workmanship only as" s8" (both from the Chronicler) in Ch.-Ezr.Ne.; and elsewhere 1 K. 7", and a phrase of P Ex. 31*- 3$"' " " " O'pnn] cf. 14' (- 3 S. 5") as" a Ch. 24" 34" (- a K. ast1) Ezr. a wo] Hith. in the sense of offering 3', also 1 Ch. 4" and Ne. n". a free-will-offering (for the first Temple), also w. " "; (for the second Temple) Ezr. i a*' 3* (BDB.). These verses are certainly from the Chronicler (1. 70).6. mann <">S] usually 'nsi <n, cf. 37' On S cf. 28" text, n.7. O'nSun pa] 2 Ch. i, but 'nn nr in Ezr. 8.

1.

15.

0'13-nn]

(1.

33)

so also in Ezr. 8" t;

x/>woO, Tt solidos;

3 Ne. j*>- ' " t, which represents Spaxpt, so Tor. CHV. pp. 17 /., on Ezr. 8". For other views see DB. III. p. 431 b, and pant in BDB. with authorities there cited. 7"- ' (nia-i) and Ezr. 3" ia-] cf. Ezr. 2" - Ne. 7" (niai) Ne. (ninai); and elsewhere Ho. 8< Jon. 4" Ps. 68" Dn. n' t (1.
probably
Saptucot, cf. joa-n Ezr.

106).

8.

mean]

mjbj -wn,

cf. v.

".

9. oa-unn]

1.

70.

rfani

nnep]

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304

CHRONICLES

Tor.

" a standing expression in the Chronicler's account of such occasions," CHV. p. 84, on Ne. 8.

The source

of 22'" 28'-"-

'>

'

29>-.

Are these

thirty-five

and
free

one-half verses from an earlier source (so Buchler, Bn., Ki.), or

composition by the Chronicler?

The

following words

or phrases
safely

found elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. only in verses which

erences)

may

be

ascribed to the Chronicler occur here as follows (see textual notes for ref:

ouaS

as*,

nronoS

aa*,

wr\

(as

a general term for movable pos-

sessions) a8',
29',

mn

awia

a8', niaeriD tr> Sa a8,

ram

a8,

m>an
a

39', ppro
offer-

hskSd (meaning workmanship)

ao ,

39', a-ij (as

Hiph. meaning

ing a free-will offering)

five

O'ja-nn 39',

on

39*,

total of

twelve expressions recurring fifteen times in twelve out of the thirty-

and one-half

verses.

Some

of these words are rare, occurring in

only two or three places, but others, like nan, are rather
in this

common

group of writings. In addition, nearly every late or unusual expression found here is met with elsewhere in passages which are certainly from the Chronicler's hand, and those occurring often
here he uses frequently elsewhere.

aa 1 , iojjm (meaning appoint)

39*,

as',

fan

33-

' a8- 39- ,

These are as follows : O'nSxn mm 33' 38" 39', an ? aa- * Snjm> (S with inf. to express necessity)

nwHn ma

sa1, rhfth aa*

as", SnpM a8',
Israel the

39*,

mrw

aa1, niaSo aa"

38*, ng>jn

38-

',

idp

mm

33", Sar
s8',

nipSnon 38',

O'mron (meaning
O'Pin
39,

royal officers)

mm

'fnp 38*,

wnn
39',

Vaw

aS",

"re>N

omitted

pm 38', mn 38", ana a8", nrS (S introducing a nomiand one-half

verses,

native) 39*, nSru

nnDP

39*,

total of twenty-four expressions recur-

ring forty times in twenty-six out of thirty-five

certainly establishing

a strong probability that this is a composition by the Chronicler if there is any force at all in the philological argument. Furthermore, many expressions show the Chronicler's point of view distinctly, and it can be shown that the writer was dependent upon material collected or composed by the Chronicler, indicating that our passage is at least no older than the latter. According to 33" and 38*

a man prospers as he keeps the commandments of Yahweh. The same thought is expressed by the Chronicler in 3 Ch. 34* s6 31". 38 1 includes almost all the officers mentioned in c. 37, suggesting that the latter, which is from the Chronicler, was before the writer. With

oVy if 'niaSoai was wmopro 17" (which the Chronicler has rewritten from oSip tj ina^nni ima rowi a S. 7",
rveha woa Sy
38'
cf.

mm

thus representing Israelitish royalty as belonging to Yahweh).

He
39",

shows the same point of view

cf.

in David's prayer naSonn

mm

ifr

acquaintance with 36", which

aviSitn ma rmaft a8", shows from the Chronicler. 'ienj.1 Shw 39' also suggests a knowledge of 36" ' from the same hand.

also

mm

noa Sp 39.

twipn nnNSi
is
is

The

Chronicler's style

apparent throughout the passage.

The

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10-25.]

DAVID'S PRAYER
a-\S

305
is

rwi a-V
p. 36.

redundant expression hpvn pK a Speo jh VnaSi v. >.

noru 33*

duplicated

by nrruV

With

On the
1

style of 3o- see

.
. .

Tor.

CHV.
33",

D'-wa O'e ?* ruiotn

ot nm

dbSk

won

D'-oa an:

39*, cf.

the construction 0'iaa o>th* l ?!* pai nhm rmo O'"oa

am

on Ne. 1".With 39*, ^. naojn The article instead of the relative *w>m is a mark of the Chronicler, t. ". see 1. no. The numbers in 39' and 39' are artificial, the amount being increased with the inferior value of the metal (cf. Ezr. 6"). Throughout, The statements cc. 33. 38/. bear the marks of a free composition. are general and exaggerated. David prepares things " in abundance," " without weight," and " without number." The various materials are enumerated ( 2 a*-') as they seem to have occurred to the writer. There is none of the careful detail which characterises 1 K. 6. There the writer intends to describe the Temple, here to exalt David and the Temple. The Deuteronomic colouring (33* 38" ) does not point to an older source (contra Bn.), since this readily follows from the Chronicler's use of Deuteronomic phrases (cf. 38'*, 3 Ch. 33* compared with 3 R. ai'). Nothing indicates that this passage has been worked over by the Chronsee also Tor.
p. 33,
icler.

CHV.

mwm

He

either wrote

it

or incorporated the source without material

change.

In the latter case it is a free composition of a predecessor who must have moved in the same circle of ideas. Considered as a unity from the hand of the Chronicler, the sequence
of subjects
is

not unnatural.

After the determination of the site of the

Temple
(aa*-);

(ai'-aa 1 ) follows: the collection of

workmen and

material

Solomon himself

is

prepared for the undertaking by a parental

is

charge (aa*- 1 *); the material

at Solomon's

transferred

and the workmen are placed

command

(as"- 1*); the princes are admonished to support

Solomon by aiding in building the Temple. (The courses of priests and Levites are prepared cc. 33-36.) In cc. 38/., Solomon is presented to the general assembly as divinely chosen to build the Temple and to sit upon his father's throne (aS 1 - 10); the patterns of the buildings (aS"- *) and of the sacred vessels (38"-") are presented to him, followed by the declaration that they came by divine inspiration (38 *); Solomon is admonished and encouraged (a8n '); the appeal to the princes is made and they give generously (30 -); the assembly ends with a prayer (39"-"), blessings (39**), sacrifices (ao*<), a sacred feast (29"). and the anointing of Solomon king (39*">). The somewhat parallel passages, 33* * and 38' *-, serve distinct purposes in the Chronicler's scheme. The former leads up to the transfer of the material, and the latter to the transfer of the pattern. Thus taken as a whole these chapters seem to come from one hand, and that, with little doubt, the Chronicler's.
1 1 ,

father}.

10-19. David's closing prayer.10. The God of Israel, our Cf. the fuller expression, "the God of Abraham, of

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306
Isaac,

CHRONICLES

and

of Israel, our fathers" (v.").

13.

We thank
(w.
is

praise]

i.e.,

we

are continually thanking and praising.

that

14.
)

humbly confesses

by

their free-will offerings

and David he and

.

his people are only returning to

God what

he had

first

given.

Verse 15 continues the same thought.

sessor of the land
(13) (cf. 22)

Yahweh

the real pos-

and Israel's rights are only those of the stranger and sojourner (3Bflfi), i.e., they are entirely dependent upon Yahweh's good will, cf. Ps. 39" > no", also Gn.
23'.

Their days on the earth are as a shadow] in their

cf.

transitori-

ness,

Jb. 8,

and

there is

no hope] EVs. abiding

there is

after (&

(vrrofMnHj).

14' 17" 50'.

The word is The thought

used elsewhere only in Ezr. io Je.

is,

no hope

or salvation

(cf.

the parallel clause in Je. 14*) in

man
I

apart from Yahweh, an

answer to the question

(v.").

"who am
the

18.

Yahweh,

God

of

and who are my people?" Abraham, of Isaac, and of

Israel,

our fathers

,0 (cf. v. )

keep this forever as (for) the imagination

i.e.,

of the thoughts of the heart]

keep thy people in this same gener-

ous

spirit

which has shown

itself in their free-will offerings,

cf.
'.

establish their hearts unto thee],

1 S. J*.

19.

and

perfect heart],

Cf. v. . The palace].

Cf. v.
<s

11. Be. inserted ^h after

before the second
sary, since
"jS.

and so

also Kau., Bn.

Ki.

inserts

it

emendation of the text does not seem necesmay have merely an intensive force (see BDB. '3 1 e),

An

which case render yea, everything in the heavens and in the earth. 14. up] occurs also in a Ch. 2* 13" 82' and without ro with the same meaning 3 Ch. 14' 20"; elsewhere only in Dn. io*- " 11*. 16. ponn] with the meaning abundance is late, cf. Ec. $', where it is parallel ,n ] must be taken as neuter, it is from thy hand, but to ips (1- 28).
in

Qr. inn as masc. referring back to jrenn

'jk

is better.

17.

Bn. describes

as an explanatory gloss

did not read

>jn.

wxojn] n

on the

basis of
-ib>k

d, but

it is

not certain that

seel. 119.

20-26.

The close

of the assembly

and Solomon's accession

all the

to the throne.20. At David's

command to bless Yahweh,

God

assembly blessed Yahweh, the

of their fathers, and bowed

down and
king].

prostrated themselves before Yahweh and before the Both verbs are used of divine worship and of homage to a royal person, cf. Ex. 4" 1 K. 1". 21. As was customary on

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:.

26-30.]

SUMMARY OF
sacrifices

DAVID'S REIGN

307

such occasions,
offerings of
icler

in abundance], represent the peace-

which the people partook (Oe.).

22.

The Chron-

omitted the account of Adonijah's attempt to seize the

throne (1 K. 1) and the consequent exaltation of Zadok to be

chief priest alone (1

K.

2").

Instead,

Solomon

is

represented

as regularly appointed and anointed, apparently without opposi-

and Zadok was anointed to be priest at the same time, while David was still living. According to 1 K. 1", it was Zadok who anointed Solomon. 23. In 1 K. 2" the statement "Solomon sat upon the throne of David" follows the account of David's death.On the throne of Yahweh]. Cf. 28*.24. Also all the sons of king David] refers to Adonijah's submission to Solomon (1 K. i), after his attempt to become David's successor (1 K. 26. Royal majesty which had not been on any king before i ). him] can only refer to David and Saul, since the Chronicler ignores Ish-bosheth. Barnes renders "royal majesty which was not on any king more than on him," as the Hebrew word for before is
tion,

with those of

used in Jb. 34", thus bringing Solomon's reign into comparison all the kings of Israel, cf. 2 Ch. i"iK. 3".
22. n\)8>] is wanting in <$ B ft and is doubtless a gloss intended to harmonise this verse with 23 , where David is said to have made Solomon king over Israel (Bn., Ki.). vwovi\<t m\ t%piaaf airhr, so also
, 1

t, 3.

24.

nnn

unj]

cf.

2 Ch. 30' *S t> un.

26-30. Closing notices of David's reign.

ological

27.
(cf.
is

This chron-

summary is repeated from

of

K. 2".

More

exactly,

David

reigned seven years and six months at

Now the acts

Chronicler

David

the king, first

Hebron and last]

of

2 S. 5).

29.

the Chronicler's

usual closing formula,

cf. 2 Ch. 9" 12" was influenced by the books

16", etc.

Doubtless the
in

Kings

appending to
David.

the account of each reign a reference to sources for further information,

but

K. has no such closing

seer,

citation for the reign of

it

The Chronicler was not satisfied to omit

acts of acts of

for

David and

cites the

Samuel the

and the acts of Nathan the prophet, and

There can be
little

the

Gad

the seer.

doubt that these are

nothing more than references to the narratives in which Samuel,

Nathan, and

Gad

are mentioned in our books of Samuel.

The

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308
order
is

CHRONICLES
which they appear in the
earlier

the

same as

that in

historical books.

If the Chronicler

knew anything about

these

men with which we

Nathan
(c.

are not familiar from the books of Samuel,

he kept that information to himself.

17)

Where he does mention

and Gad

(c. 21),

he simply uses material found in

the acts of these three men,

2 S. (cc. 7. 24).

He probably quoted

instead of simply referring to the one

book which contained

all of

them, since such an enumeration of works would emphasise the

importance of David's reign.

Samuel, the seer (fWin)

the seer (PItnn)].

and
by

Nathan,
three

the prophet (tPSXt)

and Gad,

These

seem to have had

titles,

distinct

functions

as

suggested

the different

or at least there were three distinct prophetic

offices in the early times.

In the earlier books the

first
>

two

titles

cling to
>

Samuel

(1 S. o* "

"

") and Nathan (1 K. i

u.

) but the text varies in regard to

Gad

(in 1 S. 22*
seer).

he

is

called

the prophet
title

and

in 2 S.

24" the prophet, David's

Ro'eh, the

of Samuel,

seems to have

signified in the ancient times

its

a "diorigin

vining priest," like the Babylonian bdrA "seer," taking

from the custom of "inspecting" the liver of the sacrificial animal for omens; hozeh, the title of Gad, which may also be translated
seer or gazer (GAS. The Book of the Twelve Prophets, I. p. 17), probably originated in the custom of reading the signs of the

heavens, etc.; nabi', the

title

of Nathan, doubtless signified one who

laid claim to direct revelation through

an

ecstatic condition

brought

on by music and singing

like the

howling dervishes (Jastrow, JBL.

that these distinctions were ever

XXVIII,

1909, pp. 42 ff.).

But

clearly maintained in Israel is

open to question.

Certain

it is

that the term nabi' under the influence of Elijah

and

his successors

threw
the

off the earlier

and cruder

significance

and came

to be the

At same time it is likely that the terms hozeh and ro'eh were later used as mere synonyms of nabi' without any evil meaning being attached to them as has been alleged (Jastrow, op. cit.). This was certainly the case in the time of the Chronicler, whose retention of the distinguishing titles of the earlier books does not imply a careful differentiation of their meaning on his part. 30. With all his reign and his might] i.e., with the whole account of his reign,
special title of the true prophets of

Yahweh

of the later day.

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TUX.

36-30.]

SUMMARY OF
times
life,

DAVID'S REIGN

309
31"
<">),

including

all the

tltat

passed over

him

(cf.

Ps.

the

vicissitudes of his

and over

Israel, the events of the nation,

and over all the kingdoms of the lands, those countries with which David came into contact, as Philistia, Edom, Moab, Amman,
etc.

With the phrase kingdoms of

26-27. OH omits
to
v.

the lands,

cf.

2 Ch. 12

17"

ao.
"|Sb

tw O'cni
vhm
1.

", has O'jp after

first

O'pSp,

iSm*" Sa Sp. 1 K. a", the and so <S, V, 9, 0. 30.

parallel
<&

adds

the

verse of 2 Ch.

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Digitized by

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A COMMENTARY ON
2

CHRONICLES

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COMMENTARY ON
I-IX.

CHRONICLES.

THE HISTORY OF SOLOMON.

In relating the history of Solomon

icler

(c. 977-937 B.C.), the Chronhas omitted as foreign to his purpose, or conveying a too un-

favourable impression of Solomon, the following particulars given

in 1

K. 1-11: the circumstances attending Solomon's accession to

the throne (1 K. 1-2); his marriage with Pharaoh's daughter

and

the sacrifices at the high places (1 K. 3 l ); the story of his judgment between the harlots (1 K. 3"-"); the list of his officers and the provision for his court,

and the account

of his

wisdom

(1

K.

45"
(1

(4))> the
1 7 -");

mention of his palace and the adjoining buildings

likewise his worship of foreign deities,

K.

and

and the

trouble of his latter days (1 K. n).

And

also in the account of

the

Temple
its

the Chronicler has omitted the promise inserted in the

description (1 K. 6"-"); the statement of the length

midst of

of the period of its construction (1

K.
(1

6"-),

and portions of the

its

description of
(1

its

ornamental work

K. 6"- M ) and of

lavers

K. 7"-").

And he has otherwise

the building and its furniture; its compared with 3'-'); the most holy place (1 K. 6 M compared with 3 , -) the two cherubim (1 K. 6"-" compared with 3"- 14 ) the two pillars (1 K. 7 ,,M compared with 3 U ")- Characteristic insertions also have been made in the narrative: the explanation of the high place at Gibeon (i -*); the choir of Levites with the priests (5""); a quotation from a Levitical psalm (6 41 ); fire and cloud from Yahweh (7'-'); the appointment of priests and Levites
;
;
1

abridged, also, the account of general dimensions (1 K. 6'-"

and minor annotations and changes. Much of the narradependent upon Kings, has been practically rewritten, especially the negotiations with Hiram (1 K. u u ">
(8'-),

tive also, while clearly

compared with

"

>>).

3i3

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314
I

CHRONICLES

KINGS I-XI COMPARED WITH 2 CHRONICLES I-DC

K.
i-3
.u

Ch.
Solomon's Accession and Marriage
Preparations for Worship at Gibeon Yahweh's Revelation at Gibeon Solomon's Wealth and Horse-trade

Omitted.
I1
-*

wanting

in

K.
i

i-u abridged.

i"-" taken from

io-.

K.

3I..M

The Judgment between

(4)

the Harlots

Omitted
Omitted.
2- u rewritten.

4-5"
JII-

Solomon's

Officers,

Provision,

and

<l-lt>
(ii-i
>

cn-at

Wisdom The Negotiations with Hiram Solomon's Workmen

Building and Structure of

3i

(i).

at. 07

>

repeated

and abridged.
gi-ii

Temple

3'-'

abridged with slight

new matter.
ih.

Promise

Omitted.
3>.

6- 6-M

6"4> 6-M
yl-11

The Most Holy Place The Cherubim Ornamental Work Time Occupied in Building the Temple
Solomon's Palace

abridged.

3'- rewritten.

Omitted. Omitted.

nll-a

7""
n-n MI4I

The The The The The

Pillars before the

Temple

Omitted. 3"-" greatly condensed.

Brazen Altar Great Basin Bases of the Lavers

Lavers

4"
4*

4 wanting in K. reproduced.
1

Omitted.
abridged and annotated.

4-4>

The Candlesticks Summary of the Works

4- ,

wanting in K.
slight changes.

of

Hiram

4"-' rewritten.

y-H
7"
8i -

Vesseb that Solomon Made Completion of the Work The Ark Brought In
Solomon's Address and Prayer Solomon's Blessing of the People
Sacrificial
.

4
S

n-
1

no change.
musical
service

5-"

added.
8'-
6>

almost no varia-

tion.

8- 8K-M
8'91-.

-*

condensed,
annotated.
annotated.

new

feature.

Ceremonies

7'-'

The

Feasting

y-"
8'-
8-i

git-M

pun

Yahweh's Covenant with Solomon Cities Given to Hiram Solomon's Cities and Levy

7-t enlarged.

reconstructed.

considerable

change.

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1-13.]

SOLOMON AT GIBEON
Residence of Pharaoh's Daughter

315
Ch. 8" reconstructed.
811-11

K. 9*

9
(jH-M

Solomon's Offering Solomon's Marine Trade

Visit of

greatly enlarged.
rewritten.
slight

8"

'

iC-u
!<**

Queen

of

Sheba

91 -" very
tions.

varia-

Solomon's Wealth Solomon's Apostasy and Adversaries

Sources of Solomon's History
Sources:

o"- very
tions.

slight varia-

II'-"

II

'

Omitted. 9-n enlarged.

The

following

is

the source analysis given

>., x K.:
1'-*

Bn. in which B.= Biblical source,

F.; 4 1 Chr.;
-

Chr.;

''

by Ki. after B.; "-a" <>

-'

Chr.'s Forerunner; '-" '-'>Chr.; 3'-Chr.'sF.;

B.;
-

post-Chr.; '-"Chr.'s

Chr.'s F.; >-5' B. but post-Chr.; 5- B.;

B. but post-Chr.;
F.;

">-6<

B. with
B.

6">-

>

">> -

from Chr.;

;'

Chr.'s

Chr.; '-8' Chr.'s F.; "-' Chr.; -' Chr.'s F.;

'

o'- B.; - B.
it

but post-Chr.;

Chr.;

"

The

basis of this analysis as far as

re-

veals a Forerunner of the Chronicler

has already been given

(v.

pp.

35/.),
1.

and the conclusion

rejected.

The only source apparent is K.

1-13. The promise to Solomon at Gibeon.

Vv.
-"-

>
.

are from

the Chronicler, while

w.

'

depend upon
cf. 1

K. 3
1

"* 4 1

1. For

Solomon's accession to the throne

himself] (StrUT
1

Ch. 23 29".

Strengthened

common

expression in Chronicles to denote

one's firm establishment in rule or in the maintenance of power (cf. j^t. a. ti jji x 6. x yi 2I j^' 25" 27* 32* 1 Ch. iq", see also i 2 ii

n"
Cf.

Dn. io

*-* 1
;

use of verb in earlier books both rarer and more dis-

tinctive,

1.

38).

And magnified him exceedingly],

13" ,

Ch. 20".

2. And Solomon gave commandment to istic touch of the Chronicler (cf. 1 Ch.

all Israel, etc.]

a characterwhere David consults

with

all Israel

respecting the removal of the ark).

The

narravisit

tive of

Kings knows nothing, in connection with Solomon's

to Gibeon, of such
verse.

pomp

as

is

implied in this and the following

Chronicler adopts this expres-

3.
1

The high

place].

The

K. y, where Gibeon is called the great high place. The sanctuary at Gibeon was undoubtedly an ancient one of Canaansion

from

itish origin.

Gibeon

is

the

mod. ed Dschib,

five

or six miles north-

west of Jerusalem
the tent, etc. ].
of

(cf.

Buhl,

GAP.

pp. 168/.).
is

Because there was

Cf.

Ch. 21".

This

the Chronicler's explanation

historical

Solomon's

sacrifice at

Gibeon.

The remark has no

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316

CHRONICLES

foundation, but otherwise the act of Solomon would have been a

violation of the law of

(Lv. 17'

').

ing" ancient
5.

Israel

may have
.
. .

had,

it

Whatever "tent of meethad been replaced by the

temple at Shiloh

(1 S. 3* Je.

The

brazen
legitimacy

altar

7" 26').4. Cf. 1 Ch. 15, 16 was there] a further vindication

sacrifice

of the

of

Solomon's
cf.
i.e.,

at

Gibeon.

On

the

brazen altar

and
//,

Bezalel

Ex. 31'-*

38'-'.

And Solomon and

Kc,
Zoe., Oe., Kau.,

the assembly sought

him]

Yahweh

(Be.,

Bn., Ki.).

with reference to the

is

altar, is the

rendering of

<$,

AV., RV.
1.

The former

preferable.

Wjb]
Ch.

pmrm] characteristic expression of the Chronicler (v. nwi] kingdom late word cf. 1 Ch. 11" 1. 67. rep

.).
cf. 1

ii.

nSycS]
1

cf.

Ch.
1.

14*,

1.

mand,

cf.

Ch. 14",
ncSi

4.

87. 2.
cf.

-toh] late force of give

com-

otace*)] possibly

before which

has fallen out,

1

el

D<B3e>n 'ip in the lists of

Ch.

28' 20*.

a corruption for o<BM>n el judicious, and These words are confused

ducibus

elsewhere,

cf.

V* f Or
1

icpirwr
17*.

where

He> in 2 S. 7' cp.

(Oe., Kau., Ki.).
' SaS (Be.,

Ch.

t Ch. 28 1 has otsapri, also tosp for Sh-" W**] eithei a repetition of S10P' SaS'

(Be., Ke., Zoe.) or better modifies

kmw
(1.

Sa"

man 'cki]
Zoe.) or
2 S.

every worthy of

ail Israel

cf.

5"
late

104), either in apposition with

Ke.,

better in
in

apposition with icri (Bn.).

cf.

4. Sjk] decided adversative

Heb.,

io

33" Ezi. iou Dn.

cf.

io T ,

1.

1. pans]
(cf.

equivalent to 'a iPKa, Ges. 138/,

Ch. 15".

6") are wanting in <S B but the words probably 6. or] so OS, V, generally adopted; Bomfell out by homceoteleuton. berg ed. oe>. tovm] <K, V, AV., RV., render the suflfix with reference
iS

aoj '3 ti->]

to the altar.

7-13. Taken from

.

K.

3-''"> 4'.

The

passage in Chronicles

is

just two-thirds as long as that in Kings,

with

much

skill,

gaining in force.
to

and has been condensed The somewhat verbose mention

K. y) has been appropriately on the throne appears in the which

of the favour

shown

David

(1

shortened.

The

allusion to the son

form of the Messianic promise, a

(according to

clear suggestion of 2 S. 7,

SBOT.)

is

later
is

idea of Solomon's weakness

than this narrative in Kings. The omitted and the phrase " go out and

in" (1 K. 3')

is

happily used to express the object of the request for

in

knowledge and wisdom that he might go

his people.

and out royally before

>) has disappeared.

The dream

also of

Kings

(vv.

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W-17.]
revelation

SOLOMON'S WEALTH
is

317
(v. )

The

thus a more direct one, given in that night

instead of merely " by night " (1 K. 3*).

stituted for

Elohim
13*).

(v. ')

has been subits

Yahweh (1 K.

3', cf. 1

Ch.

V. " in Kings with

Deuteronomic promise of "length of days" on the condition of obedience has been entirely omitted, possibly because
that
it

was recognised

Solomon did not

etc.],

attain extreme old age.

9.

Let thy promise

(word),

the promise that Solomon, his son, should succeed

Yahweh, and that his throne should ). This promise had already been partially established, for thou hast made me king, hence with firm faith Solomon prays for its complete fulfilment. 10. Wisdom (n03n) and knowledge (JHO)] since these are necessary to one who would judge righteously, cf. 1 K. 3*. That I may go out and come in before this people]. The Chronicler represents Solomon as a man of peace, hence these words probably do not refer to Solomon as the head of the host (cf. 1 Ch. u 1 S. 18" ') (Bn.) but rather include any transaction of business (Ba.). 11. Because this was in thy heart], Cf. 1 Ch. 22' 28*. 12. Such as none of the kings have had that have been before thee]. Cf. 1 Ch. 29".
to the throne, build the house of

be established forever

(1

Ch. 22*

common

w. Dn. i " Ec. io 11. odjj] Aram. Cf. Ec. 5" where with "wp and Ec. 6 where with wp and TO3 as here elsewhere Jos. aa* f- H P] sg- with compound subj., cf. Est 3". 13. m^] read after <$, V noano, or omit noaS as a misplaced gloss (Ba.). now
10. jnn] late Heb., also in
in
;

14-17. Solomon's wealth.

peated in part in o".
harlots (1 K.

Taken from

K. io M " and

re-

The Chronicler has omitted the story of the

3"") and the account of Solomon's civil government and the prosperity and greatness of his kingdom given in 1 K. 4-5" (c. 4). These in 1 K. illustrate the fulfilment of the divine promise which came in answer to Solomon's prayer at Gibeon. The
Chronicler passed over the story of the harlots probably because
it

contained so

little

of the religious element,

and he probably chose

as an illustration of material glory these few verses instead of the longer passage for the sake of abridgment, and because he

was not

interested in

any form of government that was not ec-

clesiastical.

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3l8

CHRONICLES
less fully, in

This passage appears twice, more or

before

both a Ch. and

i K.,

and

after the

account of the building of the Temple in each, as

follows:

a Ch. i"-" taken

a
It will

Ch.

9" taken

from from

i
i

K. io-.

K.

5* io""> 5"

10" .

be seen that the first account in Ch. is taken from the second in K., and the second in Ch. from the first in K. (being supplemented by parts from the second in K.). .In K. the two accounts are variant,
differing in the

number

of chariots, the

first

ascribing 40,000 "stalls

of horses for the chariots " to

Solomon and the second giving him

only 1,400 chariots at the end of his reign.

these as two separate

The

Chronicler regarded

summaries of the chariots of Solomon, one at the beginning and the other at the close of his reign, and reversed the order, since it was more appropriate that Solomon should begin his reign with 1,400 chariots and later have 40,000 (so read in a Ch. o The introductory word v. in loco) than that the reverse should be true.
in the

second account in K., itm'i he gathered together, ., organised,

supported the Chronicler in placing that account first

14. Chariots and horsemen]. These were not used by Israel in

their early warfare, since they at first occupied the

mountainous

when under David they became an aggressive state and extended their borders, chariots and horsemen were gradually introduced (cf. for chariots 1 Ch. i8 2 S. 8 4 ), and under Solomon, as here expressed, the purchase of chariots and horses became a regular trade. A thousand and four hundred].
parts of Palestine, but

In
in

K.

5' (4")

40,000

16. Silver 9 4,000 (q. v.). Cf. 8 1 K. 9". Their abundance came through Solomon's commerce. and gold]. Cedars], the most durable, and so valuable, timber, which came from the forests of Lebanon, and thus was an import. Sycamores], not the tree known by that name in England and America, but a tree of the genus of the fig (cf. 1 Ch. 27") whose wood, since it grew
cities],

Chariot

stalls of

horses for chariots are mentioned,

close at hand,

was very

plentiful for Jerusalem.

16.

Horses].
Egypt].

The

horse mentioned in the

OT. was

the war-horse.

Horses were introduced into Egypt by the Hyksos (during the

period of the thirteenth to the seventeenth dynasties, 1788-1580
B.C.,

Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 425),

and

in

later dynasties the

" stables of Pharaoh contained thousands of the best horses to be had in Asia " (lb. p. 195), hence the importation

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U-17.]

SOLOMON'S WEALTH

319

estine

and chariots, which were widely used in Egypt, into Palwould have been most natural (v. "). The securing of horses from Egypt is also strongly favoured by Dt. ij" Is. 31'. But it is possible that instead of Egypt (D**1X0 Mizraim) we should read Muzri (*1X0) and think of a land in Asia Minor (v..i.). 17. Six
of horses

hundred 0/ silver]

i.e.,

shekels, in value about $380.

And so for all

the kings of the Hittites

and of Syria they used to bring them out by and horses) used to be exported (v. i.) by their means]. Horses and chariots were brought also out of Egypt by the king's traders for the Hittite and Syrian kings at the same price as for Solomon. The Hittites], a people mentioned frequently among the inhabitants of Canaan (Gn. 15" Ex. 3' " 13*
their means, or they (chariots
et al.),

but their proper

home was
Cilicia,

in the north

even

in the high

and Cappadocia. They dwelt in power between the Euphrates and the Orontes, centred at Kadesh and Carchemish, but were finally subdued in the eighth century by the Assyrians. Syria] (Aram), Mesopotamia, but often applied to the kingdom of Damascus and the adjoining petty kingdoms, Maacah, Geshur, Rehob, and Zobah (EBi.). A trade with the kings of these people and districts would be less natural from Egypt than from the nearer Muzri of Asia Minor.
lands of Asia Minor,
K. io snjM; Ch. has the true reading supported by all 16. vnr\ ron] wanting in % of 1 K. 10", but <& (both here and K.) t& xiwlor nal r& ipyipior. Probably originally from Ch. drove of horses (still preferred 16. Kipo] 1 K. io ny>D. Instead of by Kau.), Be. already discerned here ]0 and the name of a place (so <K BL in K., V here), which is the view of most modern scholars, either
14.
on<j*_i]

the Vrss. in K.

Kue or Koa, a
Forschungen,
tion of

district of Cilicia
i.

(Winckler, Alt. Unter. 168/. AlloritnUU.

a place in the direcEgypt (Stade and Schwally, SBOT.). In the former case tr-tjo is Muxri, a N. Syrian land S. of the Taurus, which often figures in Assyrian inscriptions. With this agrees Ez. 37", since Togarmah, the source of horses, war-horses, and mules, lies in that direction. But Dt. 17"
28, Bn., Ki., Bur., Sk.), or, better,
Is. 31'

decidedly favour the reference to a place near Egypt. Cf. also 8 Coa qua est juxta Mgyptum. Jerome's Onomasticon, 273. 86, Hence we render and Solomon's import of horses ivas from Egypt (or from Muxri) and from Koa: the traders of the king used to bring them

m.

but omits Kips' from Koa at a price (so Ki. BH., Bn.). Kau. retains and renders "And the royal merchants were accustomed to bring a

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320
drove for payment."
736.

CHRONICLES
is

This

preferred

by Whitehouse, EBi.
1

I.

The
iSjr>i]

question of the true reading must remain sub

lite.

win "8 of
I.
1.

K. io K*m nSpm. 0">h >&m] K. wi:, which is preferred by KL

1

K.

'k o'jdSi.

wo*v]

coL
17.

18-VII. The Building and Dedication of the Temple. Solomon's purpose and the levy of workmen. 18 (1). This verse is entirely from the Chronicler. A house for the name of Yahweh]. Cf 1 K. 5" < 1 Ch. 22'- ' " 28* 2Q'.And a house for his kingdom] i.e., the royal palace and group of buildings described in 1 K. 7 -" but only mentioned incidentally by the Chronicler in 2" > 7" 8'. 1 (2). Derived from 1 K. 5" ' <''>; here out of place; repeated in w. '' <"'>, which see. The

18-11. 1.

is

reason for this repetition

in

not clear.
h

The
'

doublet occurs also

J.

of

K., where cp. 2 Md

with 5"

|H

* ,,,

Sometimes the
later repeated

Chronicler
in full,

may have

written from
first

memory and

having noticed that his

mention was incomplete (Be.).

or purpose followed by
inf.
(1-

I. 18. inx'i] with force of

command

4)-

II. 1. noScf -toD'i] 1

K. s M noSe>S vw.

of Ez.

Ges. 134;.

and P, Ges. 134*. Wanting in 1

a usage "] sing, after iSx, another usage of P. K., where xcu appears before Sao.
sing, after lens,

^Sn]

2-9 (3-10). Solomon's message to Hiram.This is based upon 1 K. 5"-" <> but quite rewritten by the Chronicler, or taken from another source (Bn., Ki.). The following particulars given in 1 K. are wanting in Ch. (1) The embassy from Hiram to Solomon U< ")- (2) David's hindrance in building the Temple (1 K. (1 K. 5 (3) The rest given to Solomon (1 K. s""')(4) The 5 "")promise of Yahweh to David (1 K. s l,l,) ). The last three, however, are embodied in 1 Ch. 22- . And the following are added in Ch. (1) The dealings of Hiram with David (v. <>). (2) A description of the Temple as a place of offerings and as being very great (w.": 1 ,

'"'O'
skilled
(5)

(3)

Words

of self-depreciation (v. 1 "').

(4)

petition for

worker in metals and cloth

who

also is

an engraver

(v. ">).

An

enumeration of the kinds of wood desired

(v. '<>).

The
1

contribution to Hiram's servants (v.<">).

s<'>
is

(6)

(3).
etc.].

Huram\
The senthe trans-

K.

Hiram, see

tence
action

incomplete.

Ch. i4. As thou didst do, Supply, " So do with me."

According to
1

On

cf.

2 S. 5" 1 Ch. 14 1 .

Ch. 22* David had

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17.]

PREPARATIONS FOR THE TEMPLE

321

already procured an abundance of timber for the Temple.

The

Chronicler thinks of the

ministration of the priests

3 (4). Temple chiefly as the place of the and the Levites, cf. 1 Ch. 23" , and

avoids the thought of the building being the dwelling-place of God.

He

enumerates the incense of sweet spices burned every morning

and evening (Ex. 3o T ), the perpetual shew-bread (Ex. 25"), the daily morning and evening sacrifices (Nu. 28 -"), and the extra offerings of the Sabbaths (Nu. 28* '), of the beginning of months (Nu. 28"-'), and of the set feasts (Nu. 28"-20").Forever this
1

4 (5).

is (binding) upon Israel]. Cf. Nu. 19" 1 Ch. 23". Ch. 29' Ex. 18".5 (6). The heaven of heavens], the highest sphere of the heavens, cf. 6" 1 K. 8". But to offer incense
(i.e.,

such service)
Cf.
1

beforelhee].

The purpose isnot to erect a dwelling-place for Yahweh, which would be presumptuous, but merely a place of sacrifice, i.e.,
(7). Kings knows of no such request for a workman, but Solomon sent and brought such a skilled metal-worker from Tyre (1 K. 7")- The skill in weaving and engraving is an addition of the Chronicler. His need of such a workman is shown

worship.

states that

in
1

1 Ch. 29* (see corrected text). With the wise men, etc.]. Cf. Ch. 22". 7(8). Cypress and algum trees]. Only cedar trees are

mentioned

in

K. 5"<4 but cypress also

>

in 1

K. 5 M(1 ".
trees of
is

Since the
1

algum
'..,

trees are clearly the

same as the almug

K. 10",

sandalwood or ebony (Bn.), the Chronicler

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Ba., Bn.,
1

here apparently

involved in an inaccuracy in deriving them a product of Ophir,

from Lebanon
etc.],
1

KL).

And my

servants,

taken

from

K.
is

5" (,)

(10).

In the

message of

K. s" (,> )> but later it is recorded that Solomon, presumably for the timber received, gave
specified (1

K. no compensation

Hiram
oil (1

yearly for his house 20,000 cors of wheat and 20 cors of

<">' >).

K. 5" '

Here the

gift is for

the support of the labourers,

whether yearly or simply a gross amount

cors of barley

is not stated, and 20,000 and 20,000 baths of wine are added, and the amount of oil is increased from twenty cors to 20,000 baths; or, since 10 baths one cor, a hundredfold ((& in 1 K. has the same amount);

a cor represents about eight bushels.

K. 5 ,1M

10-15 (11-16). The answer of Hiram.This is based upon <'->, and as in the case of Solomon's message is either

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322
rewritten or taken

CHRONICLES

by the Chronicler from another source (Bn., Ki.).

is

The main

variation

the reference to the skilled

' <>

workman
is

sent

agreeable to Solomon's request (w.'

'>)

10 (11).

Chronicles

emphasises the fact of a written reply from Hiram, which

directly stated in Kings.

not

wardly with the allusion

11 (12). This verse comes in so awkto Solomon in the third person instead of
it

the second as in the previous verse, that possibly

should be trans-

posed with

v. ' <">

(Kau., Bn., Ki.) giving the reflection of

Hiram

on receiving the request from Solomon and thus introductory to the written reply and parallel with i K. 5" >. The avowal of Yahweh

Hiram is a noticeable touch by the Chronicler, who has no difficulty in seeing in the heathen king a reverer of Yahweh. 12 (13). Huram-abi], the name of the skilled workman in 1 K. 7"- "- u called Hiram. The latter
as the maker of heaven and earth by

half of the

name

(obi)

should be rendered as a

father (Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.), or better,

45; Seurdpov irarpfc

title of respect my my trusted counsellor, cf. Gn.

d add. to
this

Est.

3"
is

(v.

of add.);

t$ irarpC 1
In

Mac. ii (Tor. AJSL. Jan.

1

'09, p. 172, n.

17). 13 (14).

a widow of the tribe of Naphtali. The reading of the Chronicler may have come from the influence of Ex. 31', where Oholiab, one of the artificers of the tabernacle, is of the tribe of Dan. Cf. further on this verse
K. 7" the mother of
v.*

workman

relatively

in
is

puts Hiram The expression my 14 Cf. There nothing on the footing of a Kings. 15 (16). Yapho, mod. Yaffa, the port of Jerusalem, Kings. not mentioned 16-17 (17-18). Solomon's workmen.These are represented
'>.

(15).

v. >.

lord

vassal.

is

like this

in

as taken after a census from the aliens in Israel. This

icler's

is

the Chron-

adaptation or abridgment of

K.

s"-

<>,

where two

levies of

workmen
all

are mentioned, evidently a combination of

two

sources (Kau.? Ki., Bur.,

SBOT.).

The

first

levy

(w.

' <'>),

30,000 out of

Israel, sent

10,000 a

month

in turn to

Lebalevy,

non,

is entirely

passed over by the Chronicler.

The second
(w.

the burden bearers

and hewers and

list

overseers

<" '>),

the

Chronicler gives, but prefaces the

with the statement of a census

taken by Solomon of

all

the aliens in Israel,

i.e.,

equals that of the workmen,

153,600

(v.

whose number exactly " <">), and whom

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PREPARATIONS FOR THE TEMPLE

323

Solomon divides and sets to work according to the arrangement given in Kings (v. " <">). The Chronicler's motive of reconstruction is clearly to free native Israelites from the stigma of hard, serf-like labour. This burden is imposed upon foreigners. 16 (17). With which David his father numbered them], Cf. 1 Ch. 22*. 17 (18). Three thousand and six hundred overseers]. This probably was the original reading in Kings and not the present text, three thousand and three hundred.
2. tons] introduces

a comparative sentence of two clauses of which

wanting.

the second

member

is

3.
cf.

'jk] <&

ua.

D'oo]

spices,

used in

incense; only used in pi. abs.,

tech.

13", elsewhere only in P.

roipo]

term used only of the shew-bread, cf. Lv. 24* ' 1 Ch. o* 23" 28 u 89" Ne. io. PI. Lv. 24* f. See also 13". Here along with PiSy governed by "vopnS through zeugma. top] adv. in gen. relation
3 Ch. 13"

Koe. iii. 3i8d. The idea of perpetuity and the word top are derived from Lv. 24*. 6. ro njp <oi] cf. 1 Ch. 29". 6. oan]4( + itol tlSbra, cf. v. u iwk] late form of janH deep red purple. S'DTa] crimson only

here and

W PpSn
new

v.

'

3" prob. a Pers. loan-word (BDB.)

(Bn.).

nSsn] deep
panSi]
1

for the

blue purple.

on
||

oy] modifies

more usual PwpS and

f,

nPoS.7. o'omSk]
form dub.

so also g"'-, the latter

explicative.
etc.

to

K. io1 "- O'jdSk

8.

Behold thy servants shall be with

my servants even to

prepare,

(Ke., RV.), but Oe., Rau., Ki., begin

sentence (or continuation of nSe>) (Be.)

And

timber in abundance

must be prepared for me.

adj. force Ges. J 113*.

0. 'PPj]

Ges. J 114/. kSo."i] inf. abs. as an adv. with Ges. 106m. nc] 1 K. 5* nS3D=nSano

the true reading,

subj.

so Vrss.
(ft

Dr.

TH.
is

38

18.
1

11.

nja< -us>k]

vnSp] Ges.

Heb. tense has force of 106*, Dr. TH. 10.

S 6 e (d).

'a* 0"nnS] S with the force of namely

BDB.

The
<cal

artisan's
1

name Huram
K. 7"
JrWjj
tives.

given in
kv-i

K. 7" as Hiram.
ja, v. s.

'Sbbi

rweo

djoSk ne>n

13.

nua

jo ns>K ja]
i<paLrtir

O'jpai] <S

may go back only to a dittography,

but notice the following

infini-

16.

vn] T

Air.
1

etym. doubtful.

Aram. cf. Ecclus. 8 + often. phdbi] rafts, K. 5" pna-i also dr. 17. Sao] 1 K. 5"

Sao H9i.
III.

ple.

1-2.
1.

The place and date

in

of the building of the

Tem-

Entirely independent of Kings.

In the mountain of
is

Moriah].

The Temple mount

in the

Jerusalem

identified with the

mountain
(Gn.
22).
it

land of Moriah where

Abraham

offered Isaac

passage

The name occurs only here and there and in the latter may represent a textual corruption, earlier, however,

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324

CHRONICLES
Where Yahweh appeared unto David
Cf.
i

than the time of Chronicles.

his father in the place
floor

which David had prepared in the threshingCh. 2i Ch.

l

of

Oman the
Yahweh
is

Jebusite*].

-.

After the reve-

lation of

at the threshing-floor,

David began at once to

22'-).

prepare to build there the

of this verse

Temple
i

(i

2.

The

date

taken from

K.

6'

with the omission of "the four

hundred and

eightieth year of the

Exodus," and likewise the name

of the second month, " Ziv," given in Kings.

Solomon came

to

the throne about 977.

In

the second month].

(v.

Any
*'.).

reference to

the day of the

month

is

wrongly in the text

The second

month was approximately from the middle of April to the middle of May. 3-7. The general dimensions of the porch and the holy place.

Abridged from
w.
the

K.

6-

,,

-1

omitting entirely the matter of

in Kings,

i.e.,

the mention of the windows, the side chambers

of construction,
side door and which Solomon laid the ground plan of the

of the

Temple,

its

method

and the

stairs.

3.

And

these are the foundations

i.e.,

in building the house of God]

this is

house.

The

reference

is

to the dimensions immediately given.

The length

after the former measure].

Before the exile the Hebrews

used a cubit longer by a handbreadth than the one in use after the
exile (Bn. Arch. pp. 179/.)

the Chronicler, were according to this earlier measure.

and the dimensions of the Temple, says The two

450 mm. (17.72 inches) (Now.
cf. v.".

cubits of Egyptian origin were in the ratio of 7 to 6; the earlier one

was 527 mm. (20.74

Arch. p. 201).
Kings,
is

inches), the latter

The

height of the Temple, thirty cubits, given in

omitted, being out of place in the ground plan,

4. And the porch which was in front

twenty cubits before
(i.e.,

of the house: its length

Since the

was

according to) the breadth of the house and

(Oe., Ki.)

the height twenty cubits*].

Temple was only

thirty cubits in height, the reading of

cubits for the height of the porch,

tual corruption.
text

is

^, one hundred and twenty universally regarded as a tex-

The numeral hundred-was probably inserted in the by some one who was thinking of Herod's Temple, the porch
in height.

For height, thirty cubits have For another rendering see below. The overlaying of the porch with gold is not mentioned in Kings,
of

which was 100 cubits

been preferred to twenty (Be.).

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ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLE

1

325

although perhaps implied

as
is

K. 6"

**.

Such overlaying with gold

mentioned here and

is

in

w.

" probably never took place, since

such gold-plating
ing of the

not mentioned in connection with the plunder-

Temple by foes (1 K. 14** 2 K. 14") nor when stript by King Ahaz in financial straits. The metal covering by Hezekiah mentioned in 2 K. 18" was probably not gold (Bn., EBi. iv. col.
4932).

And the greater room (Heb. house)] i.e., the holy With cypress wood]. In Kings only cedar is mentioned except for the floor (1 K. 6" ") Palms and garlands], basrelief work (cf. 1 K. 6 '- " ").6. And he garnished (Heb. overlaid) the house], the whole Temple (Be. and so evidently most comm.); the holy place (Kau.), which is more agreeable to With costly stones]. the context. The idea evidently is of
place.
1

6.

precious stones set in the walls, although

it

has been suggested

that they were costly flagstones for the floor (Kau.).

Parwaim],
alte

apparently the

name

of a gold-producing place conjectured in

really

Arabia (BDB.), yet

the Arabian historian

dubious.

Sprenger (Die

Geogr.

Arabiens, pp. 54 /.) identifies with farwa in

SW.

Arabia, citing

pp. 347

ff.)

historian
p. 705).

Hamdani (c. 940 a.d.), while Glaser (Skiz. Parwaim in el-farwain mentioned by the same as a gold-mine in NE. Arabia (see Guthe, PRE.' 14, This verse has no parallel in 1 K. 7. A continuation of
finds

the description of the holy place.

wall],
1

And

he carved cherubim on the

conflict with

an inference from

K. 6", which appears to

of the

K.

6'.

Cherubim were on the walls

Temple described by

Ezekiel (4i')1. tt has nw as subject of nmj. and <S, 0, B, the order pan ipm DipDa. This gives the true text (Kau., Bn., Ki.). To adhere to ^ gives a very harsh reading, viz. Then Solomon began to build the house of Yahweh on Mount Moriah where he [Yahweh] appeared unto David

[..,

which [house] he [Solomon] prepared in the place of David D. had appointed] in the threshing-floor of Oman the Jebusite. See RV. 2. wa] wanting in three mss., ft, "B, and to be omitted as a
his father that

"In the second [day]" RV., would naturally be expressed by owa. Ges. 134^. 3. riSm] looks toward several following subjects, Koe. iii. 34911. iDin] inf. used as a subst. Koe. iii. 233a. This Hoph. inf. also used by the Chronicler of the founding of the Temple in Ezr. 3" f*. ^ is meandittography (Be., Ke., Oe., Zoe., Kau., Bn., Ki.).

wh

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326
ingless.

CHRONICLES
been proposed:
"ph oShcti

The

following readings have

' Sp O'nry mok ta*w ivan 'jb Sp (Oe., Ki.) after <> (which has n<an after ';o Sp' and <> twenty cubits for the height) and i K. 6* am > Sp lain non oncp n<an ^a'n ' Sp oSwrn. The clause D'-\e>p nun rmm is entirely lacking in K. nun (v. j.) is plainly a corruption, since a porch of the height of 1 20 feet would be a Si tower. Since the height of the Temple was thirty cubits, some prefer to read OMt>S men rami (Be.)- Also ' is read ivp P'an Syn <is Sp -rem oSmni
O'-wp nen nawi rvan

am

nona (Be., Kau.), airf <Ae perch nH non am 'jb Sp "pitm which was in front of the main room of the building was ten cubits broad and the length according to [Hcb. before] the breadth of the building twenty cubits. Since a statement of the height is out of place in a description which purports to give the ground-plan (cf. w. where the Chronicler omits the height given in 1 K.), and the breadth is expected,
0'">p this reading is preferable.

um

More

likely,

however, the Chronicler placed

these dimensions in the order in which they appear in his source

6),

(1 K. hence we prefer nwn rvan am >jb Sp Twn rt'an 'je Sp -wh oSwm irp niDK amni onep and the porch which was before the house: the length

according to the breadth of the house

ten cubits.

was twenty

cubits

and

the breadth

This requires the least number of changes and the last three words could easily be corrupted into onrpi hkd najni. 6. non] late word used especially in Piel. aw] many mss., <> ">vw. vSp Sp<i] cf.

Hipb. 4, used of ornamentation howsoever made cf. v. ". K. 6 7" nnon.n-w\y] 1 K. 7", in description of tabernacle (Ex. 1& U 39"). chains, in t K. 6" 0<n garlands of flowers, open flowers, RV. See -o BDB.
iiSp

BDB.

D'icn] in

nw

8-9.

The most holy

8. Cf. 1

place.

6U

most holy place has been omitted by the Chronicler. Of six hundred talents], a particular not given in Kings. According to the lightest calculation for a talent {i.e., the latest Jewish weight system 45 lbs.) the weight would be 27,000 lbs. (DB. iv. 906 a).
third equal dimension of the

".

Greatly condensed

from

K.

K. 6".

The

The more
(BDB.);
incredible.

usual light weight given for a talent

is

108.29

Ds -

that

would

give
is

64,974

lbs.

Both

amounts seem
of the
for each tribe,

The amount
.

doubtless a free invention

fifty talents

Chronicler.
v. 1

Possibly he thought of

Ch. 2i M

9.

The

nails]

were intended to fasten the sheets

of gold
the nails

on the wainscoting (Ke., Zoe., Bn.).

And
<8>

the weight of
after

was one

shekel for fifty shekels of gold*].

Thus read
(v.
**.).

a slight correction of the Heb. text underlying

Upper

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1-17.]

ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLE

327

chambers], not mentioned elsewhere in the description of the

Temple in
8.
ber, 1

2 Ch., but in 1 Ch. 28'' (q. v.).

pk].

BVHpn rip ma

In

K. 6 from 1 K. 8

"";

also in a Ch.

Prim np

K. the term is Tai, the hindmost cham3" 4" from 1 K. 7" and a Ch. 5'- also appears in 1 K 6" 8 (as glosses SBOT.)
1

7"

(a late Dtic.

passage).

9.

an?

own

O'SprS nneooV Sprei] a<f

the weight of the nails fifty shekels

of gold, *\e., a little less than two pounds (avoirdupois) of nails served to hold over thirty-two tons (v. s.) of gold in place. This is clearly impossible, and it is doubtful whether
ft adds 4X*4 weigh nearly two pounds; so also JS. This equally difficult reading (two-pound nails!) no doubt goes back to a Heb. original, irm Spec, which is probably a corruption of m* S"> (note hptn a corruption for Spr in a S. ai', v. BDB.). Hence we render, and the weight of the nails was one shekel for fiftx shekels of gold (.., for one mina), which gives a proper proportion and one which any writer might propose.

even the Chronicler would

rov trit after 'ooS, thus

make such a careless statement,

nail

making each

10-14. The cherubim. Abridged from

covered them with gold],
1

K.

6"". 10. And

he made in the most holy room two cherubim, woodwork,* and he*

K. 6" the wood

is olive.

a combination of 1 K. 6 and ". In 11. And the wings of the cherubim in

their length

were twenty

cubits].

Each wing extended

wing

five cubits,

and

since they stood across the holy place with

tips against

the wall and with tips touching one another, their combined length was twenty cubits, the breadth of the room. The remainder of

the verse carries out this description.

12.

This verse describing

the position of the other cherub shows that the position of the

two

cherubim side by side was identical. The Chronicler has omitted from 1 K. 6 M the height of the cherubim, ten cubits, and their identity of

form

(1

K. 6 M ).

13.

And their faces toward the

house]

i.e.,

toward the holy place.

They had

clearly only single faces

and

not the composite ones of Ezekiel's cherubim.

14.
this is

The

veil be-

tween the holy place and the most holy nor

is

is

not mentioned

in 1 K.,

such a

veil

described in Ezekiel's Temple.

it,

However,
not certain.

Zerubbabel's Temple probably had

though

The

Chronicler derived the description either from the

Temple

of his

day or from the

veil

of the tabernacle Ex. 26" (see

DB.

iv.

p. 847).

On

the colours

cf. 2'.

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328
10. D'jwp]
Air.

2
images

CHRONICLES

BDB. with nrpD image work, "B open work (Ke.), some special form of sculpture (Be., Kau.). Since i K. 6 has \o >tf (preferred here by Oe.)> it is better to follow * H iv\&r and read o<*pp (Bn.) of wood. ri] read after iK.6" and <$ the sing. 11. After irmn <f- has ana, which Bn. would supply according to the parallel in v. '. The njuc and PJO should change places, the masc. form, as in v. >, appearing by the attraction of the nearer noun arwn. 12. This verse is wanting in 6" and may be a dhtography of the preceding, but more likely the verse was lost from the
statuario sculpture

Vatican text by homceoteleuton, a

Since
to

common

error in

this

MS.

13.
if

no is used
V.
v.
'*

transitively (i
O'fenD

be struck out (Be.) or

Ch. 28" 2 Ch. 5' 1 K. is to be read (Bn.); Ki.

8') either

'Mais

BH.

retains the

text.

reads like a gloss.

v.
>,

Compared with
beautifully

K., especially

we

omit

" and

we have a

compact and

intelligible

description,

showing

skilful

abridgment.

16-17. The two pillars before the Temple.Abridged from K. 7"- M , cf. Je. 52". The Chronicler has omitted in his descrip-

tion their metal, brass; their circumference, twelve cubits (1

7); the checkerwork of the capitals (1 K. 7"),

K. and the lilywork

Cf. v. ".
Je.

surmounting the capitals

height of the pillars

(1

K. j"-

).
1

16.
K. 7"

Two pillars],
2

Thirty-Jive cubits in height].

is

In

K. 25"

52" the

given as eighteen cubits; thirty-five are only

mentioned here and

in OJ of Je. 52".

This

latter

dimension has
pillars,

been explained as representing the double length of the two

assuming that each was about seventeen and a half cubits long (Mov. p. 253), or as a reckoning including the five cubits of the
capital

and other additions

in their construction
J"P

(Ew. Hist.

III. p.

237), or as a misreading of the numerical sign

(thirty-five) (Ke., Zoe.,

(eighteen) for }"6

Oe.) (to be rejected because

dence of the use of such signs in ancient Hebrew and thus

ing), or,

we have no eviOT. writ-

which is the most probable, as a corruption arising from the Kings (mtPJ? rUDt? fltSTU) becoming illegible in some way and thus read "pK ffDm DVb& (Be.) or something similar (Bn.).
text of

Possibly the Chronicler read a text of

K. 7"

in

which 3D\ com-

passed about, had become illegible (or corrupted to E)D\ added), in

which case he would have interpreted the twelve cubits of circumference as an addition to the height; hence his 35=18 + 12+5
(capital).

From

the description given in

K.

1, - 1

(with v."

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1-17.]

ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLE

329

corrected from Je. 52") and omitted by the Chronicler (although

a partial description appears

in height,

in

,,f
),

they were hollow bronze

pillars four finger-breadths in thickness, eighteen cubits

ft.)

(about 30

and twelve cubits (about 20 ft.) in circumference. Each was surmounted (1) by a molten chapiter or capital five cubits in height, which (2) was covered with a bronze network, and (3) over the network hung two chains in four loops (Je. 52") of 100 pomegranates each (v. "). Each capital either curved outward at the top in a lily shape or was surmounted by a lilyshaped ornament (Bn., Sk.; Bur. rejects the lily shape altogether). 16. And he made chains like a necklace*]. The read-

ing in the oracle ($, RV., etc.) in this description of the pillars
clearly wrong.

is

(T2*13

The slightest change in Hebrew letters of similar form instead of V213) gives the reading above (Bn.; T3*12 inT3"ft on a ring, on
the edge Be., Ki.).

stead of

Around the
pillars

ball-

shaped or rounded cup-shaped capitals of the

to i
1

were strung

chains upon which the metallic pomegranates were hung, according

K. 7" apparently two rows of 100 pomegranates each.

pillars

17. Cf.

K. 7". These two

were either a part of the porch support-

ing a lintel (a view based largely on Ez. 40",

or, better, free
v.

Now. Arch.
is

II. p. 33),

on

either side before the porch (as

suggested by

" and

this verse).

These

pillars

were

in

Solomon's Temple bepillars the

cause they were a usual feature of Semitic temples, symbols of the

deity,

a survival
{cf.

in this

form of the ancient stone

col.

Maz-

teboth

i4) (Bn.

EBi. IV.

493;

WRS.

Rel.

Sem.

p. 208).

(The bowls,

fitting receptacles

for sacrificial

fat,

on the tops

also suggested to

WRS.

that they might have served as altars

or candlesticks, op.
tablish,"

tit. pp. 488 /.). Jachin means " he will es"the Stablisher," an appropriate name for Yahweh.

The meaning
" In him
is

of Boaz

is

not so clear.

It

is

usually rendered

strength,"

which would be a suitable appellation of

Yahweh.
16. noni]

and

the plated capital Air, see

I
1

BDB.

Its use is guar-

anteed by the Aram. too*.

oracle, possibly

K. 7" has mro.

16.

-lona]

in the

K. 6*> (Ba.), but more likely a corruption of T3^ (with prep.) necklace Gn. 41" Ez. 16". 0, A, construed the chains as fifty cubits in length, extending thus from the most holy place through
a gloss from

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3,

CHRONICLES

and the porch (ten cubits). 17. ?w] perhaps originally tp-Spa " Baal of strength, " and then since Baal had
the holy place (forty cubits)

become opprobrious as a name of Yahweh, the author of

this contraction (Klo.).

L made

IV-V. 1.
1.

The Furniture of the Temple.

The

niture of the
i

K. 8 M a
i

This altar of bronze is not given among the furTemple described in i K., although mentioned in K. i6" f -; and an altar which Solomon built is also menaltar.

tioned

K. 9.

47,

According to We. (Prol. p. 44, n. t) and Bn. (Kom. on t and a K. p. EBi. IV. col. 4937) a description of the altar stood in the original

K. and thus supplied the Chronicler with his information, but was struck out of 1 K. by an editor (R p ) on the theory that the brazen altar of the Tabernacle had been preserved and was set up in the court of the Temple. But in that case some trace of the missing passage would be expected in the ttL text of t K., but there is none
text of t
later

(Bur. p. 102).

The

failure of the altar to

appear among the furniture

pillars

has been also explained on the ground that the two

for the sacrificial fat served for altars (v.
s.

as receptacles
this is

3" WRS.).

But

very

More likely Solomon used the bare rock for his sacrifice the great rock es $akhro now under the dome of the Mosque of Omar, which is believed to have stood in front of the Temple and has every indication of having been an altar (DB. IV. p. 696) (Sk. 1 K. 8"). The reference then to the brazen altar in 1 K. 8 H may be a late addition, and
improbable.
the earliest reliable mention would be in the story of Ahaz, 2 K. 16"

(GAS. J. pp. 64 /.). The question remains, however, brazen altar of Ahaz if not built by Solomon.

how came

the

In form, accepting the measurements of the Chronicler, the altar

was probably

like that of Ezekiel's

Temple

(43"-").

i.e.,

series of

terraces culminating in a broad plateau or table.

The

base then

would have been twenty by twenty cubits. If the dimensions given by Hecataeus (in Jos. Apion, I. aa) are correct, the Chronicler doubtless took his figures from the altar of Zerubbabel's Temple,
*..,

the

Temple

of his day.

The

latter

was made

of

unhewn
the.

stone.

2-6.

The brazen sea and the

1

lavers.
.

The description of

sea is taken directly from

K. 7"- M

This was a huge cylindrical or

hemispherical tank resting on the backs of twelve oxen facing out-

ward, three each toward the four cardinal points of the compass.

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IV. 1-V. 1.1

FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE

331

The tank stood in the southeast angle of the court. 2. Molten sea ]. The casting of such an immense article of metalwork in one piece
has been questioned; and
it

has even been suggested that the tank

was wooden and,

since the ancients preferred

plated with bronze (Bn. EBi. IV. col. 4340).

hammered work, The name sea, ac{Ant.

viii.

cording to Josephus, was given from

its size

3,

5),

but

it

may

also

be connected with the symbolical character of

Ten cubits from brim to brim] i.e., in diameter. The the basin. numbers of this verse are only approximate, since 10 cubits (17.22 ft.) in diameter would give a circumference of 31.4159 cubits
instead of 30 cubits (51.66
ft.).
it

3.

And

under

its

brim were

gourd-like knops encompassing

encircling the sea

round about

(ten in

a cubit?)

round about.
it

knops, cast
like
is

when

was

cast*].

In two rows were the gourd-like Whether this encircling garlandfruit or the flowers of the L

ornamentation was of the

gourd

uncertain.

6.

This verse

in <J"

of 1

K., lacking, however,

'.

the statement of the capacity of the tank, precedes v.

is

This

the natural order.

Three thousand baths],

K. 7" "two thousince at the

sand baths."

Both estimates appear too

large,

smaller figure, reckoning a bath at 65 pints (DB. IV. p. 912) or

at 64.04 pints (EBi. IV. col. 5997), the capacity

would have been

16,250 or 16,010 gallons, but the dimensions 10 cubits in diameter,

30

in circumference,

and 5
if

in

depth in a cylinder give only

'

10,798 gallons (figuring with the long cubit, 20.67

-.

we

obtain

about 15,000 cubits), and

col. 4340).

a hemisphere 6,376 gallons (EBi. IV. The true capacity was probably somewhere between

these figures.

6.

The

full description of

the bases of the ten lavers

and also their size, given in 1 K. 7"", is omitted by the Chronicler. To wash in them]. This is the Chronicler's interpretation of the
use both of the sea and the lavers.

But they were

it
,

ill

adapted for

the purpose of cleansing, especially the sea, unless

tacle

it

was a

recep-

from which water was drawn, although

lavers probably

received this mean- ,,

ing in the furniture of the tabernacle (Ex. 30

and the
tion

Both the sea ) had a symbolical meaning (an interpreta-

now generally adopted). The sea represented the waters or the flood upon which Yahweh as the God of rain was enthroned (Ps.
29"), or the primeval flood or deep over which his creative

power

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332 was manifested

ately
(cf.

CHRONICLES

Gn.

i-

Ps. 24* gy).

(1

The

lavers with their

wheels and decorations of cherubim

K. 7"") not inappropri-

(cf. the cherubim of Ezekiel and cherub of the storm upon which Yahweh rode (Ps. 18" (l,) ))-

might then symbolise the clouds

The

bulls probably also were symbols of deity;

cf.

the calf of the

(1

wilderness (Ex. 32 1 *) and those set

up

at Bethel

and Dan

K.

12"').
K. 7 ip. 3. niDi] wanting in 1 K. 7".O'-yw] oxen; 1 K. knops (gourds), the true reading although <t and have that of The change to oxen was made by some ignorant copyist who thought the oxen were here mentioned. h] 1 K. inoe>S, needed for clearness of
2. Sk] a
D'ppoi,

meaning.

aoD] wanting
is

in

K. and

<&.

nsxa

"iy], ten

in a cubit (Be.,

RVm.),

grammatically inadmissible.

The

phrase means for ten

0, 01), which is meaningless, since the gourds ran around the tank for thirty cubits, hence probably a gloss in 1 K. by some one who mistook the diameter for the circumference (St. SBOT., so essentially
cubits (U,

Bur.).

a'3D O'n pk
Mo

o'D'pc] is wanting in

garded there as a gloss (Bn.).

if

of

o<je>]

K.

*>v.

K., and
-ipan] 1

may be

re-

K.

B'jipsn.

To fit

the oxen misread for knops (gourds) in this verse with the following

verse <S" has

firn ix<l>*w*v roin ft&axovs iv tj xurcfaet airruy >

/*&o-x

$ i-rolitear adroit SiiStxa

S<3'

ms

&

agrees with
S<a> in

%5.

D'Pa jvmo

0'bVk re>Se>]

K. 7"

S>a

na B'dSk.

Ch., superfluous after

jvtriD,

is due to a glossator familiar with 1 K. (Be., Oe., Ki.), or simple pleonasm (Ke., Zoe.). Bn. would strike out either pvno or Sa\ <t has

rat ier{\totr,

i.e., 'JS'l.

and basins.The candlesticks i K. among the regular furniture of the Temple, but only incidentally in the summary of golden articles (1 K. 7"), a passage recognised as of late origin (St. SBOT., Bur.). They do not appear also among the spoil of 2 K. 25" ",
7
f.

The

candlesticks, tables,

(lampstands) are not mentioned in

and thus
Ba.,
less,

their

appearance in the parallel Je. 52"

is

a gloss. Hence,

ten candlesticks, though regarded as historic

et al.,

by

Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

are probably an imaginary product.

(cf. 1

Some light, doubt-

was in the Temple

S. 3"),

very likely one lampstand, pos-

sibly not unlike that of the

(cf.

second Temple and the tabernacle

c. 4,

the vision of Zechariah

Ex. 25"

),

but

if

elaborate
singular.

its

omission from the earliest

list

of

Temple

furniture

is

On

the other

hand

it is

urged: "There must have been

some ground
exist

for the tradition of ten lampstands.

Probably these did

but

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IV. l-V. 1.]

FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE

3,

added soon must have been some way of lighting the interior of the house. They would be kept burning day and night, as house lamps in the East are at the present day. They might have been put on pedestals the Eastern fashion but most likely they were set on the ten tables about which we read in a Ch. 4* " (W. T. Davies, DB. IV. p. 701).
after, for there

brazen, not golden ones, in Solomon's Temple, or they were

7. Cf. v.

K. 7".

According

to the prescription concerning

(cf.

them]

i.e.,

the prescription in reference to their structure

*')

Ex.

25"" 37"
1

In

ine temple] (^3VI)i the holy place; according to

before the most holy place.

K. 7" they were

room,
if

Their exact position

in the

there,

cannot be determined; probably they extended

down

its sides.

8.

Ten tables].

Since elsewhere only one table

1

is

mentioned for the shew-bread in the Temple (13" 29"

7"), likewise also in Ezekiel's

K. 6"

the position of these tables

sticks (v.
'),

Temple(4i was the same as

'

altar=table),

and since

that of the ten candle-

these ten tables have been held to have been for the

supportof the ten candlesticks (Be., Zoe.,Bn., EBi.).

In the mind

of the writer, however, they were doubtless for the shew-bread

in reality

and
Ch.

an exaggeration

like the ten

lampstands

(cf. v.

"

28").

(Ke. held for the shew-bread; Oe. uncertain, perhaps

for both; Ba. not for the shew-bread.).

A
(1

not mentioned in
certain,

K. except generally

K. 7");

hundred basins of gold], their use is unsacrificial

probably for receiving and sprinkling the

courts of the Temple.

blood (Be., Ba.) or for pouring libations (cf. Am. 6) (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).
9.

The

These are described according

to the arrangement at the time of the Chronicler, when, under the

was an inner court restricted for the use and an outer one for the people. The inner court mentioned in 1 K. 6 M 7" is the court of the Temple, while the great outer court (1 K. 7") was the court extending around all of Solomon's buildings (cf. GAS. /. ii. p. 256). The term here used for
influence of Ezekiel, there

of the priests

the great outer court

(iVlTJ?)

occurs only in
1

and

Ch. and Ez.

The

doors are not mentioned in

K.

10-18.

The

position of the brazen sea

directly

and the works of

Hiram.

Taken

from

K.

7>>-,

which explains the awk-

ward introduction here of the statement respecting the place of the sea. 11. The pots], for boiling flesh, an ancient way of

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334

CHRONICLES
(cf.

preparing sacrificial food

cleaning the
altar (Ex.
it

S.

aM

').

Shcvds]

utensils for

37').

Basins], used for catching the

(cf. v. ).

blood and throwing

pillars].

against the altar

Cf.

3"".

The two bowls of and

closed.

the capitals

on the

pillars*].

The

tops of the pillars

The two which were were either open and

of the mention
(cf.

12.

cup-like, or ball-like

The absence
its

here of any additional lilywork favours

rejection

view of
Cf.

Bur. 3").

13.
lit.

And

the four hundred pomegranates,

etc.].

notes on 3'".14. Cf.

v.:16. C/.v..16.
(v.
*'.).

hooks] (RV.) %., sacrificial forks

17.

Cf.

v.". The flesh

Jordan],
Zeredah].
lent of

in the oval (valley) of the Jordan.

latter of these

In the plain of the Succoth and

mentioned as

The

names
This

is

the Chronicler's equiva(7"), also

"Zarcthan" of the

text of 1

K.
is

near the city

Adam

(Jos. 3").

probably the mod. ed

Damieh on
its

the west

bank

of the Jordan, twenty-four miles

is

from

mouth.

Succoth on the east bank

usually identified with Tell

Deir 'Alia, about one mile north of the Jabbok (GAS.

p. 585).

Instead

HGHL.

of in the clay ground,

etc.,

the passage probably

etc.

in 1

K.

originally read, at the ford of

<fc,

Adamah,

(v. .).

10. 7 mss.,

K. 7" after

iroo

have non, which may be supplied

here (Bn.).
adj. used

Retaining the present text of Ch. nnDvi

nominally (Dav. Syn. \ 32, R. 5). najj] 1 K. 311. 11. o-vin" "<! J, Since this same man is mentioned in v. ' and 2", Ki. reads '3H 0"n (SBOT.), yet probably the Chronicler followed the text of

is

an example of an

K. 7" nn>>i. Text of Ch. is the original (so Kamp., Bn., Ki., Bur., on 1 K. 7").oviSun p<aa] 12. nnroni niSjm] 1 K. 7" rnnan nVn without doubt the 1 K. mm na. true reading (adopted by Be., Rau., Bn., Ki. Kom., BH.). * B xol tr'adrtZy ya\M t% x <*9api*IS. 'ui nwsS] in I K. <V~ follows
1 1

K.nnon]
St.,

Th.,

Klo.,

a dittography from previous verse (SBOT. of K., Ki. BH. of K.); the Chronicler reproduced the error of K. <JB Sp] in 1 K. should be *iv Sp, 4L , or O'tiopn vtn Sp, as in v.
7", but to be omitted there as (Bn., Ki., Bur.), but the Chronicler probably found the error already
in 1

K.14.
and

7\vj

<

m1

t] 1

ten bases

the ten lovers

16. inn] art. to be supplied as in 1 K. 7". vnnn] K. O'n nnn. 16. nuSmn] sacrificial forks, ef. Ex. 27* 38* Nu. 4" 1 Ch. 28" f. 1 K. 7 nip-iro " bowls." The reading of K. is preferred by Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., while Bn. rightly considers that of Ch. (retained by Kau.) the more original, since basins have already been mentioned in
Ba., Bn., KL).
1

K. 7" -WV and mrp the true reading, and the upon the bases (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.,

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FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE

IV. 1-V.

lj

335
Qr.

K. 7".

orv'w Ss

nm]

K. -wh Sunn o'S>i Ss

phi,

nSm

instead

of Snun, which latter gives the true reading (see Bur.).

prefer hSkh o'Ssn S3 ni as the true reading in Ch.

Be., Ke., Oe.,

Kau., Bn., Ki., ad-

here to the present text as the Chronicler's reconstruction of the corrupt

text of
1

K.

This

latter is quite likely.

the trusted counsellor of

Koe. iii. pp. 256/. opa] 1 K.. 7" .13703.

cf.

noS*> Y?dS vsk min] Huram, King Solomon; v. s. on 2", and on construction pno] a word appearing in NH.; 1 K. ood. 17.
in

each ir

rd%*t,

in terra argillosa,

hence

RV.

in the clay ground.

Be. thought of the hardened earth prepared to

receive the molten metal, the clay moulds,

a rendering followed by Oe.,

Kau., Ki., but Moore on Ju. 7", followed by BDB., Bn., emends to

nsiK ma?D3

at the crossing
is

of Adamah, regarding
1

K. im*. K. 7" nj'i. a-iS] 1 K. 31D. ikd] repeated in 1 K. '3] wanting in 1 K. Its introduction gives a slightly different force to the sentence. In K. the meaning is that the vessels were too numerous to be weighed, in Ch. that the number was very great because no regard was had to the amount (weight) of brass used. The present text of 1 K. is harsh and probably not the original.
1

with D-m Jos. 3", which

there said to be near \mi.

18. rp<i] (the original according to Bn.)

invw]

Adamah

as identical

19-22.
1

The golden furniture of the Temple.

Taken from
(1) the

K. 7"-".
This passage
in
1

K. has been regarded as a

late addition to the origi-

nal account of the

Temple

furniture, for the following reasons:

improbability of such lavish expenditure on articles like hinges, etc.;

is no historical evidence a discrepancy between the reference to the cedar altar for the shew-bread in 1 K. 6 M and the reference in 1 K. 7" to the table of gold; and also all the articles mentioned should naturally have been given along with the cherubim and table (altar) of cedar, in c. 6; (4) the mere enumeration of the articles, when the brazen furniture is so elaborately described, points in the same direction (Bn., Sk.).

(2) the

mention of a golden altar of which there

(3)

in pre-exilic times;

The Chronicler has

1

tables (v.

instead of sing, to conform with

Ch. 28" and probably with v.; and the doors of the two rooms
v. *.).

are of gold (v. ) instead of the hinges (1 K. 7") (but

For

brevity, also, the Chronicler has omitted the position of the golden

candlesticks (v.

compared with

K. 7").

19.

The golden altar].

This appears
30'
),

later in the altar of incense of the tabernacle (Ex.

but

it is

lacking in the

had no place

in Solomon's

Temple of Ezekiel, and probably Temple (DB. II. p. 467). The tables],

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A )

33 6
in i

CHRONICLES

K. 7" "the table." The Chronicler has pluralised to conform

v. q. v.

According
22.

with

20.

And

the candlesticks] the lampstands

(cf. v. ')

to the prescription].

Cf. v.

'.

The reference
(cf.

here

is

not

to their form, but their use.

21.

And the flowers]

the flower-like

ornaments of the stands on which the lamps rested

Ex. 25"*).

The

snuffers, etc.] the utensils for the care of the

lamps and

of the golden altar of incense.

And

the hinges of the temple of the

inner doors of the most holy place and of the doors of the temple, that
is the temple

room

(the holy place), were of gold*].

This

is

the true

reading

(v. *.).

The

corrupt text
i

makes the

entire doors plated

with gold.

According to

K. 6"

'

the doors were of olive wood,

overlaid with gold.

i K. 7" may have been and Solomon placed (ni'i) which he had made (nvy) in the house of Yahweh (Bn.). SBOT. has still a different text; but our present text of 1 K. was before the Chronicler. oviSh.-i] i K. wi\on'Sjn nurrWa nio] 1 K. "itk jrrrn phi vSj.At the end of the verse 1 K. has ant.90. After nrwn nm 1 K. 7" baafive on the right hand and five on the left and lacks BDSPDa OijaS onvnji.

19.

The original of

all the vessels

onpaS] in order
gloss, since

thai they should burn.

in
i

21.
<K.

an? niSao inn]

wanting

K. 7" and also

roSao dr.

nuom, " the cups," before nriDinni. nvo'jen fninVi non nnei] 1 K. 'iwcn nan mnSiS rononi. Hence read /in irtrtn tn 'StS non ronei as
the most probable original of Cb. (Be., Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn.).

22.

probably a

K. 7" has

Ke. de-

fends nno and as regards the opening (door) of the house its door leaves, etc., followed essentially by Kau., RV. Accepting this, the Chronicler

thought of the entire doors as plated with gold.

copy of
1

V. 1. The completion of the furnishing of the Temple. 1. The things that David his father had dedicated]. 1 K. 7".

this statement is in 1 K. 7", the books of 1 and 2 S. and and 2 K. contain no record of such dedication by David beforehand of utensils directly made with the Temple in view. It has, therefore, been thought that the word vessels (utensils) might, after its common meaning, include weapons and thus the spoil of war which David did dedicate to Yahweh (cf. 1 Ch. 18'' 2 S. 8"

Although

(Sk.).

1. nrp] eleven less., 1

<fc

K. 7"
1

V>on.

noS]

K. no.

after 1 K.,

9,

% rm.

The waw has been drawn from

K. (Ki. BH.\.

nm] read to*.

Sa]

wanting

in eighteen itss.,

O8*, 0,

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V. 8-14.]

REMOVAL OF ARK INTO THE TEMPLE

337

V. 2-VH. 10. The Dedication of the Temple. V. 2-14. The bringing of the ark.A copy of 1 K. 8 l " with

and the Levites and their an old narrative revised especially by a priestly editor. 2. Then] i.e., Even all after the completion of the Temple and all its furniture.
the addition of a notice of the priests

musical service (w.

*-).

In

R.

this section represents

the heads of the tribes, the princes of the fathers' houses]

a true

description of the

eldersZion].

Cf.

Ch. 15'.3. At the Feast]

the Feast of Tabernacles, the harvest festival at the close of the

ingathering of fruit crops.

In

the seventh month].

is

Nothing
In
1

in

the narrative of the Chronicler

it

at variance with this.

K.

finished in the eighth

must be reconciled with the statement that the Temple was month (1 K. 6"). The building may have
earlier

been finished
the ark].
priests
3...

than the utensils; hence the dedication

(Sk.).
8,

may
up

have been in the next year

took up the ark.

4.

And

the Levites took

According to 2 K.

the Chronicler's source, the

This

reflects the older

usage

(cf.

Jos.

..

8"

(JE.).

The

Chronicler changed priests into Levites

to bring the action

into conformity with the regulation of

which assigned the duty of bearing the ark to the Levites (Nu. 3" 4"); vet in v. he allowed the double expression, the priests the Levites, to stand, possibly because certain utensils might well
have been borne by the
priests,

and

in v. T the

word
the

priests

was properly retained (from 2 K.

8), since

when

Temple

was reached only the

the holy of holies
all
(cf.

priests could lawfully

place the ark in

Nu.

4 ).

6.

The

tent

of meeting and

the holy utensils that were in the tent], the

its

Mosaic taber-

nacle

and all was at Gibeon

(2 S.

furniture, which, according to the Chronicler,

(2

Ch.

i ');

or the tent David erected for the ark

'

Ch. 15') (Be.).

mind of the priestly editor of erence, and also this was the view of
in the
tent

The former was 1 K. who

without question
inserted this ref-

the Chronicler.

The term
Sacrificing

of meeting

is

only used of the tabernacle.

Cf.

6.

before

the ark].

the numerous sacrifices by stages

(2 S.

when
exact

David brought up the ark

9.

6").7.

Cf.
is

v.:8. The

position of the ark under the

cherubim

carefully defined.

And

the staves were long so that the ends of the staves were seen

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"

338
from the holy place*

CHRONICLES
One
standing in the holy

before the oracle].

place could see in the darkness of the most holy place the pro-

by which the ark was carried. But they But one outside of the holy place could not see them. So generally; v. i. This is better than the interpretation:
jecting ends of the staves

were not seen without].

"But did not extend beyond the door "

unto this day].

(Sk.).

And there they are*

i

The

retention of this clause

from

K. 8*

is

an

ex-

ample of the Chronicler's unconcern

since destroyed.
the two tables].

at times to
its

harmonise his text

with actual conditions, since the ark and

staves

had been long

the ark except

10.

Now

there

was nothing in

The form

of expression implies that other things

besides the two tables might have been expected in the ark.

A late

Jewish tradition placed within the ark a golden pot of

manna and
II.

Aaron's rod (Heb.

9').

A modern view
(St.

is

that the ark contained

one or two sacred stones

pp. 5/.;

Gesch.

I.

pp. 457/.;

Now. Arch.

TKC. EBi.
71).

I.

col. 307),
if

(Sm. Hist. p.

But

"a fetish" in which Yahweh dwelt Moses gave laws to Israel and brought

the people into covenant relation to

Yahweh, then two stone

tablets

containing the ten words are reasonably the historic contents of the

ark (DB.

I.

p. 151).

Horeb] the mount of Yahweh's revelation

in the wilderness, in

P.

11. And

place].

by D, while Sinai in J followed by came to pass when the priests had come out of the holy This statement from 1 K. (8"*) and continued in the words
it

E followed

of v.'">, that then the house was filled with

cloud, even the house of

Yahweh (1 K. 8" b), is interrupted by the Chronicler with the intervening w. ". The Chronicler expands the allusion to the priests (1) by mentioning how all the priests took part in the serand not simply those to whom in course the service might fallen (v. b ) (2) by describing the musical service at the conclusion of which the house was filled with the cloud of Yahweh (w. ''). Now all the priests who were at hand had sanctified
vice

have

themselves without keeping (their) courses].

Ordinarily the priests

served in turn in twenty-four divisions (1 Ch. 24"), but on this occasion

all officiated

without reference to their turn.

This was the

279

custom

at the three great

annual

festivals (Schiir. Gesch. pp.

/.).12.

And the Leviies, who were singers all of them]. In a similar manner with the priests, all the Levitical singers, who ordinarily

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V.a-14.]

REMOVAL OF ARK INTO THE TEMPLE

339

served in turn in twenty-four courses (1 Ch. 25")> took part in the

dedication.

Asaph, Heman, and Juduihun] the leaders or the

(cf. 1

representatives of the three Levitical choirs

Ch. 6"*-

IS" 25*-*). With cymbals, psalteries, and harps]. Cf. 1 Ch. 15". A hundred and twenty priests sounding with the trumpets}. The
priests. The hatourah was the priestly instrument par excellence (DB. iv. p. 816). The one hundred and twenty represent five taken from each of the

blowing of the trumpets was a duty of the

twenty-four divisions.

13

f.

And

it

came

to

pass when, as one

person, even the trumpeters

be heard to praise

and the

singers were causing one sound to

thanks unto Yahweh, and when they and with cymbals and with the instruments of song and when they praised Yahweh, saying, For he is good; for his loving kindness endureth forever: then the house was full of the cloud, the house of Yahweh]. The Chronicler introduces the appearance of the cloud coincident with a great burst of music and praise, while the simpler narrative of 1 K. presents more clearly the thought that, when the ark had been placed in

and

to give

raised a sound with trumpets

the holy of holies, the cloud

that

filled

the holy place, as visible token

Yahweh had
* ^3?!]
-|Son
1

taken up his abode in the

K.
8>

new Temple.

1 K. has K. and hence a gloss. 3. 1 K. 8> has noSr before jna omitted by the Chron(a gloss) after iSon; and Dormn icler because in his day the old Canaanite names of the months had long That is the since been dropped and numbers were used in their place. seventh month is an addition to the original text of K. (SBOT., Bur.). Kau. holds the text of K. the true one for Ch. Certainly the retention of that is the seventh month is awkward without the retention of Ethanim, but such awkwardness of the Chronicler is not unknown elsewhere 4. O'iSn] 1 K. 8 O'jron. 5. jrwn] (cf. 1 Ch. 14* "in Jerusalem "). 1 K. 8< + mn\lSpn] 1 K. iSjw.0'iSn] 1 K. O'lVni also <*, V, 0. The omission of the 1 is perhaps due to a copyist (Ke., Zoe., Bn., Ki.).

^0?'.

After

Sk and before o^prv

noSr

wanting in <K of

mo

Since lSyn

is in

Ch.,

it is

probable that

v. ,b ,

recognised as a gloss in

was introduced Yet O'iSn oonsn appears also in 23" into 1 K. from Ch. (Bn., Ki.). and it is doubtful whether the Chronicler and his readers 30"; through their familiarity with Deuteronomy laid any stress upon preK.
8 (St.

SBOT., from R*,

Bur., since wanting in flP 1-),

cision of statement in the use of the

phrase the priests the Levitts; the

two

classes

were perfectly distinct in their

own mind,

as

much
1

so as

if

the conjunction and

had been used between them.6. vSp]

K.

8*

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340

CHRONICLES
.

wn.7. O'jnan] 8. 'an vn<i] i

Here the Chronicler retains the priests. a<i] i K. ttD'i. Be., Re., preferred the latter as the original after i Ch. 28" Ex. 25" 37 1 but Bn. regards the former as the original in 1 K. on the basis of & Ttpwci'kvwTor. This
cf.

v.

K. 8'

'an

'3.

is

uncertain, since TtpucaXArrw

pixn p] copyist error; yet possibly an intentional, though clumsy, change of the Chronicler, who did not wish to think of the ark as visible from the holy place, cf. 3". It is generally read after 1 K. 8*, dfi and some Heb. MSS. tnpn jd (Be., Ke., Zoe., Ki.,
verb (Trom. Concord.).
Bn.).

9.

is

not used elsewhere to render either

Other emendations:

both readings.
(Be.,

wi] copyist

onpn Klo., oipon

Kamp.

V1

combines

error for vn% the text of

Ki.).10. nmSn] 1 K. 8 O'MKn ronS.pj] 1 K. After ain both here and in 1 K., Bn. and Ki., following d in K., supply nnan nnS; but while without them the construction is awkward, it does not seem necessary to supply them (Bur.). SBOT. on K. regards on*oo] 1 K. 'ui ma -\h, owing to the lack of connection, as a gloss. O'ijd fiHD. 11. '3] here introduces an explanatory clause descriptive of the priests. iiorS p*] Ges. 5 1146; Dav. Syn. 55 94, 95 (4). nni] governed by 13. on<nSi . . . oW?] S of specification, even. preposition with previous word, cf. Ges. 5 itoAA; Dav. Syn. 5 iot. onop] to be taken as the predicate. IS. wi] properly a resumption of onnnoS] S, and with following word, of specification rro in v. . jnovnS] Ges. J ii4*. SSnS] V of purpose. onna and to wit or even. SSaa] appear correlative with p>ovrk. kSd nom] M tatus jUfed, </. Dr. TH. 5 "8, 1 K. 8" with same construction, hSd t)pn> ran no nn. Ki. after <S B reads ran iiaa tip hSd non. Be., Kau., re-

K. and run + o

<&

Mm

<w

gard

nw no
who

as a gloss, explanatory of

non and

introduced from K.

Bn., on the other hand, regards the text of Ch. as a correction from K. of one

held So to be intransitive.

14.

pntoi ]

K. 8" ran.

VI. 1-42. Solomon's address to the people and dedicatory prayer. Taken (save w. ' ' ') with almost no variation

from 1 K. 8"-"*. In the addition

in v.

>

is

given an interpretation of

the statement that Solomon stood be/ore the altar (v. ") (before which properly it was lawful only for the priests to stand). The interpretation

shows that he did not

'a

really stand before the altar,

but upon
to the

some
In

sort of a brazen improvised pulpit not

mentioned elsewhere.
of

w. "

new and by far more beautiful conclusion is given

1

prayer, taking the place of

K. 8"

(v.

'

and portions

w.

are also omitted).

1-3. Introduction.

1.

Yahiveh hath promised to dwell in thick

filled

darkness (cloud)] either a reference to the cloud which had

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VI. 1-11.]

SOLOMON'S ADDRESS

341

indicating that Yahweh had taken up his abode in the Temple (Be.); or to be understood through the missing line (v. i.) The sun hath Yahweh set in the heavens. The passage then means that Yahweh, instead of confining himself to the realms

the

Temple
built

newly

of light, or in contrast to the realms of light,

which are subordinate

to him, dwells in the thick darkness or cloud,

and hence says

Solomon,
fitly

have built him a Temple whose dark inner shrine

may
unin-

serve as his dwelling-place.

2.

But].

This antithesis
*'.).

arises
is

from the Chronicler's change of the

fortunate.
It

text (v.

The change

emphasises Solomon's building of the Temple

stead of the fact that the

Temple had been

built agreeably to the

nature of God, which seems to be the meaning of

reads I have surely built thee a lofty mansion.
1

And] wanting in
The
writer

K. 8", which

K.

(v.

'.).

3.

And the

king turned his face about].

thought of the previous words uttered by Solomon, with his face

toward the Temple and his back to the assembled people,

he now blessed and addressed.
prayer of Solomon.

whom

K. these words mark the beginning of the Deuteronomic section, embracing the speech and
In
1

additional words

K. after 8"-" with the following which furnish the additional line (v. s.) which is incorporated into the text of 1 K. as original by We., Ki., Bn., Bur., Sk., el at, but is adhered to as the original by St. SBOT.
1.

These w.

"

appear in

of

B'Oica

pan

vw,

M
1

except
<}m]
1

-10K.-1

instead of idk.
nia.

K. 8"

jwoi]

was the K. iwo.

text of the

Chronicler.2.

4-11. Solomon's address to the people.

A statement

of the

reasons which led to the building of the Temple, based largely

upon 2 S. 7* 4. And hath with his hands fulfilled it]. Yahweh had promised the building of the Temple and had through Solo-

mon

fulfilled this

promise.

Saying],

duced.

6. Cf. for the first part 2 S. y*

ever, is different here.

There the

The promise is now introCh. 17*. The turn, howthought is that Yahweh had
1

only dwelt in tents and did not, therefore, care for a "house of

cedar "; here, that hitherto no place had been chosen nor yet

person to carry out his design.

That
his

my name

might be

there].

Where Yahweh dwelt

there
if

was

name, a term expressive of the

cf.

divine nature .and almost

not quite equivalent to person,

Dt.

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342
I2 . u I4
t 6.

CHRONICLES

26.

dynasty were chosen.

the Temple, but
S.
it

6. Under David both the place and the 7. David cherished the design of building
(2 S. 7'

was overruled

Ch.

17'
i.e.,

).9.

Cf. 2

7"

Ch. 17".
(cf.

11. Wherein is the covenant]

5").

the tables of

the covenant

onjo fine] 4. vtoi] 1 K. 8' rvai. 6. >op] 1 K. 18" + Sme nx. inam] K. onxoo, cf. $" '" mna S)] wanting in 1 K. 6. ov . wanting in 1 K. and <S B of Ch., but given in CM of K.., which is followed by Kau., Ki., Bn., but not by St. SBOT.9. >3] 1 K. 8" ok >a. Stos* ia op] 1 K. nrama wnax op 11. ynun rm] 1 K. 8 rrwS oipo.
1

ono r ""<D on.

12-42. Solomon's prayer of dedication. 12-13. The position of

great altar which

was

in the court (cf. 4').

Solomon.12. Before the altar] the And he stretched forth

(Ex. o"-*).
1

his hands] the universal attitude of prayer

13.

This verse

is

from the Chronicler.

The narrative of

K. does not
arisen

mention any structure upon which Solomon knelt, nor yet his
kneeling posture.

The

notion of the structure

may have

from the desire to

sacred for
jected

remove Solomon from before the altar as a place the priests (We. Prol. p. 186, Bn.). This view is re-

by Oe. 14-17. Prayer for keeping the promise to David.

relatively fulfilled in
is

Ac-

knowledged as
(v. "),

Solomon and the Temple

but a larger fulfilment

desired (v. ").

14.

The incomcf.

That walk enant kept. 15.

7
'.

parableness of

Yahweh

as a covenant

God

is

described,

Dt. 3"

before thee with all their heart].

With such the cov-

is

As it is this day].
'

Solomon, David's promised

was reigning and the Temple, the promised house, had been built (2 S. 7" ' 1 Ch. 17" ).16. There shall not be cut of, etc.]. The conditional character of this promise Cf. 7" 1 K. 2* Je. 33".
son,
is

worthy of notice. 18-21. Prayer for answers at this house.

Expressing
),

in

general terms the burden of all the following seven specific petitions

which are that Yahweh

will

hear (1) the oath of ordeal (w.

(2)

prayer under defeat (w. - '), (3) prayer for ram (w. M '), (4) prayer under various calamities (w. -'), (5) the prayer of the stranger

(w.

'

),

(6) the prayer of the

army (w.H

'),

(7) prayer in cap-

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VI. 12-43.]

PRAYER OF DEDICATION
).

343
of the Chronicler;

tivity

(w.

18.

With men] an addition

a possible softening of the cruder conception of mere dwelling

on earth with the thought of spiritual communion. 20. Yahweh is conceived as being away from the Temple to which he is asked to look day and night, and yet his name dwells in the Temple.

He

is

both present and absent.

21. When thou

hearest, for-

give].

Every answer to prayer includes the forgiveness of

sin (Sk.).

22 f. The oath of ordeal. When one is charged with crime and made to affirm his innocence by taking an oath of curse, or having one invoked upon him by the priest, Yahweh is asked to decide, by fulfilling the curse if he is guilty, or leaving him unharmed if innocent (cf. Ex. 23'-" Nu. $"'") 24 f. Prayer in defeat. If the people are defeated in war Yahweh is asked in view of their supplication to forgive them and establish them in their land. The phrase and bring them again into the

land has been thought inconsistent with prayer in this house, and

hence the text by

slight

emendation has been made to read and

cause them to remain in the land (Klo., Bn.).

essary.

But

this is not nec-

Such a

slight inconsistency

does not affect the clear mean-

ing of the petition.

before the

And

if thy people Israel be smitten

thee].

enemy, because they have sinned against

feat in battle

was evidence
is

of

Yahweh's displeasure

down That decaused by

previous sin against him

frequently taught in the

7"-

Ch. 21").

Beginning with the belief that

OT. (cf. Jos. God caused the

righteous to prosper
(cf.

and brought misfortune upon the wicked

Ex. 23"- Lv. 26, Dt. 28), the ancient Hebrew also inverted

the doctrine, believing that prosperity proved previous righteous-

ness and adversity antecedent sin.

Thus a natural catastrophe not

only resulted in the destruction of a man's property, but ruined his

reputation as well.

26 f Prayer in drought.Cf. Dt.

.

1 1 s.

28".

Drought was in',

terpreted as a divine punishment for sin, v.

w.

cf. 1

K. 17/.
Cf. v."

Which thou

hast given to thy people for

to

an

inheritance].

which thou gavest

gift to
cf.

them and

to their fathers,

and

v.

" which

thou gavest unto our fathers.

The land was

considered a sacred

Abraham, and a holy inheritance

of his seed after him,

Gn. 12'etal.

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344

CHRONICLES

28-31. Prayer in various calamities.

of misfortune
(cf.

This covers every case

properly a kind of locust

cities.

"consumer" (EVs.), In the land of their gates] i.e., The gates were considered sacred, which perhaps accounts
Caterpillar]
(cf.
4 Jo. i )-

v.").28.

for the use of "gates" for "cities"

(cf.

Dt. ia

el al., v.

EBi.

II. col.

1645).

29.

Who shall know every man his own plague and his own
Yahweh hearken unto every suppliant who has rec30.

sorrow]

i.e., let

ognised that his misfortunes are a just divine punishment.

According

to all his

ways] does not mean that

acts, for

God

should recom-

pense him according to his

he has just suffered punishrender according as

ment on

their account;

rather,

may Yahweh

he perceives the sincerity of the sinner's repentance.

For

thou,

even thou only, knowest the hearts of the children of men ]. Yahweh's

recompense

is

just even

if it

may

not appear so, for he only

is

able

to perceive man's true condition.

32

f.

Prayer of the foreigner.

No condition
is

is

placed upon

the foreigner. the promise of

Thus
Is.

the teaching here

'-,

broader than that of

56'

which requires of the foreigner the keep-

ing of the Sabbath day as a condition of being heard by Yah'

33. For thy name is called upon this house]. The name Yahweh was pronounced upon the house, i.e., the house was This involved called by his name and he became its owner. responsibility for its welfare on the part of Yahweh (cf. EBi. III.

weh.
of

col.

3266).
f.

34

Prayer in war.
is

This

petition is parallel to

w. "

',

but
vic-

there the prayer

for aid against

an enemy which has been

torious because of Israel's sin, while here the writer is thinking of

eous war.

when Yahweh shall send Israel forth in a rightWith the following petition it is usually regarded as an exilic addition in 1 K. (.., D') (so Kau., St SBOT.,
a
petition for aid
Sk.).

36-39. Prayer in captivity.Cf Dt. 30'

petition in
1

'

Lv. a6 .

This
.

K. 8

is

considerably longer (w.

"

P-).

icler substituted

a more beautiful ending to the

40-42. The conclusion of the prayer.

icler.

Written by

The Chronprayer in w.
the Chron1

This

differs

widely from the conclusion given in

K. 8"-*;
based

where

the plea for a hearing of prayer, after Dt.

9" ", is

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VL

12-42.]

PRAYER OF DEDICATION

345

upon Yahweh's possession of Israel through their redemption from Egypt. Here, on the other hand, with customary post-exilic forms
of invocation, the plea rings with greater exultation in the thought

Temple being the resting-place of Yahweh, the abode of and of his priests, and in remembrance of the good deeds of David or (better) the divine covenant with him.40. Let thine eyes be opened]. Cf. v. 7" 1 K. 8 Ne. i Dn. 9".And thine ears attentive]. Cf. j" Ne. i- " Ps. 130K The prayer of this
of the

his ark

place]

i.e.,

the prayer directed toward this place,

cf.

v."

(Be.),

rather than in this place (Ke.,

RV.).41.

Parallel with Ps. 132',

from which

it

was probably taken.

Arise

Yahweh]

the

first

words of the ancient song of the ark, Nu. io". For thy resting, Yahweh and his ark had hitherto had no permanent etc.],
dwelling-place in Israel.
are represented in the

Be
is

clothed with salvation].

(cf.

Attributes
Jb. 29" Ps.

OT.

as clothing put on

93
let

104' Is. ii).

Salvation

equivalent to righteousness.

And
re-

thy pious ones (those devoted to the service of Yahweh)

joice in prosperity.42.
i.e.,

Turn

not

away the face of thine

is

anointed]

hear his prayer.

The

anointed, then,

Solomon.
to

The
Is.

words are from Ps. 132".

Loving kindnesses of David] either

shown
55) (so

to David, especially the promises

made

him

(cf.

RV., Be., Kau., Zoe., Oe., Ki.),

or, less

good, after 32",

the good deeds of

13. nop'i]
1

David (RVm., Ke.).

K.
'

8"

noSr.

i<m]

K.

+ own,

final clause of v.

is

wanting in

K.

iva] elsewhere a pot or basin, hence the platform may

it is

repeated at the end of v. .

with which this

13.

Smex

rwp

have been round-like in structure (BDB.), but

to (formation like
(Klo., Oe.).

better to read p*a

from

W? from idS, etc.)

o<dm.
1

(cf.

Am. $?)
v.
'.

platform,

cf.

'in v-\ri] repeated

8 nnno rwn
i)Dh.
1

17

Spi Sjjdd

14. final o<cea] K. from end of 16. mina] (an interpretation K. 8

1

& /Sdo-it

of) 1

mn] wanting in

K., but given in

is

some itss. and

in G>,

0, V, of

K., hence, as usage in this chapter shows,

to be received into the text of

1 K. (Ki. BH., St. SBOT.).\on-] 4 MSS., 1 K. 8" + W.wiS] 1 K. 'an in. 18. oixn nt] wanting in 1 K. 8", though given in <B of K., and thus accepted by Klo., Bn., Bur., but not by St. SBOT. 19. At the end of the verse after Tie ' 1 K. 8" + ovn given also in d. 20. nSiSi ooi'] 1 K. 8 dim nS'S, <t, 0, in 1 K. agree with Ch. o* "\ov oirS] 21. 'junn] 1 K. 8" ronn. o'Deri jo inar oipBD] 1 K. 8 otr 'Btr nn\ a direct change by the Chronicler from O'cen Sm *\nav 0>*>D S of x K.
1

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346

2
8",

CHRONICLES

22. ok] K. 8" nSx

i

is not common). a change by the Chronicler for an easier conai] <K here and in K. has n?n nai and he comes and struction. swears, which is preferred by Kau., Ki., Bn., and Bur. on K., but SBOT. and Ki. on K. have n?i<a Kai after Ne. io.2S. ooe>n jd] i K. 8 o'Doa simply ace. of place. The Chronicler has similarly inserted yv-h ariS] read after i K. 8 and <K 1 before o<dti in w. . ytr\ pe>inS demanded by the parallelism of the following clause (Ki., Bn.). 24. <ioki] i K. 8 ipjna. <a] i K. &*. uen] i K. + T'*

making an

easier construction (Sk denoting in or at

-ve>K

pk,

although wanting in d, which phrase

to

is

followed by

SBOT., but
'

since the
it.

turn unto
is

Yahwek

is

very frequent Bur. prefers to retain

K. ySn. 26. jo] cf. v.". ion?] wanting in i K. 8.26. Supply, after i K. 8, i before ojpn] to be vocalised ajjr after ff in i K. 8 tf (Oe., Kau., oriMtno.
certainly understood.

The pronoun

TieS]

Ba. prefers (with RVm. and 0) M because m 27. Note coon without the w. api] an order of wordssubject, conKi. V. 28 n w also junction, and verb not infrequent P (Lv. Mi. Ps. 62") Bur. K. 8").The rs before pp-v and S'Dn are wanting K. 8". ran] K. wh.mw] read
Bn., Ki., also AV., RV.).

thou answerest them.

inserts, after <S,

jd, cf.

"

in

i 4* 5'-

*,

ct a!.,

Is. a8>

s<

(see

in 1

<$, 1

"iroa after

<S of

K. (Kau., Bn., Ki.). Oe. reads, after 0, m?sai tinna. <K has Kariram rUr s-iXcwr. Ba. suggests pica 6y making a breach in his
This verse breaks
off

gates.

abruptly without final verb

aposiopesis
pjw a

(Ges. 167).29. ttWDi y] 1 K. 8" uaS 30. O'oeri jd] cf. v. 3. aaS] many uss., 1 K. + Sa.31. na?? After nn?oi 1 K. 8" has n'*>p. 32. T>jn Sh oji] CJ"1 '"tajn Sa without Sk, a T>a-na] wanting in 1 K. 8".

pa

reading followed by Klo. in

yav rm,

K.

8".

After
;

ystr 1

K. 8" has

which seems to have been omitted through an oversight by the Chronicler or by a copyist by homceoteleuton. 33. nrmi] 1 wanting in
1

K. 8", but there

instead of judd.

34.

in <S.

own
1
1

|D] cf. v.
ia'K.

similarly 1

van]

K. 8"

tSk]

K. 8" has two K. nvv Sk. The

the original (St.

former, required by the person of the verbs,

may be

SBOT., Bur.).nmn

-vpn]

K. Tpa.

The

Chronicler has added the

pronoun for the sake of clearness. 36. O'Dtfn jd] cf. v. . 36. After n* 1 K. 8" has a'wn, but <S of 1 K. also omits it, and the lack of the article with nropn and nanp shows that the word is an insertion (St.

SB07\).37. D']
correct (Bur.), but
up">.
1

K. 8" ono*>.

The

reading of Ch.

is 1

probably

St.

SBOT.

retains

%ujwn WMpn]
B) or be
.

K. unpni

should go with both verbs (SBOT.,

<5,

rejected before

both (Bur. after

requires after <K

V,

01 of 1

anup

(Ki.,

K. and of Ch.).38 ow]. Connection onn iae> -m>k] Bn.). 1 K. 8" has ono'K.

wanting
.

in

**, but not in 4P\

1

wanting in
cf. v.

K. rvaSi] 1 oavjnr] 1 K. 8" oronn.

K. has tSh. vpm] K. rvaro which Bn. reads. 39, paoo o<on
1

After Menai

is

jd]

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VIL

1-22.]

CONCLUSION OF DEDICATION

347

VII. 1-22.
tion.

In

The closing events following the prayer of dedicaK. 8"-9 the first of these events is Solomon's blessing
(w.
*-'),

of the people

which

is entirely

omitted by the Chronicler,

perhaps because he had already removed Solomon in a sense from

his position before the altar, placing

him upon a brazen pulpit (6"), and perhaps because he regarded such a blessing as the especial

function of a priest, or perhaps simply because he thought tradi-

had supplied a better conclusion in the story of fire descending from heaven which he narrates. This story certainly enhanced the
tion

importance of the occasion and

testified that the divine

approbation
the time

was given as clearly

at the completion of the

its site (1

Temple as at

of the original selection of

Ch. 21").

with the descent of the

fire

the glory of

The statement that Yahweh filled the house

most natural
itself

and

that the priests could not enter (v. *), is

in this

connection.

Yet since the cloud had also manifested

in
1

before
'-

Solomon's prayer, according to the narrative given

reproduced in 5",
source
it

K. 8 10

and

has been assumed that here another written

the Chronicler (Bn., Ki.), yet the Chronicler

was used by
Ch. 21".

could have invented this narrative even as he added the miraculous

fire in 1

1.

Now whenSolomonhadmadean end of praying].

1

Thesewords

Cf.iCh. 21* 1 K. 18" and especially for this and the following verse Lv. 9" '-. That offerings were at hand on the altar for sacrifice after the prayer of dedication
are from
etc.].

K. 8**. The fire,

is

most natural; hence the omission of any reference to their prepa(cf.

ration is not striking

also 5*).2. Cf. 5" Ex. 40

3.

The

pavement] clearly a marked feature of the court of the Temple

{cf.

Ez. 40"

').

These verses show how the narrative of

P con-

cerning the appearances of

Yahweh

in connection with the taber-

nacle, influenced at the time of the Chronicler the story of Solo-

mon's Temple.
4-7.

The sacrifices of the King and people.Taken from

v.*.

8"-", with the addition of the musical service of the priests

Levites mentioned in

6.
to

1 K. and the Twenty-two thousand oxen and a

hundred and twenty thousand sheep].

figures cannot be tested because the

The

correctness of these

number

of persons present at

the dedication

is

difficult

estimate.

The number

120,000

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CHRONICLES
artificial.

348

(10,000 for each tribe) appears to be

In

Roman
ije.,

times

256,500 paschal lambs are said to have been slaughtered in a few

hours (Jos. BJ.

vi. 9, 3).

6. According to their offices]

in their

appointed positions (auf ihren Posten, Kau.).

for sacred service

The

Levites also

stood in similar stations with the musical instruments designed

which David had made

(cf. 1

Ch. 23* Am.

their hands).

6) to

give thanks unto

Yahweh

(/or his loving kindness endureth forever)

(lit.

when David
emphasis
is

praised through their ministry

The

on the

fact of the Levites using instruments

" which

Levites " (Ke.).

over,

David had introduced when he praised God by the playing of the And the priests sounded, etc.]. Cf. 5". 7. More-

Solomon hallowed the middle of the court that was before the house of Yahweh]. This statement, taken substantially from 1 K. 8 M purports to be the description of a temporary altar, but prob,

ably preserves the

day,
viz.,

memory
altar

of the real

and only

altar of
cf.

Solomon's
4'.

Because the brazen

receive, etc.].
1

the top of the rock in front of the house,

note on

which Solomon had made was not

able to

The

glossator

who

introduced the brazen altar into

K. 8" probably thought of a smaller structure than that which the

1

Chronicler describes (4

),

hence

this

remark K. 8"

is

less appropriate

here than in

K.
feast.

8-10.

The

Taken from

with the following

notable modifications.

In the original text of Kings the feast, pre-

sumably that of the Tabernacles, lasted seven days, and on the

eighth day the people were dismissed to their homes.
of the feast
is

This duration
that of the

in accordance with the

Deuteronomic law (Dt. 16").

but two;
first

In Chronicles

we have not one

festival,

Dedication of the Altar, seven days, and secondly that of the Feast of

Tabernacles, seven days.

This first appears

in 1

K.

8* in

the and

seven days even fourteen days, but those words are wanting in <S

BL
,

and the way in which the next verse commences with reference to the eighth day shows that they formed no part of the original text,
but have crept
in,

probably through the influence of Chronicles

or the tradition which Chronicles represents (Ki., Bn., Bur., SBOT.,

et al.).

The

Chronicler seems to have taken exception to the use of

the Feast of Tabernacles, which served for a special purpose, for the dedication of the Temple,

and makes the King

therefore cele-

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V1L

1-22.]

CONCLUSION OF DEDICATION

..g

brate a double feast : the dedication of the

to the fourteenth

Temple from the eighth day of the seventh month, and the Feast of Taber(v. ')

nacles from the fifteenth to the twenty-second day, the people being

dismissed on the twenty-third

(SBOT. on

K.).

He

also in-

troduces on the eighth day of the second festival a holy assembly

(v. ) after

the law of P, which added this to the Feast of Taber-

and thus his day of dismissal is the ninth day, the month (v. '). (The Feast of Tabernacles commenced on the fifteenth day of the month and its last day was the twenty-first day; the following day of holy convocation was the twenty-second, and the day after that the twenty-third.) 8. So Solomon held the/east at that time seven days] i.e., the Feast of Tabernacles from the fifteenth to the twenty-first of the seventh month (v. s.). From the entrance of Hamath unto the brook of Egypt] the extreme northern and southern boundaries respectively, cf. 1 Ch. 13*. The brook of Egypt is usually identified with mod. Wddy el Artsh, south-west of Palestine in the wilderness of Paran (cf. EBi. II. col. 1249; DB. I. p. 667).9. On the eighth day] the twenty-second of the seventh month. The dedication of
nacles (Lv. 23"),

twenty-third day of the seventh

the altar seven days]

from the eighth to the fourteenth

unusual for homes,
cf.

(v. s.).

10.
etal.

Unto

their tents] not

Ps.

91" Ju.

19'

11-22.

The

vision in answer to Solomon's prayer.

Based

upon

K. 9'% yet containing the independent

w.

>*'.

This new matter, from the common expression my ears shall be at(nnpp wm), seems akin to the new ending to the dedicatory prayer, and hence the entire paragraph, since the text of 1 K. also in other points is not always closely followed, is held by Bn. and Ki. to have come from another source than 1 K., but there is really no reason
tentive

why

the Chronicler need not have written

it.

12. For a house of sacrifice]. This phrase, while in full accord with the Deuteronomic idea of the choice of the sanctuary as a
dwelling-place of the divine
presses

name

(given in

K.

9*

and

v.

'),

yet ex-

more

distinctly the priestly idea of the

Temple as

the place

of sacrifice.
dition

13.

and promise are

This and the two following verses in their conparallel with the form of Solomon's prayer
(cf.

in the previous chapter

6"*-

).

14.

My

people

upon

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35

CHRONICLES

whom my name

is called]. This idiom means that they belong to Yahweh, hence Yahweh owes them protection, cf. 6". 16. Cf. 6". 20. And I will make it a proverb and a by-word among all

peoples] the Deuteronomic punishment for disobedience,

cf.

Dt.

28", also Je. 24*.

1.

nihv ntaai]
abs.
is

K. 8"

'Ui

vn.tv

vnrri]

Dr.

TH.

Ges.

nib.3. nnvn]
not entirely
1

Ges. 113*; Ew. 3S1

c.

I ia8, p. 89 f.n.; Such a form of the

inf.

unknown

elsewhere,

cf.

Ges. 5J l$n.ff., 113*.

K. 8" wp Sk-wx "w. 6. iSon] wanting in 1 K. 8*, though there in <B. 1 K. after rot has nwS nar -WH O'dSot and va instead of Tpan in Ch. Kau. prefers ">P3 as the necessary correlative form with jw. otiSh] r K. nvi\ opn] : K. Sun*" <ja. 6. OPnowD Sp] <B Art
4.

opn

Sai]

7 At

i/>i/\ax4.

'

suis
6ei*

Obliegenheiten, Ki.

0T3 Tn SSna] < < 6/ukhi AavciS ltd xpi o*r wr, V hymnos David canentes per mantis tuas, approved by Be., Zoe., and Oe., who translates mil dcm Hallel Davids von ihnen vorgetragcn, and Kau. indent sie so den Lobpreis Davids vortrugen, and Ki. mil dem von ihnen
to8 AavnS.

Ar Dienstverrichtungen. vn
officii;,

Be.

wr

7>rei

Gesch&ften, Oe.

flier

ns>? -hpk]

tAren (S 8*

angestimmten Lobgesang, yet the view of Ke., given above, is to be preferred.onrenD] cf. 1 Ch. 15*.7. Instead of "dSp vy>>\ 1 K. 8M has

Y?Dn

e>-ip

mnn

ova.

piSpn]

K. has

sing,

followed by

nnn

ph>.

DoSm phi nnn pm nhfn ph S<anS Sw

hS rmhv npp

wh]
1

K. has

">h

O'dSot 'aSn phi nniDn pninVipn ph S'ano pap nim

introduces the altar as Solomon's, in view of
1

ijbS.

The

Chronicler

such great altar (cf. 4 ).8. In 1 K. 8" H'.-n O'C followed by the gloss (v. s.) ov "pp npa-m 0'D ppaw close the verse, but between O'-ixd and O'D' ppa> 1 K. has the words U'pSh nim 'joS. 9. ova, is entirely independent of 1 This verse, save in the words K. 8". 10. In 1 K. 8" the dismissal is on the 8th day (of the feast) in-

K. mentions no ppa precede jnn and ppa*

its size.

wwn

stead of the

iyd of the month of the seventh month.

1

And

instead of sim-

K. has on'SnnS uS'iiSon ph u-Q'iopn ph rhv. nawn Sp] some mss., 1 K. 'n Sa S?. wiS] 1 K. + nap. nsSrS)] an addition of the Chronicler. 11. po ph neSo Sa>i] 1 K. o1 PiSaa puaS noSr. PwpS noVr aS Sp nan Sa phi] i K. r" "* "'D ?e pwi Sa phi PwpS. The remainder of the verse is wanting in 1 K. 12. nS'Sa] wanting in 1 K. 91 or represented in n<je>, which is followed by vVh nn-u "WH3 rtpa.ia, entirely omitted in Ch. After "tohm i K. 9* has nw and also vSh
ply on'S.-wS opn ph rbv,

instead of

1S.

The new

matter in Ch. follows ipSp, commencing,

however, with a parallel to / have sanctified this house in the statement

/ have chosen this place for myself, etc. 16. The text of 1 K. o*0 k is now resumed and introduced with vnna npp of v. 1,b and 1 is placed before vwnpn and nnja -wh is omitted after ntn, and PvnS is read in,

stead of owS.

17.

After

Tan

K.

9*

has -iroi aaS opa.

PwpS>]

>

is

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VOT. 1-18.]
wanting in
i

VARIOUS ACTS OF SOLOMON

K.,

and should be struck out (Be., Oe., Kau., Ki.), yet may inf. construed as a continuation of iSn, cf. owSi i S. 8" awn 2 Ch. 30, Dr. TH. 206, Ges. f 114^. >pm] 1 K. >pn, but d, t, H, have 'pro. 18. inSe] cf. i>; 1 K.. o inaSoo followed by oSpS Sxvo* hf. inV 'ma] i K. in Sp vnai. With 'ma one would expect nna (yet cf. 5" ), but probably 'ma in Ch. has come into the text by copyist glancing forward to ma hS (Be.). Srwa S*no] 1 K. ms Spo Suit". Be. thought the change in Ch. due directly to the remembrance of Mi. 5'. <K in 1 K. has this reading of Ch. 19. The introductory 1 is lacking in t K. o, and before -pawn t K. has aw inf. absol., and after onn has nnHD Da'jai and nDB>n kSi instead of onatpi, and the next two words are transposed. 20. 'noiK Sjd ovvnii] 1 K. 9' Sne n worn nwwi 'io Vpo. In 1 K. fun after P'an is wanting, and instead of f'w* cast out, it has rbv* send out, and Sk-ip' svm instead of wnm. 21.
be retained and

P'Sp nwi

-Brt] 1

K.

9 p'Sp n*rt\

The text of Ch.

a
relative
1

is

an endeavour

to con-

and thus make sense with K. was 0"p ruins instead of P'Vp (after wfij- desolate of 0, Ki., Bur., SBOT., et at.) and this house SaS] on the subj. introshall be ruins: every one who passes by, etc. duced by S cf. Ges. i43. 1 K. has Sa.After OS" 1 K. has btw. noa -torn] 1 K. has no Sp rwm. 22 on'pan 'nSn] 1 K. 9* on'nS*. 010* in] 1 K. onan n* kiwi. After loan 1 K. has mn\
strue the predicate of nrn rt'an as

the adj. p'Sy.

The

true reading in

VIII. 1-18. Various Doings of Solomon. Taken with some changes from 1 K. a 10 -". 1-2. The exchange of cities with Hiram. I K. q-. This transaction has been given an entirely different appearance by the Chronicler. According to the narrative of Kings, Solomon gave the King of Tyre twenty cities (towns or villages) in payment for timber

and gold, and Hiram was displeased with them, although he seems to have annexed them under the name Cabul to his kingdom. But according to the narrative of Chronicles, Solomon received the cities from Hiram and rebuilt or embellished or fortified and colonised them with Israelites. The two statements have been harmonised (1) by the assumption that Solomon first ceded the twenty cities to Hiram, who, because they were in bad condition or of little worth (cf. 1 K. 9'*), restored them to him, whereupon Solomon built them up (Jos. Ant. viii. 5, 3, Seb. Schmidt, Starke, Dahler, Ke.); (2) by the assumption that Solomon gave Hiram twenty Israelitish cities for which the latter gave him twenty Phoenician cities, and that Kings refers to the former gift and Chronicles to the latter

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352

CHRONICLES
reality,

(Kimchi and other Jewish commentators). In

however, the

Chronicler has remodelled the statement of Kings (Be., Oe.), the

thought being probably offensive to him that Solomon should part

with any of his territory to Hiram, or incredible that the rich and
glorious

Solomon should have been so pressed

for

money

that he

would

sell

a portion of his territory, hence the passage was changed

to convey the opposite meaning.

is directly

That

the passage in Chronicles

free

dependent upon that of Kings and not a

Seven years were spent

composi-

tion is seen in the parallelism

between the introductory

in building the

verses.

1.
(i

Twenty

years].

Temple

K. 6") and

thirteen in building the palace (i

K. 7').2. Built]
1
i.)

with the force of rebuild or enlarge

3-6.

(BDB.

Jti3

or fortify

(Bn., Ki.); so also built in the following verses.

which Solomon built. Taken with considerable variation from 1 K. 9"". The Chronicler
store
cities

The

and military

has entirely omitted the contents of 1 K. 9" ' which speak of Solomon 's
levy caused
tion of

by a number of building operations, and of his acquisi-

Gezer through Pharaoh his father-in-law; and omitting the

also a

reference to Gezer in v. ", he has rearranged the contents of the

verse

and given

new

introduction to the paragraph in the

statement of a campaign not mentioned elsewhere against IJamath-zobah, probably with reference to Tadmor, which the Chronicler
1

has constructed out of

i8.

Tamar (v.

*.).

3. Hamath-zobah].
1
it is

Cf.
is

Ch.

This campaign, since

it is

not mentioned in

K.,

generally entirely ignored in histories of Israel or Solomon. Neither

Bn. nor Ki. discusses

yet Winckler thinks

its historicity.

Certainly

very doubtful;

it

not at

all

incredible (Gesch. Is. II. p. 266.

1

KAT* p. 239).4.
versions

Tadmor] in the text of

but the Qr. or margin has Tadmor (IDin).

ing of

K. 9" is Tamar (ion), This is followed by all

(V Palmyram) and was formerly accepted as the true readK. Tadmor was the later Palmyra situated north-east of Damascus; but the other towns mentioned in 1 K. 9" are all in S. Palestine, and in Ez. 47' 48" a Tamar ("IDA) is placed in the extreme south; hence the text of 1 K. seems to be the true reading and the reference is to Tamar in S. Judah (Bn., Ki., Bur., el al.), but the Chronicler has glorified this obscure southern city into the Tadmor
1
'

of the north, and, as mentioned above,

composed

v.

as an introduc-

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m. 1-18.]
tion.

VARIOUS ACTS OF SOLOMON

all the store cities
1

3^3
This

And

which he
K., but

built
is

in Homath].

statement has no parallel in

simply the Chronicler's

fortified

completion of the reference to Tadmor as one of a line of

posts

on the northern

frontier of
is

Solomon's kingdom.

6.

In

K.

9" only the lower Beth-horon

fortified cities

mentioned.

with walls, doors,

Upper Beth-horon and and bars are an addition of the

cf. 1

Chronicler.

On

the location of the Beth-horons

Ch.

<>.

6. Ba'alalh] Jos. 19" 1

K. 9"

f,

not clearly identified.

1

7-10. Solomon's bond-servants. Taken from

K. 9"- M.8.

Whom the children of Israel consumed not]. The reading of 1 K. 9" " whom the children of Israel were not able utterly to destroy "
was an unpleasant admission to the Chronicler, hence this change. Of them did Solomon raise a levy]. According to the clear implication of 1 K. 5"-" '>, at least the levy of 30,000 men for work in the Lebanons was composed of Israelites, and probably also the levy of 150,000 men. The revolt under Rehoboam (1 K. ia) was based upon this oppressive measure. This passage (from a late

addition to

Solomon.
fifty] is at

is merely an attempt to rescue the reputation of Sm. Hist. pp. 157/.). 10. Even two hundred and variance with the number in 1 K. 9** "five hundred and
1

K.)

(Cf.

fifty" (v.

*.).

11.

The house of Pharaoh's daughter.

1
'

9". According to

Rewritten from 1 K. K. 3 Solomon brought Pharaoh's daughter on her

marriage into the city of David until the completion of his palace,

when he made also a house for her (1 K. 7*), and according to 1 K. 9" she moved from the city of David into this house. The Chronpasses over entirely the first statement and interprets the removal as caused by Solomon from a religious motive. The city of David the Chronicler interprets as the holy precincts where the ark
icler

had been brought and where,

In
1

after the notion of Ezekiel (44*), the

presence of Solomon's foreign wife might be regarded as a sacrilege.

K. 9"

it is

also stated that

Solomon then

built Millo.

This

is

entirely omitted in Chronicles (an evidence according to

Bn. of the
is

use here of another written source than K., but such omission
tirely

en-

agreeable to the Chronicler's handling of the text).

f.

Solomon's ministrations at the altar of the Temple. Rewritten from 1 K. 9". According to this verse in Kings, Solomon

12

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354
offered burnt-offerings
clearly

CHRONICLES

JE

and peace-offerings three times in a year, on the three annual feasts commanded by the legislation of (Ex. 23"") and of D (Dt. i6'-"). This ministration the Chronmentioning also the feasts by
(v. 1 ")

icler retains,

name

(v. l,b ),

but in addi-

tion to these

annual services the weekly Sabbatical and monthly

ones are added

and thus the ministrations

fully

of the

King are

made

to

conform more with the

All trace, also, of
1

developed ritual of

(Lv.

23'-").

any

service at the altar of incense

(cf.

(men-

tioned in

K. 9"), which would be an unlawful act

built before the porch, i.e., the great

26"), has

been removed by the clear definition of the altar as the one which
he [Solomon ]had
burnt-offering
ple

brazen altar of

(4').

12.

Then]

after the dedication of the

Tem-

when

this service of

Solomon commenced.

13.

The commandlegislation

ment of Moses] a comprehensive expression for the

given in the Pentateuch.
feasts cover the fixed times

Sabbaths, months, and seasons or set

when

extra ceremonies in the ritual

These were the weekly Sabbaths and the beginnings of each month, including the Feast of Trumpets, and the three great festivals with their associated days of wavesheaf (with the Passover) and atonement (in the same month
of offerings

were required.

with the Feast of Tabernacles)

these days
direct
it is

(cf.

Lv. 23' Nu. 28-2o").

On

implied that the King himself took part in some

way

in the sacrificial services.

14-16. Solomon's appointments for service in the Temple

and its completion.

parallel

A continuation of the elaboration of 1 K.o, For David's order only in v. " k with 1 K. g uh . 14.

and the Levites and the gate-keepers The treasures] i.e., the 15. The king] David. cf. 1 Ch. 23-26. furniture of the Temple and the stuff contributed for its services and support, the provision for its ministers (cf. 1 Ch. 26"-"). 16. The final summary: And all the work of Solomon was accomfor the divisions of the priests

plished from the day of the foundation of the house of

the completion of the house of

17
from

f.
1

Yahweh unto Yahweh through Solomon* (Bn., Ki.). Solomon's trade at Ophir. Taken with some changes

K. o"-".

According to 1 K., Solomon builds ships at Ezion-

geber and Hiram, King of Tyre, provides him with sailors that go with the servants of Solomon to Ophir.

According to Chronicles,

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Vm 1-18.]

VARIOUS ACTS OF SOLOMON

355

Solomon went to Ezion-geber, where Hiram sent him both ships and sailors. This discrepancy has been reconciled on the supposition that the sending of ships was only the sending of material for their construction (Ke., Zoe.); or an identity of meaning has been found
by following <$, 0, in striking out to him (lh), i.e., Hiram sent likewise to Ophir ships from a harbour on the Red Sea or Persian Gulf where the Phoenicians might have had a trading-post (Oe.). But

and probably arose through the Chronicler's careless reading of the text of 1 K., unless one may assume such a lack of geographical knowledge that he really thought ships, as well
the discrepancy
is

real

as sailors, could be sent from Tyre to Ezion-geber.

Chronicles 450
to

According to

talents of gold were brought back, while according

Kings only 420.

Ezion-geber

and Eloth]. These two places were

the

near together at the northern extremity of the Gulf of 'Akabah.

The exact site of the former is unknown; on the supposition that

gulf extended formerly further inland,
'

Robinson

identified

it

with
gulf.

Ain-el-Ghudyan, fifteen miles north of the present head of the

is

Elath or Eloth
Ophir].

the

mod.
is

'Akabah at the head of the

gulf.

The

exact locality

the eastern coast of Africa, in India,

unknown. and
Ch.

It

has been placed on

in south-eastern Arabia.

The latter is the most likely

1. O'-wp] Kau., Ki.

(c/. 1

i).

the
1

article, 'F>, after

K. iSon

no

nio.

SBOT., Kom., both here and KIo. After nsSsy 1 K. has D'naa

in

K. 9"

prefix

j nt*.

wo nm]
1

6. After nSja pki this verse corresponds with

K.

9", with variation only of Ss inserted before the second

p^n.

7. The Chronicler has departed from

1

np and
1

before

K. 9" only
( 1),

in transposing

noun and

<iwi and in the use of the copulative

which

K. has only
in
is

with 'DO'n, and in the omission of ' before Sm*".

8.

p] wanting
hence

% and
Smr'

K. 0", appears contrary to

all the people (v. 7 )>

to be

struck out (Be., Ki.; retained with partitive force by Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

a neat abbreviation of the text of 1 K. < Vw< hS i K. has lay which was struck out evidently because regarded as superfluous. 9. -wh] wanting in 1 K. 9", some uss., and d, "B, 0, is defended by Be. as an Aramaism, but is rightly struck out by Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki. lroKSoV 0'iapV] 1 K. "oy. The Chronicler's additions are for clearness.nDnSo]in iK. followed by viapi.ve>'Se ni] to be read after 1 K. and <* ve"Ssn mm. 10. Y'oS] 1 K. 9" nation Sp. The reason of this change is not clear unless for brevity. ovkoi oron] 1 K. nwo com o'ttm. The smaller number of Ch. is due probably to a
ja

0V0

kS]

is

ODna-iS Shi*".

After ddS

Digitized by

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356
copyist's oversight.

CHRONICLES
find,

Bn. Ki.,
,

however, in this evidence for another

copy than

K. before the Chronicler.

perhaps after the analogy of the plurals of place or spatial extension. 13. ova oi law]. The same phrase wanting the a with *oi occurs in Lv. 23". To omit a gives an easier
of verse after opa.
.

11

K. has .-ukSc3

0'e>pn at close

ncn]

pi.,

reading, but all mss. have

it

(Be.); a essentia (Ke., Zoe.);

& apparently

oia (Oe.).mSpnS]
Cf. 1 Ch.

instead of inf. abs.,

Ew.

280 d (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

o 134 15' Ges. 114* (?) (1. 129).'ui jna] cf. Dt. 16". <> (1. 89).OBe>oa] cf. 1 Ch. 6" cf. 1 Ch. 15". nySno] cf. 1 Ch. 23" (I. 42). onnoB's] cf. 1 Ch. 9". ijw -\pe>S] at every gate (1. 124). 15. nrao] retained by Ke., Zoe., cf. Ew. 5 2820; read with IB (nwDD) Be., Kau., Ki. Kom.; pi. (r*o) <*, , Oe., Ki., SBOT. 16.
14. nepi]

dm iy]
it

unto ike (this) day,

.e.,

the day on which after the consecration

of the completed

Temple the

regular public worship

was commenced

in

(Be., Ke., Zoe.).

Now all the work of Solomon was prepared until this

its

day, the foundation of the house until

completion : the house of

Yahweh

was finished

(Ke.).

nanSo

is is

taken as explained by idiq.

Dr.

TH.

a case of apposition. But this rendering of Ke. and that of A V. are harsh; better after <K, V, 9, read ovofrom the day of the foundation (Oe., Ki.). dt read also nin> P'a noS* niSa np. This
(given above)
inSa np.
is preferred by Bn., Ki. Kom. (V- has this and also Bn. regards the conclusion as from the uncanonical source.

190 Obs. suggests that ovn

Much, however, is in favour of mm n>a oSe> coming from 1 K. 9", and in no way being a corruption. 17. mS'K Ski -iaj ji<*pS mhv "\hn t] -i K. 9" mS'K ph ivh in jvpa noSc iSon ne>p 'jm. o<n] 1 K. 1 o\ 18. h] wanting in 1 K. 9". ciapi nvjw map *va] 1 K. <mr map nK iKa

nvjK.

o] 1
1

K.

O'n.

wa'i of

K.

o'-.

The Chronicler has transposed ncSr 'tap and pram] K. 9" onrpi. K. has arv before pa-m.
op,
1 1

K.

1-12.

The

visit of
1

the Queen of Sheba. Taken with K. 10

'".

almost no variations from

1.

Skeba] the land of the Ch.

1

Sabeans, often mentioned in the OT.,

. Since Sheba was famous for its trade (Ez. 27"- *) and costly wares (Ez. 38"), its Queen could well have heard of Solomon and his luxurious court. In Is. 60* its inhabitants are represented as about to bring gold and frankincense as tribute to Israel and to pay homage to Yahweh. Hard questions] (filTTI). This word is used in the sense of dark, obscure sayings, or riddles to be guessed (as in the Samson stories, Ju. 14), or simply perplexing questions, the probable meaning here (BDB.). The Queen of Sheba with costly gifts came to test the report of Solomon's wisdom and glory, of which she had heard in distant Arabia.2. After she had tested the King's wisdom and, 3,

cf. 1

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EC. 1-12.]

VISIT

OF QUEEN OF SHEBA

357

had observed the house thai he had built or, what is more likely, the palace (cf. v. *),
sidered as one structure
servants; there

i.e.,

either the

Temple

or

all

his buildings con-

and, 4, the luxurious appointments of his

spirit (breath)

was no more

in her, she being quite

5',

overcome by astonishment.

Cf. Jos. 2"

fear.

where the phrase

his ascent by

is

used for the loss of breath through

And

which

he went up unto the house of Yahweh] AV., RV., but read rather with RVm. of 1 K. io and his burnt-offering which he offered in
the house of

Yahweh

(v. .).

6.

The

Chronicler emphasises that

Solomon's wisdom rather than his wealth causes the great astonishment of the foreign queen by adding to the account in
1

words the greatness of thy wisdom. 8. The words his (Yahweh's) throne (1 K. 10 on the throne of Israel) to be king for Yahweh thy

K. the

God (an

addition of the Chronicler)

show

in

striking

way

the

theocratic stand-point of the Chronicler,

cf. 1

Ch. a8 29".

9.

A
Cf.

hundred and twenty

three
2'<>.

talents of gold]

a sum equivalent to more than

and one-half

millions of dollars.

12.

10.

Algum-trees].

Besides that which she had brought unto the king].

This text of Chronicles implies that Solomon gave the Queen

Sheba all her desire besides the equivalent of that which she had brought to him (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.). This notion may have arisen from the thought that Solomon should in no way be indebted to the Queen. B renders et multo plura quant attulerat ad eum. Bertheau would read besides that which the king (of his free will) gave to her C^Dm i"6 K'SH). The text of 1 K. io, besides that which he gave her according to the hand of King Solomon, means that Solomon gave to the Queen of Sheba gifts commensurate with his own wealth and power (SBOT.).
of
1. nyoe>] 1

K. io1 njnw.

After noVr
oSpj kSi]
1

K. has

nw otrh, a phrase of
jn oSpi

noSro ian K iSon -m nwi noan rm] K. noan Sa n*. on'tnaSo*] wanting K. 0. vvSjn] K. though given The former with the meaning
toj>] 1

much difficulty.Tohv pk row"?] 1 K. mojS. The Chronicler's text is more oSrwa] 1 K. io noSrrv nam. aiS] 1 K. ikd ai. definite, cf. v. .
K. vSk.
3.
io kV.

3.

io

4.

in

io,

in

inSpi.

and his ascent with which he used to ascend to the house of Yahweh is preferred by Ke., and the rendering of AV., RV., both here and in 1 K., but have vmkp his offersince n'Sp means upper chamber, and since <&, >,

ings, this is preferable (Be., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.) (cf.

RVm.

in K.).

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35 8

CHRONICLES
and
1)r

The
io

last clause in

til

here

in i

K.

is

icctt

4( iavrijt tytrero.

dfi

bere has this and also *oJ oix

4v

airy tri rrefyia.

has mn.

6. After

nc

K.
x

6.

onnaV?]
i

K. 10' onaY?.

inoan

rva-io]

wanting in

K., an addition of the Chronicler for clearness, taking the place of

has

K. follows neo\ written noon. Instead of >j i K. of i K. io have yvi, preferred there by V, Klo., Kamp., Bn., Ki. SBOT., Bur., and here by Kau., Ki., Bn. flt L has this, but tilB follows M.8. woa] i K. io Smg noa. t"'"' nwS t>oS]
ax noan, which in
"?k.

7.
in

i]

<K,

wanting

K.

T^Sk]

K.

w.wopnS] wanting in
view the future of

K.; a

more
lJni]

directly Messianic thought, keeping in

Israel.

KvSp] wanting in I K.; must refer to Israel. 9. a-rV] i i K. id'Cmi. K. io" rmn. mn] i K. Ra.After ma i K. has aiS iip. 10. an wan if* noSr napi ovn nap] i K. io" tun -wk ovn 'jh an. The Chronicler puts the activity here of Solomon or his servants on a par with that of Hiram or his servants. D'BuSk] i K. dmoSk, so also v. ", cf. a". Here mSoc] i K. io "ipoD, 11. 0'DuSnn] see v. . i K. adds ikd nana. A*., a word whose precise meaning is dubious (BDB.), interpreted as raised walk, floor, or pavement of some sort with which niSoD would agree (Raschi, Be., Zoe.), or more generally as a support, a railing or buttress, til inroariiplyuaTa, t fulcra (Bur.), then niSoo fa an error (BDB.) or a misinterpretation. Yet both may represent supports, elevations in the shape of some sort of a platform or esirade designed for the dishes or utensils of the Temple and palace (Paul Haupt in SBOT. on K.). (Kau. [Kamp.] and Ki. both represent the word with a lacuna in f-iwa D'jdS ona wru kVi] i K. their translations of K. and Ch.). nrn ova np nun Si 0'JdSk <p p Ka kS. The phrase in the land ofJudah, instead of in the land of Israel, shows that the Chronicler writes as one of his own age (Ba.). 12. loam V>ea Sh nma.-i] i K. io" jont aoSr iSon to nS jru; ioa in Ch. fa simply a synonym for ajo in K.

mw

13-28. The wealth of Solomon.Taken from iK.io".

variations are very slight.

The

13.

Six hundred and sixtysix

talents

of gold]

i.e.,

about twenty millions of dollars, constituted the regular

annual income.

15.

Each

of the

two hundred bucklers contained

nearly 22 pounds (avoirdupois) of gold, worth nearly 6,000 dollars,

and, 16, each of the three hundred shields contained half this

amount.

17.
That

The reading, three maneh,

fleet
is

in

K. 10"

is
cf.

incorrect (v.
v. ".

*.).

Ivory] was secured by Solomon's navy,

of

21.

Ac-

cording to Chronicles the

this

Solomon went

to Tarshish.

view was incorrect

seen from the products of the East

1

brought back by the vessels and by the reference in

K. 22" to

Jehoshaphat's ships of Tarshish which were stationed at Ezion-

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IX. 13-28.]

WEALTH OF SOLOMON
The

359
Chronicler mis-

geber on the Gulf of Elah to go to Ophir.

understood in both of these instances the phrase ships of Tarshish, which described a class of vessels such as were used by the Phoenicians in their voyages to Tartessus in Spain,
tion as he supposed.

and not

their destina-

The accuracy of his

statement, however, has

been absurdly defended on the supposition that the vessels made a

circuit of Africa to Series,

Spain (see Eng. Trans, of Zoe. Com. in Lange

Cf.
1

pp. 28 /.).26-28.
1

i".
K.
10".

13. o>e>M]

is

wanting in
<t

naa]
1

K.

-\x.

14.
1

naV
K.,

O'Vin

e>jKD].

Since these words appear in

(cf.

K.

io, they represent

the original text of Ch.

rwr irSpdr

also).

In their source,

they are usually regarded as a corruption, and the emendations suggested are numerous. Since (t has

x wP' s T ^" ^ipup rdv

inrvrerayiiirvr,

wy=^opor

in <8 L a

K. a3, Boe. read

'in >e>jpD laS,

and Thenius the same

(on K.) with

with D'vnn "the subject people " for onnn, and

SBOT.

erupn for ennn. Ki. Kom. reads there and here onpn -who laS after Kau. following Kamp. . . Ha iphd > ft, which has " cities " for onn. Abgeschen von dem was einkam von . Bn. suggests (on??)n ijvhv 'a Sai onnoni ungerechnet die Abgaben der (Stadte ?) und der Handler und der Kdnige, etc. aip] Arabia 1 K. aiyn. The former is read in 1 K. by Bn., Ki., SBOT. (notes), et al.o'iod onrwm] 1 K. O'Sa-in inooi. 'w ant d>kod] an addition of the Chronicler. 16. wins"] wanting 16. nwo vhv] 1 K. 10" s< nrSp. The text of Ch. is in 1 K. 10". Gold was reckoned in correct, as the foregoing hikd vb shows. shekels (Bn.). 17. line] substituted as more familiar for tbio in i K. 10". 18. ovnKD noaS anta raai] 1 K. 10" v-uikd noaS Vuy tttrn. The ioaS O'Sap TK-n original text of K. as seen in (J was probably (SBOT.) and the throne had at its back the heads of butts (calves). So essentially Ki., Bn., et al., after Geiger, Urschrift, p. 343. The change in K. to round top was made because calves were offensive as symbols of Yahweh. In Ch. "lambs" (traa) was substituted, which later was read footstool (vaa) (BDB.) and v-uikd was read onnxo
. . .

wwo

(Hoph.

part.).

tf BA omits the clause,

K. lo" PwSdd. 20. ioa] 1 K. 10" + vh. 21. Dim nap oy eenn nwSn -|SdS pvjk <a] pvjk niKiap] 1 K. 'jk man. 1 K. 10" ovn 'iK ay ca iSoS "enp jk 'a. pweo] 1 K. phm. 22. nosm] 1 K. xo imxb\ 23. 'aSo] wanting in $ of 1 K. 10", but given in <&, and hence to be read (Bn., Bur., but not Ki. and SBOT.).26. On w. cf. i"-. Before <n<) 1 K. io has D'enoi aai noSr 10101, which the Chronicler omits here, but uses elsetim] 1 K. aan nine pa-mi i\Sh V? wi. The Piaa">oi . where, cf. i M text of Ch., and Solomon had four thousand stalls of horses, is that of

brorbStov irWijicer Ir Xpo^V T V 6p6nf.

19.

though retained in
aaSDO]
1

9f~,

cot

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3 6o
<K in K.,

CHRONICLES

and according to Bur. was probably the original there, but n witu was wsio ?, yet Ot of K. may be suspected of having come under the influence of Ch. Moreover, close verbal agreement shows that the Chronicler here followed i K. s, unoS o'ow nv\K hSk o>pa-u nchvh <n>i,
1

as his source
suf.

(v. notes on i '<"). This reading, except in the final pron. (wraS), has the support of (S*1 (certainly original <t), the underlying Heb. of which was doubtless the original of Ch., and should be rendered, and Solomon had 40,000 stalls of horses for the chariots. Bn>j>i] 1 K. io oru'i. The former has the support of all Vrss.26.
-

wanting in Heb. of
either

K., but present there in

<K.
1

The

verse

is

taken

from a

different text of 1

K.

10,

or from

K. 5"

(4"') with the

stituted for

wi) and O'aSon the kings subnwSiDa the kingdoms. 28. noSrS onxoo o<d ownci] 1 K. xo onxoD noSS ik O'own hxidi. The final phrase, nwwn hsoy, is the Chronicler's happy generalisation of the somewhat obscure passage in K. (see i>>).
subject omitted (1 K. n>n nvhvy for

29-31. The final

summary of the reign of Solomon.Taken

1

with variations from

K. 11"-".

The

variations are as follows:

is

The

acts are called the first

and

the last,

which qualifying phrase

added frequently by the Chronicler to the summaries taken from Kings (cf. 12" 16 11 so" 25" 26" 28" 35"). Their written source is
not "the book of the acts of Solomon," the one given in
1

K. n",

but the acts of

Shilonite,

Nathan

the prophet, the prophecy of

Ahijah the

and

the visions of Iddo the seer concerning

Jeroboam the

son ofNebat. These sources were not independent works, but were
either sections of the canonical

books or of the Book of Kings

22).

Nathan the prophet appears K. 1), Ahijah near its close (1 K. 1 1"*), hence in the acts or history of Nathan and in the prophecy of Ahijah we probably have references to 1 K. Whether this is so in the vision of Iddo the seer is more doubtful. This may
mentioned elsewhere (see Intro, p.
at the beginning of Solomon's reign (1
refer to the Chronicler's other source (cf.

12" 13"); yet the un-

known prophet

of 1

K. 13

is

called
5),

equivalent to Iddo (Ant.

viii. 8,

by Josephus Jadon, a name and he may thus have been

31. Slept with his fathers]
1

known

at the time of the Chronicler.

part of the regular formula with which the compiler of

and

K.
im-

closes his account of the reign of each king, denoting either nothing

more than

that one

had died as

his fathers had, or

more

likely

plying association with his fathers in the realm of the dead

and

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EL

89-31.]

END OF SOLOMON'S REIGN

life.

361

thus some condition of future

And was
is

buried in the city of

David].

Cf. 1 Ch. 15".

This phrase

also a part of the formula

just mentioned.
29. 'ir]
1 1

Kt

-^ Qr.

ilj;.^. roS* iSdm]

for the longer text of

K. n nehr fro ttk K. n.

ownv31. vnaw] PL instead of Niph.

nami in

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X-XXXVI.

THE HISTORY OF JUDAH FROM REHOBOAM UNTIL THE EXILE.

i and 2 Kings, the Chronicler N. kingdom and confines his narrative to the fortunes His most noteworthy additions to the earlier history of Judah. The former utter are the introduction of prophets and Levites. discourses of warning and admonition, and the latter are promi-

In contrast with the author of

ignores the

nent in events concerning the Temple.

X-XII. The Reign of Rehoboam

(c.

937-920 b.c.).The

Chronicler has incorporated into his narrative the entire account of this reign given in 1 K. ia>-'- - 14"-", with the exception of
14"-", omitted
dition of

owing

to

its

unfavourable view of the religious conis

Judah under Rehoboam. Chapter 10

1

almost a verbatim

duplicate of

K.

12'-".

The Chronicler's additions to his material

Rehoboam's
tribes
fortifications
l

from

K.

in c. 11 are accounts (a) of

(ii-),

(b) of the immigration

from the N.
1

(n

-"),
1

of the royal family

(u

*- ,

);

(b) appears to

be based upon

and (c) K. 12",

but (a) and

sources.

(c) are
c.

independent of

K. and

In

12 the Chronicler gives

may represent other much fuller detail reand secand thirdly,

specting the invasion of Shishak

religious defection of

first,

in reference to its cause, the

Rehoboam and

his people (12' ');

ondly, in giving an account of the invading host (12*);

in introducing tion of
(ia'-'-

a prophetic admonition whereby through the humilia-

Rehoboam and the people the wrath of Yahweh is averted '*). The picture thus given of the reign of Rehoboam is
from that of
1

strikingly different

K.

There the people are repreis

sented as exceedingly apostate (1 K. i4 ,,M ) and nothing good

said of

Rehoboam. The Chronicler, on the other hand, magnifies Rehoboam as a builder of cities and as a ruler of ardent worshippers of Yahweh, only forsaking the law of Yahweh when he was strong,
36a

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X. 1-19.]

REJECTION OF REHOBOAM

363

a supposition necessary to explain the invasion of Shishak, from

whom the land was correspondingly delivered upon the humiliation

King and his princes. X. Rehoboam's rejection by Israel at Shechem. An almost verbatim duplicate of 1 K. 12'-". 1. Shechem] mod. Nablus, lying under the north-east base of Mt. Gerizim (Baed. pp. 215 ff.),
of the

mentioned frequently

in the early narratives of Israel

(Gn. 12*

33" 35* 37"*'

d <d.). The assembly of tribes here shows that in spite

Solomon the N.
1

of the intervening reign of

tribes held

still

to their

ancient right of choosing their sovereign, exercised in the case of

Saul and David (1 S.

2 S. 5*

Ch. n').2. This verse, already

>

dislocated in Kings, properly precedes v.

(v.

*'.).

The

Chronicler

mentions Jeroboam without introduction, assuming his readers acquainted with the particulars of 1 K. 1 1" * , which he has omitted
(v. v.").

The

report which

Jeroboam heard was

of the death of
1

Solomon.
12*)

3.
1

And they sent and called him]

K.
12' -'.4.

(wanting in <g of

K.

a necessary connecting gloss for the present arrangement of

the verses in

The

service

and the yoke were the

re-

quired revenue (1 K. 5' (4*')) and the forced labour (1 K. 5"*'>),

neither of which

is

mentioned

in Chronicles.

10.

My little

finger, etc.].

This proverb-like expression and that of the following

I

verse

mean:

have the

will

and the power

Whips].

to oppress

you more

severely than

my father did.11.

The whip was in Egypt

an emblem of royalty (EBi. IV. col. 5300). Scorpions] probably the name given to a whip whose lash was furnished with sharp
pieces of metal.
folly

13. And the king answered them roughly]. Such shows how thoroughly Rehoboam was permeated with the feelings of an Oriental despot, and how little he understood the weakness of the hold of the house of David upon the N. tribes. 15. His word which he spake by Ahijah]. Cf.iK.i 1" , a narrative not given in Chronicles,

and yet thus assumed

to be

known.
cry,

16.

We have no share in David,

and no

part in Jesse's son: each to

thy tents,

Israel,

now

see to thy house,

line,

David],

This same

with the exception of the last

lived rebellion against
their

was raised by Sheba

in his short-

David

homes, but to

their places of

17.

verse anticipating

To their tents] not to encampment at Shechem. subsequent action and thus clearly out
(2 S. 20')-

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364
of place (wanting in

CHRONICLES
K.
12), either

of 1

gloss in
1

Kings or to
<>.

be placed after
officer of

v.

".18 . Adoniram*\
Unto

Cf.

K.

4*

5"

This

Solomon's reign probably had quelled dissatisfaction

this

before, but this time he failed.

day] in the narrative

of the Chronicler an anachronism

this point,

(cf. 5*).

The

Chronicler at

because he

is

narrating only the history of the S. king-

dom, omits verse 20 of 1 K. 12, which contains the statement that Jeroboam was made king by the N. tribes.
1 K. H3.2. In "L of K. this verse is and v. b with the addition in <S B "he returned ( ?) and went to his city Sareira which is in Mt. Ephraim." Hence as it now stands it should precede v. (Bur.), and is so printed in St. SBOT. After kvi i K. is has U"iip.onxoo afy] 1 K. o>-Da 3B^i. The former fa the true reading (Ki. BH.). 3. Sm Sa] 1 K. ia* Sk-\ Sap Sa. 4. Before anp 1 K. 13* has ann. 6. Before -up 1 K. ia1 has S, which after H should be inserted (Ki BH.). Instead of i'?. if the Vrss. in both K. and Ch. read ^P..6. ara opS] 1 K. ia a?a opa ph.7. Before a<an ft and 1 K. ia have ova, which should be inserted (Ki. BH.). awS] 1 K. nap.opnS] retention

1. aoa] 1
1

K.

13'

OS*. ina]

found in

K.

11 between v. "

>

of a of article
on'jpi

omni] 1 K. (cf. Ges. 35*), other examples 2$ ' 39". omapv 8. 1 K. ia' has wrongly "w* before 0'iopa (cf. St SBOT., Bur.). 10. wr'] i K. ia" v ?*.opS] 1 K. + ma.lORn*] 1 K. wn. <jopt] '?0 Ki. BH., Ges. 937. (/. Bur. 1 K. ia").
1

fopa] in BDB. corrigenda, p. na6 O'owa and oonppa /. Dav. 5y. 31 (rf). 'SHU] 1 K. ia" + oarmiD'K. 13. Wi] 1 K. ia' erroneously wi. 13. 'a oip\] 1 K. 13" opn n* V?oa jpM. ae>p] A<w*A response, cf. Gn. 43'- * (pi.) 1 S. so". opani iSnn] wanting in 1 K. After cipin 1 K. has vwjn -w*. 14. -vaaa w] thus Ki. BH. after the Bomberg Bible, a reading confirmed by 9 ABL V. Ginsburg and Baer and Delitzsch have vast after many mss. The sense, the parallel, and v. ' require the former. vSp] 1 K. 13" oaSp SpAfter 'jk i K. has nan* lO'R. 16. aaw f] 1 K. 1 a" nap f- In late Rabbinic Hebrew asp cause
nap]
1

(77o k).

On

K.

ia'

Dt. 3a"

f"

the

art. in

(Bur.).

0'aSnn]
S31,

appears after nan.

"] wanting
Sa]

instead of

in 1 K. is wanting after O'pa, but In 1 K. ia * the verse commences with Sa wv\ and has onSn instead of oaS. After nSoa 1 K. has tan.
1

16.

K. aia\

aw

in 1 K.,

wanting

in 1
)

K.

17. Sine"
TH.
K.

perhaps a dittography from the preceding

'iai]

'fc".

casus pendens before

waw consec.

(cf. 1

K. 9"'
4 s",

(Dr.
1

143*/). 18. o-na]

1

ia' o-nn,

137 (a), Dav. Syn. 49 (b), Ges. in*, but BL ,*, have otjik, given also in

K.

hence without doubt correct (Ki.

HB.).'r'

'ja] 1

K. Sa

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JX

1-as.]

VARIOUS ACTS OF REHOBOAM

:

365

'".

The Chronicler omits

N. kingdom.

K. u", since he does not write of the

fortunes of the

XI. 1-4.

Reboboam

With very

slight

dissuaded from attacking Israel. variations from 1 K. i2"- M , which belongs to the
book.

latest strata of the

1.

hundred and eighty thousand] a

2

small number compared with those elsewhere in

Ch. reckoned to

the S. kingdom: under Abijah 400,000 (i3')> under

(i4'<*>),

under Jehoshaphat

1, 160,000

(17"").

2.

Asa 580,000 Shemaiah]

deliver-

mentioned also in 12'', giving a reproof and a promise of

in 12" as
1.

ance in connection with the invasion of Shishak; and his words

a source of the
1

history of

Rehoboam.

htrvn]

po'jai] 1 K. po'ja oar phi. K. 'wir' roa. naSoDn] 1 K. aaiSoa. oparnS] followed in 1 K. by nsSr (a. The Chronicler has thus, without impairing the narrative, shortened this verse by the omission of five words. 3. nw] 1 K. 1 a" ov^na, but some mss. and the Vrss. have aw in 1 K., preferred by no Sa. The Ki. BH., St. SBOT.3. 'a Smr Sa] 1 K. ia

rva rw]
1

K. ia

ma

San*.

Chronicler frequently uses the term Israel in

cf.
1 a*

ia'-

15" ai * 38"". ro'i] 1 S*" '.opav Sk naSo] 1 K.

aw reference the kingdom, oarw] K. + opa-irw. K.

to
S.

4.

aw nana

naV?.

6-23. Rehoboam's prosperity.

1

This

section,
all

independent of

K., falls into three well-defined paragraphs

of which are either

from the pen of the Chronicler (H-J.) or from three sources

(Bn., Ki.).
Vv.- ,, may be regarded as either from the Chronicler (Kau., H-J.) or from an uncanonical source (Bn.), the Chronicler's pre-midrashic fore-

runner annotated in v." by the insertion of in Judah and Benjamin

These words, since all the cities enumerated are in Judah (cf. in (Ki.). Judah in v.'), if the material is older than the Chronicler, are a gloss. Benjamin did not historically belong to the S. kingdom, but through the incorporation of its territory into the S. kingdom after the fall of Samaria the tribe was later reckoned as having originally sided with Judah, and
this

view appears in
is

K.

1 (not )

1 a- .

Linguistically these verses

belong to the Chronicler and he

may

well be regarded as their author.

This likewise
worth.

true of the remainder of the chapter, although

w.
1

<-

are assigned by Ki. to another source representing material of historical

X34) v.";

For marks of the Chronicler cf. -vpi vp Sai (1- "4) "ain ? (1. tn (1. ao), ru Hiph. fl. 30) v."; nop Hiph. 0- 89) w. ; aS inj (1. 78) v. '; w? (1. 76) w. ; construction of sen(11-

tence

i7i i9) v. ;

aiS

(I.

105) v..

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3 66

CHRONICLES

5-12.

Rehoboam's

fortification of cities.

These

cities

were

on the roads to Egypt, or on the western and

tion
in

hills

of the Judaean

Shephelah, and hence were fortified as a protection against Egypt,

view of the invasion of Shishak the record of their

well have historical foundation.
>

fortifica-

may

Compared with the

frontier cities fortified

the shrunken condition of

89).

by Solomon (i K. o1,l " '), they illustrate Rehoboam's kingdom (GAS. /. II. p.
p.

Winckler

(KAT*

241) holds that their building,

i.e.,

was occasioned through their destruction in insurrections at the time of Rehoboam's accession. 6. Belh-lehem]. 2".' Elam]. Cf. 1 Ch. 4>.Tekda\ Cf. 1 Ch. 4*. Cf. 1 Ch. 7. Beth-zur]. Cf. 28" Jos. is 1 S. 17'. Cf. 1 Ch. 2".Soco].
rebuilding,

town

in the Shephelah,

mod. es-Suweke, south-southeast from

I.

Beth-shemesh (Rob. BR.*

p. 494, n. 7;

Buhl,

GAP.
1

p.

194;

BDB.),
in the

to be distinguished

the fortress mentioned in

from the Soco of 1 Ch. 4". 'Adullam] the history of David (1 S. 22 ), clearly
Mi. 1"), conjectured the
hill

Shephelah (Ne.
off

n"

'Aid-

el-ma

the

Wady

es

Sur (GAS.
Cf.
1

HGHL.
18'.

p.

229), otherwise

not identified.8. Gath].

time of Solomon

Ch.

Gath can
it

scarcely
at the

have belonged to Judah at the time of Rehoboam, since

it

had

its

own

king

(1

K. 2"), and
750 (Am.
1

probably

remained Philistine

until its destruction, c.

6),

occasioned

not unlikely by Uzziah (26'), but whoever wrote 9" had placed
Philistia

under Solomon.
9.

Mareshah].

Cf.

Ch. 2".

Ziph\
Jos.

Cf.

Ch. 2".
1"

Adoraim-\] mod.

Dura west

of Hebron.
(cf.

Lachish] a notable frontier town frequendy mentioned

10 Mi.
2

mod. Tell-el-Hesy, recenUy excavated, thirty-three miles south-west from Jerusalem, and east from Gaza (Baed. p. 1 1S). Azekah] Jos. 10" 15" 1 S. 17 Je. 34' Ne. 11" not identified. 10. Zoreah] Jos. i5 M 19" Ju. i3 16"
K.
18"),

'

f,

i8

" Ne.

n^t) mo^

<

Sara, fifteen miles west of Jerusalem

Cf.
1

(BDB.).Aijalonl Cf. 1 Ch. 6" <>.Hebron]. 6" <*' " <"' ii'. In Judah and in Benjamin]. All
mentioned
cities are

Ch.

3'

of the above-

in Judah, except Zorah and Aijalon, which

were in the

territory of

Dan
came

(Jos.

19" ');

hence

it

has been

assumed that these

later

into the possession of

Benjamin

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but the

words are a comprehensive term for

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XL

1-23.]

VARIOUS ACTS OF REHOBOAM

They
are held

367

the S. kingdom.

11

f.

This picture of

fortresses victualled

by some to be a gloss (v. s.). and garrisoned through-

out the land seems to imply that they were intended to keep Judah
in subjection (v.
last clause

and

prefer the

Winckler) and to justify the rendering of the Judah and Benjamin became his (Ba.), but we view that they were fortified as a protection against
s.

so

Egypt.
6.

pM]
np]

in the
cities

meaning of
<>

rebuilt, fortified
v.

(cf.

Ch.

ii").

10.

nnwo

of ramparts, walls, in

11" and

Is. ao*

Na. a 1

? f-

12 4 31*, sg. 14', without "vp nrwm] a construct governing the

1

three following nouns.

vjn *vp Saai]
(1.

134).

For example of two nouns cf. idiomatic with the Chronicler. Cf. 1 Ch.

Ch.

13'.

12.

a6'

Ges. 123*

wona-viS] Ges. 113*.

13-17.

The immigration
with him].

to Judah.

13. And the

priests

and

Levites that were in all Israel

their stand

coming out of

all their territory took

Faithful servants of

14.

Chronicler's point of view,

Yahweh, from the would necessarily side with Rehoboam.

cities in

Their open lands] the land round the Levitical

which the community had

common

rights

and which according

cf. 1

to

P was never

to be sold (Lv. 25"

i.e.,

Nu.

35*-;

Ch. 6"

<>).

And

their possessions]

their other

landed property in

cities,

includ-

ing houses, which also were an inalienable possession of the Levites,

although not of other Israelites (Lv. as"-").

The priests and

K.

Levites thus appear making full sacrifice in leaving their former

homes.
12",

For Jeroboam,

etc.

].

This

fact

is

stated negatively in 1

a passage which may have suggested this entire paragraph. The emphasis appears to be on unto Yahweh, which is entirely

wrong from the

(Be., Zoe., Oe.).

historical point of view, since

Jeroboam did not

i.e.,

repudiate the worship of

Yahweh.

His

sons]

his successors

oboam
ment.

in the

The Chronicler regarded the schism of Jerworship of Yahweh as an entirely idolatrous moveagainst the Samaritans

15.

A polemic

and the newly founded

temple at Gerizim has been seen in this passage (Tor. AJSL.

The high places] (H103). The word primarily meant " heights," any conspicuous elevation of the country or landscape {cf. Dt. 32" Is. 58" Am. 4" Mi. i), then (both sing, and pi.) a place of worship, of Yahweh as well as other gods (1 S. o'-
xxv. 1909, p. 201).

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368
io-

CHRONICLES
after the

"

K. 3 4 22" a K. 1$");

Deuteronomic reform high

places

came

to

mean not

only an unlawful place of worship,

but one entirely dedicated to the service of other gods.

The

Chronicler probably thus used the word here and elsewhere (cf. jy. 20 i 2i 2& tu 31' 32" 33"-' 34*).And for I4 KD. in)

^n

the he-goats]

(D^VJW) a term applied

jinn) popularly believed to inhabit desert

demons (Arabic and waste places, not as

to the
Is.

pure

spirits,

but in corporeal form, ordinarily represented as hairy

(hence goat-like)

13" 34" Lv.

17').

(WRS. Religion of the Semites,* p. 120) (cf. The epithet applied by the Chronicler in

re-

proach to Jeroboam's innovations has the stigma of our term devils.

connection with an Egyptian god

Egypt

(Ke., Zoe., H-J.) are not probable.

Pan and a borrowing from And the calves] the two

golden calves set up by Jeroboam at Bethel and Dan as symbols of Yahweh (1 K. 12"- "). This symbolism probably was derived

from the Canaanites, among

(Bn. EBi.
I. col.

whom the bull was the symbol of Baal

All

632).

16.

who were

loyal to

Yahweh

in the

N. kingdom are represented as having followed the example of the priests and Levites in going to Jerusalem, not simply to sacrifice, but, as the strengthening of the kingdom shows, to remain permanently. 17. Three years]. The reason of this limitation is due to the invasion of Shishak in the fifth year of King Rehoboam (cf. i2 1 K. 14"). This invasion, from the Chronicler's point of view, must have been caused by some religious delinquency of Rehoboam and his people (cf. 12 ). and this delinquency, introducing at

once a weakening of the kingdom, naturally

of

falls in

the fourth year

Rehoboam immediately

preceding the invasion, and thus only

three years are left for obedience

and increase

in strength.

In the

way of David and of Solomon]. The Chronicler ignores completely

the apostasies of Solomon.
trast to

In

K. 11 * * Solomon

is

placed in con-

David.

14. wvitn] in Hiph. only in Ch. with meaning to reject, 1 Ch. a8 3 Ch. 39" (1. 30). wvjwn with meaning to give a stench (Is. 19*) is probably from another root, though of same radicals (BDB.). 17. uSn] ft sg.

18-23. The royal family.

This section
ical
is

entirely independent of

value are necessarily entirely conjectural.

K. and its source and historBn. assigns it cuts der

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XL

18-23.]

REHOBOAM'S FAMILY

369

anient Vorlage von Chronisten, and Ki. to the ancient material " for the

most part of good

historical

value."

It

is

extremely probable that

Rehoboam was of
of

luxurious habits

and

that he followed his father in the

The memory of this, with the names and children, may have long continued and been recorded, or the names may have been invented by the Chronicler.
possession of a considerable harem.

some of

his wives

18

f.

And Rehoboam

took to himself a wife,

Mahalath the

daughter of Jerimoth the son of David, and* of Abihatt the daughter

of Eliab the son of Jesse] (y.
the sons of David's wives
either the son of
'.).

Jerimoth] not mentioned

among
is a David

(cf.

2 S. 3*- 5"-" 1 Ch. 3'- J4 1 -'), hence

a concubine or

possibly Jerimoth

(niDT)

corruption of Ithre
(1

am (DjTlJV), who was one

cf.

of the sons of

Ch.

3).

Abihail] not mentioned elsewhere; for other occur-

rences of the

name

(1 S. i6 17").

19.

Eliab] David's eldest brother 1 Ch. a". These three sons are not mentioned again.

Jeush].

Cf

20.

Maacah since Tamar

13',

the daughter of
is

Ch. 7>.Shemariah]. Cf. 1 Ch. 12'.Zahamj]. Absalom] probably granddaughter,

mentioned as his only daughter (2

text,

S. 14")*
is

Cf. the

where, according to the true

Ma'acah

called

daughter of Uriel. Of the three sons, except in the case of Abijah u The name (cf. i2 ) and the daughter, nothing further is known.
'Altai
(1

appears among the descendants of the Judahite Sheshan

(1

Ch. 2") and a Gadite

Ch. ia).Zisa] the name also

Ch. 4"f), probably a childish reduplicated abbreviation or a term of endearment (Noeldeke, EBi. III. col.
of a Simeonite (1

3294).

Shelomith] apparently also a son, since the

name

oc-

curs of men, Levites (1 Ch. 33 o^" 26 MQr-"); head of a postexilic

family (Ezr.

8');

of

women,

the mother of

a blasphemer
viii.

(Lv. 24"), a daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Ch. 3').21. Sixty concubines] thirty, according to tfB

and Josephus, Ant.

10, 1.

This

is

preferred as original by Bn.

23.

And

he dealt wisely] in

the policy which he pursued of scattering his sons and giving

them

an abundant maintenance and also a considerable number of wives. This would be conducive to their contentment and a
preventive of rebellion against their brother (but the text

may
(so
is

not be sound,

v. .).

18. ja] read ro with Qr., ,

>.Swaw]

read

Swam
is

after

Be., Ke., el at. generally), since only one wife of

Rehoboam

meant, as

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370
shown by the
34* Ezr. o
'

2
sing,

CHRONICLES

mm and T?ni of
i

io Ne. 13" Ru.

example of a peculiar

v. ".21. w] late usage, cf. 13" (BDB.). 22. W'SonV o] either an sentence without verb (1- "7)> or more probably

the verb given in <S SMieetro (an) has been omitted from the text,

and
p*i]

should be restored (Kau., Bn., Ki.

HB.,

et al.

generally).

23.

wanting in
ute

<*.

(BDB.),

rw] from n* with the doubtful meaning of to distribas though no had here the meaning (0 AB "al
,

i)*$i}fr|,

spread abroad, increase

introduces a subject

(cf. 1

Ch. 4").

" conflates two renderings and

ml

vfi&fli AjSmi rat SUxo^e.

renders 'in P'l

yuta sapientior fuit et potentior super omnes

the preceding verse. np SuS] <g
<-ip

filios ejus

connecting with

S3S1,

so Ki.

SBOT., Kom., BH.

ovw
omm
pp.

Analekten Tcxtkritik des ATs. p. 47, onV urn. This emendation is accepted by Ki. BH.The text of these
F. Perles,
fa

pun

Wn]

verses at. >

certainly doubtful.

Winckler reconstructs them (KAT.*

nsjro

241 /.), v.

r>a Sao

wSonS

p a'W enS tbf\

ilwf A o#-

make him king from among all his sons. As cm head of the family (BDB. em 3. f), Abijah is appointed during the life of his father his successor on the throne. (It is not necessary to look to the Assyrian vtn reitu as Winckler does to draw this conclusion.) The words vnto -vih are a gloss. The meaning of v. according to Winckler, has been distorted through
the insertion from v.
of via Ssd.
er baute
It

pointed Abia the son of Ma'acah chief in order to

properly belongs with

w.

>.

Winckler renders

Und

und

terstdrte in alien Gebieten

Judas

und Benjamins (alle) die festen Stiidtr, und er tat hinein Vorrttte in Menge. The last clause of v. , onw pen W'i, speaks of the King's own wives and goes with v. . On the whole, however, it is better to
accept the emendation of Perles.

XII. 1-12.
narrative of
1

The invasion of Shishak. An enlargement of the K. i4". The additions are w.'- - (v. s.).
it is

(These additions are marked by Ki. as from a Midrash, yet

allowed that they
1.

may have been

first

written

by the

Chronicler.).

When

the

kingdom of Rehoboam was

strong]

i.e.,

during the

11"), he forsook the

and he was Rehoboam's reign (cf. law of Yahweh], This, from the Chronicler's
established

three years of

And

point of view, was a necessary antecedent to the invasion of Shishak.

all Israel].

Cf.

2. Shishak]

Shoshenk, the

first

Pharaoh of the twenty-second dynasty. The results of this invasion are inscribed on the temple at Karnak, where a list of some one
hundred and eighty towns captured by Shishak
exacted tribute there even
if

is given.

These

belong to northern Israel as well as Judah, showing that he

he only used violence in the king-

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m
dom
of

1-16.]

INVASION OF SHISHAK
Muller,

371
col.

of

Rehoboam (Max

EBi. IV.

4486).

The

occasion of this invasion was probably the weakened condition

Israel through the disruption of the kingdom; and Jeroboam, since he had sought refuge in Egypt (1 K. n"), may have directly solicited such an interference against Judah. For

they

had transgressed against Yahweh] an addition to

characteristic touch of the Chronicler,

K. 14",

and a

who

thus accounts

for the invasion. Cf. 1 Ch. io'. 3. With twelve hundred chariots and sixty thousand horsemen; and the people were without number]. These statements are of the magnifying character of the Jewish Midrash. Kings gives no such detail. For similar exaggerations 17" . Lubim] the Libyans of northern Africa, cf. 13* i4 west of Egypt. They repeatedly invaded Egypt and mingled with the people and supplied the Pharaohs with a militia. Shishak was of this race. They are also mentioned in i6 Na. 3* Dn. 11" and (0 , 3S"6) Gn. io" 1 Ch. i. Sukkiyim^] not yet satisfactorily explained.
(S,

V, have Troglodytes, cave-dwellers, hence from derivation from

(/Egyptolog.
booth,

probably the cave-dwellers of the mountains on the west coast of the

Red Sea
glossen
police
z.

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.?);

"dwellers

in

booths"
identifies

(Ki.).

Spiegelberg

Rand-

AT.)

them with the

troops in

the nineteenth dynasty.

Ethiopians, the inhabitants of Cush,

trict lying

south of Egypt proper,

cf.

who were used as And Cushites] the a general name for the disAm. 9'. The Libyans and
Tktin,
Cf.

Cushites are mentioned

among

the allies of Egypt in Na. 3 V4.

The fortified cities]. 11" This episode

.

Cf.
is

n.6.

Sliemaiah the prophet].

not mentioned in Kings.

You have forsaken

6.

me and I indeed have forsaken you in the luind of Shishak]. Cf. 15*. Humbled themselves] i.e., they fasted and put on sackcloth; " Princes of Israel] in v. princes of Judah. cf. 1 K. 2i"Righteous
is

Yahweh],
is to

Cf. Ex.

9" Dn. 9".7. In a

short time].
Ki.),

Thus BJ?D3

be rendered (RVm., Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.,

and not some or small deliverance (RV., Kau.). And my wrath shall not be poured out upon Jerusalem] i.e., the city shall not be destroyed, cf. 34 M 8. But they will be his servants] in contrast to the destruction which they will escape. This service will be of short duration (v.'). That they may know, etc.] i.e., that they may
.

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CHRONICLES
services

372
distinguish between the
of

two

and recognise

that the service

Yahweh

is

not so oppressive as that of foreign kings (Be., Ke.,

The lands here refers to foreign countries. from i K. 14" commenced in v. is now resumed.9. Shields of gold]. Cf. 9" .10. Guard] literally runners; a term applied to a body-guard (cf. 1 S. 22" 1 K. i) and
Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

9-11.

The

narrative

'

hence to the royal guard connected with the palace and

the

11. The purpose of the shields made by Solomon here explained. 12. This verse from the Chronicler, an echo of \
Temple.
is is

v.

The good
to

Judah are piety and fidelity Yahweh, on account of which Judah was not destroyed (cf. 19*).
things which were found in
1. atp] simple pert, after ij jo1

a clause or expression of

time,

cf.

w.

"

21"

24-

Ne.
cf.

370b. 2.
(I

nSp]

Zc. 7 1 Ez. i' so" 26' 29" 30" el at. Koe. iii. v. >.px"B>] so also Qr. in 1 K. 14", but Kt. prw,
i

also

2owrai/u.

Egyptian SoSenq.
na] rm

This

latter

is

without doubt correct

after the
. .

6. 'natp] prophetic pf., Dr.

TH. IS.7.

nimai
see

might be expected in one clause or the other,

p. 157 f.n., Ges. 5

cf. v.';

Dr.

TH.

1116.nO'SoS]

ace. with S, Ges. 117*.

a modification of "Sp in v. 1 K. 14" agreeable to the conPH. 10, 11. The rendering of io* and 1 K. 14" '0 1 1 > in <K is singular and without ready explanation, ml m*r4rri7<rr Ar' atrbr 2owal/i ipxorrat, etc., (n b ) tlocropdovTo ol $vK&B<r<rvrtt k*X ol xaparpixorra icai ol torurrp4<pomrtt tit dirdmprir run waparptxirrup. V- follows ^ in io b and has both <* and the addition 'mi bww in 11 \ 11. owni o'xin wa] 1 K. 14" D'jon owe".12. Cf. for constr. v. '. n'rwrrV] inf. continuing finite verb, Ges. 114^, Ew. 351 c at end.
9. Spn]

text.'JJD pk]

13-16.

The chronology and sources

of the reign of

Reho-

boam.

13. And King Rehoboam strengthened himself in Jerusalem

and reigned]. These words from the Chronicler indicate Rehoboam's recovery of authority after the invasion of Shishak. 14. Because he did not set his heart to seek Yahweh], This phrase from the Chronicler occurs, in the positive form, of Jehoshaphat 19' and of Hezekiah 30", and of Ezra with the law as the object Ezr. 7 *. 16. A modification of 1 K. 14" after the usual manner of Chronicles, cf. 9" 1 Ch. 29". The words of Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the seer]. Cf. 9"; not independent works by these two men (Ke.) but the reference is to the sections of the main source of the Chronicler (see Intro. 6). In reckoning genealogies] an

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Xm.
1-28.]

REIGN OF ABIJAH

373

obscure phrase either defining in some way the character or contents

of the source just mentioned (Ke., Zoe.) as containing a genealogical register (Oe.), or the title of the
ist's

work

of

Iddo (Ba.), or a copyafter Hitz.), or

blunder, really belonging with the meaning in order to be

enrolled

in the genealogies at the close of

n" (Be.
and

a meaningless phrase arising from some textual corruption (Bn.),

or in the
(Ki.

wrong place from a

all

Kom.).
(lit.

stant]

And the wars of Rehoboam and Jeroboam were conthe days) condensed from K. 14". 16. Taken
1

copyist's error,

to be struck out

with

abridgment
of

(v.

i.)

from

K.

14".

Abijah]

the

true

name of the son

Rehoboam,

called in Kings Abijam, possibly to

1

avoid confusion with Abijah the son of Jeroboam mentioned in

1

K. 14 1 (Bur.), or to avoid connecting name of Yahweh (ST jah) with so godless a king (Bn. ?), or a euphonic change of the ending

ah

(Ki.): the real reason remains obscure.

1 K. 14" opening words, but with ntw as subj. <a> of K. has Rehoboam as subj. 16. ervnn ?] either inf. of purpose defining the words 0/ Iddo, or with
ep>i]

13. o] introduces the quotation from and not according to usage elsewhere.

K. i4 nl>, but

is

superfluous

14. pin
this last,

from

S of inscription giving their

rat xpdieu aOroii,

title

(Ba.), or text error or corruption.

OP,

vrpm, perhaps favors

df' has in addition

$
1

ro6 ytimiXayijrat, It et deligenter exposita, with reference to the acts of Rehoboam. ojm>i opam mental] 1 K. 14" opa-c rai opam jo nmn nontai. monta, nana] each followed by two genitives, cf. 11' 1 Ch. 13' Ges.

u8a.O'ovi

*] pred. of copula understood,

K.

m after ia;vi % has vnan op and after

latter is

but the

wanting in

W-,

Koe. iii. 426k. 16. In it has mjopn nnpi ioh on; which furnishes the probably true text

of Kings.

XIII. 1-23.

The reign of Abijah

1

(c.

920-917 b.c.).This King

reigned, according to

K.

15',

only three years, and in the brief

narrative of 1 K. (15'-*) Abijah (Abijam) is

known only as a ruler

" walking in
sake.

all

the sins of his father " and spared only for David's

The

Chronicler gives

no

inkling of this evil character, but

was war between Abijah and Jeroboam (1 K. 15') depicts him as a great victor over the N. kingdom "because his people relied upon Yahweh" (v. >), and
on the basis
of the statement that there
his short reign is

made one of great glory.

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374
Ki. after Bn. assigns
value,

CHRONICLES
- to

w.

M,

v.

to ancient material of historical

and only w. "* to the Chronicler. The whole chapter, however, may well be regarded as coming from the.Chroniclcr with use of canonical
material in
inf.
(1. (1.

w.
;

'

.
(1.

The
38) v.

Chronicler's style appears throughout,

';

cf.

with S
;

v.

pinna

S with inf. after ->ok

(cf. a*
(1.

(1.

4) v.

nirw.-i oy

97) v.

the detailed ritual v.

(cf. 1

8U

44) v.

Ch. is*); ro -wy

p. 137). 1

92) v.

Ch. 23"); hnwna onjjnu aaV "p> "W v. ' (cf. 1 Ch.

22* 29') (Graf,

GB.

1-2. Introduction.From

K.

15'

'

.1. /n /Ae eighteenth

year of King Jeroboam] the only example where the Chronicler has
2. JlfaocaA*]. Cf.n n i K. 15*. Micaiah of the Heb. Text, elsewhere a man's name, is clearly an error. The daughter of Uriel], In 11" 1 K. 15* Maacah is the

given a synchronism from Kings.

daughter of Absalom (Abishalom

the

1 K. 15'), hence either Uriel was husband of Tamar, the daughter of Absalom, and thus Maacah was his granddaughter (Ke., Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.), or a confusion has

Maacah the mother of Asa (1 K. 15" "), who really of Uriel, and Maacah the daughter of Absalom, the mother of Abijah (Bn. after Thenius, also Ki., who thinks of two Maacahs, but holds that the wife of Rehoboam was the daughter of Uriel, and that this statement of the text is "a good ancient piece of information ") In all probability there was only one Maacah (cf. n "-"and 15"). Uriel]. Be. thought possibly the
arisen between

was the daughter

same as the Levite mentioned

regard to him; neither can
it

in

Ch. 15*

",

but

all is

obscure in

be determined whether Gibeah near

Hebron (Jos. 15", cf. 1 Ch. 2") or the one of Benjamin is meant. And war was between Abijah and Jeroboam], This clause taken
from
3.
1

K. i5 ,b introduces the

fine

specimen of Midrash which

follows.

The assembled armies.

The great numbers 400,000 and

cf.

800,000 are characteristic of the Midrash,

v." 14* 17"-".

The

number, however, of Jeroboam's warriors is the same as that credited to Israel in the census taken by Joab, while that of Abijah's

army

is 100,000 less than that credited to Judah (2 S. 24*). (In 1 Ch. 21' Israel has 1,100,000, and Judah 470,000.) How utterly unhistorical these numbers are, appears at once when one reflects

upon the small

size of the territory of

northern Israel and Judah.

The

entire population of the country at its

maximum can

hardly

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Xm.

1-33.]

REIGN OF ABIJAH
its

375

ever have been more than four times

souls (EBi. III. col. 3550).

present strength of 650,000

4-12.

The address of Abijah.The appearance

1

of Abi jah,

who

according to

K. 15* " walked

in all the sins of his father"

spared only for David's sake

(1

K. 15 4 ),

and was as a preacher and ardent

is

upholder of the Levitical worship of

touch of the Chronicler,

Yahweh

an

interesting

who

in this speech especially magnifies

the importance of the Aaronic priesthood and the ceremonial service

according to the priestly law as the source of divine favour and

victory.

4.

Zemaraim] appears

in Jos.

18" among the

cities of

Benjamin, mentioned between Beth-arabah and Bethel.

This would not exclude its connection with a hill of the same name in Ephraim, i.e., on its southern boundary. The place is generally identified with es-Sumra to the north of Jericho (SWP. III.
pp. 174, 212/., Buhl,

GAP.

p.

180

el al., see

DB.).

But (according
east.
far,

to Be.) the narrative is not favourable to

a location so far

This exhortation from the mountain-top resembles, so

Jotham's

from Mt. Gerizim (Ju. o'*). 5. Covenant of salt] i.e., an indissoluble covenant. Cf. Nu. 18". The figure is derived from the sacredness of the
together,
Dill,

bond created between

2',

parties

who have
is salt

partaken food
(cf.

who

say of one another, "There

between us"
is

on Lv.

Bn. Arch.

p. 91 ).
1

Gray on Nu. 18", WRS. Rel. Semites*, 6. The servant of Solomon]. Jeroboam

p. 270,

so re-

ferred to in

K. 11".
*J3),

7.

Worthless men].

Cf. Ju. 9* n.

Base
in

fellows]

(bybl
<">

ERV.
1 S.

sons of Belial, a frequent expression

(Dt. 13"

Ju. 19" 20"

2" 10"

K. 2i ) but only here

Chronicles.

Young]
1

(1JJ3)

scarcely applicable to
is

Rehoboam

at

the age of forty-one (12"), though this the term in

defended from the use of

Ch. 22 29' 1 K. 3' as equivalent to "an inexperienced young man " (Ke., Ba.). Others read in 12", twenty-one
instead of forty-one (Zoe., Oe.).

Tender-hearted] either timid

(cf.

Dt.

20 )

or

weak
is

in understanding.

The whole

picture of the revolt

in this verse

very different from that taken from Kings given in

where Rehoboam appears hard and defiant and brings about the rupture by his domineering manner. Here the fault is laid enio
1

*-,

tirely

on the representatives of

Israel,

who
is

are characterised as
intensity with

worthless

and base fellows.

This view

due to the

Digitized by

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376

CHRONICLES

which the Chronicler or his source (Bn.) regards the northern king-

dom as apostate, and

of

the southern with

its

King as the true people

reflected the feeling

Yahweh.

In

this the Chronicler

may have

8. In the hand of the sons of David] therefore the only legitimate kingdom. Since ye are a great multitude, etc. ]. Abi jah thus states the ground

of his Jewish contemporaries toward the Samaritans.

of their confidence,

which

is

baseless because they have not a

proper priesthood

priests of Yahweh the sons of Aaron]. According to P, the priesthood was restricted to the sons of
(v. )

9.

The

Aaron (Ex. 28" 29" 40" etc.).And

priests,

the Levites],

These sub-

ordinate officers are naturally mentioned in connection with the

because their position was equally fixed in the sacred law

(Nu. 3
lands]

i8 etc.). After the

manner of the peoples of other

who have no chosen or restricted holy priesthood like that of

A better contrast, howGreek rendering (preferred by Bn.) from the people of the land, i.e., from any one, as the remainder of the verse shows. This also is more agreeable to the statements in 1 K. 12" 13".To consecrate himself] (lit. to fill his hand), a frequent expression (Ex. 28" 20- Lv. 8 16" Ju. i7- ' 1 K. 13" et al.).
the tribe of Levi and the house of Aaron.
ever, is given in the

With a young

bullock

29' except that there only

and seven rams] agreeable to the law of Ex. two rams are prescribed. While the
is illegitimate (cf.

personnel of this northern priesthood

13**), its ritual is

also 1

K.

described in the main as according to the law.

s'.

No gods].
(cf.

Cf. Je. 2"

Ho.

8).

10.

In contrast to the no gods

The reference here is to the golden calves Yahweh is emphaand the sons of Aaron as his minIn their work]. The term Levitical and priestly duties. 11.

sised as the

God

of Abijah's host,

istering priests,

with the Levites.

(J"DK^D)

is

used frequently of

The daily

services appointed for the worship in the tabernacle are

here enumerated: the morning and evening sacrifices (Ex. 29 "),

the morning

and evening incense

of sweet spices (Ex. 30' '), the

perpetual offering of show-bread (Ex. 25"), and the lighting each

evening of the lamps of the golden "candlestick" which burned

until

the morning (Ex. 25" 30"- 40"

'

Lv. 24*).*

12.

The

* Contrary to the notion of these passages that the lamps were lighted to
it

bum otct night,

has been held that some at least of them were kept burning also during the day, Joaephus

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XEDL 1-23.]
contest

REIGN OF ABIJAH
The trumpets of alarm].
their use, according to

377
These Nu. io%

is

pictured as a holy war.

are

made prominent because by

the people are

their enemies.

remembered before Yahweh and delivered from Cf. also Nu. 31*. 13-20, The success of Abi Jan's army. 13. Jeroboam not only

has an army double the size of Abijah's

places
is

Judah

in additional peril,

enhanced.

On

the form of

(v.*), but by his strategy and thus the divine deliverance strategy cf. Jos. 8 Ju. 20" . 14.
cf. v. .
1

Gave a shout] i.e., uttered a religious war-cry; cf. Jos. 6 *" where the same Heb. word is used. God smote]. Some supernatural help is in the mind of the writer; c/. i4'". 17. 500,000]. Cf. v.'.18. They relied, etc.]. Cf. 14" <">.19. Bethel] mod. Beitin, about ten miles north
the blowing of the trumpets
of Jerusalem; the seat of worship for one of the golden calves (1

On

16.

K.

12").

If this narrative

were historical a mention or hint of

this

capture and some fate of the golden calf would probably appear
elsewhere in

OT.

history

and prophecy, but

Bethel always seems to

have been a sanctuary of the N. kingdom, and to have retained the

calf (2

K. io Am. 7" Ho. io Beth-avenBethel).Jeshana^]

also finds in
1

Cheyne

S.

7" where Heb.

text

has Shen

(Crit. Bib.).

Josephus mentions a village of the same name in Samaria near the

border of Judah (Ant.
3 J miles
xiv. 15, 12),

probably the mod. Ain Sinja,

II.

north of Bethel

(SWP.

pp. 291, 302).

'Ephrotr\]

Qr.

Ephrain, probably the same as Ephraim (Jn. n") and Ophrah (1 S. 13", Jos. i8*) and Ephraim mentioned by Josephus

miles north-east of Bethel (JDB.

(BJ. IV. 9, 9) with Bethel, identified with mod. et-Taiyibeh, four And Yahweh smote I. p. 728).
died].

him and he
(1 S.

The same language

describes the fate of

Nabal
is

25") and implies some sudden and untimely end.

This

scarcely consistent, in view of the contrasted gathering of strength

of Abijah v.

',

with the chronology of Kings, which makes Jero(Cf. 1 K. 14" 15' ' ). war between Abijah and Reho-

boam the

survivor of Abijah at least a year.

of the

Beyond the statement

Q. also c. Apum. (i. 11), where in a passage from Hccaurus it is said that the Temple light is never extinguished either by day or by night The Mishna says that one of the seven burned by day (Tamid III. 9, VI. 1). Philo, however, speaks of their burning only at night and implies that they were extinguished by day (Di Vicsaid three of the seven (AhI. Hi. 8, 3).

smi Ogcrenlibus, 7, mil.).

CI.

DB.

IV. p. 664; Schttrer, Ctsek.'

II. p.

186 [HJP.

II.

i.

p. 381].

Digitized by

Google

378

2
>),

CHRONICLES
(Bn.), there ap-

boam (v.
war
is

and possibly the location of the battle

pears nothing historical in this narrative.

difficult
i

The

real result of the

to determine. The unfavourable judgment of and the hard pressure there recorded of Baasha upon Asa, as though Asa had inherited an evil situation from his father, certainly cast doubt upon any victory (cf. s. v. "), yet Graf accepted a success of Abijah as historical (GB. p. 137), so likewise Pa. (EHSP. pp. 194/.) and McC. (HPM. I. p. 255). 21-23. Conclusion of Abijah 's reign.21. This statement of Abijah's might and the number of his wives and children is accepted as from an ancient tradition by Bn. and marked of historical value by Ki. and thus quoted by Pa. (EHSP. p. 195). But this is

Abijah in

K.,

improbable.
victory,

It is better to

regard

it

as a fitting climax to his great

penned by the Chronicler.

Equally with Abijah's apit

pearance as a preacher and the narrative of his success,

years, having apparently

is at vari-

ance with the account in Kings where, after the short reign of three

no

son, he

is

succeeded in

all

likelihood

by
(1

his brother, since the statement that

Maacah was

the mother of

both Abijah and Asa, and that the

latter

removed her from court

K.

i5- '

>),

overrides the assertion that the successor of Abijah

was

his son (1

K. 15') (We. Prol.

Intro., p.

p. 210).

22.

Commentary]
Cf.

lit.

Midrash, see
probably

23.The prophet
1

Iddo].

i223

(XIV. 1). Taken

(v. 5.)

in its first half from

K. 15*.His brother should This

4

be substituted for his son.

In his days the land had

rest is

rest ten years].

These words are by the Chronicler.

clearly considered the result of Asa's removal of the high places,

pillars,

poles,

and "sun-images" mentioned

in i4-

<>.

Asa's

piety required such a reward.

The

basis of the calculation of ten

years

is

not clear.

Perhaps the period was reckoned in the

In
reality the

mind

of the writer as beginning with the great victory of Abijah

over Jeroboam (Be., Ke., Zoe.).

tradicted

statement

is

con-

by the statement of 1 K. is that there was war between Asa and Baasha king of Israel all their days since Baasha began to reign in the third year of Asa (1 K. 15"- ).
1.
1

ojt]
iSd.

K.

non]

K.

15' sq. oai

1

p.iSdm] Dr. TH. 127

2.
also

(p),

Ges. 5 111b,
8

name, prob.

text.

K. ook, cf. 12". err. 1 K. 15* rupo,

ws'D] elsewhere a man's

nM

q. v.,

so here

fli

Digitized by

Google

Xm.1-23.]
npai jo

REIGN OF ABIJAH
hw\m na]

379

3. -wioi] cf. 1 K. ao". 1 K. and <V- oVwaK na. Vro] a case of apposition, Dr. TH.> 190. 6. pjrV'os ?] Koe. iii. 5 397d, on inf. Ges. 5 H4* and k. nSo nna] a second ace. after pj, so Koe. iii. 327t, perh. better ace. of manner, Ges. 118m and q; the phrase occurs elsewhere only in P, Nu. 18" (cf. also Lv. 2"). 7. vSp] instead of more usual vh* with fap, BDB.SpSa] cf. Moore on Ju. 19" for renderings in Vrss. and etymologies. The derivation from 'Sa and Sr, "without profit," BDB., he regards as dubious. Cf. Smith on 1 S. i M for references to later discussions. 'in oyami] a circumstantial clause expressing time. ptnnn] also in v. and v.", favour8. oiiott] with force of purpose, ite word of the Chronicler, cf. i 1 (1. 38). followed by inf. a usage of the Chronicler. Cf. 1 Ch. ai" (1. 4) . 'in onm] causal circumstantial clause since, etc. jmn] with the meaning of crowd, multitude 14" ao ' ' 3a', frequent in Ez. and Dn. (see BDB.),

aorAn

'-viai

only used exceptionally in early prose

(1.

28).

9.

oWwn].

Since in

w. '"
priests

Abijah chides Jeroboam with having driven out the sons of

Aaron, the

priests, and the Levites (v. *), and with having appointed from the people whoever were ready with offerings (v. ), but no mention is made of an appointment of persons to take the place of the expelled Levites, and since the activities of the priests with Judah are mentioned in detail (v. >>), and since priests only are mentioned in connection with the army and sounding the trumpets (vv. '* "), it has been

held (by Buchler,

ZAW.

1899, p. 99) that the Levites did not originally

1

stand in
of

But there is really nothing in this supposition. The Chronicler wrote sometimes influenced by the phraseology of Dt. and sometimes by that of P. Precision in the use of language was not one of his traits (v. Intro, p. 19). nmxn *dj] ' T 8 ^"o" T fi* Tfl* (and an expression of the Chronicler (1- 91);
of the book.

and that the present the Levites, of an earlier form

v.

and

Ch. are a

revision, in the interest

wrongly) wdvift.

*St follows %.

it hSdS].

The

origin of this phrase,

equivalent to consecrate, is uncertain. Since it has a parallel in the Assyrian umalli kiti " he filled the hand of one," \e. " he gave, appointed,
enfeoffed, or presented "

(Now. Arch.

II. p. iai, after

Halevy),

it

is

probably the adaptation to the induction into the

priests' office of

term used in general with such force.

then, is practically right

Thus Wellhausen's

derivation,
in early
p. 15a).

times of

filling

the hand with

when he derives it from the custom money or the equivalent (Prol.

Dillman (on Lv. 7") and Baudissin (>. IV. p. 71) derive "consecration " from the notion of filling the priest's hand with his portion of the
sacrifice;

and

Sellin (Beitrdge, II. pp. 118/.)

from the custom of

filling

the

hand

of the priest with arrows, used in primitive times in giving

oracular responses; and von Hoonacker (Le Sacerdola Levitique, pp. 134/.) from filling the priest's hand with something to place upon the
altar.

nvn

tun Sa] an example of a subject separated from

its

Digitized by

Google

3 8o
verb by % Koe.

38of,
34'giii.

CHRONICLES

^1

Ges. $

41 an, Dr. 153a, foot-note.

10.
<:/.

TH.

123(0).otiSm hV>] Koe. uruxi] Ges.

iii.

iii.

143a,

Koe.

iii.

dat. after i

ovnro,

22* 23', Koe.

327c.

nausea]
(lit.

suggestively

rati ifovmplais

airHr,

possibly read

vnpSnoa.

11. O'TOpDi] Hiph. of verb used in

P
1

over thirty times of burning

altar.
. . .

making smoke) the

sacrifices

on the

these phrases Ex. i6 30' Lv. 6

Only

in this verse does the repetition of

aipa ipaa] 28" Ch. 9" 23" Ez. 46" a^p occur. naipo] only the
cf.

for

Is.

50*

of

rows of the show-bread, and only here in construct before onS, but before Ton 2>, elsewhere with art. preceded by onS 1 Ch. 9" 23" Ne. 10", by
jrrW 2 Ch. 29", and nwrW 1 Ch. 28", pi. abs. Lv. 24* t^wwn jnSn Sp]This phrase also occurs in Lv. 34, < muo] used only of the lampstands of the tabernacle Ex. 25 a el al. and of the Temple 1 K. 7" el al.

1 and 2 Ch. Je. 52", and of that of the vision of Zc. 4*- " and of that provided for Elisha by the Shunemite 2 K. 4". morn] used very fre-

in

quently in
cf. 1

P and
(1.

also Ch. of priestly

and

Levitical duties.

12.

nrwm]

Ch. is"

44).

XIV-XVI. The reign

treatment of Asa
is

of

Asa

(c.

based upon the account given

is

917-876).The Chronicler's in 1 K. i5 ,M
.

There

in

w.

"'

Asa

commended
>

for his piety.

This

is

greatly
corre-

enlarged upon by the Chronicler, and Asa's prosperity

is

spondingly magnified (14'-*

15

'-").

magnificent victory
is

over an invading force of Cushites not mentioned in Kings

also

recorded (I4 1 -"

(w.

"), apart

The remainder of the account from the summary of the reign, concerns
,

">).

in

K.

the rela-

tions of

Asa

to the

N. kingdom.

This material

is

incorporated

by the Chronicler into his narrative with the addition of a prophetic rebuke of Asa for his alliance with Syria (16'"). His last days, also, are pictured in darker colours than in Kings, where a disease
in his feet is

mentioned.
is

This

in Chronicles is

made very

great,

and the King

sicians (16").

said also not to have sought

Yahweh, but phy-

According to Ki. after Bn.,

c.

14 and i6- are from

M,

while i5>- u

is

from M*.
reform,

This double origin

with
15*.

is

assigned from the double accounts of

is

cf. i4'-*

C. 15, however,

linked with

c.

14

(cf. v.

",

where the

sacrifices are

from the

spoil of victory).

Historical incohe-

rence in reforms both before and after a victory would not trouble a
writer like the Chronicler,

and thus prove compilation from two

sources.

The

tale of the victory,

however, was not unlikely derived by the

Chronicler from his Midrashic source, and the grouping there of events

Digitized by

Google

XIV. 1-7]

ASA'S
influenced

PIETY AND MIGHT

38

may have

him

in his narrative, but the chapters throughout

bear marks of his peculiar style and

composition.

may

well be regarded as his

own
In

The

following are
(1.

marks

of the Chronicler's style:

i4S no* with following inf.

4); in 14*

15" aw n*

em (cf. 1 Ch. 15" ai*

2 Ch. i 18') (1. 23); in 14* m-Sri (cf. 7" I3 et at.); in 14" i6' wjwj yhp (cf. 13"); in 14" -wj (1. 92); in 14" nv onS fKS (cf. 1 Ch. 22); in 14" ma a late word 25" 28" Ezr. 9'- ' Ne. 3* Dn.

11"
15* in

"t

0- i>; the similar phraseology in 15'

(<;/. 1

nw-wn

Ch. 13")

(1-

6); in in

16" the repeated use of

Ch.
i4)

S;

end of verse and 12"; in 15" S withobj.; in 15" nniren (1. 44); 16" the relative sentence without new
Ch. i5)(l. 120);
in

subordinated to the preposition

(</. 1
(1-

(cf. 1

io" nSyoS ip

"7)

(Graf,

GB.

p. 142).

XIV. 1-7
is
1

(2-8). Asa's piety

and might.
'

This whole
from
1

section

an expansion or
K. 15"
it is

illustration of v.

<*>,

which

is

K. 15".

In

recorded that Asa put away the sacred prostitutes

all

out of the land and removed

the idols which his fathers had

made.

The

Chronicler, however, entirely omits this statement so

utterly at variance with the piety

and religious zeal already ascribed

the reform of

to

Rehoboam and Abijah; but he expands

Asa

into

one similar to those mentioned in Kings as wrought by Hezekiah 83*). and Josiah i.e., the removal of the high places (2 K. i84
-

(3.)

Foreign altars]

i.e.,

the altars of foreign gods,

cf.

Jos. 24"it is

Ju. 10" 1 S. y Je. s'. The high places]. stated that Asa did not destroy the high places.

In

Gn. ss*-* 1 K. 15" The pillars]

the massebolh, the sacred stones set

up

at

a place of worship,

originally a primitive expression of the later altar, temple, or idol,

and naturally retained as the proper accessories of a sanctuary (cf. Gn. 28" n ). The Deuteronomic law forbade their use (Dt. i6) and commanded their destruction (Dt. 7' i2). The asherim] frequently mentioned with the foregoing and likewise forbidden (Dt. 16") and commanded to bedestroyed(Dt. 7 , i2). They were wooden poles set up like the stone pillars at sanctuaries. Their meaning is obscure, scarcely a phallic emblem, possibly a substitute for a tree as a residence of deity, or possibly originally boundary posts, regarded later as sacred. It has also been thought that there was a
Canaanite goddess Asherah, equivalent to the great Semitic goddess Astarte, whose symbol or idol
15".)

was the Asherah

post.

(Cf.
I. coll.

But on

this scholars are

not agreed (Asherah, EBi.

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3 82

CHRONICLES

332/. ; Dr. Dt. pp. 201/. ; Lagrange, Etudes sur Us Religions Semitiques, pp. 1 i9jf.,

argues for goddess). Asheroth (pi. of Asherah) are

34-

mentioned ' '. 4.

in 19*
(5).

33; elsewhere as here Asherim

17'

24"

31'

33"

Sun

piUars] (only

pi.,

34*

'

Lv. 26"

Is. 17* 27f)

probably a form of masseboth

(cf. v. )

(GFM. EBi.
(lit.

III. col. 2976),

regarded generally as pillars dedicated to the sun god (non) (Bn.).

And the

kingdom had

rest

under him
cf.

before him)]

re-

6 (6). some historical basis, cf. 1 K. 15"; also Je. 41', where a pit built by Asa as a means of defence is mentioned. 7 (8). Shield and spear]. Cf. 1 Ch. i2 n <">. Bucklers and bows]. Cf. 1 Ch. 8". The shield (]JD) of these bowmen was smaller than that of the spearmen. The total strength of Asa's army is 580,000, while Abijah, his father, led forth an army of only 400,000 (13*, cf. also n 17").
peated with emphasis in following verse,
story of the building of cities has probably

I3 ,,b (i4').

This

1.

awn] wanting

in

K.

15' 1

and so

also vnS*.
4).

K. adds van iro.

3. noMM] with the force of

command

(1.

or an example, in the fol1

lowing words, of the indirect discourse, cf. U'JoS] d> B tnirior rijt 7$s Kvpttfooiu* <R*
rfy
7flt.

Ch.

13*.

6.
1}

pun vmt
tvputao/ur

<ff-

Ir

"?]
Gn.

suffix

masc. because
n:c

it

precedes.

wufc]

at our dis-

a (J).Instead of u^l?. ii*01read ufy, when we sought Yahweh our God he sought us. OS*8 also omit ua<i and read ih nht>\ Hence Winckler (Alt. Unter. p. 187) proposes to read after Dt. u i)S rvS*'i u<a<KD a'SDo xh niM And he has given us rest from our enemies round about and prospered us.
posal, cf.

13"

BDB.

4.

8-14 (9-16). Asa's victory over Zerah.

Not mentioned
v.

in

Kings, a good example of Midrash (see the numbers in

<>).

The story

is either

without historical foundation (so Kuenen, Einl.

I.

pp. 139/.; St. Gesch.

p. 355; We. Prol. pp. 257/.), or with greater

probability has a historical basis in an Egyptian or Arabian inroad

(Graf,

GB.

p.

138;

Erbt, Die Hebraer,

p.

106;

v.

also

.).

(9).

Zerah the Cushite]

(1) identified frequently with

I or II., of the

an

Egyptian king, either Osorkon.

basite) dynasty,

twenty-second (Bu-

and hence contemporary with Asa. In favour of

all countries
(i.e.,

Osorkon

II. is

an alleged inscription which reads that

of the upper

and lower Retennu

Syria and Palestine) have been

thrown under hisfeet (NzvlWe'sBubastisp. 51). Cushite or Ethiopian

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XIV. 8-14.]

ASA'S

VICTORY OVER ZERAH

383

applied to Osorkon or Zerah must then have arisen from the

writer's confused

knowledge of Egyptian
19' where

affairs;

he may have been

misled by 2
(Sayce,

Tirhakah

is

called

HCM.

p. 363).

The

place of

King of Ethiopia battle, Mareshah (v. *'.),

favours an Egyptian inroad.

the

(2) Cushite

may be

connected with

Cush of Arabia (1 Ch. 1 ), and thus the inroad may have been from Arabia (so Winckler, Alt. Untersuch. pp. 161-166, KAT.* p. 144; Hommel, Actes 10th Cong. Interl. des Orientalistes, p. 112; Paton, EHSP. pp. 196/.). Agreeable to this are the tents and the spoil of sheep and camels mentioned in v. " <">. Zerah may also represent the Sabean name Dhirrih, a tide, meaning the magnificent, A of several of the oldest princes of Saba (Ba.) (v. s. Hommel). thousand and three hundred chariots] a gross exaggeration from every point of view. Mareshah]. Cf if 1 Ch. 2". 9 (10). In the valley] probably the valley at whose head stands Beh-Jibrin (GAS. HGHL. pp. 230-233). Zephathah f], compared doubt8 fully by Robinson to TeU-es-S&fiyeh (BR.* II. p. 31). (S* reads northward (jcarh ftoppav), and it is questionable whether that was not the original reading, in the valley to the north of Mareshah (T\1M instead of nnB) (Bn.).11 (12). Cf. 13"- '. The non-reliance of Asa upon his large army (v. '<') is noticeable. The narrative is entirely artificial. 12 (13). Gerar] south of

Utnm Jerar (Baed. 4 p. 121). And so many of the Cushites fell that there was no recovery (Zoe., Oe., Ba., ARV.), or so that no life was left (Be., Ke., Kau., Ki., ARVm.). The latter is better since the following clauses suggest annihilation. His host] .., heavenly beings (the older commentators); better, from the statement of v.", Asa's army (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.). 13
Gaza, usually
identified with

(14).

And

they smote

all

the cities in the neighbourhood of Gerar].

this district
cities,

This implies that the inhabitants of

of the Cushites.
bians.)

had been

abettors

(Instead of

DTj;

terror from

Yahweh],

Bn. reads D^aiJ? Arapanic seized the cities through

(cf.

a supernatural terror caused by

Tents of
ing
cattle]

Yahweh

17" 20").

14 (16).
(cf.

a strange expression, possibly having arisen from

OS has, in addition,
tribe or place

textual corruption.

a proper name represent-

some unknown

(rofc

'Apa&pek)

22 1

text-note).

The booty

suggests an Arabian incursion.

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384
10. ro
.

2
idj> J'H].

CHRONICLES
Oa
force of By beside or like,
1

cf.

so* Ps.

73"

BDB.
of
1

op 3d.

On

to with

following

cf.

Gn.
(fci-

i.

<g reads ofoc

itvrartt rapt, aol atipuii in roXXoii rat in iXtyotf following the text
S. 14'

opoa ik 3-o jprviS

Iffxtft.

1 "iispo niai ? j<k.

off otic

(ortr

1 Hon est

apud

te

utta distantia

adds here from ^ utrum in paucis

is

auxilieris,

an in
is
1.

pluribus.

Kamp.
np]

preferred to read nxpS instead of

cf.

npS, but that

(cf. 1

not necessary.
9a).

Ch. so", .
S, cf.

J'hS] a clause denoting the comIn the earlier stage of the language S would have been omitted with px (Ew. 1 315 ). This construction J'K fa pecu-

with

Koe.

iii.

12. i-uS 319c. n'no onS

cf.

pnnn]

13*.

ixy] m
1

understood

(ft

has TtSop, cf.

Ch. 4", np used

pleteness of the overthrow.

liar to

the Chronicler,

ao 21" 36"

Ch. 22 1 Ezr. 9"

(I.

132).

XV.
1.
v.*.

1-19.

The exhortation of Azariab, and Asa's

religious

reforms.

The

Azariah the son of Oded]

spirit

not mentioned elsewhere.

Cf.

of God]

frequently mentioned as the cause

(cf.

of prophetic action
2.

and speech

Ch. 12" 2 Ch. 20" 24").

Yahweh was with you

because you were with him].

it

The

prophet refers to the victory and makes

an occasion

for advo-

cating the continuance of Asa's reforms (Ke.).

Others render

with you if (when, while) you are with him (Zoe., Oe., Kau., KL, ARV.). This rendering is not so good, although a stateis

Yahweh

ment
future

of the general lesson to

be drawn.

3-6.

Variously inter-

preted:

a description of the N. kingdom

(Qt);

a prophecy of the

(cf.

Ho.

3*

')

(<g,

H, as the tenses show, Zoe.); a description on the whole previous course of Israel's and from the Chronicler
KL).

of the nature of a general truth with reference either to the past or

future (Ke.); a reflection

history, parenthetical in Azariah's speech

(Ba.); a description with general reference (Bn.) yet strongly re-

minding one
view
less
is

of the period of the judges (Be., Oe.,

This

last

as definite as any which can be given.

v.
*
4

V. reflects the law-

times of the judges;

the repeated distress, and deliverance

on

calling

on Yahweh;
8 5 -
l

v.

the violence and oppression so often de-

scribed

(cf.

Ju. 5 6'-'); v. the intertribal

*-" 9'-17 12'-).

and interurban contenfits

is

tions (Ju.
in

This whole speech of Azariah

badly with the occasion of the victory and

an unskilful intro-

duction to the reform of Asa, an ecclesiastical renovation so dear to

the heart of the Chronicler.

3. Without a teaching priest

and

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XV.

1-tt.]

REFORMS OF ASA
The two expressions
i.e.,

385

without law].

are synonymous.

The

giving

of legal instruction

was a function of the priest

i.e.,

4")
1

5.

Lands]

(Dt. 33 u Je. 18" Ho. districts of the territory of Israel (cf. 11"

Ch.

13').

6.

Nation against nation] a

one part or

tribe of

Israel against another.

8. 'Odtd the prophet] either

gloss (Be., Ki.), or representing

lacuna which should be supplied after 9, If, with the reading even the prophecy which Azariahlhe son ofOded had spoken. Detestable

things] objects connected with idolatry

Cities, etc.].

(cf. 1

K.

Since no mention

is

made

of cities taken

K. 23"). by Asa, the

his father

reference

is

generally supposed to be to those taken

by

Abijah
plies

(i3'*)-

And

he renewed the

altar].

This statement imor

it

some unrecorded desecration of the

altar,

may embody

simply the historical fact of the renewal of the ancient Mosaic and

9.

Erbt, Die Hebr&er, p. 105). kingdom are represented to have been members of the adjoining tribes of Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon, who were either permanent residents from the first (cf. 10"), or drawn thither by the feeling that through the piety of Asa Yahweh was with the S. kingdom (cf. 11" ' 30")- This prob-

purer imageless worship of

Yahweh (cf.

Within the

territory of the S.

ably reflects the condition at the time of the Chronicler,

doubtless
tribes (cf.

when

many Jews
Lk.
i"),

traced their descent from families of the ten

and the devout sought residence in the land of While historically the tribe was probably absorbed either by the desert tribes south of Judah or into Judah (cf. 1 Ch. 4" ), it was reckoned as one of the ten tribes constituting the N. kingdom (1 K. 11").10. The third month]. In this was the Feast of Weeks, Pentecost, which according to the later Jewish tradition commemorated the giving of the law, and hence the entrance of Israel into a covenant relation with Yahweh; and thus, if this tradition was as early as the Chronicler or his source, this would explain the month as appropriate for the covePalestine.

Simeon].

nant of v.".
reign of

The
is

reason for the date in the fifteenth year of the

Asa

entirely obscure,
is

and

especially so in view of the fol-

lowing verse, where mention

made

of the offering of spoil, presu-

mably of the contest with Zerah, but since according to i3 M (14') " the land was quiet ten years " the contest with Zerah took place

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386

CHRONICLES
have lasted
dif-

in the eleventh year of Asa; the war, then, is held to

some four years

arises

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

But possibly the discrepancy

is

because the Chronicler here

following a source
(v. s.).

ferent

from that of
that they

the previous

chapter

12.

They

On form of expression cf. Je. 34'. It bound themselves by a solemn obligation or oath Yahweh with ail their heart and aU their (cf. v. ) to seek soul (cf. Dt. 4"). For the manner of taking such an obligation 13. This resolution was according to the law cf. 34" Je. 34" Whether small or great] i.e., whether young or (Dt. 13*" i7*-')entered into a covenant].

means

'

old.

14.

Shout of joy].

Cf.

Ch. 15".

On the musical
cf. 1

instru-

ments, trumpets and cornets (nnBff, WHtttn),

Ch. 15".

16-19, from 1 K. 15" .16. Ma'acah]. Cf. 13*.Asherah]. Whether there was ever a Canaanitish goddess Asherah (BDB.)
is a disputed question (DB., EBi.) (cf. 14'), but the name seems to have been so used or understood here. An horrible

thing]

1 K. 1 5" f, some kind of idol or idolatrous symbol; simulacrum Priapi with reference to the phallus cult. This

interpretation,

as good as any,
1

is

usually accepted.

And

he

crushed] wanting in

K. 15", added by the Chronicler, bringing

the destruction of the horrible thing (miphlezeth) in accord with that

Valley of Kidron] on the east of Jerusalem, where objects used

in 2

of the golden calf (Ex. 32'

and the asherah

(2

K. 23*

Ch.

34*-

')

heathen worship were regularly destroyed

(cf.

29" 30"
Israel]

K. 15"

K.

23' "), probably because the place as a burying-ground

considered unclean (Kidron, DB.).

in the sense of

17.

was

From
Asa

i.e.,

Israel

Judah

(cf.

n)

(Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.), but this in<>

terpretation

is

doubtful.

Since in i4

is

said to have re-

from meaning of the N. kingdom (over which Asa had historically no control) and thus harmonised this verse with 14* <> (Ki., Bn.). 18. These dedicated things were possibly spoils of war
Israel in the

moved

the high places, the Chronicler probably added here

(cf. 1

Ch. 18"), and since mentioned in

K.

15'*

have been

re-

garded as a confirmation from that source of the victories of Abijah

and Asa narrated

tion is that they

in

13" ' 14'*

(Be., Oe., Ba.); another explana(1

were removed, through fear of Baasha

K. 15"),

from some sanctuary and brought

to Jerusalem for safe-keeping

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XVt

1-6.]

WAR WITH BAASHA

387

(Bn.). 19. And there was not war, etc.]. Accordingtoi K. 15" M war was between Asa and Baasha all their days. This discrep-

ancy has been explained by regarding the Chronicler's statement

as referring to the absence of any serious occurrence or an open
declaration of

war

in spite of

continued hostility (Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

Ba.). In reality the Chronicler, however, probably regarded this

continued warfare as inconsistent with Asa's piety, and hence

wrote the history accordingly.

The

thirty-fifth
ace.

year] v.

i.

1. wmyi] Ges. 5 143k 3. o3T B'dm] of duration Ges. 118*. The usage of S with kS (three times) peculiar and not found where called an example of with subject 133, Koe. $ 403 nwmn] Gn. of n Ch. 7. wv] Ges. 145^. K'ain -ny] 6. eight mss. and V,
is

else-

(1.

ili.

P);

(Bn.).
.

6.

districts

Israel's territory, cf.

<S,

i3

a6-

inroi] in

Pi.

8.

an

insertion, as the abs.

nmajn shows (Ges. $

(Ki.

iajf).

<8 A

Atartah the

prophet,

V
1

Atartah the son of 'Oded the prophet.

">3t

read

ja

nntj
no)s.

irn

BH.).
cf. 1

for use

Ch. n>. 9. 3iS]

.

Ch. 4".
1

9 k
1

0-

K.,v.

! fH'On dh] 17. Sk-wb] wanting

. .

pmnn] construction 11. wan] om.,cf. Ch. pti] wanting K. 15"

cf.

Perhaps we should
1 1>, rel.

for

a-iD'i ich.
s.

in

in 1 K.., v.
nin.

nw ay.18.
om.
(6.

D'uSaa]

K. 15"

19.

After
hS

oSe> 1

K. 15" has
i

npv-i

sidtvjdi]

K.

15'*

1.

XVI. 1-6. The war with Baasha.Derived from

In the
thirty-sixth year of the reign of
thirty-fifth

K. 15"

Asa] wanting

in 2 K.,

and with the

year mentioned in 15" historically an im-

1 K. 16'- ' Baasha died in the Hence thirty-fifth (15") and thirty-sixth are due either to copyists' errors, or to an improper reckoning by the Chronicler. Under the former supposition the original has been held to have been the fifteenth and sixteenth (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), a view which has been felt to harmonise with the previous statements that during the first ten years of Asa's reign there was peace (13" (14')), and hence (it may be assumed) that in the eleventh year the inroad of the Cushites took place (14"), followed by the cultus reform culminating in the celebration and the covenant in the fifteenth year (15'-"), and that then came the war with Baasha in the following year. But such a speedy war with Baasha is unthinkable from the Chronicler's point of view. The covenant and the loyalty could only have been followed by an era of peace, and

possible date, since according to

twenty-sixth year of Asa.

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388

CHRONICLES
15" where
it

this is expressly stated in

rest

says,

" Yahweh gave them

round about." The Chronicler delayed then the war with Baasha until the close of Asa's reign in order to place in this con(cf.

nection his sin

w.

' ),

late in his life

and near

its

punish-

ment through the disease

in his feet three years later (v. "), for the

Chronicler undoubtedly thus regarded the disease, and, therefore,

he placed the war with Baasha in the thirty-sixth year of Asa's

reign.

Other explanations of the

thirty-fifth

are a reckoning based on the separation of the N.

and thirty-sixth years and S. kingdoms,

fif-

since the thirty-fifth year of the disruption corresponds to the

Asa (Mov., Ba.); or a derivation from the Midrash source of the Chronicler, which had a chronology or scheme of synchronism with the N. kingdom quite different from that of 1 and 2 K. (Bn., Ki.). Baasha king of Israel]. According to 1 K. 15" Baasha came to the throne of Israel in the third year of Asa, and the war between the two kingdoms was continuous (1 K. 15" *). And he built] i.e., as the connection shows, fortified, since Ramah, mod. er-Ram five miles north of Jerusalem, is mentioned in the earlier history (cf. Ju. 4' io")The town clearly commanded the highway leading to Jerusalem. How far the Chronicler is from being a historian is seen in the fact that no mention is made of the implied loss of the cities mentioned in 15'. 2. Silver and gold]. 1 K. 15" has " all the silver and gold that were left " with reference to the loss through the invasion of Shishak (12*1 K. 14"). This
teenth of

statement

is

omitted, doubtless, because such a reference to de-

would have been quite inappropriate after the Asa mentioned above. The line of descent of Benhadad King of Damascus (c. 885-844 b.c.) (KA T* p. 134) is also omitted. 3. A league is between me and thee as was between my father and thy father]. Whether this statement is merely rhetorical
pleted treasuries

prosperity of

or refers to an actual alliance

successful invocation of

it is

impossible to determine.

This

Benhadad was later paralleled in the appeal of Ahaz to Tiglath-pileser, King of Assyria, for assistance against Damascus and N. Israel (2 K. 16' * ).4. The places smit'Ijon] (1 K. 15" 2 K. i5"t) survives in the name Merj 'Ayun, a rich oval plain at the foot of the mountains of Naphtali, near the bend of the river

ten are, naturally, on the northern frontier of Israel.

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'

XVL7-U.]
Litany,

ASA'S
is identified

REBUKE AND DEATH

389

and

with Tell Dibbin near the northern end of

this plain
1

(EBi.

II. col.

2160; Rob. BR.' III. p. 375).Abel

2

Moyim]
din)

K. 15" Abel Beth Ma'acah and also

-4W-J-

K. 15"

2 S.

20" ft
hill

mod.

jCW/

e/

%amh, a

small village on a

1,074

feet

above the

sea, almost directly opposite Banias,

and on the

main road thence to Sidon and the coast (GAS. in EBi). Mayim All the store-cities] 1 K. is probably due to textual corruption. 15" " all the Chinneroth," i.e., the fertile district of Gennesaret west
of the sea of Galilee, " along with all the land."

The rendering of
*'.).

the Chronicler seems suggested by this text

(v.

6.

And

he

caused the work

parently,
1

to cease].

This statement also

after (&

is

derived, aptext (v.

'.).

from a corruption or misunderstanding of the

built] i.e., fortified.Geba]

K. 15" has "and he dwelt in" (or

"returned to")

"Tirzah."6. And he
S. 14
'

mod. Jeba,
(1

seven miles north of Jerusalem, the scene of Jonathan's exploit

*)

of the S.

and from the time of Asa apparently the northern limit kingdom (2 K. 23', cf. Zc. 14 10). Mizpah] probably
five

mod. Nabt Samwtl,

is

miles north-west of Jerusalem.

1

frequently mentioned (Ju. 20

21

S. 7' el al.). S.

The place The forti-

fication of these places

would protect the

kingdom from en-

croachments on the north.

7-10.

The rebuke of Hanani.

7.

Asa

is

severely

condemned for

his invocation of the aid of Syria, especially after his great victory

over the Cushites.

as the father of the prophet Jehu.

used elsewhere by the

Hanani] mentioned in io 20" 1 K. 16'The seer] (itfcnn) also v. ', Chronicler only of Samuel (1 Ch. 9" 26"
is the host

29"); clearly an archaism; yet regarded as an evidence of an ancient tradition (v.

i.).

Therefore

0/ the king of
to

Aram
if

escaped out of thy hand].

had

Asa upon Yahweh he would not only have conquered Baasha, but also the Syrians who were in league with him (v. )
imply that
relied

The prophet seems

8. Cf. i4".

Lubim].

Cf. 12*.

The

Chronicler plainly regarded

the Cushites of Zerah as an Egyptian host.

9.

For the eyes of

shall

Yahweh,

etc.]

an expression of divine omniscience and proviZc.

dential care

(cf.

4"

Pr. 15').

For from henceforth thou

have wars].

No

additional wars are recorded during the reign of

Asa, but the policy of foreign alliances naturally provoked them.

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39

CHRONICLES

Cf. the similar situation in the case of

Ahaz (Is. 7 2 K. 16). 10. For similar treatment of prophets cf. that of Micaiah, 18"; of Jeremiah, Je. 20'; and, even worse, that of Zechariah, 24", and
of Uriah, Je. 26"-.

11-14. The conclusion of Asa's reign.

15" '

An expansion of

K.

.11.

First

and

last].

Cf. 1 Ch.

29".In

the book of the

kings of Judah and Israel]

(v. Intro, p. 22) 1 K. i5* "in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah." 12. In the thirtyninth year] 1 K. is" " in the time of his old age." His disease,
etc.,

to the

disease, etc.].

end of verse] wanting in Kings. And also in his Even as in the war with Israel he sought human aid
last sickness

through Syria, so here in his

physicians.

he seeks
is

it

through his

The

reference to physicians

unique in the OT.,

in connection

although they are elsewhere mentioned with embalming, Jb. 13* Je. 8 M ). have been practised by the prophets.
2

(cf.

Gn. 50*

The

art of healing

seems to
Pos-

Cf. the application to Elisha

2

K. 4'% and the healing work of Isaiah

K. 20'

Is.

38".

sibly this passage reflects the activity of physicians in the

icler's
etc.]

Chrondied,

own

time.
1

Cf. their praise in BS. 38'-".

wanting in

K.

14.

13.

And
Asa

K. 15" "and was buried with his

fathers in the city of

David

his father."

The

burial of

is

de-

scribed as though of exceeding magnificence or care.

of

The

laying

him on a

resting-place filled with spices

and various perfumes

prepared after the perfumers' art was after the custom of preparing
the

The burning

body thus for the burial (cf. 21" Je.

(cf.

Jn. iq

34')

Mt. 27" Mk. 15" Lk. 23). was not of the body, since cre-

mation was contrary to the customs of the Hebrews, but probably

of spices, possibly originally a form of sacrifice for the dead

(Now.

Arch.

I.

p. 197

EBi.

II. col. 1337).

1.

38th year,
'd

15'" np'i.
1 K. has pe>Di. 3.
1

ann

)Da] 1

map

T>a

xai kjv] cf. Jos. 6'. 2. mm] i K. 30th. K. 'a o'Viun antm ipan SanK (v. s.). After iVo wrvi. rhvi] 1 K. boh iSon anSev pwn] 1 K.

<&

ARVm. Let there be.After San nw] 1 K. I ? 1 K. 15" has ira. 1. oi] <S, 1 K. 15" y\ 'Snoi IS" 'Snoj t"k *>3 ">P rrnM ">3 rim "apo ma San pkv The text of the Chron<t*s> L SiiBov ta0i}ici>r

followed by

icler is

based either on a corruption,

it is

illegibility,

or from a ready suggesof the district given

tion of the letters, or possibly

another

name

owing

to its fertility (Ba.), but (& kBh

have rtpix&povt suggesting nu'ao.

Digitized by

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rVIL-XX.]

REIGN OF JEHOSHAPHAT

391

S. \nxdm nK ruvi] a corruption or substitution for rmn atwi (1 K. K. has 'pi r*K and after |3'i IS*).6. npS] 1 K. 15" rovn.After the king Asa, and after pa 1 in Benjamin. 7 and 10. nmaj, This title is bestowed elsewhere only on Samuel, 1 S. o*- ' 1 Ch. 9" 26" ao". Since therefore an ancient title, Jastrow finds in the use of the term here an evidence at least that the story of Hanani is ancient if not authentic {JBL. XXVIII. 1909, p. 49). But the application of this term to Hanani is made with no reference to the ancient meaning assigned to ntn by Jastrow (v. 1 Ch. 39"), and the Chronicler may have been led to use the archaic term here under the influence of 1 S. 9. 12. kShm] v. 1. 40. fhfth -ip] cf. 1 Ch. i4 (1. 87).'' v. I. 23.0'neia]. Jastrow would

nw

m]

read either o<iny unto the seers or ctnj -vj unto the dead {op.
f.

cil.

p.

49

n. 33).

Chronicler has

XVII-XX. The reign of Jehoshaphat (c. 876-851 b.c.).The made use of all of the narrative given in 1 K. con").

cerning Jehoshaphat (1 K. i5 Mk 22>-*

this

slight portion of

he has rewritten

(cf. i8'-

20"-"),

and the whole he has supple1

mented with a large amount of new material (i7 ,b - io -2o")

which the reign of Jehoshaphat appears one of unusual
activity

in

religious

and external splendour.

The King busies himself with the

law of Yahweh (i7 T -) and in the

instruction of his people in the

establishment'of a system of courts (io'-").

military success.

His rule

is also

one of

He

built

castles

and

store-cities

and had a

army (i;'*-"). He received large tribute from the Philisand Arabians (17" '), and won a most signal victory over the Moabites and Ammonites through the direct intervention of Yahweh in response to prayer and praise (so'-"). The King's only shortcomings seem to have been his alliances, recorded in 1 K., with the N. kingdom (io 20"), which resulted in his exposure to peril at Ramoth-gilead (c. 18) and the loss of his ships (20").
greet
tines

While

this

new

material

isall

of the spirit

and

style of the Chronicler,

Bn. and Ki find here several sources. Ki. after Bn. analyses as follows: 17'* from 1 K. is" k ; w. ,br from M'; w. * from an old historical source; w. '-' from M; i8'-* from the Chronicler; w. k -" from
1

K.

ss;

runner;

w. -

w. -" from the Chronicler's forefrom the Chronicler; w. "-" from 1 K-; from the Chronicler. But all the extra canonical material is of
io1 -* from the Chronicler; so1 -" from

M;

v.

'

the spirit

and

style of the Chronicler, v.

(1.

in i7< o S e>-n

33);

in 17' i9

and 30" S with

'.

cf.

in 17 1 ptnnn
(1.

(1.

38);

ace.

138);

in

17"

Digitized by

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392
so"
o-rfftt,
1.

CHRONICLES

nvn -mo (cf. 14") (1- 96); in 17" nmtn PiaSoo (c/. i Ch. 17" ao nSjoS -ijr (1. 87); in 19* vjo Sk mm (c/. is); in 1 io aS and tm after Hiph. of pa (cf. 12" 30" Ezr. 7'* f)", in '9* ' (1. 89), and i'jn "vp (1. 124); in 20* u>nan v-iSh nw very often in Ch., and arnnS -|oj pm (cf. 14"); in 2o an pen (1. 28); in 2o*
29",
6);

in

wr

rvSjro
in

(cf.

i3); in 20"
1.

nwo (only in writings of

14"
1

Chronicler,

1.

m);
14*-

20"

I'bS (cf. 14",

132);

20" also should be compared with

Ch. 29",
1.

15";

cf. in

20" -wp

(/.

92) (Graf,

GB.

p. 145).

XVII. 1-6. The piety and prosperity of Jehoshaphat.

1.

And

Jehoshaphat reigned in his stead] i.e., in the place of Asa, a transcription of 1 K. is Mb 2. Fortified cities have an important
.

place in the narrative of the Chronicler.

(n*-"); Abijah took

wise Jehoshaphat
taken].

cities

(cf.

Cf. 15'.

3.

built them them (i4- ') and likew. " " 2i). Which Asa his father had The first ways of David his father] i.e., the

Rehoboam

(13"); Asa

built

David before he fell into the sins of adultery (2 S. and numbering the people (2 S. 24 1 Ch. 21) (Be., Ke., ff.) AB L has it), hence Zoe., Oe.). But David is wanting in
earlier years of

<8

(<S

in all probability is

a gloss (Ba.).

The
first

reference then

is

to Asa,

the father of Jehoshaphat, whose

Chronicler, were good (cc. 14, 15)

ways, according to the

The Baalim]
(cf.

i.e.,

false

and his latter evil (c. 16). god or gods in contrast with Yahweh

Ju.

2")-

Baal means primarily a "proprietor" or "pos-

hence "master," "lord," and was a common designation of deity like our word " Lord." In early times it was used
sessor,"

of Yahweh, as clearly appears from its appearance in proper names (cf. 1 Ch. 8" 14') and the prohibition of its use by Hosea

(2"

<>);

but

later, since
it

the gods of the Canaanites were generally

thus designated,

another reference
Cf. 11".

came to signify a false god. 4. Of his father] to Asa (cf. v.'fii/. s.). The doings of Israel].

6.

Tribute]

i.e.,

free gifts, perhaps, at the King's ac-

cession, rather than royal exactions (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

6.
in
etc.].

And his heart was lifted up]. Only here is this expression used
it

a good sense, elsewhere This statement

has a bad meaning

(cf.

26" 32" Ez.

28 Ps. 131' Pr. i8',

is

BDB.).And furthermore

he took away,

quoted by the Chronicler in 20", where

not in harmony with that of 1 K. 22", it is said " the high places

were not taken away" but they were frequented by the people.

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JEHOSHAPHAT'S PROSPERITY
historian.

393

Such discrepancies did not trouble the Hebrew high places and the asherim]. Cf. 14' <>.
7-9.

The

The commission for teaching the law.This narrative is

a duplicate of the account of the establishment of the judiciary given

in 19'-" (Bn., Ki.).

No record

of such events is

found

in Kings,

and

it is

not impossible that Jehoshaphat, perhaps through the in-

fluence of his alliance with the

N. kingdom

(v.

*'.),

introduced some

new organisation

for the administration of justice or

i.

law (Winckler,

RAT* p. 252;
pointment of

Erbt, Die Hebraer, p. 109), yet v.

19'".

The ap-

laity in

connection with Levites and priests has been

regarded as a mark of an ancient and reliable tradition (Bn., Ki.).

Otherwise, however, this section bears every evidence of being late

and written by the Chronicler. The book of the law of Yahweh is a reflection of Deuteronomy, and the names of the commissioners
as a whole belong to a period later than the ninth century (Gray,

HPN.

p. 231).

Already, also at the time of the Chronicler, must

have begun the study, exposition, and teaching of the law by

members of the laity who were later reckoned among the Scribes. 7. In the third year]. This date is given to show that Jehoshaphat
at the very outset of his reign concerned himself with the instruc-

tion of his people in the law.

Ben-hail f] signifies " son (man) of

it

might,"

cf.

Abi-hail

n";

yet possibly
<S,

does not belong as a proper

name in

the text, but as in

i.).

sons of valour (v.

8.
is

is

descriptive of the princes, even

And with them

the Levites],

The

tend-

ency of the Chronicler

to

to dignify the Levites,

(cf. v.

them the

priestly

duty of teaching

and thus he assigns 35* Ne. 8'-'< DB. IV.

p. 93).

9. And they taught in Judah], The priests were the guardians of the law (Ho. 4' ' Je. 18", cf. Dt. iy*- ig u *- 33"), and hence its teachers, and under Jehoshaphat an impulse may have

been given for instruction in the law through the priests and others,
although such a general measure as
not historical.
7. V>n taS]
is

here mentioned
s.

is

probably

The book of the law of Yahweh] v.

OS,

C, S>n S sons (men) of strength qualifying r>"W, cf. 1 Ch. 5" 2 Ch. a8 Ju. 21" 1 S. 14" 18" 2 S. 2' 17'" 2 K. 2". aw norm f] looks like a dittography arising from the two previous names.

summary

10-19. The greatness of Jehoshaphat and his army. The of Jehoshaphat's reign given in 1 K. 22"-" shows that it

Digitized by

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394
was one
of prosperity

CHRONICLES

and peace with the N. kingdom. His might and since he was a good king who " walked in all the ways of Asa his father," and " turned not aside from doing that which was right in the eyes of Yahweh," i K. 22", the Chronicler naturally ascribes unto him much greatness, with possibly some real historical reminiscence (v. *.). 10. Then a terror from Yahweh, etc.]. The Chronicler represents a supernatural dread of Judah, caused by Yahweh, coming upon the neighbouring peoples, presumably as a reward for Jehoshaphat's zeal for the law The term Arab (cf. 14" <"> 20" Gn. 35*). 11. The Arabians]. primarily means " people of the desert," and came into use among the Hebrews as indicating a particular people, i.e. the inhabitants
is

there mentioned,

of northern Arabia, relatively late (first

used in this

strictly eth-

nographical sense in Ne. 2"

and Arabians in the writings of the Chronicler probably reflects the powerful kingdom of the Nabateans already established in his day, south and south-east of Judah, and he mentions them here and elsewhere (cf. 22 26') to present in6');
1

telligibly to his

readers an event (whether real or assumed) like

that of Jehoshaphat's glory.

The

Philistines

would be underI. col.

stood by his readers from their knowledge of the canonical books,

the Arabians from present conditions (Noeldeke, EBi.
It is yet possible,

274).

however, that some tribute from the Philistines and

historical,

desert tribes

was
<-'')

a real result of Asa's victory over

Zerah (14* "

(so at least as f ar as the Arabians are con252).

cerned, Winckler,

KA T.> p.
K.
3*.

For a similar tribute of flocks or

13.
that

their product cf. 2

12.

Castles

And

he had great property].

and cities of store], Cf. v. '. (BDB.) The context shows

by

this property the writer

meant military supplies (so Ke.).

The

rendering "work for equipping and provisioning the fortresses " (Be.) is certainly not so good. 14. The soldiers were en-

rolled according to their families.

'Adnah]

is

also the

name

of

Manassite,

Ch. 12"

<>.

16.

Who willingly offered himself unto

Yahweh].

Cf. Ju.

5*.

It is

unfortunate that the Chronicler has

not explained

17.

why

this

phrase of honour was applied to 'Amasiah.

shield]
i.e.,

Equipped with bow and

light-armed troops, for

which Benjamin was famous. Cf. 1 Ch. 12* and (on shield) cf. 1 Ch. 12* <M> 2 Ch. 14' '>. 18. The total number of these warriors is,

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XVlIt
of
1-34.]

JEHOSHAPHAT'S ALLIANCE WITH AHAB

395

Judah 780,000, of Benjamin 380,000, making a grand total of This is the largest force assigned anywhere to the S. kingdom. On the gross exaggeration of such numbers cf. 13', and for other lists n'. From Jehoshaphat's connection with the N. kingdom and his assistance rendered in war (cf. c. 18) it is probable that he maintained something of an army, and so far some historical truth underlies this section.
1, 160,000.

10.

nwwn]
npd] and
miJ

mm ine] a terror from

a
late

Yahweh.
1

Subjective genitive, Ges. 128$.

11.

usage,

cf.

Ch. 13' a Ch. n.

oWp']

partitive use of JD, cf. 1

silver

Ch. 4" o- a Ch. 33" (BDB. p 3. b (a)).|D3i for tribute ARV., Kau., after V et vectigal argenti, but
'..,

better silver
tit

a burden,

ShfutTa (w\).

( ai

u J2 i) or Danya

(26').

owa-yn] a riwo
.

a great quantity
. .

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki.).

late form, elsewhere either

ooiyn

wni]
1

wanting in

tit",

C13.

iSn] with coordinate adj. denotes continuance,

a S. 3 1 et al., v.
pi.

Ges. 113W.
late

iSpdS ifjcf.

cf. Ex. 19" r S. 2* Ch. 14*.rwva] fortresses,

of

noma, a

word
8*.

store cities, cf. a

Ch.

14.

(cf.

nma

1 Ch. 29 1 ), also pi. 37* rmo np] nS] looking forward has the force of a

neut. sing.,

cf. 3*.

their fathers of

And this was their enrolment according to the houses of Judah captains of thousands: Adnah the captain, etc.

omnia* maS]

Ges. iasr. 16. Vn maj] to be taken either collectively referring to the 200,000 of 'Amasiah, or must be read nwj. 17.
pi.

nop

>pvi\ cf. 1

Ch.

12'.

XVIII. 1-34. Jehoshaphat in alliance with

from
1

Ahab.Taken
K.
1

K. 22 , -* almost verbatim except

is

in the case of 1

22'-',

which

rewritten or replaced in

iS'-*.

The

narrative in

K. be-

longs to the prophetic stories forming a part of the history of

Ahab, and
history of

is

the only instance of an extensive excerpt from the

Israel in Chronicles.
It

N.

was apparently introduced

in seeking

for the honourable part

which Jehoshaphat performed

for the alliance with

the

word

of

Yahweh through Micaiah, and

especially as

a backin the

ground of the reproof given

following chapter.

Ahab

1-3. Jehoshaphat allies himself with Ahab.

the pen of the Chronicler.

1.

dance]

a duplicate of i7 ,b

Vv. "are from And had wealth and honour in abunAnd he formed a marriage alliance

with Ahab] through the marriage of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat with Athaliah the daughter of Ahab (2 K. 8 "). From
1

the disruption at the death of Solomon until the reign of Je-

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CHRONICLES

396

hoshaphat, the N. and S. kingdoms seem to have been openly hostile

to each other.

How a reconciliation was effected between the

is

two, whether by

war or negotiation,
(2

military service rendered to Israel in the Syrian

unknown, but, in view of the wars (i K. 22 2 K.

8"

')

and against Moab

Israel.
19', this alliance

K.

3' *),

Judah appears

to

have been
to the wel-

a dependency of
given in

Yet, notwithstanding the denunciation

must, have contributed

much

fare of the S. kingdom,

and probably
(v. $.).

laid the foundation for its

prosperity under Jehoshaphat.

Possible influences of the alliance

have already been noticed

2.

definite expression of time substituted

it

came to pass in

the third year" (1

At the end of years] an inby the Chronicler for "and K. 22'), where the reference is

to the period of peace between Syria

and

Israel (1

K.

22').

The

Chronicler probably referred to the marriage

affinity,

and means

some time after this Jehoshaphat Ahab killed, etc.]. Ahab is represented
that

visited

Samaria.

And

as receiving Jehosha-

phat on a friendly
that

visit

with great honour, and inducing him to

join in the expedition against Ramoth-gilead, but the probability

is

Ahab
Bn. on

first

decided on the expedition and then called upon

latter

Jehoshaphat to join him, whereupon the

(Klo.,
1

comes

to

Samaria
1

K.

22*).

Ramoth-gilead],

Cf. for location

Israel

Ch.

<>.

This frontier town was taken from

(1

during either the reign of Baasha

the reign of
treaty
tion of
1

by the Syrians K. 15") or more probably in

Omri
after

made

K. 20"), and not restored according to the the battle of Aphek (1 K. 20"), hence the expedi(1

Ahab.

3.

From

here through the chapter the narrative of

K. 22 4H is followed almost verbatim.

While Jehoshaphat

in the
full

language of diplomacy in this verse expresses unanimity and

co-operation with Ahab, the subsequent narrative seems to reveal

an underlying reluctance on the part of Jehoshaphat to enter

upon

the undertaking

For changes

in the verse

from doubt in regard to its successful compared with 1 K. 22* v. i.

issue.

a substitute for n'C'Srn njra wi in 1 K. aa (w. *.). Sm*n iSo annn 1 K. 3. Ch. omits 1 K. aa*. and V?D are wanting in 1 K. a*. 'op] 1 K. >ph + norhch. <dj idji] i K. I0jo ojra. h iDB'i] 1 K. Skis" iSd Sk obvt> iok'i. nonSoa iDjn] wanting in 1 K., which has instead td3 wos.
2. oje> fpS]
.
. .

\fh)

roni] wanting in

mw

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XVnt

1-84.]

JEHOSHAPHATS ALLIANCE WITH AHAB

of

397

4-27.
weh.

The prophecy
vs. the

Micaiah.This

is

one of the most

illuminating narratives in the

OT.

respecting the prophets of

Yah-

Micaiah

four hundred shows that as sharp a line of

cleavage ran between prophets of Elisha as in the days of Jeremiah

Yahweh in the days of Elijah and

and Ezekiel, when
these latter de-

nounced

who clearly spoke in the name of Yahweh 23- 28'- Ez. is*' 13' ). The appearance of four hundred (Je. prophets of Yahweh at the court of Ahab reveals that this story
false

prophets

was written from a different point of view from 1 K. 17-19, where, under Ahab and Jezebel, the prophets of Yahweh are banished and slain and only Elijah appears left. Some prophets of Yahweh, then, were time-servers, ready to compromise with the worship of Baal and to prophesy according to royal pleasure, while others
stood, like Elijah, for the worship of the righteous

Yahweh

alone.

Micaiah must be classed. These prophets were the forerunners of Amos, Hosea, and the other authors of OT.

With these

latter,

written prophecy.
class,

Some OT.

writers only recognised this second

while others took a broader view and enable us to trace more

accurately the actual events of history.

6.

The prophets].

These
here

were prophets of Yahweh, since the King was inquiring after the

word

of

Yahweh

(v.

).

6.

Is there no prophet of

Yahweh

besides] i.e., in addition to the four

such unanimity.

hundred who had spoken with Jehoshaphat evidently felt that Ahab had only

called the prophets

who were

subservient to his desire

i.e.,

and

re-

sponded accordingly.

In a threshing-floor].
tion;
(v. i.).

9.

Clothed in garments]

in royal attire.
large, flat,

A threshing-floor would

be a

open, and elevated place, and hence convenient for such a convoca-

And

but probably the phrase should be struck from the text

all the

prophets were prophesying before them] per-

haps by

lifting

up

their voices in unison, or

(</. v. ").

by certain

dervish-like

an emblem of offensive power (Dt. 33" Am. 6' Je. 48* Dn. 8"). Such symbols were customary with the prophets. Cf. Je. 27' 2 8n t. where Jeremiah wears a bar as a symbol of captivity and
manifestations of ecstasy
iron]

10.

Horns of

Hananiah, a prophet of the type of Zedekiah, breaks

neck.

it

from

off his

12.

Behold the prophets have with one mouth spoken* good

*.).

unto king] so <S (v.

14. The

first

reply of Micaiah

is clearly

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398
ironical,

CHRONICLES

although not without a touch of politeness in favouring the

King's desire.
indicate the

16.

This vision

is

usually (and correctly) taken to

will fall

outcome of the campaign : Ahab

and the peo-

ple will return

home.

Ba. interprets differently. He renders Yahweh hath said, These have a master who is no master, ijt., Ahab was no shepherd but a spoiler of his people, and Ba. thinks that the words in peace cannot fittingly apply to a return of Israel home after a disaster in battle. The vision means, then, that the man who has misgoverned Israel will not be permitted to lead
to victory.

18.

Ahab would remove

the depressing effect of the oracle

it

upon

Jehoshaphat by insinuating that

tility.

proceeded from personal hos-

19. Micaiah indicates

his

words by a vision showing how

a spirit of falsehood in the mouths of his prophets. The scene is of Yahweh as a heavenly king holding a court or council. For Yahweh's method of dealing with Ahab cf. Ps. i8"> .20. The Hebrew allows
to destruction through

Yahweh was leading Ahab

either

spirit or the spirit.

If

we read

the former, one out of the

rest of the angelic beings

who

attend Yahweh, then

we

find here

in its

most elementary form the doctrine of the

is

later

Jewish and

Christian Satan; but this interpretation

doubtful.

The

spirit is

the personified spirit of prophecy

(cf.

v.").

The

spirit,

then,

which moved the four hundred prophets was the true spirit of prophecy, though leading them into falsehood. The real deceiver
is

Yahweh.
7

agreeable to the

Such a conception, however repugnant to us, was Hebrew mind. Cf. Yahweh's hardening the heart,
io'* '

Ex. 4* ,b
lech

9"

ii"; sending an evil

spirit

between Abime-

and

the

men

of Shechem, Ju.

o**; inciting

David

to wrong,

2 S. 34*.

23.

Zedekiah insultingly challenges Micaiah to vindi-

cate his prophecy.

24.

Micaiah accepts the challenge and says

that Zedekiah shall perceive its truth in the disaster

which

shall
cf.

overtake him, a fugitive hiding for his

i

life.

K. 20".

26.

26.

On inner chamber,
'.

Joash the king's son] not elsewhere mentioned.

Bread of affliction and water of affliction] i.e., bread and water in scant measure, cf. Is. 30". 27. The test of prophecy ac-

cording to Micaiah
said hear ye,
etc.].

is its

fulfilment.

Cf. v. M Dt. 18"

And

he

These words are a marginal

gloss taken

from

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XVItt

1-34.]

JEHOSHAPHATS ALLIANCE WITH AHAB

399

Mi.

1*,

They were

and form no part of the original narrative of 1 K. 22. inserted by some one who identified Micaiah with

Micah, the prophet of the days of Hezekiah.

Gn. 95" 1 S. 5" (Dr.) 1 K. 1" (Bur.). 1 K. aa ps-wo.tSin] 1 K. "rtoi. The latter, as the forms "rum and fr>p show, is correct. Sh] i K. Sp. cnSicn] 1 K. <n*. The original in 1 K. was nw, found in twenty-nine itss. (Ki, BH., St. SBOT.). The changes to oik and cnSitn were made
4. 010] first of all, first,
cf.

01 pk]

wanting

*. 6.

pain]

to avoid the association of

nm with false prophets.6.

io

into}]

who, the

reading of some mss. and also preferred by Ki. (BH.) and St. (SBOT.);
ditto

in
3

w.

'

'.

7.

njnS

r> oh

3
.

'Sp K3jn hS.

C3Pvi] wanting in 1 K. aa", evidently inserted to make easier the reading pja in a threshing-floor. II of 1 K. has for r\>3 onja D'caSo only IrorXot. This leaks as though I*U3 were a dittography of D'lja (Bur., St. SBOT.) and thus had no place in the text of K. Paul Haupt (SBOT.) thinks r\i, from connection with Arabic verb igl*^ to polish and Assyr. gurnu "coat," may mean polished armour and that the word to be rejected is O'Tia as a gloss. At any rate
ditto in v.

9.

Km]

Sa

'3

naf> Sp H3jpd
1

wk]
:

wanting in

K.

kSo<]

K. aa K. nSo>
j

the various proposed emendations, such as

oms embroidered
(Bn.),

(Be. after

Th.), oti33 'lis (Ki.

BH. after Klo.), PW '"us

able. 10.
11. trm].

V?]

used reflexively Ges. $ 135*.

obj. is understood.

The

na^
f

Bur., Bn., Ki.

BH

.,

e< a/.

"UP]

seem not commendef.

Ch. 7".

12. <">3i] read after 01

iMXipar

3X9] dagei forte conjunctive, Ges.

1 K. aa" in* 1313. IS. vtSm] i K. aa" "h* mn\ OS, which was probably the original in Ch. 14. nso] shortened from wo'D. tSjti] i K. aa the same, and also S-iru instead of Sinn of Ch., but rhtm nSp. * in both K. and Ch. has all these verbs in the sing. This probably was the original and the change to the plural has been made by copyists to emphasise the presence of Jehoshaphat. 03T3 wu<t] 1 K. iSoa T3 rnn> trot. IS. -wb] for use as conj. cf. BDB. -wk 8 a (/!).16. pS] fern, to agree with |ta. Some mss. have onS, agreeing with Smt. 17. piS] i K. aa' r< which Ki. (BH. not SBOT.) adopts. 18. pS] <g has Ofl* o8r, p *S, both here and 1 K.

ao/.in3]

<Sh O'aSH,

aa" adopted by Th., Kau., Bn., Ki. in SBOT., Kom. The force would My personal bias is not, as you charge, determining my words concerning you, but your downfall is the purpose of Yahweh. lpor ] 1 K. sg. O'dbti K3] host of heaven, i*., the organised body of angels or divine beings with whom Yahweh associates, cf. Ne. o Ps. 103" 148* Is. 34" Dn. 8" Jos. 5"'-. b*w\ u<0' Sp onop] 1 K. iSirorm \j<d'D r>Sp Top. 19. Sk*vf> -|So] wanting in 1 K. aa*. ion'] wanting in (S*"1 and 1 K.
be,

and to be struck out; a clear dittography from following ion. At the end of the verse OP- has the addition *aJ tlrtr ofrrwi 04 tvn^tt, also in

Digitized by

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400
K. with addition on art. with (SBOT.) reads jtwrn
i

CHRONICLES
col.nas. nas]
cf. i

mil fcrr *E
indefinite

K.

nja. nsa.

20.

nvvi]

gloss.

This
is

is

20" and Ges. J 126;. St. (cf. Jb. i) and regards nnn as a substitutionary favoured by Paul Haupt, who says nwi is " certainly not
force
s.).

the spirit of prophecy " (v.

this

The

strongest
is

argument in favour of

view
its 1

the fact that

nn.-i,

a fem. noun,

here construed as maso,

seems fatal to the thought of an original ]BP<*i. 21. K. 22" rm. 22. After >oa read V3 after <&"-, , B, and 1 K. 22*. 23. l"nn] wanting in 1 K. 22", yet probably to be read there 717k] (Klo., Kamp., Bn., Ki., Bur.) since m >k is never used of a verb. Tin* (Ki. BH.). 26. mp] 1 K. 22" sg. Jibk] b E/np, <&" Zwv,
but
use in v.

tmS]

also <S of

K.

(the

2 comes from
(cf. 1

preceding
o'

17101),

hence the

name

probably was tdk Immer

Ch.
1

24" Je.

20", et al. (Bur.)).

26.
wbp]

amain]
Dr.
v. s.

<S B , 1

K. 22"

sg.

fn

o>di frr> onS]

examples of apposition
. . .

TH.

cop

189 (1), Ges. 131c 'aw] 1 K. 'R3.27. oSs used very seldom, if ever, of Israel (v. Bur.).

28-34. The defeat of the allies.29. Ahab disguised himself

probably to escape a central attack such as was made on Jehoshaphat,

and

also perhaps

from the superstitious notion that

by-

changing his identity he could in some way escape the

evil foretold

by Micaiah. 31. And Jehoshaphat cried out] probably to his men, but the Chronicler understood it as a prayer and added the remainder of the verse, which does not appear in 1 K. 22. 34.

impulse when wounded seems to have been to leave the battle (v. Mb ), but when he noted the fierceness of the fight he

Ahab's

first

had himself propped up in his chariot and kept his place against the enemy. This is a splendid testimony to his prowess, even as one also is given in the command of the King of Syria to fight only with him (v. ). The Chronicler omits the details given in 1 K. 22" -" of Ahab's death and burial, because they would have been irrelevant in his narrative.
29. Kiai punnn] either an example of
tive in excited
inf. abs.

used for the cohorta-

former

is

speech Ges. nsdd, or to be changed after Vrss. The allowed by Bur., Bn., el al., but rejected by St., Sw. in SBOT.

on

K., which gives the latter reading after <&, , QT, wain ferred by Ki. BH., but (ft 18 of Ch. has KaramiXv^or /u.
1

ronnm,
,-

apparel.

iiom] about thirty mss., ((, 1, i K. 22" sg. K. 22" has D'ie>i O'cSp. Srun p] read after <S, 1 31. tick] i K. 22" + -\*. dm] 1 K. without art.

former to be preferred (Klo., Ki., Bur.,

el al.

udd

U3] my 30. After h ivh K. nm.Vrun.

<S
t

pre-

papn]

i
.

K.
.

rwi The

nvn] wanting

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XEL

1-3.]

JEHOSHAPHAT REPROVED

401

OlVD'l] CS> avivrpcijit* adroit probably reading BVtm. is far in 1 K. more expressive. 33. ion ?] in his integrity or his innocency, ix., without guile or definite intention in view of the result, "at a venture," cf. 2 S. pirn pai 0'pain j<a] between the tassels and the breastplate. 15". pat in the sg. Is. 41' t* The plural of this word meaning cleaving, joining is most appropriate for the tassels consisting of jointed pieces. njnon] <t nonSon, probaaaiS] 1 K. 22" waiS. wkjwi] i K. bly the true reading.34. Sm iSm] 1 K. 22" iSoni.Topo] better ip] 1 K. a-ipa no'i. At the time of the Hoph. after 1 K.ewn going down of the sun is drawn from 1 K. 22***.

wmi

XIX. 1-3. Jeboshaphat reproved for his alliance with Ahab by the prophet Jehu. A section clearly from the Chronicler. The N. kingdom in the mind of the Chronicler was entirely apostate from Yahweh, and hence the association of Jehoshaphat with Ahab was completely sinful and worthy of rebuke. 1. In peace] with possible allusion to the words of Micaiah, 18". 2. Jehu the son of Hanani]. Cf. 1 K. 16 and, on Hanani, 2 Ch. 16'. The Chronicler consistently introduces here Jehu, since Hanani his father appears in the reign of Asa the father of Jehoshaphat; but this does not exactly agree with 1 K. 16 where " Jehu son of Ha-

nani " appears prophesying against Baasha, some forty years earlier

to

The seer]. This term may apply either Hanani (as assumed in note on 16') or to Jehu (Ke., Oe., Kau., Ki. Kom.).That hate Yahweh], Whether sg. or pi. (v. .), the
than the death of Ahab.
is clearly to

reference

Ahab.

This

historically is

total

misconhis his

ception of Ahab,

summoning

the

who was a reverer of Yahweh, as is seen from prophets of Yahweh (i8) and in the names of
and Jehoram, which
all

children Athaliah, Ahaziah,

are comin-

pounds of Yahweh.
Ba.).
pi.

Wrath]

spoken with reference to the

vasion of the Moabites

3.

and the Ammonites, c. 20 (Be., Ke., Tax., Good things]. Cf. 12". The Asheroth] a feminine
Asherim
(cf.

occurring twice elsewhere (Ju. 3' prob. a text, error, 2 Ch.

14' 15").
set

33' t)i equivalent to

For

this act of piety

by Jehoshaphat,
17*.

cf. 17*.

And hast

thy heart

to seek

God].

Cf.

2. -vpS] cf. Ges. 114*. iowSi] <& has sg. in agreement with ptnS, but the latter may be used collectively, cf. Ps. o- " '> 10* Is. n< t- arwn] finite verb continuing inf. cstr., Ges. ii4r. 3. San] cf. 1'.

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402
4-11.

CHRONICLES
already

The appointment of judges.This section has

might underlie both.

been referred to

in connection with 17'-', with the suggestion that

tradition of historic value

a Yet on the other

hand one cannot escape the

justice

force of Wellhausen's view that the

story of Jehoshaphat's activity concerning the administration of

(Prol. p. 191).

may be due to the meaning of his name, " Yahweh is Judge" The Chronicler and those of his school felt called
and most naturally
idealised

upon

to idealise the kings of Judah,

Jehoshaphat after the meaning of his name.

They

ascribed to

him

the foundation of a system of courts corresponding perhaps

to those of their
bility

day (We. op. cit., Ki. Kom.) when a central sanhedrim existed at Jerusalem and
cities.

in all probalocal

ones in

other

Yet the judiciary given as established by Jehosha-

phat corresponds very closely with that mentioned in Dt. \6 l,

17*

and might

well have been derived

from that source.

In Dt.

we read

of judges in all thy gates (i6'),

and

likewise of

a court of

appeal at the central sanctuary, for if there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment . thou shall come unto the priests the .
.

Levites

and unto

the judge at the central sanctuary,

i.e.,

Jerusalem
originally

(Dt.

17").

All jurisdiction

among

the

Hebrews was

and administered by its head (Gn. 38" 31" cf. Dt. 2i'). Then in more organised and settled life this family authority was supplemented and restricted by a court cominvested in the family

posed of the elders of the

village or city (Dt.

19" 21*

'

'

22'* ).

Under the monarchy the king also wasan administrator of justice Is. i6 Je. 23A). An (2 S. 8' i4- i5- ' 1 K. 3- '/^J^j2 li appeal apparently might be taken to him from a lower court, or one might go to him in the first instance. The priests also, since they were the mediators of divine law (Dt. 33 ,t Je. i8 u Ho. 4* '), and thus of divine decisions, were always concerned somewhat
'

with the administration of justice

decisions at a sanctuary or
priest, cf. also decisions of

(cf.

Ex. 21* 22""*>).

'

1 S.

2:

from

God would
'

be delivered by a

Moses, Ex. 18"

When

then

a central sanctuary was established, the chief

priest naturally be-

came a supreme

judge.

An

interesting feature of the description

in Dt., is the retirement of the

of the judiciary, both here

and

king

personally into the background in the exercise of the function

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30X4-11.]

JEHOSHAPHATS JUDICIARY

403

properly belonging to the sovereign.

Dt. speaks of the judge and

the Chronicler gives this position to the ruler of the house ofJudah.

Probably the king

although
still

in Israel delegated the administration of justice,

it,

held responsible for

to others.

Thus

princes

and

members
4.

of the royal house are frequently alluded to as exercising

judicial functions (Is. i M

3" Mi. 3*

Je.

21"

'

2a* ' Ez. 45*).

And Jehoshaphat

dwelt in Jerusalem]

*'..,

permanently.

He

no longer

visited the court of the

least confined himself to

N. kingdom, but for a time at the sacred city and concerned himself

with the sacred business of justice.

first

And he went out again]. The

when the commisFrom Beersheba] the

time had been in the third year of his reign,

sioners of the law were sent out (i7'-')-

southern limit of his kingdom (cf. 1 Ch. 21*) to the hill country of Ephraim] the northern limit of his kingdom, acquired by conquest And brought them back unto Yahweh]. Possibly an (cf. 17').
apostasy from

Yahweh is thought of in connection with the alliance

(c.

with northern Israel

18) ; yet

a similar

activity is ascribed also to

And he set judges, etc.]. V. s. 6. For ye judge not for man but for Yahweh]. The judges were representatives of Yahweh (cf. Ex^" ai Dt 1") .7. Take heed and act] i.e.,
Asa
(is'-")'

6.

take heed to act in pious

awe

of

Yahweh.

For

there is

no iniquity

with

Yahweh our God

or respect of persons or taking of a bribe].

in these particulars like

This insistence that the judge should be

worthy of notice. as judge, Gn. i8 Dt. 10" '-. 8.
unto
is

Yahweh

Cf. the description of

Yahweh
s.).

A higher court is established at

civil

Jerusalem with jurisdiction in both religious and

cases (v.

The former
Chronicler

are expressed under the judgment of the

Yahweh and

the latter under controversies.

Under

the

first

expression also the

may have meant those cases to be

decided according to

the Pentateuch, which he believed already then to have been written,

and under the second,

cases requiring arbitration simply.

The

latter

might well fall to the care of the heads of the fathers houses of

Israel, i.e., the lay

members

of the court.

On

Israel representing

the S. kingdom, cf. 12*.

And for the controversies of the inhabitants

controversies are not to

of Jerusalem*].

These

be considered

re-

stricted to those of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, yet they presented

their causes directly to this higher court.

10.

The

cases which

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404

CHRONICLES

might come from other places before the court are now somewhat awkwardly enumerated. Between blood and blood] i.e., whether a man might be guilty of murder or only of manslaughter (cf. Ex. 21"-"). Between law and commandment, statutes and judgments] i.e., under what laws cases should be judged, covering thus also all questions of the interpretation of the law. 11. Amariah the chief priest]. Amariah is mentioned in i Ch. 5" (6") as the third chief

priest after the first in the

Temple

(see corrected text), hence

he
all

would come
matters of

in appropriately in the reign of

Jehoshaphat.

In

v.:

Zebadiah
The

Yahweh] i.e.,

in all religious or ecclesiastical matters, cf.

the son of Ishmael] otherwise

unknown.

In 17*

a Levite among the commissioners to teach the law has the same

name.

ruler of the house of Judah].

The
i.e.,

Chronicler thinks

of the old tribal organisation with its

head apart from the king

civil

being preserved.

All the king's matters]

cases coming
v.
.

under the king's jurisdiction; the controversies of

6. vjn *vpS] for every city,

d read 'ia^ for 1312;

JS et

6. bbb>d -oia oaopi]. cf. 1 Ch. 26" (1. 124). quodcumque judicaverUis, in vos redundabii.

Oe. emended iana to "iana " and it shall be with you according to (your) judgment." Better supply Yahweh as subject (Ke., el al.).7. nrot] 8 . thtmi wci]. These newly appointed judges cf. D'jb n" in Dt. 10".

could not be described as "returning" to Jerusalem, hence Kimchi,

Be., Ke., el at. referred the

words

to the statement in v. opa

v. *

Mm;

but

must be explained on the rather doubtful assumption that Jehoshaphat and his retinue conBetter follow d, V, stitute the subject, although the sg. is used in v. '. and read <atf, and before it 'an?* and for the controversies of the inhabithen this statement should precede

and the

pi.

tants of Jerusalem, so Kau., Bn., Ki.

pa] cf. Gn. i. omnmi] perhaps Ges. 143d. <S, V, omit 1. " an Aram, loan-word; mostly in Ez. and Ec., and only here in Ch.
.

10.

an Sai]

casus pendens,

cf.

XX.

1-30.

The

victory over the Moabites

monites.

religious tale of great marvel.

and the AmThe only history back

of this story probably is the fact that Jehoshaphat, associated with

Jehoram, was engaged in a campaign against the Moabites. This campaign is described in one way in 2 K. 3'-", where it is embellished with

wonders

to the glorification of Elisha the prophet of

is

northern Israel; here the campaign wholly transformed

in

described

another way, and

all

semblance to

historical reality is lost; only

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XX.

1-30.]

JEHOSHAPHATS VICTORY
Jehoshaphat

405
is

the Moabiies remain as the enemies of Israel.

no

longer associated with Jehoram, nor yet

is

he the attacking party,

but

is

suffering invasion in his

own

land; his

army

also does not

fight,

but only prays (w."-").

Edifying prayers and prophetic

admonitions (w. * "), and a startling wonder from

Yahweh

(w. ), which at the same time serves to show the importance of the worship of Yahweh through the Levites with services of
song, are the principal features of the narrative.
of the prophetic tale of 2
self-destruction of enemies

The
(cf.

influence

K. may be seen
which appears

in the feature of the

in

both

K. 3"

with

v. ").

An attempt to defend the historicity of this narrative has been made by assuming an invasion of three kindred tribes to settle in western Palestine, coming by way of the southern end of the Dead Sea, harassed by the population of that district and ruptured (He destroyed) by internal dissensions, and leaving a very great spoil, because, coming to settle, they brought all their property with them (Ba. Com. p. xxxi.). But in view of the

thoroughly Midrashic character of the narrative such conjectures are

idle.

1-4.

The
in

invasion.

1. After this]

i.e.,

after the events deis

scribed in the previous chapter, where Jehoshaphat

represented

works of piety and peace. The sons of Moab and the sons of Amman and the Meunim*] (v. .). The last people, so named from Ma' an, a city south of the Dead Sea, or representing an
engaged
Arabian people
of Mount Seir in
(cf. 1

Ch. 4"), appear as the children or inhabitants

.2.

w. *

The sea] i.e.,

the

Dead Sea.From
RV.)

Edom*]
DTK).

(v. .).

This reading

Edom

instead of Syria (^,

requires only the change of a single consonant (vf\X becoming

Syria

lies far

to the north of the

Dead

Sea, while

Edom lies
Hazazon-

immediately to the south and south-east of the sea.

tamar] (Gn. 14 7 f) on the basis of this verse identified with En-gedi (Jos. 15" 1 S. 23" Ct. i Ez. 47" f); mod. Ain Jidi,
overlooking the western shore of the
the sea-level

Dead

Sea, 680 feet below

and 612 above

that of the lake (EBi. II. col. 1293).

this identification is correct.

There
of

is little

doubt but that

The

name Hazazon seems

En-gedi.

preserved in the

Wady Husaseh
is

north-west

Tamar, meaning palm-tree,

very appropriate.

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406
Palm-trees are
Josephus, Ant.

CHRONICLES
have flourished there (mentioned by
Pliny,

known
ix. i, a,

to

and

HN.

V. 15 (17)).

The
little

sug-

gestion of the identification of

47'* to the south-west of the

Hazaum-tamar with Tamar

of Ez.
in its

Dead Sea (DB.) has

favour.

pass leads from En-gedi up into the hill-country of

Judah.

GAS.

HGHL.

usual in

For a description of the route of this invading army, see This was p. 172.3. And proclaimed a fast]. view of any impending calamity (Jon. 3* *) and involved

the assembling of the people (1 K. 21 " Je. 36*1. O'lvspnoj.

Jo. 2").

Since the Ammonites are already mentioned in this verse,

and

since three groups of people are mentioned in

et at., cf.

w. '
1

read

O'jwpnc with <t Mte^mfor, so Be., Ke.,

a6 T,

Ch. 4".

2.

wsm] used as the French on and the German man,

pun] other mss. pon, great number a
also in <t, but improbable here.
(v. *.). set

v. Ges. 144/.

late usage, cf. 1

Ch. 29".
3.

otkd]
he

Read dikd with most commentators

0, Uoiooje ]i*4, seems to have read oik.

.
.

Vie

. . .

jn'i]

his face, ix., he determined, equivalent to

ofc"i in 2

K.

u".

4.

rpaS]

to ask, request,

late use of

vps only here with no

ace. of

the thing.

6-13. Jehoshaphat's prayer.This prayer contains the

lowing elements: (1) an invocation of
(v.*); (2) the

fol-

Yahweh

as all-powerful

land

now
1

threatened had been given by

);

him

as a

perpetual possession (v.

(3)

a sanctuary has been

built in this

land for him, with faith in his presence to deliver in every time of

need (w.
this his

');

(4) these
' ');

enemies are requiting

for help (v. ").
i.e.,

evil for

good upon
enemies

land (w.

(5) Israel is powerless before these

and can only look unto him

5. Before the

new

court]

directly in front of the

Temple,
This

toward which Jehoshaphat prayed, on the inner side of the outer

court where the people were assembled
(cf.

4* Ez. 46 , -)-

outer court

was called new not because

(Ke., Zoe.), since

restored or extended under

it

Asa or Jehoshaphat
that time
(cf. 4*),
it

did not properly exist at

but probably because when the second Temple

was recognised as new, and this name clung to it even 6. God in the heavens] an expression of divine omnipotence (cf. Dt. 4" Jos. 2" Ps. ns*)- 7. Abraham thy friend]. Cf. Is. 41*. 9. If evil come upon us, etc.] was
built until the time of the Chronicler.

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XX.

1-30.]

JEHOSHAPHATS VICTORY
in

407

a
in

summary of the cases which Yahweh would hear the

brief
Seir].
(cf. v.
')

Solomon's dedicatory prayer

cf.

people's cry,

6"-".

10. And
also
to

mount
etc.].

With the Moabites and Ammonites were joined

Edomites

Whom

thou didst not allow Israel

invade,

According to Dt.

Nu. ao M -, the children

their land.

of Israel,

on

the journey to Canaan, were forbidden to contend with the

Edomites or the Moabites or to take

out of thy possession].

The

invading hosts are represented as pursettlement in

atti-

posing to

make a permanent

11. To Judah.12. The

cast

us

tude of complete helplessness assumed by Jehoshaphat in spite of

his great

army (i7'") reminds one

of the similar wail raised

by

Joshua after the defeat at Ai (Jos. 7'). 13. In their distress the entire population has gathered to intercede with Yahweh (cf. Jo.
2" Jon.
5.
3).

oSrwi] nine uss. and

17" ao.

<* '<a..
is

O'un rnsSooJ]

cf. Is.
1

usual expression of the Chronicler

ia

mmtn muSdd,

if. The Ch. 39" 3 Ch.

in

8. iS] omitted by <M*, %, probably because of the *npD] used to designate Temple and precincts also judgment, so H gladius Ch. 33".9. onpwtf followed by Ki. Reading dub., only here and possibly Toy, Cor."nopi] cohortative the but also dub. Ez. 23 Ges. J 108/.11. in*no] apodosis of a conditional sentence,
following lDcS.
1

BHif*] if correct,

<$.

judicii is

in pi.

in

1,

there, v.

in

v.

<K

Kknponitiat

iui&t>.

Doubtless

^
DM

is

original,

since

the

Chronicler

regards the
-

kingdom as belonging

to

Yahweh,

11 M , and <t could easily arise 7 ) a8 so a>]. IS. on'Mi Ofi'W vice versa.

cf. 1 Ch. 17" (cp. 3 S. from the reading of but not Bn. after <t supplies 1 before

gmvj and

strikes out

omui as

unsuitable after ooe.

Ki.

Kom.

con-

siders os a gloss, but 10 is used with trpuai

wi

in

31", and with

nSinai iwia in Ez.

9*. adds ornnuai, possibly original, but may have been added merely for completeness. Hence it is sufficient to supply

.iwithd.

through Jahaziel, a Levite of the sons of Asaph. 14. Jahaziel the

prayer

14-19. The assuring promise of Jahaziel. Jehoshaphat's is answered by a promise of deliverance from Yahweh

son,

etc.].

On

the occurrence of the

name

Jahaziel,
is

cf. 1

Ch.

I6*.

The appearance
fully in

of a Levite singer as a prophet

noticeable, yet

accord with the entire description which gives such a large

place to worship,

and

especially to the use of praise, in gaining the

Digitized by

Google

4o8
victory
this

CHRONICLES
).

(w. " '

cf.

also v.

Mattaniah].

In
its

Ch. 25*

name appears among

the sons of
it

Heman, and

frequent oc-

currence elsewhere shows that

represented persons or a person

or family of importance in early post-exilic Judaism.

Mattaniah

appears as a son of Asaph, with the connecting link Micah in the

pedigree of Uzzi, an overseer of the Levites at Jerusalem (Ne.
11"),

and

also with the further link

Zaccur in the pedigree of a

also,

Zechariah, a musician

who

took part in the dedication of Jerusathis

lem Ne. 12".

written Zichri

Mattaniah with

same connection
(1

though
the

and Zabdi instead

1

of Zaccur, appears

among

post-exilic inhabitants of

Jerusalem
-">.

Ch. 9" Ne. u")-

Asaph].
weh].
1

Cf.

Ch. 6"-

Upon him was the spirit

Sons of of YahCf.

Cf. is'.16.

For the

battle is

not yours but God's],

S. 17".

16.

By
(v. i.

the ascent of Ziz] not mentioned elsewhere;

(v. *.),

probably Ziz should be read Haziz

and the

locality is the

Wady Hasasa
fied,

and

v.

').

Wilderness of Jeruel] unidenti(v.

),

probably to the south-east of the wilderness of Tekoa

toward

Wady

Hasasa.

17.

Take your

place, stand still

and
still,

see

the salvation of

Yahweh].
Sea.

These words, omitting stand

are

found

in

Ex. 14" in Moses' address to the children of Israel at the

shore of the

Red

18.

Both Jehoshaphat and the people

in

thanksgiving for the glorious promise reverently prostrate themselves

upon

the ground.

19.

And

the Levites

stood

up

to

praise Yahiveh] possibly while the rest of the people were prostrating themselves or remaining for the time being prostrate.

The
Yah-

Levites are naturally mentioned in connection with praise to

weh, since the assembly

is

in the court of the

Temple

(v. )

and they

would be on hand

Sons of Kehath] one of the three great clan divisions of the Levites (cf. 1 Ch. 6- ' <>
for such

service.

> i5 2 Ch. 20'34', without sons,

i.e.,

Kehathites

Ch. 6"

<"')

They

are not elsewhere spoken of as singers and probably are

mentioned here because the sons of Korah (read even of the sons
of Korah) were properly a subordinate family of the Kehathites,

since
6'-

(1

Ch.

Korah in the genealogies is a grandson of Kehath ' < " '>). The sons of Korah, on the other hand,
mention
88),
in

from
84,

their

the

titles

of the

eleven Pss. (42-49,

85, 87,

were clearly a guild of

singers,

probably that

Digitized by

Google

XX

1-30.]

JEHOSHAPHAT'S VICTORY

409
<

which was represented by

Ch.
a6).

Heman

(1

Ch. 6"

M >)

(v.

also

on

14. Wtrm] <** rat t$ *0{()t*\ cf. 1 Ch. 23'*.Stop] <* "Ekn*i\ k 'KXnjX may indicate SfcnSg, but are probably corrupt. 16. t]

Wi

<P

'ka$M, > Affura. other

uss.

keen,

is

probably a radical and

may be a corruption of n, cf. Wady Hasted and plateau Hastsd, cf. Buhl, GAP. p. 97. <vJ] e"**. kte synon. of rC (BDB.). Elsewhere

Jo. a" Ec. 3"

ia".Saw

f]

founded of God,

<t

ItpatX-^t).

20-30. Thie victory and the spoil.

On the day following the

When

assembly at the Temple the people marched forth into the wilderness of Tekoa, some fourteen miles south of Jerusalem, and with
singers at their head, approached the invading hosts.

the singers began to sing, unseen agencies caused the invaders to

turn one against the other until they were completely destroyed, so
that Jehoshaphat

and

his people found only a slain host,

from

which they secured immense and valuable booty requiring three

days for
valley,
its

gathering.

On

the fourth day, after assembling in a

where they blessed Yahweh and thus called the place the Valley of Blessing, they returned with music unto the Temple; and through the fear of Yahweh from the report of this victory among the surrounding countries rest and quiet came to the kingdom of
Jehoshaphat.
20.
(cf. 1

The

wilderness of Tekoa] the open country around

Believe ye in

Ch. 2 M ).

Tekoa Yahweh your God so shall ye be estabin his adattire] i.e., in

lished].

Isaiah used the

same words applied negatively

dress to
(cf. 1

Ahaz

(Is. 7).

21. In holy

priesdy garments

Ch. 16").

The singers
service.

probably are to be thought of as Levites

etc.]

of the

Temple
(after

Give thanks unto Yahweh,

direct

refrain often

words
either

found in the Psalms, but always with the additional Yahweh) for he is good, which have been omitted

by a copyist or more likely because familiar, and hence readily supplied (cf. 1 Ch. i6 M ). 22. Liers-in-waif] not Judeans by the suggestion of Yahweh (as in Jos. 8') (Ba.), since they were not to fight (v. "), nor a portion of the invading host, the men

of Seir thus conspiring against the Moabites

v.

and Ammonites (cf. u (Ke., Zoe., H-J.), but supernatural divine agencies (Be., Oe., )

Digitized by

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4 I0
2

CHRONICLES
upon the advancing host or taking them to be enraged against one an) a means not unlike that of the lying

Bn.)> which suddenly coming possession of them, caused

other in deadly combat (v.

spirit in

the
i.e.,

mouth

of Ahab's prophets

(cf.

18"

').

And they were

is

smitten]

defeated and destroyed

a summary of that which

Yahweh appears

described in the next verse.

Moab
2

stood

For the children of Amman and up against the inhabitants, etc.]. Cf. Ju. 7" 1 S. 14'*
strife

23.

K.

3*.

Such internecine

caused by

also

in the later prophets in the future destruction of the Israel (cf. Er.

enemies of

38" Hg. 2 Zc. 14").24.

And when Judah came

upon an

outlook point of the wilderness].

Jehoshaphat and his

The writer pictures men advancing toward the invading host and
all

then from some elevation seeing the host

lying slain.

26.

They

found cattle* in abundance and goods

(i.e.,

the general stuff of such

an invading
utensils,

host)

and garments* and precious things (such as arms,

article)]. Cf. the spoil taken from Zerah's host (14" ) and from the Midianites (Ju. 8" ). 26. In the valley of Berakah] i.e., in the valley of Blessing. This

ornaments, or any wrought

name appears
and
the
in

preserved in both BerikUt, an abandoned village

west of Tekoa, containing ruins of great age (Buhl,

GAP.

p. 97),
all

a Wadi Bereikut near Tekoa

(Be.,

Bn.).27. Then

men

of Judah and Jerusalem journeyed back with Jehoshaphat

at their head returning to Jerusalem with joy since

Yahweh had

caused them

to rejoice over their enemies].

Cf.

on

last clause Ezr.

6* Ne. 12".28. And the fear of God, etc.]. Cf. 17".29. And his God gave him rest round about]. Cf. 14* ' 15".
20.
'jipdb>]
cf. i

Ch.

28'.

uHm

wdht\] weak

used with the

imperfect to express the design or purpose of a preceding act (Dr.

Niph. so used
1

Til. 60); for imperative followed by imperfect, v. Koe. iii. 364I. after Hiph. also in Is. 7*. 21. rP] with S* also in 2 K. 6.tdpm] meaning appoint late, cf. 1 Ch. 6 (1. 89).rip rmn ?] cf.

Ch. 16".''S rim] thirteen mss.,

Ges. J 155/.

spective omitted, v.

100 n.) proposes the reading

considers the phrase

nSnm nSom nro

9 add aw K.22.
nj-o]
(1

npa] with retro-

Bue.

(ZAW.

'99,

p.

K.

8 Je. 7>-

11") and

equivalent to lppri in 2 Ch. 13".

its

Whilst the

word
24.

is

not elsewhere joined with nSan,

use with rnin in Ps. 4

cf.

supports the usage here,

nwi

is

used parallel to nSnn,

Ps. ioo*.

noxoa] outlook point, as a

common noun

also in Is. 21 * t-

By a

Digitized by

Google

XX.

81-37.]

END OF JEHOSHAPHATS REIGN

Heb. idiom the
article is

411

peculiar

used to designate a thing, primarily

yet

unknown but

present in the writer's

the Chronicler vividly pictured Jehoshaphat's

certain high vantage-point in the wilderness

mind as a definite object, i*., march to its destination, a

which becomes
the definite

point to him,

cf.

ao. 26.
1

mn]

Ges. lafyr, also Bur. on 1 K. 13". iwnn] cf. 1 Ch. cf. 1 Ch. 37".ona] <Kri}rq - nonj, which read since
supports this reading, so Kau., Bn.,
less.,

before

van

also

KLO'-uo]

very improbable in this context, hence read with seven

Be., Kau., Ki., Bn.

Ezr. 8", also the similar phrase reran <Sa 3 Ch. 3a"
Je.
11*.

lifting

prion '] a phrase occurring only mien 36" Ho. 13" Na. a" STjwn only occurs urn fnS] omits, not 35* Dn. up, so much that they could not carry the booty away: an 89. mrutn noSoD] idiom peculiar to the Chronicler, 14" Ch.
here, cf. anra

V, 0"uai, so

in pi.

<$

to

is.,

cf.

33.

cf. 1

Ch. ao", also

v.

s.

on

v.

31-34.

The summary
some

of Jehoshaphat's reign.
*'.).

aa"-4 with

variations (v.

31.

From
is

K.

And Jehoshaphat

reigned

over Judah].

This apparently superfluous statement

1

due to the

Chronicler's source,

K. 32", a verse marking the beginning of the

it

narrative of the reign of Jehoshaphat where

says (He) began to

the

reign over

Judah in

the fourth year of

Ahab king of Israel, but

Chronicler will not date the accession of a king of Judah by a year

of the ungodly king of the schismatic

N. kingdom.
with
1

The remainder

of this verse

is essentially identical

K. 22".

Azubah]
'-.

the

name

also of a reputed wife of Caleb

is

Nothing further
beit the

known

Shilhi f]. of this father and his daughter. 32.

(cf. 1

Ch. 2"' ).

And he walked in the way of Asa hisfather]. Cfij*

high places were not taken away].
is

33.

How1

This statement from

Neither as

K. 22"
1

not exactly consistent with 17*

(q. v.)

and the Chronicler's

yet, etc.]

entire description of

Jehoshaphat's piety.
still

K. 22"

'

The people
it

sacrificed

and burnt incense in the high

places.

The

Chronicler found this positive statement too strong

and modified
usual

with a milder negative one.

34.

Now the
not an
(cf. 19'),

rest

of

the acts of Jehoshaphat the first

and

the last]

the Chronicler's

formula

(cf.

12").

In the

acts (words)]

inde-

pendent work written by Jehu the son of Hanani

section of the

but a
(v.

Book of

the

Kings of Israel containing

his

name

Intro, pp. 21/). 31. Borvn tSdi]

i

K. as41 lSo now

'W.
K.

The

usual, omits the synchronistic statement of

32. inii]

Chronicler, as
1

K.

33**

Digitized by

Google

412
pi Saa.

CHRONICLES

hdh

T>3H]

K. transposes.

both as masc. and fem. 38. omnan 'hSkS oaa ? wan kS opn -njn] i K. aa mnaa onopm ovoid opn Tip. 34. nSjjfi] if the text is correct, Hoph.
1

njDD]

K. masc. udb.

TH occurs
On

perf.
cf.

used only here in sense be taken up

into,

or inserted

in.

form

Ju.

The

n in ny. Ges. 63^. <t KaTfypui// r, digesset, ft similar phrase in 32" omits this word, which probably arose here
6" Na.
a>,

from a dittography of following

Sp.

36-37.
22 4.
1.

The
)

destruction of Jehoshaphat's

fleet.

From
This

K.

(41 1.)

quite rewritten.

This passage

in 1

K.

is

not entirely
relates

clear,

but

its

present text

was before the

Chronicler.
(i.e.,

that Jehoshaphat built ships of Tarshish

sail to

Ophir

for gold,

a particular kind) to but the vessels were wrecked. Then Ahaziah

proposed to join with Jehoshaphat in this marine undertaking,

but Jehoshaphat declined the alliance.

The

Chronicler, on the

other hand, places Jehoshaphat in alliance with Ahaziah, a very

wicked king, and

shish

relates that they jointly built ships to

go to Tar-

and

that the ships were wrecked because Jehoshaphat

had

allied himself

with Ahaziah.

The calamity then befalling the good

is

king Jehoshaphat in the loss of his vessels

sin of allying himself with

explained through his

a king of

Israel.

Attempts have been

made to harmonise the two narratives on the ground of their incompleteness. Thus Jehoshaphat accepted the aid of the King of
Israel in building but not in navigating the ships (Ba.).
after this]
i.e.,

35.

after the marvellous deliverance recorded in

in 1 K.,

And w. '".

No time limit is given

but the statement Jehoshaphat made

ships immediately follows the statement (1 K. 22" <"> omitted by

Edom: a deputy was king, by Judah, hence shipbuilding was undertaken by Jehoshaphat on the Gulf of Akabah south of Edom. The time in Jehoshaphat's reign is fixed by the mention of Ahaziah the immediate successor of Ahab, who reigned only some two years. The same did very wickedly] a statement of the
the Chronicler) and there was no king in
i.e.,

Edom was

still

controlled

Chronicler to emphasise the sin of Jehoshaphat's alliance.

36.

To go

to

Tarshish]

K. 22"

'

ships of Tarshish,

i.e.,

class of

ships used in the Tarshish trade, but the Chronicler misunderstood

the meaning of the phrase

Tarshish

(cf.

9").

In

and assumed that they were to go to K. 22" <> the destination of the ships is

Digitized by

Google

1-20.]

REIGN OF JEHORAM
Tarshish],
Cf.
1

413
Ch.

Ophir, and their object to procure gold.

1'.

Ezion-geber].

Cf. 8".

In Kings the place where the ships

were

built is not mentioned.

is

37.
1

Eliezer the son of

Dodavahu f].

Nothing further
elsewhere.
pieces thy works]

known

of this prophet,

Mareshah].
i.e.,

Cf.

Ch. 2".

who is not mentioned Yahweh hath broken in

1

the ships.

According to

K. 22"

<*>

they

were wrecked at Ezion-geber.

SB. lanrm] only here as Hithp. perf.

The

prefix

rw instead of
n.),

rin

fa

due

to the influence of
is

Western Aram. (Ges. 54a

'

hence

is late.

Hithp.
(read

also used in v.

hvi] 4f read hvii.

<K,

enn roSS pvjk K. m>BW 37. vim] (* 0*(e)ia, AovSiov) probably read nar'i] nnn or in;i.fie] prophetic Ges. io6. win] rd irXoM so also S.P] plus aa" nvjH iruvj
nvf '). C, read sg.
] 1

36.

Dn.
.
.

11*
.

the last also in

ioj

wpi
<K

nwp ?

vrurw]

an Aram. form. K. aa" nrp bcpvt nsV? cnn nvjH. wpi]

1

>

either
1

perfect,

nvjtc

K.
inf.

'3.

<$

-ob,

lobe able

to (iate), c/. a

14"

Ch. 39".

XXI. The reign

icler

of

Jehoram

(c.

851-843 B.C.).The Chron1

introduces his account of this reign with the verse in

K.

(22") concluding the

summary

of the reign of Jehoshaphat (21').

(v. ), their father's

He then mentions the other sons of Jehoshaphat

generous treatment of them
(v. ),

and their destruction by Jehoram These particulars are not related in after he came to the throne. Then is given the account of Jehoram's accession and evil 1 K. character, taken from 2 K. 8"-' (w.- 7 ), and the account of the The remainder of revolt of Edom, taken from 2 K. 8"- M (w. ').
the narrative, which consists of a threatening letter from Elijah

(w.

'*-"),

an account of a sack of Jerusalem by the

'),

Philistines

others

(w.

and an account

of Jehoram's horrible

and end through

(w. "-") is independent of 1 and 2 K. This new material seems to be either embellished traditions or history simply imagined
disease
in

a way

suitable, according to the Chronicler's theory, to the evil

character of Jehoram.
Ki. following Bn. assigns

non-canonical) and

w.

'-' to

w. *' to the Chronicler's forerunner (Bn. M, but these verses have all the marks of
Be. maintained, but without sufficient
writer,

the style of the Chronicler.

reason, that Elijah's letter

had marks of another

in

mentioning the

Hiph. of in

v.

'

and v." elsewhere not

Ch. (but the occurrence in

Digitized by

Google

CHRONICLES

414

v." certainly offsets the occurrence in the letter), the rare pL B"Sn and nSno (v. , Pr. 18" t) and the expression aSvu neJD |Jl (v. not elsewhere in Cb. Graf argued correctly, on the other hand, the

aw

appearance of expressions used by the Chronicler elsewhere,

yns
cf.

i^n

w.

"', cf.

n"

17'

ao

ar aa

a834 (the expression yet

v.
',

is

too common
in v.

on which

to lay weight),

anna rva
(in

cf. v.

"

v.* aa-

' ,

and

the parallelisms with v.

'

001
v.;
i);

Ki. BH.).
ptruv
v.

Marks of the Chronicler

(cf.

the former probably read O'jn instead of

in other verses:
(</.

V prefixed

i 1 );

nnwawTi

tfe Philistines

and Arabians v.",

e/.

33" 1 Ch. 5" Ew. 17"; kbid J'hS (1. 13a) v.".
v.'

1-7. Jehoram's accession

parallels in Kings.

and character.

Vv.

axe without
Cf. 9".

1. Slept with his fathers, etc.].

2.

Azariah].
Israel]

The second of this name should be

S.

struck out (v.

ia.

i.).

used for the

kingdom, also
Cf. the

in v., cf.

3.

And
by

their father gave, etc.].

somewhat

similar treatment

Rehoboam

of his sons.

Because he was the first born] mentioned

his brethren, etc.] because of their
(cf.

as though Jehoram had no other special qualification to be his

father's successor.

Slew

all

non-concurrence with his and his wife's (Athaliah's) idolatry

v.
'*)

(Ke., Zoe.), probably from tyrannical jealousy (Oe.); but

all

explanations are mere conjectures.

5-7.

Parallel with 2
i.e.,

K. S^".
Cf.

6.

According to that which the house of Ahab did]

according

to the doings of the

house of Ahab.
2

The daughter

of Ahab].

K. 8" has Judah. The Chronicler may have made the change because he felt on account of the
18'.7. House of David].
Captivity that the Davidic promise

house.

alway].

was restricted to the Davidic As he promised to give a lamp to him and his children The Chronicler uses the lamp as a figure of life (cf. Jb.
i.e.,

18' Pr. 13* 24"),

that the seed of

David should never be de-

stroyed (2 S. 7"-").
1.

vroK

op>] 50 also 1

by

B in both places,

rightly in 1

K. 22", where probably a dittography; omitted K. (St. SBOT.).rn vpa] 1 K.

raphy.

van which the Chronicler omitted because of the preceding dittog(WW] <> + ?" awt? may be original, since in accord 2.

with the Chronicler's habit,

original
list

cf.

Ch.

a* 3- 7* 35* el at.,

but the

probably contained only one Azariah, hence a

if

disappeared
forty iiss.

this

and the
in v.

for

Judah

numeral was originally in the text. mw, which is followed by Ki., but Israel is used a8" and elsewhere, and the change to Judah is easier
Vrss.

name has Sm*<] about

Digitized by

Google


XXL
1-90.]

REIGN OF JEHORAM
pi., cf.

415
i

than the reverse.S. mrun] always

6. nSo] (K* Paeri\tus

3a" Ezr.

may

render a text from which

Gn. 84" f. had fallen by

which is doubtless original <&. and a K. 8" nvtb. 7. rvo -w* nnan jyoS tvi na n* n* (v. .). viaSi] a K. viaS, which wS] a K. 8" roj nn |jS The is likely an error for x>ith, cf. 1 K. n", so Klo., Kamp., et at. Chronicler sought to give a smoother reading to the corrupt text of a K. by prefixing 1.

haplog., but <>" have /JcwtXcwr,

wk] some mss.

nw

8-10.

The
In

revolt of

Edom.
V.

With minor changes and

(2

slight

omissions, from 2 K. 8"-".

ing.

K. 8" b )

8.

his days
8'*

Edom

revolted].

meanEdom was subdued by

is

of doubtful

David, 2 S.

'

Ch. 18"", and, unless for a time

(cf. 1

it

regained

its

independence during the reign of Solomon

K.

1 1 " * ,

Noeldeke,

EBi.

II. col. 1 184), it

remained subject to the united kingdom and

Judah until the reign of Jehoram and the event here described. During the reign of Jehoshaphat it was clearly subject to Judah, as
the account of his ship-building operations shows
(cf.

ao*).

9.

And

Jehoram passed due

it.

over, etc.] entered

Edom

with his army to sub-

And

he rose by night,

the expedition of

etc.]. The sequel (v. ') shows that Jehoram was a failure, and hence an account of a

defeat must have been contained in the primary source of v.

Possibly it read, "And Edom arose by night and encompassed him and smote him and the captains of the chariots "
(2

K. 8" b ).

(Stade, Gesch.

Unto

this

I. p. 537 n. 1, and ZAW. XXI. pp. 337/.).10. day] words of 2 K. 8", and simply quoted by the

Chronicler because in his source.

Libnah] a town not far from

(cf. 1

Lachish, on the south-western border of Judah near Philistia

Ch. 6"

<">).

Since

it is

said to have revolted,

it

it

has been regarded

priestly city

as a Philistine city (Sk.), but

(Jos. 2i').
0.

Sennacherib besieged
a

was reckoned as a it (2 K. 19').

wp op]

K. 8"

rrvji elsewhere

unknown and probably a

cor-

ruption of rvvstr, which the Chronicler misread vir, so Be., Zoe., Oe.
Ki. corrects from a K., but
it is

difficult to see

Ch. could have come from n-cjw. ayvi] a K. 10. 'vn rv nnno] wanting in a K. 8.

how

the present text of

vShkS oya oyx

11-16.

The

letter of Elijah.

A pure product of the imaginado with

the S. kingdom,

tion, since Elijah

had nothing

to

and

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CHRONICLES

4l6

dearly was not living at this time (a K. 3"'), although such an

inference might have been

drawn from

K. 1".

From

its literary

correspondence with the rest of the chapter, the

written

letter

was probably

by the same author.

The motive of the letter is to heighten

Jehoram's character as an obstinate and outrageous sinner, since

he had neglected to heed a divine warning of the calamities which
afterward befell him.

11. Moreover he made,

,

etc.] i.e., in

addition

to his wickedness described in v.

which may be taken as the sup(cf. 14').

posed cause of the revolt of Edom, Jehoram directly institutes

high places, or seats of idolatrous worship
harlot]
i.e.,

To play

the

Yahweh. The people were thought of as married to their God, and any foreign worship was regarded as whoredom or harlotry. (Cf. 1 Ch. 5".) 12. In the ways of Jehoshaphat thy father nor in the ways of Asa king of Judah]. Both Jehoshaphat and Asa are regarded as especially good
to worship deities other than

kings

(cf. 14' <

17* so").

13.

Like as the house of

Ahab

caused

harlotry].

Ahab through

the influence of his wife, Jezebel,

potent in introducing the worship of foreign gods in Israel

i6 ).And also has slain thy brethren].

great stroke].

Cf.

was K. v.*.14. With a

(cf. 1

The

reference

is

to the calamity of

w. '

'

16.

And thou shall have great w. ' Day by day] i.e.,

'.

sickness, etc.] the disease described in

a prolonged sickness.

J, read nya and so Kau., Bn., Ki.pi] on form cf. from Yahweh to idolatry, cf. Dt. 13'n. 14 _ia. -iem nnn] because that, cf. Nu. 25" Dt. 21" 22" 28" 1 S. 26" 13. yan no] <K i>Joi 2 K. 22" 2 Ch. 34" Is. S3" Je. 29" 50'. rarp6t <row 'k ', and so (following <K); this is the stronger expression, hence may be original, cf. v.*. 14. f\u] (8, V, &, add ?\P* t but a special punishment for the King himself is narrated in v. u
11. 'ina]

Ges. 5 7Sgg-

T'] thrust aside

<g,

nojD] stroke, used in the double sense of slaughter in battle

(cf.

S.

and plague, since the King's people and family were to suffer from the first (w. '') but the King himself from the second, a loathsome disease. 16. B'^n] intensive pi., Ges. 124*. 0'3i] some tiss., <K, V, 071.

4"

2 S. 17' 18')

16

f.

astrous consequences

The raid into Judah.No inkling of this raid with its disis given in Kings, and while it may have some
a raid of nomads into southern Judah

historical foundation in

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XXL

1-20.]

REIGN OF JEHORAM
its

417
it

(Bn.)> yet as described with

disastrous consequences

probably
314).

never took place (yet accepted throughout by Pa.

EHSP. p.

The narrative,

however, does not necessarily imply a sack of Jeru*.).

salem, as has often been supposed (Be.), but quite otherwise (v.

The

history of the city

was too
fiction.

well

known
Spirit].

for the writer to

have

presumed upon such a

Philistines

16.
i.

Cf.

Ch. 5".

The

and

the Arabians].

Cf. 17",

where these very people

are mentioned as giving tribute to Jehoshaphat.

the Cushites]. Cf. 14*
<>

Which are beside

indefinite.

Ch.

The geographic knowledge of

the ancients of Ethiopia

and southern Arabia was very

Herodotus considered
15, 19),

all

the land east of the Nile Arabia (II. 8, 12,

beside the Cushites.
it]

which could thus be described as

17.

And
they

they

came up

into

Judah and

broke through into

that

is,

made a

raid into the land.

And

they took as plunder every

to the royal

possession

which was found belonging

house and his

itself,
it

sons and his wives].

This language most naturally, taken by

stuff

suggests that the royal palace at Jerusalem

was plundered, but

need not imply anything more than the taking of royal

with children and wives, might have been in
Ke., Zoe., Ba.).

which,

camp

(so essentially

This also seems to have been the view taken by

(q. v.), if
flj

the Chronicler in 22 1

there

is

followed.
v.
4 ,

And there was

where Jehoram
2

not

left, etc.].

This statement taken with

slew

all his brothers, is difficult

to reconcile with

K. 10"'-,
royal

where brethren of Ahaziah ( Jehoahaz) king of Judah to the number

of forty-two are mentioned.

Whence came these latter if the

house of David had been so thoroughly exterminated (We. Prol.

p.

210)?

The two

narratives are really irreconcilable.

Jehoa-

haz] elsewhere Ahaziah (22').

of

The two names

are

compounds

Yahweh and
16.

the verb to seize, but written in the reverse order.

11" 2
cf. v.

S.

rm] wanting in . 23" and Hiph.

17.

niypa'i] break

Is. y'.

ve>ji] 01 al

through or into, cf. 1 Ch. rAt Svyaripat airoO, but

.wiavn] one

us., <K, ft, 8,

wjrm.

18-20. The end of Jehoram.

curable disease,
lent
etc.].

18

f.

The

writer probably thought of

diarrhoea.

In his bowels with an insome vio-

and incurable chronic

(For a detailed description

of the malady, see Ke., Zoe.).

19.

And it came to pass after a pro-

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4 i8

CHRONICLES
when
the end [of his life] came, during

longed lime and at the time

two days his bowels were going out by reason of his sickness and he Made no burning for him] i.e., of spices, cf. 16". died] (v. i.).

The King was treated with less respect than his fathers. The Chronicler is quoting here from 2 K. 8" and Cf. v.
.

20.
then

from 3 K. 8.
(v. .).

Without being desired]

i.e.,

without being lamented

But not in

the sepulchre of the kings] an addition of the

Chronicler to enhance the vileness of Jehoram.

18.
1

I'M ?] cf.

i4'

Ch. aa4 . 19. D'D'O O'D^]

eumque

diet

succederet dies.

The

phrase occurs only here and means after a pro-

longed time,

O'D' Sj> O'D' v., also ooi O'O^ Dn. 8 expressed cf. more briefly by O'D'D Ju. ii 14* 15'. 'D *} vjf D'D'^ fpn n nysi] a difficult passage, since the preceding O'D'D O'D'S implies a longer time than two days. To remove this contradiction, V, 0, and most

commentators have translated two years

y\0tr laupbt r&v hiupQr iutipat
see Ke.
660.

(so EVs.).

CI rendered

ml

in

On

Be.'s at the

More

recently Bn. has suggested that

end of two times may be right, and

that tradition told of a sudden death after two days' illness.

The

and the confusion arose from O'D'S fpa, by a better-informed reader. But (S doubtless a gloss, read 41. It is better to consider ffn riK t vjyi as a phrase describing the approaching end of life as a consequence of the disease, O'jp 0'D< an accusative of duration of time introduced by S as the sign of the ace; and ihx', pointed Mflf!, an impf. of continued action (Ges. 107ft); translating and at the time when the end came, his bowels were going out during two days. Ke.'s explanation is similar, "about two days (before the issue of the end of the disease) then the bowels went out." vhn op] at the time of his sickness, but perhaps 1'^np should be read
illness

Midrash made a long

out of

this,

ow

cf.

(BDB.
a

oy 1.

g).20. mon *Sa

-|Sm]

an addition by the Chronicler,

ambulavitque non rede, rendered

K. 8" M *.

Luther, following

er wandtlte das nichtfein

war (ix., he lived undesirably) and so Oe. Others render and he departed, mourned by none or without being desired,
Ke., Zoe., Kau., Ki., EVs.

XXII. The reign of Ahaziah and the usurpation of Athaliah 843-836 B.C.). The brief reign of Ahaziah (843-842) was marked by the continuance of the alliance between the N. and S. kingdoms, which involved Ahaziah in the revolution of Jehu and
(c.

led to his untimely end. of 2

The

Chronicler has used

all

the material

K. concerning

this reign

and the usurpation

of Athaliah, with

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XXH.1-U.]

AHAZIAH AND ATHALIAH

419
and the

the exception of the narratives of the death of Ahaziah

massacre of the princes of Judah.

In giving the account of these

clearly discernible motive,

(w.

-)

he has followed, without a

(v.
*.).

another source

Ki., in the main, after Bn., assigns v.

>

to

M and holds that w. **

are from

are

M's

recension of a K., and likewise

w. -

M. While
*-

the
".)

Chronicler doubtless drew the variant information of w.'-

(v.

from a Midrashic source, the narrative yet bears the marks of his composition, especially in v.* in the use of nw m (L 93), naS r*i (L 1*9),

and to itp (L

93).

1-6. Ahaziah's character and brief career. Taken, after a composite introductory verse, from 2 K. 8"-". 1. And the inhabitants of

Jerusalem] decide, according to the Chronicler,

who

shall

be king, probably in view of the disasters which the Chronicler holds

to have befallen the royal house.

Cf. the enthronement of Jehoa-

haz the son of Josiah by the people after the disaster at Megiddo,

Such unusual action would imply that the succession was disputed. Ahaziah the youngest son]. Cf. 21". For all the
2 K. 33".
eldest,

the band

who came with

field in

the Arabians to the

camp

slew].

This describes the fate of the royal princes

slam while in the
of the Philistine
differently,

who

seemingly were
at the time

camp by a marauding band

').
<8>,

and making the word camp a

*'.).

Arabian invasion (21"

however, read

tribal or geographical

name

of the Arabians (v.

2. Forty-two years] 1

This latter number

(2

is

much nearer correct,

K. 8* twenty-two. since according to 21"

K. 8") Jehoram the father was only forty years old at the time The daughter ofOmri]. 'Omri was the father of Ahab, the founder of the dynasty, 1 K. 16"*-.
of his death. <& has here twenty.

Daughter

is

here used with the meaning of granddaughter, since

Athaliah was unquestionably the daughter of Ahab (cf. 18' 21*).

3.

For his mother was his counsellor to do wickedly] an addition to the text of 2 K. 8". 4 f. For they were his counsellors after the death

of his father to his destruction.

also

He walked also
The

after their counsel]

an addition to 2 K.

8"'-.

Chronicler thus emphasises

the evil influence of the association of the house of

David with that

alliance

of Ahab. the

And he went with Jehoram, etc.]. The

S.

between
also

N. and

kingdoms thus continued

(cf. 18'),

and the war

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420

CHRONICLES

with the Syrians, in which Israel seems to have gained a certain

advantage, since Ramoth-gilead
of military operations,
(cf .2
(cf. i8),

although

still

the centre

was

at this time in the possession of Israel

K.

9").

Ifazael]

the former general of Ben-hadad

if

King

of Syria

(cf. i6),

and now by usurpation,

K. 8'").

not also assassina-

tion, his successor (cf. a

And

the Syrians].

Another

reading

is

archers (v.

.).

Wounded Joram],

The two names

spelled in a shorter

Jehoram
of* the

(v. )

and Joram are the same, simply

i.).

or longer form (v.

6.

And

he returned

to be

healed in Jezre'el

wounds with which he had been smitten

(lit.

which they had

smitten him)].
Jezre'el]

Thus

this sentence is to

mod. Zerin
hill,

at the east

K. 8". end of the plain of Esdraelon,

be read
after a
It is

about midway between Megiddo and Bethshean.

located

on an abrupt

terminating the range of Gilboa, some two

it

hundred
Jezre'el

feet

above the plain, of which

commands a

fine view.

was a

city of residence for the royal family of the

(i

N. king-

Ramah] i.e., Ramothgilead. And Ahaziah* went down]. The expression went down seems to imply that the visit was made from Jerusalem (cf. 2 K. 9"), although some think that he went down from Ramothdom.
K.
ai'). . .

Ahab had a palace there

gilead.
1.

njnsS D'aipa nan]

is

corrupt.

<K

tr

adrois

oi

'Apapet

ol

'AKa/tajprtU gives no aid, except by suggesting that on<Sp

fallen

from the text after Han. 2. awi O'pan*] " 20, &, 8, 2 K. 8* 22 which was probably original here (v. s.). nD?] <& Axao/S is doubtless a correction, cf. 2 K.3. iSn Kin oj] a K. 8" Y?m. 6. ow]

may have

Sunt" Y?d] wanting d and a K., possibly a gloss (Bn.).Sp] 2 K. Sum] also written Sunm, Both nnna as the forms occur 2 K.mens] <t* 'PapA, point SBOT. on K. O'DVi] a few see
a K.

8" o*w

cf. 2i.

in

op.

cf.

v.

in

'Papal?

to

original vocalisation,

St.

22'.

jcss.,

V, 0, and 2 K. O'D-m, and so Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki. Kom., EVs. 6. aM] <S + 'Iwpipi, 2 K. 8 + iSon o-iv.>a] about twelve mss., ,
fc, 2

K.

jd

which read with Be., Ke., Oe., Kau.,

is

el at.

n,sn] 2

K. v^i

more natural, but the latter allowable, cf. Dr. TH. 27 (7). also St. SBOT. 2 K. adds the subject D'dik, which is supported by &. vimpi] a copyist's error for wnrmi, which is found in fifteen mss., Vrss., and 2 K.
the former

7-9.

The death

of

Ahaziah.This

differs

from the account

given in 2 K. in the following particulars.

There the death of the

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Xm
10"

1-12.]

AHAZIAH AND ATHALIAH

42

princes
),

is

placed subsequent to Jehu's attack upon Ahaziah (2 K.

while the Chronicler or his source places their death apfirst.

parently

Ahaziah

also,

according to 2 K., rides forth with

Joram and meets Jehu, and witnessing the death of Joram flees and is pursued by Jehu and wounded in his chariot near Ibleam by one of Jehu's men, but he reaches Megiddo and dies there. Then his servants carry him to Jerusalem (2 K. 9" '). Here, on the other
hand, Ahaziah
is

represented as caught while hiding in Samaria

and

slain,

having been brought forth to Jehu.

This narrative

is

and probably comes from some narrator who, thinking of the close association between Ahaziah and the house of Ahab, and its evil consequences, imagined that he sought refuge in Samaria and was from thence dragged forth and slain. 7. And from God was the destruction of Ahaziah so that he came to Joram] i.e., it was divinely purposed that Ahaziah should go to Joram to his destruction. And when he came he went out with Joram unto Jehu]. The two kings, according to 2 K. 9",
irreconcilable with the other

rode out together, each in his

own chariot, to meet Jehu. Whom Yahweh had anointed to cut off the house of Ahab]. According to 1 K. 19", Yahweh commanded Elijah to anoint Jehu king over This was carried out by one of the sons of the prophets Israel.
1

commissioned by Elisha (2 K. g
that the house of

'),

and the act was done

further-

more, according to the compiler of Kings, with the direct purpose

Ahab might be

destroyed (2 K. 9'- 1 *)-

8.

And

the sons of the brethren].

d omits sons and preserves probably the

then these victims were
forty years old

true reading (v.

little

*.).

If sons is correct,

lads, since their grandfather

Joram was only

on his death
(v.
**.),

in the previous year.

The phrase

ministering also

means, properly, serving as state

officials or officers of

the

army

and

it

seems probable that these victims were so intended,

and that we have here a tradition of the death of brothers or kinsmen of Ahaziah quite different from that of 2 K. 10" '-, where fortytwo of them were
visit their

slain

by the command of Jehu, on

day or two
after the

cousins of the house of Ahab.

their way to The latter also, as already

noted, met their death a

death of Ahaziah,

while these are slain apparently before that event.

sought Ahaziah and they took him

9. And he now he had hidden himself in

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422
Samaria

CHRONICLES
to

Jehu and put him to death] a death of Ahaziah from that given in 2 K. 9" (v. s.). And they buried him] apparently in contrast to leaving his body unburied, as was usual with a person who met a violent death at a king's command. According to 2 K. 9" his servants carried his body from Megiddo, where he died from the effect of his wound, in a chariot to Jerusalem, "and buried him in his sepulchre with his fathers in the city of David." But the
totally different representation of the

and they brought him

Chronicler seemingly could not bring himself to record so honourable a fate for a king so reprobate and such an object of divine

judgment; and the burial granted him the Chronicler allowed

given only for the sake of his pious grandfather: for they said

he

is the

heart.

And the house of Ahaziah had no strength

it

son of Jehoshaphat

who

sought

Yahweh with
to

his whole

hold the king-

dom] hence
7.

passed into the control of Athaliah.

f]

noun

from on tread down, trample.

iii.

KiaS] S with infinitive

pointing to positive consequence, Koe.

400c

w waai] a
K. 9"
'

late

idiom, Dr.
8. corns]
bob"

TH.

p. 157 n.

hw

Sk]

more

clearly in 2

rwipV

some MSS.

'na.

BDB.

Nipb., Ges. $ 5 id.

'] wanting
1" Pr.
read

Nipb. expresses reciprocal action, cf. in <S> and 2 K. 10" where it

was the brethren of Ahaziah who were slain. This was likely original here and a glossator inserted ya, since Ahaziah's brethren had already been
slain

according to the Chronicler's account,

officers, cf.

v.

'.

dww]
with
<B,

denotes

royal

17*

Ch.

27' 28 1 Est.

<S UiTptviiuror

Kf?np.
I'm]

vin<ci]
(1.

29",

BDB.9.

nanno
V,

mm]
so

sg. vin

ft,

Oe., Ki.

V?

inf.

with r*. an unusual construction, Dr.

129).

TH.

202 (I.),

Ges. 5 114/.

10-12. The usurpation of Athaliah.Taken from

with slight variations.

K. n"-

The

usual formulas introducing and closing

a reign are omitted

fully seized the

in the case of Athaliah,

because she had unlawi.e., all

government.

10.

All the royal seed]

the

male seed, not necessarily limited to the children

of Ahaziah.

11.

Daughter of the king] i.e., a daughter of King Jehoram, but probably by another wife than Athaliah (so Jos. Ant. ix. 7, 1). In the
bed chamber] presumably that of the royal palace, from which

Joash was transferred to the Temple

the priest] wanting in

(v.

'*).

The wife of Jehoiada

Kings and probably a mere surmise on the

part of the Chronicler due to the fact that the infant prince en-

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XXTH.-XXIV.]

REIGN OF JOASH

423

joyed the protection of Jehoiada and was placed by him on the

throne; yet a negative cannot be proved.

Ew. held that the

state-

ment was

certainly genuinely historical (Hist. TV. p. 135).

II. p. 100.)

(Per-

haps also GAS. /.

10.

nnm]
is

K. u nnmi. Ch. preserves the

original text.

wm]

3 K. laitm

supported here by some MSS. and Vrss. and should be

j

followed, so Be., Oe., Rau., et

icler.

11.

npae>w]

mn noS] added by the Chronal. K. n' jrarw and so <t*L (Iwcra/Sce), and since

n could have crept in through the influence of the following ro, the is regarded as original by Ki., Gray, HPN. p. 355, Cheyne in EBi. art. Jehosheba. But OJ* laaafkB may be original <K
reading of a K.
(cp. the uncials

and 6) and
is

supports

M,

hence the

text,

though
in <8,
vr\x>

uncertain,

had

better be allowed to stand.

which

text,

however,

not likely

wiw rim*,

but Ch. has in '3 vraiw nwiK rowi later in the verse, hence
the closer description of Jehoshabeath
text after the second

V?on ro] wanting original 0. 3 K. adds pan jn'vr pr* iw ro nparw

<K, cf. *,

"jSon

it

fell

has been conjectured that out (the words 'on ro reit

maining), and was later added on the margin, whence

crept into the

Jehoshabeath (Bn.).

The possibility remains that

now
stand.
cf.

the Chronicler himself in copying from 3 K. accidentally omitted the

words
St.

after

O'nnwn]

V?D and subsequently inserted them where they

a K. Kt. Q'nnwon, Ch. preserves the original reading,

SBOT. inn] was added by the Chronicler apparently to make wpi'D nm inn clearer. The latter seems to be a gloss in a K., St.

SBOT.srvnoni] a K. in nno'i. Ch. again preserves the better text, St. SBOT.innn'Dn] 3 K. now19. onK] a K. n ariK.
0'nSwn

no]

K.

iw

'a.

XZIII-ZXIV. The reign of Joash (c. 836-796 b.c.).In the main a simple reproduction, with marked revision and amplification in places, of 2 K. 1 i'-i 2". Nowhere else does the Chronicler's method of interpreting history and introducing notions of his own time as controlling factors in the earlier history more clearly appear. (These chapters are allowed to be his composition by Ki., but only c. 23 by Bn., who holds c. 24 in the main from the Chronicler's
source.)

prince Joash,

The outline of the narrative is as follows: The youthful who had been hidden six years, is crowned and
is slain.

received as king, while the old queen-mother Athaliah

covenant

is

made by

the people to serve

Yahweh.
(c.

Baal

is

destroyed and his priest slain

23).

The temple of Then comes an

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424

CHRONICLES
who
repairs the

account of the activity of Joash,

serves

Temple and

Yahweh during
him upon

the

life

of Jehoiada the priest,

after the priest's death

who had
he yields

placed

the throne.

But

Judah and cultivates the worship of Baal. For this he is denounced by the prophet Zechariah, who at the command of the King is stoned. The religious defection and murder of the prophet are not mentioned in 2 K. and may be a surmise of the Chronicler or one of his school, because some sin was thought
to the princes of

necessary to explain the disasters which, related next, befell Joash

through Hazael King of Syria.

conspired against

After these events his servants

him and slew him. XXIII. 1-11. The coronation of Joash.

difference.

Based upon 2K.11 ",

4

but completely rewritten, with the following points of agreement

and

Both narratives agree

with the centurions

in the fact that

Jehoiada

conspired, at

first,

(v.

K.

ing to 2 K., these centurions were officers of the

ners,
i.e.,

But accordCarites and run4

).

the royal foreign body-guard elsewhere called Cherethites

and

Pelethites (2 S.

8"

15 1 * 20'),

who

took a prominent part in

Solomon (1 K. i"- 44). These captains are brought into the Temple and there, with an oath, the youthful prince being shown to them, the compact is made. In Chronicles the Carites and runners, or foreign troops, are not mentioned and the centurions are clearly Levitical chiefs, whose names are given.
the enthronement of

They also act as the intermediaries for a much larger conspiracy. Through them the Levites and the principal men of Israel are gathered out of all the cities of Judah and all this congregation
enters into a covenant,

and unto
first

this multitude

it is

declared that

the King's son shall reign.

is

According to

2 K., the

youthful prince

crowned and hailed

as king in the midst of the foreign

troops,

who have been arranged for his protection and stand guard
According to Chronicles, the
stand guard, are Levites

within and without the Temple.

companies,

who have been arranged and

of the people,

and only priests and Levites are admitted within the Temple and special care is taken that no others enter the sanctuary. The narrative of 2 K. is probably an accurate account of the event. The coronation of the young prince was a bold coup d'etat undertaken by the priest

and companies

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XXm.

l-ai.]

CORONATION OF JOASH

425
Solomon was

with the assistance of the foreign body-guard.

made king
as
all
is

in

a somewhat similar manner.

conspiracy such

described in Chronicles formed with leaders throughout

Judah, who assemble at Jerusalem, could hardly have escaped the notice of Athaliah or met with no counter move-

ment on her

part; but according to both narratives, she

was com-

pletely surprised.

The

motive of the Chronicler's reconstruction

of the narrative

is clear.

In view of the stringency with which the

Temple in

was guarded from profanation by foreigners, he could not conceive that the high priest could have called upon the royal foreign body-guard for service in the Temple. Hence he transformed the Carites and runners into Levites, and made the whole movement an ecclesiastical one. But we have the express
his time

testimony of Ezekiel that foreigners were admitted into the sanctu-

Hence there is no reason to doubt that the early Temple with foreign troops, and from this historical point of view the revision of the Chronicler was a mistaken one. A reconciliation of the two accounts has been sought on the theory that both accounts mention merely the main points of the proceedings the author of 2 K. emphasising the part taken in the affair by the royal body-guard, the Chronicler on the other hand emphasising that taken by the Levites; so that both accounts mutually supplement one another and only when taken
ary (Ez. 44*
).

kings did guard the

together give a complete account of the circumstances (Ke., Mov.,

H-J.).

But
2

this is not tenable.

1. Strengthened himself]
1 (cf. i ).

a favourite phrase of the Chronicler K. n has "sent." Azariah the son of Jeroham, etc.]

not in 2 K.

The

fact that these personal

names

are given has

been regarded as an evidence of the writer's exact historical infor-

mation (so Ke., Zoe.), but where history was a blank the Chronicler

elements as personal names.

and his school were fond of reconstructing it in detail with such {Cf. the lists of names in 1 Ch. 23the centurions are over the Carites and runners In 2 26.)

(v. s.).

2.

This verse
i.e.,

is

lacking in 2 K.

(v. s.).

3.

And all the

congregation]

through their representatives, made a covenant

with the king in the house of God].

This formal

state affair in

Chronicles takes the place of the private compact of Jehoiada with

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426

CHRONICLES

the captains of the guards mentioned in 2 K.

4.

As Yahweh

hath spoken concerning the sons of David] wanting in 2 K., a

characteristic touch of the Chronicler to colour the
tion as far as possible with religious motives.

whole transac.

4 f

This

is the

thing which you shall do a third part of you that come in on the

Sabbath] taken verbatim from 2 K. u*-', which continues, "shall

be keepers of the watch of the king's house; (6) and a third part shall be at the gate Sur and a third part at the gate behind the guard so
shall ye

keep the watch of the house and be a barrier

of you, even all that

(7)

and two companies

shall

go forth on the Sabbath,

keep the watch of the house of Yahweh about the king."

is

This passage
sition of the

not entirely clear, since the exact routine and dispoare

Temple and palace guards

unknown.
is

The

text

also appears not without corruption.

The

usual explanation of the

that

passage, regarding v. as an unintelligible gloss,

on weekarranges

days one-third of the guard was at the Temple and two-thirds at the
palace, but

on the Sabbaths the

reverse.

Jehoiada

now

that the three companies should be concentrated together at the

time of the change of the guards at the Temple and that Athaliah should have no troops at her disposal at the palace (Ki., Bn.,
St.

SBOT.,

Bur., Sk.).
it

According to another and older interpreta-

tion, retaining v.*,

thirds of the royal guards to be free

was the custom on the Sabbath for twoand one-third to be on duty at

Jehoiada orders to be subdivided into
i.e.,

the palace.

This

last third

three companies, one to guard the king's house,

the gate Sur, perhaps

the palace; one

the

an entrance to the palace; and the third

gate behind the guard, another entrance probably to the palace,

perhaps "the gate of the guards" (2 K. 11").

tion with the city

Thus communica-

would be cut

off

and Athaliah held as in a trap by

v.

her

own guards

(a supposition not exactly in keeping with her

subsequent entrance into the Temple,

"

K. n>, yet v.

'.).

The

two divisions of the guard who are

off

duty Jehoiada orders to

assemble at the Temple and surround the King (Be., Oe., Ba.).

How

far the Chronicler understood the original

arrangement
2

is

uncertain.

He was

concerned in substituting the priests and the

Levitts for the foreign guard,

and
is

since

he retained the text of

K.

as far as possible, consistency

not to be sought in his account.

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XXm.

1-ai.J

CORONATION OF JOASH

427

Under those that come in on the Sabbath he understood the priesdy and Levitical courses of that day. Of these he made three divione gatemen at the thresholds, i.e., the entrances presumably Temple; one at the house of the king; and one at the gate of the foundation (tlD''), 2 K. at the gate Sur p"ID). Both readsions,

of the

ings are unintelligible.

Probably the original

in

Kings was at the

horse gate (DID)

(cf. v. ').

The

reasons of the appointment at

these three stations are not clear, unless

we

interpret after the fol-

lowing verse, to protect the sanctity of the Temple, but

should one station be at the house of the king?
of the arrangements.
the house of

why then The probability is

that the Chronicler neither understood nor cared about the details

And

all the

people shall be in the courts of

Yahweh] wanting in 2 K. But according to the Chronicler's narrative (w."), the conspiracy was sufficiently widespread to cause a crowd of the adhering people to be present.

The
his

Chronicler also
at the

may have

thought of the usual gathering

in

Temple on the Sabbath. they are holy] wanting in 2 K. On the

day
all the

6.

But

let

none

for

last clause cf. 35".

And

people shall observe the injunction of

Yahweh]
In 2 K.

i.e.,

shall not

enter the sacred precincts of the Temple.

shall observe the injunction

n'

the words

appear with a different meaning in the

command

that the guards shall keep the watch of the house of

Yahweh about the king, i.e., shall be on guard at the Temple, where the King was. 7. The Levites] an addition of the Chronicler.

In 2 K.

this

command

is

given to the royal guards.

Into the

house] 2 K. within the ranks.

different.

The

representations are quite

According to the Chronicler any one

who

should at-

tempt to enter the sacred precincts of the Temple

according to the narrator of 2 K. any one
to pass the ranks of the guards

is to

be

slain,

who

should attempt

be

slain.

The

object of the former

who were encircling Joash should command is to preserve the

is

sanctity of the

Temple.

The

object of the latter

to protect the the king

prince from any possible violence.

And be ye with
i.e.,

when

he comes in and when he goes out]

the last clauses are reversed,

on

all

occasions.

In 2 K.

comes in,"
(c/.v.).

i.e.,

when he

left

the

"when he goes out and when he Temple and entered the palace

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428
8.

CHRONICLES

Judah] 2 K. n, "the captains over to come in on the Sabbath and those that were to go out]. Thus the whole guard, and not two-thirds, was assembled at the Temple. For Jehoiada' the priest dismissed
all

The LeviUs and

hundreds."

Those that were

not the courses]

i.e.,

he retained

in the

Levites

who were coming

2

in to serve

Temple both the priests and and those who had finished
[i.e.,

their turn of service.

K. has "and they

the guards just

mentioned] came to Jehoiada the priest."

priest delivered, etc.].

9.

And

Jehoiada the
in

This statement, while perfectly natural

and Levites would not be thought of as ordinarily armed, yet appears out of place in 2 K. n", since the royal guards would naturally have their own weapons; so that it is felt to be a gloss there, taken from Chronicles (Ki., Bn., St. SBO T., Bur., Sk.). Ewald thought that the weapons were David's own spear and shield which had been preserved in the Temple and played some part at every coronation ceremony (Hist. TV. p. 136). But this is an improbable fancy. 10. And he set all the people] 2 K. 11", "and the guard stood." From the right (south) corner
Chronicles, since the priests

of the temple unto the

left

(north) corner of the temple by the altar

and by

the temple round about the king].

The guards

extended

from one comer of the Temple to the

semicircle the altar

other, enclosing thus within

and the

front of the Temple.

The last phrase,

round about the king, seems out of place, since the King had not
yet been brought out, unless
it is

used by anticipation.

The troops
and
half

have been regarded as placed in a

west, thus encircling the
(so also 2

circle half facing east

King

K. 11") i.e., the him with the symbolical meaning that he should rule according to its precepts (Be., Ba., H-J.). But there is no evidence of such a custom and the context and the construction demand some emblem of royalty (Oe.), hence testimony (HHJJ) in 2 K. is probably a corruption of bracelets (nnjflt), which were an ingiven
signia of royalty
(cf.

The testimony] law-book which was laid upon him or

(Be.) (but v. *'.).11.

2 S. 1") (Bn., Ki., Bur., Sk., St.

SBOT.
text.

after

We. Comp.
Chronicler,

p.

361).

The

corruption probably
in

antedates the
his

and testimony should be read

And
is

Jehoiada and his sons].

indefinite.

In a K. 11" the subject of anointed

The

Chronicler thought of this act as a priestly func-

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XXm.
tion.

1-21.]

CORONATION OF JOASH
they said] 2 K.,

429

And

"and

they clapped their hands and

said."
1.

pmnn]

(v. 1')

K. u nSr.

The

latter

Chronicler because the Levitical centurions

associated with Jehoiada the priest.

'in

was inappropriate to the s.) would be closely rmrpS] wanting in a K.

(v.

S appositive, Dav. Synt. 73 R. 7, Koe. iii. 389k. onVJ <& Iwpan, L Zxp. nnaa] flj* b '"ot] <8* Zaxa.pi* cf. 1 Ch. 27". "V??;; ofcror, * S5, > conflates. (supported by A preserves original <K,

but
3.

probably nnaa is the original % reading, yet cf. a K. hnpn Sa] <S + lotta; wanting in a K. n.ovr?Hn] a K.

1.

mn\

V?on op] <8" + mi f8t<r afc-oft (L mil Ixpurar) rbr vttr toO paaiXim, a scribal addition from a K. 8* is wanting in a K.

4.

'm

O'jnaS]

new duty to the first third of a K. gives the duty of the first company to the second by this insertion. Y?cn p<aa] 2 K. n iSon no p-wem noen. ltfl ajwa] V ad porlam qua appellalur Fundament*. <S {r tJ vtfXg rj fjJaTi ra'n(n) 'pa read a corruption of 41. \ --] JiiJjo
Ch. 9".
P'BS."].

5.

an

addition

by the Chronicler.O'con nyrS] /

Chronicler having assigned a

The

Heb. O'nae which in plural has the sense of body-guard and so also the Aram, word cf. Dn. a"; hence the reading of is merely a correction from 2 K. 2 K. n "no 'ra was probably originally 0* (c/. v. with 2 Ch. 33', so Oe., Ba.) of which iwn is a corruption. 'tn Vai] wanting in a K. 6. Wanting in a K. ok a] as adversative conjunction, only, Koe. iii. 372L O'jnan] <S + ml o* AcwTrat. 7 . omS?i w<pm] 2 K. 1 1 onepni addressed to the rovn 'nr v. '.
(coyorff)

o'"<)

non Sk]
'vn

K.

nmn Sm.

ini]

nine uss.,

<K,

order reversed in a K.

mw
8.

0, B, vnj.
a

w>Kiai taa]
nvnon

Sa> o'iSa]

K.

ix

nr.

an addition by the Chronicler taking the place of Sm wai jnan jrw of a K.toc] jrt/ree from duty, cf. 1 Ch. o Qr.9. jn""' nwon ne>V pan] wanting in <K". owotji] a K. nmn, but Vrss. O'P
a]

mS

Ch. probably
in a

original,

so Th., Klo., Bn.,

el at.

miicn nm] wanting

K. D'bSbti] either a general term armour (Ba. on 1 Ch. i8 and Expos. T., Oct. 1898, p. 43/.), or shields (EVs.) as seems demanded by Ct. 4, see Bur. on a K. n. 10. ojn Sa nn idjjj] a K. n" onrvi npjM.wbr] a late word which the Chronicler has used instead of a K. vSai, </. 32* Ne. 4"- " Jb. 33'* 36" Jo. a*. n'aSi natoS] EVs. along by the altar and the house( temple), but S in the sense afc 6y is a

doubtful usage.

Klo. (2 K.) interpreting the passage as

it

stands, thinks

of two lines of men, one facing the altar and the other the house, and

each forming a semicircle, a'ao. Kau. renders Mi sum altar und [urieder] bis sum Tempel hin and considers the following words a gloss (in a K.),
since the

King does not appear

a hint
in

until v. , so also St.

SBOT.

Bur.

(a K.) following

reconstructs

noSi natoV

a<ao,

round about

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430
the altar

2
and
the temple

CHRONICLES

and regards V?on Sp a gloss inserted to explain word had been wrongly placed. The Chronicler copied the phrase from a K. without regard to its exact meaning. 11. urw w*w] Of a K. it" jrm The latter seems to have been original here, yet the Chronicler may have thought of Jehoiada and
3<3D after that
. .
.

wn

his sons as the actors.

Either <K or
to agree in

has suffered intentional alterations

the preceding or with the
W'Vo'i] so also 3

and has been made

<S

following verbs, respectively.

mnro'i

number with
. .

K. where

shows the

sg.

probably original, so

St.

SBOT.
1

12-15.
slight

The death

of Athaliah

changes and additions in

Taken from 2 K. 1- with w. " 12. Of the people

'

(v. *.).

running].

In 2 K. 11" the word running (D*S*in) refers to the

in v.* 2

"guard" mentioned

K.

the king] wanting in 2

K.

13. By his

4 -

"

(cf.

12").

And

praising
i.e.,

pillar at the entrance]

at the King's customary place,

which the Chronicler probably

thought of at the entrance from the outer or people's court into the inner or priests' court. In 2 K. 1 1 " the expression is " by the pillar
according to his custom," and the writer
side of one of the

may have meant by

the

two great

pillars of the
i.e.,

porch called Jachin and

Boaz

(cf.

3").

And
a

the trumpets]

the trumpeters.

And

the

singers with musical instruments also leading the singing of praise]

wanting
priest

in 2 K.,

characteristic addition of the Chronicler.

14.

And Jehoiada

the priest

commanded, or possibly,
(v. t\).

went out unto the captains]

Ki., Sk.)

hands on her] (Kau.,

gate]

better than,

And Jehoiada the 15. And they laid And they made way
RV.
Horse
)
(cf. v.

for her, the rendering of ancient Vrss. (except V), Be.,

lit.

gate of horses, an entrance into the palace

if

The
wall,

connection of this gate,

any, with the horse gate of the city

is

which seems
Je. 31")-

to

have been near the palace,

not clear

(cf.

Ne. 3"

12.

D'nn

opn] 3

K. n'op.*

r>rn,

where

r*

(on Aram, form, see

Ges. 87*), used in the sense of guard, is a gloss, so Bn., Ki., Bur., St The Chronicler understood it as a participle modifying opn, so <S of 2 K..,

hence transposed.iSen n* O'SSnnm] wanting

rectly xpit t4 patrtiuta.

in 2

ri'a]

noa.

18.

K.opn Sk] <S incora

KUB3 nicy]
so <S

K.

n
K.

BBtfDS

iwjn.onfr m] a few

mss.

hp] 2 K. incorrectly S.
in 3

V?.iS

onfm, and ottoi Tra

(yM)

in a

K.14. ww]

read after 3 K.

Ssa DrrwDm] wanting wm, so Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.,

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1-21.]

CORONATION OF JOASH

431

at.n^6] read with , t, and the corrected text of a K. 'i'pe, so nrnm mac Sk] so also in 2 K. occurs also in 2 K. 1 1 with the meaning ranks, and as a technical term of building with unknown meaning in 1 K. 6', see BDB. p. 69a In 2 K. the word may be a corruption for rm*rrj and noo a consequent substitution for rns, cf. Haupt on 2 K. n, SBOT. Kau. regards the phrase as a meaningless gloss in 2 K. which was either taken over by the Chronicler or later interpolated into his work. nw] 2 K. pen. aimon th] 2 K. now h*. IS. *\pr hwo Vh] 2 K.. 11" hod t". 2 K. nDini.
et

Kau., Ki.

nmw

ww]

16-21. The covenant, the destruction of the temple of Baal, and the enthronement of the King. Taken from 2 K. 11"-"

with a few minor changes, except

the
first

w.

' ',

which, with exception of

section

clause, are additions

by the Chronicler. This

shows

very clearly that the movement to supplant Athaliah by Joash was

religious as well as political,

and like the revolution

of Jehu, against

Baal-worship, probably Tyrian, and introduced through the influ-

ence of the northern alliance, by Joram, and continued under Atha-

Yahweh. 16. And Jehoiada made a covenant between himself and between all the people and between the king to be the people of Yahweh] i. ., Jehoiada, the people, and the King obligated themselves to recognise Yahweh as their God. a K. 1 1 " read "between Yahweh" in place of between himself. The Chronicler omitted the first as superfluous and introduced the
liah to the neglect of the worship of

second to give Jehoiada' greater prominence.

people, etc.].

17. And

all the

This violence against the house and

priest of

Baal

shows that Jehoiada's movement was religious as well as political (v. s.). Mattan] is probably a contraction of Mattan Baal (gift of Baal, a name common in Phoenician), appearing in Muthumballes,

a name

in

Plautus (Poen. V.

2,

35)

(COT.

p.

88).18. And

Jehoiada appointed overseers of the house of Yahweh] so far, 2 K. 11", implying the restoration of the worship of Yahweh in the

Under the authority of the priests and the an addition of the Chronicler, who naturally could conceive of no officers of the Temple not subject to the priests and Levitts, if indeed not from among
place of that of Baal;
Levites] with the remainder of the verse

them.

David had distributed, etc.]. According to the David determined the personnel of the servitors in the Temple (cf. 1 Ch. 23, 24, 26), while the sacrificial ritual was
Chronicler,

Whom

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43 2
2

CHRONICLES
i. .,

according to the law of Moses,

i

P or

the entire Pentateuch

(cf.

Ch. 6"

<">),

but both the personnel and the ritual of the singers he

<"

regarded as established by David (i Ch. 6"

ability,

2$ tu ).

The

prob-

however,

is

that the Chronicler wrote of the courses

(v. .).

and not

the personnel according to the reading of <8

the gate-keepers, etc.]
cler,
a.

19.

And he set

continuation of the addition of the Chroni-

who

thus held that Jehoiada re-established the complete

Davidic equipment of the Temple

Chronicler's

in reality the equipment of the

and
1

own

time,

i.e.,

priests with attendant Levites

and gate-keepers (on the last cf. i Ch. 26 -"). That no one unclean in any respect should enter in] not simply persons ceremonially unclean, but also aliens who might be so
Levitical singers

designated
people]
is

-20. The nobles and the rulers of the (cf. Is. 35* 52') a substitute for "the Carites and the guard" of 2 K.

11"

(cf. v. ')

Andthey brought

the king, etc.] a description of the

removal of the newly crowned King from the Temple to the palace
gate]

and a continuation of the narrative of a gate of the Temple, cf. 27*. In

v. ".

Through the upper

K. "by the way of the

of

gate of the guard," probably a gateway connecting the precincts of

the

Temple with
palace.

those of the palace

hence a gate
when

both Temple

and

to exist,

would naturally

Temple.

had ceased by its connection with the The use of the term " guard " also he avoided (v. s.).
Chronicler, writing
fix

The

the palace

locality

The

episodes of the entrance and death of Athaliah, of the formation

of the covenant, and of the destruction of the temple of Baal (w. '-
2 K. 11"-"), interrupting the direct narrative in 2 K. of the coronation and enthronement of Joash, taken* with the double notice of the death of Athaliah (v. " v. ' 2 K. n"- "), suggest that extracts from two documents have been placed together in 2 K. 11: vv. - '>>-* representing one

document and w. ""* the other (the view of Stade, ZAW. 1885, pp. 280 /., SBOT. accepted by Bur., Sk., et at.). 16. 110] 2 K. 11" nw pa followed by Ki. 2 K. n"<>, which
probably arose through dittography (Klo.,
so also
St.), is

wanting.

17.

wsm]
K.

2K.

11", but <S in both places sg., hence St. corrects in 2 K.,

but no weight can be attached to <S in such cases.

opn S3]

<K, 2

nn

0; ,

S^IjjoJj pac^ silo.

Text of 2 K. probably

nal here, though <R

original.

nar]

may be
K.

corrected from v. .

origi-

're

nm]

aeyn.

18. jrw]<f*

2 K.'to pr;

Ch.

+ ilepein likely a scribal

iiss. cited

addition,

L cf. tt ,

V, 0,

K. only pan. O'lSn] two

by Ken-

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JDOV. 1-27]
nicott, 4t,

REIGN OF JOASH
I, 0,
QT O'iSm, c/. 5*

433

Ki.

Kom. BH.

read

with Vrss.

where Vrss. also add copulative. Oe., 1 may have been omitted by a
to offer the burnt-offering,

scribe, since the Levitts

were not permitted

although the Chronicler doubtless intended to convey the meaning that

the priests should offer the burnt-offering while the Levitts stood by with rejoicing and with singing. See on 1 Ch. 23". jrwn 0*>m nw n<3 Sp "vn pSn -wen D'iSn o> o'jnan va pa p-ipo]. There seems to be a lacuna between oW?n and "ifn, since all priests and not special

nw

officers (but

lit.

offices

mpo) were permitted

to offer the burnt-offering.

*

pSn also
support

is
it,

not used elsewhere meaning distribute (1 Ch. 74'

do not

i<ftr)fitplat

pSn Qal 2). <K inserts at this point ml aritrrrpt rat r&r Uptur cat tQ* AevtrOp D'lSni B'jnan pipSnD PK ipjr^.

BDB.

This addition removes the

difficulty in

M, and

has the marks of the

Chronicler (note the significance of "ropi, the word mpSnn, and the
co-ordinate genitives), hence

was a part of
passage

the original text

and

fell

out by homceoteleuton.
placed the
offices

The whole

may be

rendered, Jehoiada

of the house of Yahweh in the hand of the priests and and he appointed the courses of the priests and the Levitts, which David divided, over the house of Yahweh to offer, etc. iw*] many mss., <8, 1, nwS. nn r Sp] at the hands of David, .., according to the system of song inaugurated by David. Possibly 'Sa has fallen from text, cf. 29" vn 'Sa <v Sp, but Vrss. support at, cf. Ezr. 3".
the Levitts

19
2

is

wanting in 2 K.
pi.

"an SaS]

S of specification, Koe.

iiL

328k.

20. opa pScnsn run o<"innn pio] 2 K. 11" O'lvi phi

nan nm.
art.

twi]H,

K.

tive,

jSon

P'Spa ipr] on omission of before substanKoe. see Dr. TH. 209 K. own. 334q tvSpn] ph nvw] K. ari. K. O'aSon.21. anna] K. TM]
2

K.

vri.

I.,

iii.

-laSoDn] a

nM +
XXIV.

tSdcb pa.

1-3.
2

An

introductory notice of the King's reign.

1

Taken from

K. ia

-'

(ii-i2')i from which the synchronism

is

with the N. kingdom as usual

incompatible with the

omitted

(v.

<>>),

and

also, as

new regime under Joash and

(v.*
<).

Jehoiada, the
fre*.

statement that the high places were not removed and were

quented by the people

The
It
'.).

Chronicler also adds v.

is

2.

All the days of Jehoiada],

is

doubtful whether this

limitation

found in

K.

12' (v.

3.

And

him two wives] since he stood in loco parentis. And he begat sons and daughters]. The Chronicler magnifies his favourites by giving them the honour of large families (cf. 11" 13").
1. rn<] 2

Jehoiada' took /or

K.

12'

rmn\"?Da] 2K. (i2>) + vnw

2

i>v

kwS

par pjra.

2. pan

jnw

<D' Sa]

K.

12*

pan pvvw vvwi iv

vv> Sa, "All his

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434

CHRONICLES

days wherein Jehoiada the priest instructed him" C, V, Ki., RV.; "All his days forasmuch as Jehoiada instructed him" Th., Kamp., Kau., Bur., Sk. 3. Wanting in 2 K.

4-14.

The

repair of the

Temple.Based upon

K.

ia-",

but completely rewritten. This passage in 2 K. describes the origin

of certain regulations for the repair of the

Temple which probably

K.
22).

remained

in force to the time of the exile (cf. 2

Previous

to the reign of

Joash the Temple had been maintained at the expense

of the King; but then the attempt

was made by Joash, doubtless

of the royal exchequer, to

owing to the impoverished condition

make the Temple self-supporting. He tried first to lay the responsibility upon the priests, and ordered the repairs to be made from money which they received as dues or free-will offerings from the
people.

But Jehoiada and the other and

the

priests failed to

comply with

this order.

Thereupon, having been rebuked, they were freed from

also deprived of the privilege of collecting the

this obligation

money, but
offerings,

all

money brought

to the

Temple

the priests were

sin-

allowed to retain, save that brought for guilt-offerings and

which was ordered placed

in

a chest and from thence,

( ?)

under the supervision of the King's scribe and the high

applied for the repair of the Temple.

priest,

While the plan provided money sufficient for the repair of the Temple, not enough accrued for refurnishing the utensils of the Temple. This narrative in
Kings, reflecting
little

credit

upon the

priests, was

unthinkable from

the point of view of the Chronicler.

superior to the priests,

It

allowed that the King was

and the

real guardian

and master

of the

Temple.

To demand

also the dues of the priests, even for such

worthy and ecclesiastical object, was an infringement of

rights and privileges.

their sacred

No blame then could attach to Jehoiada and

The
priests

Hence and the Levites were summoned to go among the people and collect money for the repair of the Temple. They proceeded slowly. So the King, to hasten matters, placed a collection-box at the Temple and urged the contribution of the ancient tax levied by Moses in the wilderness; and to this the people and rulers responded most joyfully and most liberally. A great abundance of money was collected,
the others for their passive resistance of this illegal invasion.
the narrative

was

rewritten.

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1-J..

REIGN OF JOASH
for the house,

435
this

more than enough

silver utensils

and with

balance gold and

it

were made for the Temple.

pass afterwards] a mere phrase of transition.

4. And 6. The
K.
is

came

to

Levitts].

Only
ing

priests are

mentioned

in the narrative of 2

Go

out

into the cities of Judah].

In 2 K. nothing

said about collect-

money

outside of Jerusalem, but the priests are to apply for

the repairs all the

money
it

that

came
2

into the

Temple

treasury

The

both from regular assessments and

Leviles hastened not]

free-will offerings (2

K.

12').

K.

12'

"In the twenty-third

year of king Jehoash the priests had not repaired the breaches
of the house." 6. The tax of Moses] the half shekel required of every male for the support of the sanctuary according to Ex. 30"-"

38*

'

(v. also *.).

7. For'Athaliah the wicked one and* her

in 2

sons,

etc.].

These statements are wanting

K.

Since according to
all

the Chronicler Ahaziah's uncles and brothers had

(21* 22>),

been

slain

we have

either

an example of the Chronicler's complete

is

disregard of historical consistency, or sons

used figuratively de-

noting adherents (Ba.).

The

reading "her priests" has been pro-

posed (Oe., Bn.)

the house of

(v.

*'.).

Broke into the house of God] probably

in the sense of plundered.

And also

all the

consecrated furniture of
i.e.,

Yahweh

they used for Ba'alim]

in the

worship of

Ho. 2" <>. 8. And set it at the gate of the house of Yahweh on the outside]. According to 2 K. 12' the chest was placed by the altar, but from the Chronicler's point of view laymen
Baal,
cf.

were not permitted within the court where the

the change of
outside.
its

altar stood,

hence

position in the narrative of the Chronicler to the

all the

10.

Then

princes rejoiced

and brought

[the tax]

had was full (<8, H, Zoe., Oe., Ki.). The latter is preferable. 11. And it came to pass when they brought the chest for the oversight of the king by the hand of the Levites] i.e., the chest was brought by the Levites for the inspection of the King, or more probably for royal inspection through the Levites, who represented the King (Ke., Oe., Zoe., Ki.). The scribe of the king and the inspector of the chief priest]. The latter
cast [it] into the chest

and

unto the full]

i.e.,

either until all

given (Be., Kau., BDB.

n^O

Pi. d) or until the chest

officer is

apparently an invention of the Chronicler to place the high

level

priest

on the same

with the King; "if the King sends his

Digitized by

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'

CHRONICLES

436

scribe the high priest also dees not

himself to be represented by a delegate,

p. 200).

appear personally but causes <>" (We. Prol. cf. 2 K. 12"

service in the house of

12.
i.e.,

The

doers of the

work of the

Yahweh]

those having charge of the

14. Whereof were made vessels for the

contradiction of 2 K. 12", where
it is

Temple (cf. 1 Ch. 9"). house of Yahweh] a direct

sufficing

stated that utensils for the

Temple were not made

for this.

the contributions evidently not

cf. 1

The

Chronicler's representation forbade such a lack.

4. Wanting in 2

K.p nn* vw]

ije., it

Ch. 18'.
ip] jd

*m sh op :vn]
Ch.
22*.

it

was with

the heart of Joash,

was

his intention,

simple pf. after

wi see

Koe.

Hi.

370b.

8.

cf. 1

On

+ ^

out of the

abundance of hence as often as and in combination with niv2 njs> yearly, cf. 1 S. 7" Zc. 14" (see BDB. p. 191b).O'iSn nno k s i] an

explanation for the delay in making the repairs different from 2 K. 12 7 .

6.
I'jon] <S

'Iat which, although agreeing with 2 K. 12',

vtf\n] the chief [priest],
cf.

is

proba-

bly a scribal expansion.

?;wi

v." 19" 31" 2 K.

oynato. niwro] root

km carry,

lift,

hence burden, portion, only

cf.

here and

Ez.

20<.

" nap]
(iii.

v. of

sacred contribution, tax (BDB.),

<S

offering to

Yahweh
<g Srt

MpJrrov

(tou) 0oD, cf. v.

ShwS

Snpm]

{^(KXr/aiatre

rbr lap. leads Bn. to read

pf.

"

Snjj,

but <S doubtless read

our

as Hiph.

after rtKPD

Koe. regards Snpni as a second nomen rectum 376b) and SmS as in apposition with the preceding

noun
Zoe.,

(ib.

28of).

Oe.,

Kau.,

The latter is more simply explained as a gen., so EVs.7. pp*nDnf] wickedness, godlessness, ..,

Athaliah the

(embodied) godlessness.

">']

<&,

V,

considered

unnecessary by Be., Oe., but added by Kau., Bn., Ki.

suggestion of Oe.
itself

and Bn.

8.

idk'i]

?'#V is a ami Ae commanded, the command

jojii.

being omitted for conciseness as often after *>sm, cf. Jo. 2" Ps. h jb. 97, Koe. iii. 369k. Trot piH] as in 2 K. 12" trw not in

cstr

as

Ew.

286 d, but

a form

like "Men

ron appears only with the

K. 12", see Koe. iii. 5 3iod. 9. Sip] proclamation, cf. 30* 36" Ezr. i 1 10 7 Ne. 8'. <S <ca0<it elr "(OH "two, e/. 1 Ch. 15". 10. vidcm] ** Mowar. nSsS "ip] to be classed with other cases of inf. abs. after prep. Koe. iii. (/. 3 5 225b. S np - earlier if, cf. 2 K. 13"- ', Ew. 315 c (3) " r>Pa] al <Ae time when, cstr. before a relative sentence, cf. Ps. 4* Jb. 6", Ew. 332 \ KO'] freq. impf., Dr. TH. $ 30, Koe. iii. 157b. 3'iSn no i^on mpo S p-wn r>H ko' npa] wanting in 2 K. 12 11 . Tpe] wanting in 2 K.e>mn pa] 2 K. Srun pan.npi] toy bare, by removarticle (Ges. 350), so St.

SBOT. on

mm]

ing contents, so empty.

343

with the imperfect for older npn,

n'a

n ,M]
J

K.

nw

nwjn noan iw won rwi.

ova

Ew
ovS]

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REIGN OF JOASH
iii.

XXOT. 1-27]

437
1

a modified form of ov or, Koe.

"ifrij]

} 89.

12. jrwi]
' <t?ip,

ms.,

*+

jw.
* eft

read with 14 MSS.,

(cp.

<S,

, and as

in v.
1

so Bn., Ki.

before

mup >yh

41 with <K in 35*

original but belongs as the art. with rottSo,

Ch. a8=) suggests that n is 13. nsrm] cf. 2 K. ia".

properly healing, hence restoration of walls,

/.

14. w< ontoi] a

'Ul

late idiom, cf.

w.

Ne. 4', also with nSp. Dr. TH. p. 157 n.

iii.

vwri] two

327W.

m]

objects after verbs of making, building, etc Koe.

inf. cstr.

as gen. Ges.

1 146.

15-22. The apostasy of Joash. Wanting in 2 K., introduced by the Chronicler, since some such apostasy was necessary from his
point of view to explain the disasters of the Syrian invasion,

w.

"

".

15 f.

A hundred and thirty years old was he when he died and

him in the city of David with the kings]. This long life and respect paid at his death are delightful touches

they buried

of Jehoiada

of the Chronicler to the honour of the priest.

How

illy it fits

into

the narrative

is

seen from the fact that his wife Jehoshabeath

(22"), the daughter of

Jehoram and

sister of

Ahaziah, cannot well

have been older than twenty-five or twenty-six years at the time

of the massacre of the royal family

by Athaliah, while Jehoiada

According to 2 K. 12'

according to the age here given would have been then an old

man between
he was
alive

ninety and one hundred.

and

active in the twenty-third year of the reign of

Joash, and presumably lived some years beyond the period of

the restoration of the Temple.

17.

Came

the princes of Judah].

The
and

existence of a party at court favouring the worship of Baal

desiring

its

restoration is historically extremely probable.

This movement may be regarded as a revolt of the nobility against

the hierarchy (Erbt,
terior

Die Hebraer,

p.

121).

Certainly

some

ul-

motive besides the mere desire of Baal-worship must have

IS

it. 18. The Asherim and the idols]. Cf. 14'. Both terms are probably used here with about the same force that of the latter. And wrath was upon Judah, etc.] mani-

been behind

fested in the invasion of Hazael,

w."'-.

20.

And

the spirit of

God
1 .

clothed]

i.e.,

took possession of him,

cf. 1

Ch.

12'*, also 2

Ch.

Zechariah the son of Jehoiada' the priest] not mentioned elsewhere in the OT. And he stood above the people]. He addressed

them from some

elevation.

Cf. Je.

36" where Baruch

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438
reads Jeremiah's

CHRONICLES

Ne.

8*

roll from the window of an upper chamber, and where Ezra reads the Law from a pulpit of wood (Ba.).

A reference to the
seem appropriate.

elevation of the inner, the priests' court,

com-

pared with the outer, or people's court (Ke., Zoe.), does not
Because ye have forsaken,
etc.],

Cf. 15'.

21.

And
the

they conspired against him].

Perhaps the proceedings were

same as in the case of Naboth (1 K. 21* '), i.e., a mock trial and a formal execution at the commandment of the king (Ba.). This martyrdom of Zechariah is mentioned by Christ (Mt. 23" Lk. n") in a way that shows that the Jewish Scriptures were practically the present Heb. Canon beginning with Genesis and closing with 1 and 2 Chronicles. In the court of the house of
Yahweh].

The

tradition of the

NT.

times defined this

altar."

more

exactly "between the sanctuary

and the

IS. O'O' jptM] cf. 1 Ch. 23". 17. m] with pf. emphatic result Koe. iii. } 138. 18. no ntt] wanting in <J**, ft*. nm oncpio] if tj V4>? Tatrg. rwtt without art. after subst. defined by a pronom. suf. Dr. TH. 209 Obs., Koe. iii. 334y19. nw Sk] * + al o&r
. . .

"

ffxoixrar,

so also

ft.

20.

nnst] tf* r4r 'Afrplar

is

nnflj.-aiyM] impf.

consec. since the reference

to

viwvi
327 o.

22. ion vrmyi\

t3M] double object after

what is past, Dr. TH. 127 (7). 21. an, elsewhere J3M, Lv. *o, Koe. iii.

v. s. v.".

23-24.

The Syrian invasion

Based upon

K. 12"'-,
According

although the narrative has been entirely rewritten.

to 2 K., Hazael,

King of Syria, who had made an inroad into the and taken the city of Gath, proposed to move against Jerusalem and was bribed by the treasures of the Temple and the palace to leave the city unmolested. According to the Chronicler, the Syrians came against Judah and Jerusalem and destroyed all the princes of the people and sent their spoil unto the King of Damascus. Thus the Chronicler brings upon the
territory of Philistia

princes a just retribution for their seduction of Joash into idolatry

(v. ").

The

Syrians also with a small force gained a victory over

host, because they
illustration

a very great
their fathers

had forsaken Yahweh

the

God of

of the Chronicler's pragmatic cona good struction of 24. And upon Jo'ash they executed judgments]
history.

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XIIV. 1-27]

REIGN OF JOASH

439

fitting

summary showing

the Chronicler's view of this contact

interest in the narrative.

between Judah and Syria, and his sole

26-27. The death of Joash. Based upon 2 K. i2-. 26. And when they departed from him]. This immediate connection between the departure of the Syrians

For they had

Chronicler,
his sins.

is

not found in 2 K.
diseases) also

left

not mentioned in 2

him very sick] (lit. K., and probably a

in

many

retributive touch of the

who

felt

that Joash should suffer to the uttermost for

Cf. the sicknesses of

saw

in the diseases

Asa (i6') and Joram (ai"-). Ke. wounds received in battle with the Syrians.For
Neither this motive

the blood of the son* of Jehoiada the pries(\.

nor any other

is

recorded in 2 K. for the assassination of Joash.

On

his bed] also lacking in 2 K. 12", which says that he

was
they

slain

"at the house of Millo," an obscure reference.

And

buried

him in

the city of David, but not in the sepulchres of the

parallel (2

king s].

The

K. 12") reads, "And they buried him

with his fathers in the city of David."

fication

The

Chronicler's modi-

was doubtless due to his desire to make the end of Joash as unfortunate as possible and therefore he refused him a place in the tombs of the kings.26. Zabad] 2 K. 12" <"> "Jazacar " (v. *.). Shime'ath the Ammonitess and Shimrith the Moabiiess] a curious change of the Chronicler. In 2 K. 1 M we have "Shimeath" and "Shomer," the names of the fathers of the conspirators. Here they have become their mothers and their descent is made half heathen. Thus the fate of Joash is made still more opprobrious, and the Chronicler likewise expresses thus his aversion to the marriage of Hebrews with foreigners their offspring

>

are murderers (Tor. Ezra Studies, pp. 21 2 /.).

ness of the burden

27. And the greatis

upon him].

The burden

not the tribute

exacted from
that
is

him by

the Syrians (Kau.), an old opinion, since

not mentioned in Chronicles, nor the tribute collected for

the Temple, also an old opinion, but the prophetic utterances

against

him

(Ke., Ki., Bn., Ba.,

Cf.

RVm.).

And the rebuilding]

(lit.

founding).

w.

. The Midrash of the Book of Kings].

Cf. Intro, p. 23.

83. ncipnS] at the coming round, circuit,
year),
cf.
.*.,

at the completion (of the

Ex. 34" (JE)

S. , Ps. 19'

f*oi o-w ^n vhp "Spjonpf.

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44
after
pi.

CHRONICLES

and on collectives construed with sg. and following 346d.cpc] <& read npa, V, 0, omit. pvom]ef. i6 i Ch. i8 '. 24. ijwd] a small thing, equivalent to "Wio, cf. Gn. io- (of city), Jb. 8' (of Job's fortunes), Is. 63" (of time) 26. onaSai (J) rtrpnn 0"SnD f] cf. O'uSnn 21". .] cf. same construction in v.". '] read with <K, t, ja cf. v.", so Be., Zoe., Oe., et al. Present text may be due to dittography. vtao Sp vuw] 3K.11> r*v rm O'l hSo T>n kSd no. on vnap'i] ia in -vpa man op inn nap'i. 26. noMwn P'-iosr p nannM P'lwpn ppor ia lat] a K. is" ta "Wi "io*> ta narwi ppo*>. Ki. thinks nat derived from following latvr and corrects to iat, but <K B Za/SX (A for A) and " Za/30, Za/3aff read "tar. Many iiss. of a K. read natvi, which the Chronicler may have shortened intentionally because of the following natw. 27. y\\\ Qr. a"i'. probably intended to give the sense, and as regards his sons, may
v.
*. v.,
iii.

w
.

see Koe.

>L

the oracle against

et al.,

him

increase.

Better read Kt. a*n with Kau., Oe.,

<K ol rpo<rfj\Sor

but text

is

At/on for

won.

emc] see on 13".

Amaziah

probably corrupt.

read iav\ also

XXV. The
tions

reign of

tion of the narrative of 2

(c. 796-782 b.c). A reproducK. 14'", with the characteristic modifica-

and embellishments of the Chronicler. The statements of 2 K. i4< that " the high places were not taken away " and that " the people still sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places,"
Amaziah
in

are omitted, doubtless because too derogatory to the beginning of his reign,

when he won

the victory over the

Edomites.

The

story of this victory very briefly narrated in 2

The size of the army of Amaziah is given (v. '), and details of the slaughter of the Edomites (v. '); and especially a new episode is introduced in the account
K. 14'
is

enlarged by the Chronicler.

of the rejection, at the

command

of a prophet, of troops hired at

-).

a large expense of northern Israel (w.

the Edomites as a reward of obedience

This rejection

fur-

nishes (according to Bn.) a ground for the subsequent victory over

and

reliance
is

upon Yahweh.
'.

Yet quite contrary to

cities of

this notion of

reward

the plundering of the

v.

Judah by these mercenaries mentioned in

Hence

this

plundering has been taken as an interpretation, found in one of

the sources of the Chronicler, of the disaster which befell the
S. kingdom through Amaziah's unfortunate contest with the N. kingdom (2 K. i4 ,,4 ) this source having made the disaster very inconsiderable, while the Chronicler himself, on the other hand,

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XXV.

1-88]

REIGN OF AMAZIAH

441

accepted the record of a K. and allowed the disaster to remain

to
its full

extent but supplied an adequate reason by introducing

the sin of the worship of the gods of

Edom (w. "-)

(Bn.).

Agreeable to the above view, Bn. and Ki. assign w. '* to M, but they have the marks of the Chronicler's style: in v. icy Hiph. (1. 89), P'3 roan (1. 14), S with ace. also in v. ' (I. : 28) -nro (cf. 1 1 1 13'- "), ni no trw
,

(cf.

11"

14'); in v. S<n

ij

(cf.

13' 17"'); in v. pin nicy

'

(cf.

19'-

Ezr. io4 )

and

-royS
(1.

(1.

84); in

w.'

iru

(1.

and

in v.'

ma

10).

Graf thought

17); in v." pmn'i

(1.

38);

that

some

historical event not

recorded in K. was at the basis of the story of the hire of the Israelitish
troops and their subsequent plundering (GB. p. 158).
unlikely,

This seems not and the narrative then may be the Chronicler's interpretation of these facts from whatever source he may have derived them.

1-1.
slight

The beginning of the reign of Amaziah. Taken

14'
.

with

omissions and variations from 2 K.

2.

But not with a

v. ".

perfect heart]

with reference to the apostasy described in

In

David his father: he did according to all that Joash his father had done." Then comes v. ; concerning the retention of the high places, which the Chronicler

the place of this 2 K. 14' reads, " Yet not like

has omitted

(v. s.).

3. His servants who had

<>.

killed the

king

his father],
to death].

Cf. 24" 2 K. 12"

4.
him

But he put not their children

The

sparing of the children of the guilty

in jurisprudence, indicating

was

evidently
in the

a new departure

an advance

moral sentiment of the community.

When Naboth was

(2

con-

demned

his children perished with

children perished with the father in

But did according

book of Moses].

K. 9"), and likewise the the story of Achan (Jos. 7" ).

the

to that

which was written in the law in

an application
Ez. i8).
*

The writer of 2 K. found in this mercy of Amaziah of the command given in Dt. 24". This principle
(Je.

was emphasised by the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel

HE "'] "
1

31"

K.

14' Kt.

pnyw f.2. chv

m' h
*

aaSa mS pn] instead of

0, 2 K. K. "Pi same change from 2 K. 12" in 24" (v. s.). 4. on<] 2 K. i4 oann <. a] wanting in 2 K., possibly due to ">BOa niina airoa] 9 dittography, so St. SBOT. on 2 K. i4. omits nw>, <S Kara r^r <Sia(tyxi)r (roO) r&ptov xvptou Kaflij ytypaTToi, <!) 4r rifuf Muo-Q. S, 0, 2 K. nro min teoa awaa. rwn;] three
the longer statement in 2 K.
i4ii;a.
(v. *.).

rww]

3. vSp] ten less., <K,

WD

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442
K. and Qr. nw.
times, 3

CHRONICLES

mp twice (but Visa, wwj);

<d]

third time me; Kt, so <K, 0, 8, Dt. 24 11 ni?v three times, but 4, 0, V, nigv third time.

The

Chronicler either followed 2 K. (text of Vrss.) or simply quoted

inaccurately.

with adversative force, Koe.

iiL

372c

K. ok

a,

wanting in Dt.

6-13. The campaign against

scribed in 2 K. 14' in a single verse,

Edom.
and

This
is

is

tersely de-

there

pose that the additions of the Chronicler rest

no reason to supupon any additional

information, but are wholly a product of Midrashic fancy.

The

Edomites subjugated by David and made tributary to Judah had

revolted successfully during the reign of

Jehoram (31"). Whether Amaziah resulted in the permanent possession of the conquest of Edom by Judah is uncertain. Perhaps no real conquest took place. Indeed the whole campaign has been felt to be improbable, since Edom was then tributary to Assyria, and Judah possibly a
vassal of northern Israel (the view of Winck.

KAT*

p. 261, also

The army cf. Amaziah is thus much smaller than that ascribed to Asa, 14' <>, and also to Jehoshaphat, i7 l4, % This diminution of troops (acBn.
of

HC.

2 K. 14').5. Three hundred thousand].

cording to Ke.) furnished a reason for hiring additional ones from

northern

Israel.

6.

hundred

talents of silver]
if

if

heavy weight,
designation of

some 9,650 pounds

amount.

of silver, or

light weight,

about half that

7.

A man of God]
-

the most general

OT.

a prophet; used of Moses 30'* 1 Ch. 23" Dt. 33' Jos. 14* Ezr. 3*; also of David 8" Ne. i2 M ; also of the angel who clearly in the guise of a prophet appeared unto Manoah and his wife, Ju. 13*- '; M 13'- 17"- * 20" 2 K. cf. for general use 1 S. 2*' o 1 K. i2
1 el al.

Let not the army of Israel go with

an

thee].

From
was
cf.

the point

of view of the Chronicler,

alliance with Israel

sinful

and
All

could only be followed by evil consequences,

the children of

iq 1 20".

Ephraim] an explanation
i.e.,

of the preceding Israel,

8.

since Israel is often used as equivalent to the S.

kingdom

{cf. 12').

But go

thou,

by

thyself,

do valiantly, be strong for the

to fall before

battle, for

God shall
to help

not* suffer thee

to cast

thy enemy for

God
this

has power
verse,

and

down].

For other renderings of

whose text is corrupt, v. *. The sinfulness of any alliance with the N. kingdom is brought out very strongly. 8. Yahweh is

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XXV.

1-88]

REIGN OF AMAZIAH
much more than
this]

443

10.

able to give thee

a very beautiful teaching.

Wherefore their anger was greatly kindled against Judah and

they returned

home in fierce

anger].

Mercenary troops serve not

are represented to have

only for their hire, which these

received, but also for

men

they would lose.

renown and booty which, through dismissal, This loss they are represented to have made
cities of

good

in

way by plundering
from 2 K.

Judah
1

(cf. v. ').

11.

The

valley of Salt]

14',

mentioned also as the place of

cf.

Joab's victory over the Edomites,

Ch. 18".

12. And ten

14') often

thousand did the children of Judah carry away alive, etc.]. Of this capture and massacre the record in 2 K. knows nothing,
although the rock (Sela')
identified
is

mentioned as a place (2 K.
is

with Petra, but this

by no means

certain

(cf.

Moore,

Ju. on i).

13. From Samaria even unto Beth-horon],

Ch. 7".

Samaria

was evidently the point from which the troops started on their raid and Beth-horon its limit southward. On the location of Bethhoron
cf. 1

The

raid
in

may be

thought of as having taken

place while

Amaziah was
nil] <K,

Edom.

0, " roa 9 ttyn. tow] ** *' 'Iepovo\i}/ Judeans were gathered together, cf. 14' 17" . 6. '03] a pretii, Ges. uo/>, Koe. iii. $ 332 o. 8. ok 'a] with adversative force, only, but, cf. 33', merely a slightly strengthened 'a, BDB. on a 3 b, Koe. norbth pin wp firm Ma] <S faroXd/Jps kotwxOo-cu if rotroit, iii. J 272L
6.
since only

mw

<fci-

if rif roKiitif,

pulas in robore exercitus bella consistere,

slight changes).

i.e.,

nonSoS pmn nma -idhp (Oe. so also Bn., with

reads
(\e.,

Ki.

nwa

pinS

a&nn

nriM, but if

thou thinkest to prevail in this

way

with help from the N. kingdom) then will Cod cause thee

to fall

before the

enemy.

It is simpler to retain

M and
nm

before -|Wa< to insert

kSi (v.

s.

so Ew., Be.). Hitzig read

pp

nfrp

03 DM <a(v. Be.). As the

text stands the imv. is followed

by jussive

For 0'nSn
Dr.

<K twice

mm.

9. nwpS nD]

in apodosis, Dr. Til. 1 $3 (2).

similar to use of inf. with S after

cf. 3 K. 4" Is. 5', see phd ?, which is also in many mss. as Kt. nnS "> v<\ Yahweh is able to give, on use of inf. with S after >, see Dr. TH. 202 (1). 10. irun^acc. with S in apposition with pronom. suf. 0---, Koe. iii. 289k, a construction emphasising the noun, Ew. $ 277 c 11. jnj'i] j/ drive, conduct, hence lead out an army rhvm mm] so in 1 Ch. 18" and Kt. of 2 K. to battle (late), cf. 1 Ch. 2o>. 14' but Qr. and Vrss. nSo M\i. mjw 'ja pm] 2 K. 14' oriM riM. 12.

substantive verb expressing the idea of destination,

TH.

J 203

rVNpS]

Kt., but read Qr.

Digitized by

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444

CHRONICLES
if.jK.
14' (v.
*.).

pVon] probably to be taken as a proper name,

Tvfoa] inf. with id of separation

Koe.

iii.

406

o.

13.

wre_i] predicate intro-

duced by

with subject prefixed,

cf.

Gn. as" 30", Dr.

TH.

5 127 (a).

14-16. Amaziah's idolatry. An introduction to the disastrous

war with the N. kingdom not given

in 2

K.

(v. s.).

14.

The

gods of the children o/Seir]. It is a curious fact that of the ancient religion of the Edomites, so closely associated with Israel, nothing
definite is

known beyond
(cf.

the

names

of certain deities derived

from

theophorous proper names.

people from thy hand]
test of deity

15.

Who

have not delivered their

w.

" ') and hence were no gods.

The

was

ability to deliver.

The fundamental

reason for

worshipping
cf. Is.

Yahweh was
vie

the deliverance from Egypt (Ex. 20*

37")

16. Have

made

thee

a counsellor for the king?].

With

this question

corresponds the answer, I know that

God hath

counselled to destroy thee.

14. yap"
157b.

nw>e]

freq. impf.,

Dr.
<t>

16.

TH.

30

(2) (o),

Koe.

iii.

ttoj]

C +
The

Bantam.

read

owaj

(rpcxpfrat)

from
It.

which with a transposition of 3) may have come the Bantam of

16. oji fpiSn].

question
pi. for sg.

expresses

strong

repudiation,

Dav.

Syn. 126
iii.

5.

207b.

iw]

lunj]

as an expression for majesty, Koe.

indef. subj. expressed

by third

pens, pi.,

Dav. Syn. \

108 (b).

17-24.

The

disastrous

from

K.

14*-",

with additions in
">),

war with w.

the N.
"

Kingdom.Taken

"

to connect with the in-

troduction (w.

and

also an addition in v. *.

17.

Took

counsel] or possibly
plication that
is
it

we should

render was counselled with the im(J^JH^I)

was by divine agency (cf. v. "). The phrase

introduced by the Chronicler to connect the passage closely

with the foregoing verse. Otherwise the verse agrees essentially with
the text of 2 K. 14*. Let us look one another in the face]
(cf. v. ')

a challenge to war

in sheer insolence (Be., Zoe., Sk.) or

a vassal's

Winck. KAT.') or a proposal to meet one another as equals, Amaziah seeking satisfaction for the raid of the mercenaries (v. ") (Oe., Ba.). This last is a plausible
assertion of independence (Bn.,

suggestion

if

the account of the raid

is historical;

but 2 K. does
for

not mention the raid.

The

proposal

may have been

a meeting

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XXV.

1-38]

REIGN OF AMAZIAH
(v. ").

445
This
fable, re-

with the view of a marriage alliance

18.

minding one of Jotham's parable (Ju. 9' *), was a cutting insult to Amaziah, implying that he was in no way on an equality with the

King
etc.]

of Israel.

Whether the

particulars of the fable were signifi-

cant, reflecting actual events,

is

unknown.

20.

For it was of God,

(i.e.,

an addition of the Chronicler connecting the narrative with

".

w.

21.

Looked one another in the face]

joined in

battle) either
v. ".

a direct or an ironical application of the words of

double application of the phrase

If ironical, cf. the similar

up the head," Gn. 40"- ".Beth-shemesh]. Cf. 1 Ch.6<">. ~-Which belongeth to Judah). This statement in 2 K. 14" shows
"lift

that the story of this contest

is

of northern Israelitish origin.

fled to his

22.
io'.

23. The son of Jehoahaz] 21". the son of Ahaziah, And broke down the wall of Jerusalem from the Gate of Ephraim
i.e.,

And then fled every man to his tent] i.e.,

home,

cf.

7"
cf.

i.e., a portion of was probably built in the time of Solomon (cf. GAS. /. i. p. 206, and on the location of this wall, pp. 241 ff.). Gate of Ephraim] i.e., the gate through which the road to Ephraim passed, on the line of the street running to the present Damascus Gate. Corner gate*] (v. *.) probably the north-west angle of the wall (cf. GAS. /. ii. p. 116).24. With

unto the Gate of the Corner, four hundred cubits]

the oldest northern wall which

Obed-edom] an addition of the Chronicler to 2 K. 14".

family of 'Obed-edom, according to
storehouse of the Temple.
17.
1

The

Ch. 26", had charge of the

B'shSo.
to a

nw V?d wjok wanting ^] Nu. 23" Ju. 19" a K.

rjrri]
cf.
"lS

in

K.

14'.

nStwi]

K.

njS.

Possibly pointed according

K. when

sion of a wish,
D'Jt

cf.

was intended, so Oe. m> aS accompanying the expresGn. 19 31" and ref. above, Koe. mil. 355g.
cf. v.

nmpj]

let

us look one another in the face,

(v. s.), is

probably

a shortened form for o Sk O'jb nmni, Ges. 156c,

(twice)] 41 transliterated, B x{*,

n.

1.

18.

mnn

X"X ^X'ff *X0VXi the last being original <S, cf. Tor. ATC. p. 65. 19. man] wanting in a K. 14" (but supported by Vrss.), may be a later insertion by some one who read as first pcrs., so Bn., St. SBOT. on a K. 14", but the insertion may be from the Chronicler. <& read both as second pers. njn] is certainly a misreading of a K. nin, so Ki. Kom. BH., Bn., St. SBOT. on a K., but

nw

probably the original

in Ch., cf.

9.

0, here as elsewhere, appears to be

Digitized by

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446
corrected from a

2 K.

CHRONICLES
should

n>an]
The
to a
fr.

probably

be pointed on'sn.

vasnS] Hiph. as intrans. dub. a

K. 133a imv. Niph.

9>

1}

(taptia,

in

superbiam,

\tiul\

insertion of S has connected the

word with

what precedes, contrary

nnp] wanting in a K.

K.
a

probably read nasn and

3??r

& was doubtless corrected

force.
cf.

-ur]

K. Read njja or ^|i?S, so Oe., Ki. K. af . no ?] a K. no ?*. St. SB07\ con1

1 1

siders rmS original in K.;

Bur. thinks

original there with sarcastic

30.
aa'.
tit

10"

atrb

'W 'Kiio 13] a characteristic addition by the Chronicler, toB rapatovnu #, corrected from a K., omits. T3 Bnp] x e 'P* " D'T3 wo, 4C* + Iwo, V in manus hostium. Oe.

suggested YV3.
*nto *&> fcami.

Perhaps read, as suggested by

If text is correct

<&,

0*v3 inn, to

gwe Atm

is

without the art. as in familiar

.

transposes Dav. Syn. aa R 3, Koe. iii. a94f 21 . and Y?o umidki 23. mron j3] wanting in <8*; six mss., (ft1 a K. 14", whim p. tntnn> p has either been transposed from a position after Sm Y>o, or irww is a variant spelling or scribal error vncj'i] a K. wsm. Ch. preserves the original for wmn , cf. ai".
expressions,

mn B'

w-in'i
-,

mw

reading,

so Bn., Ki.,

St.,

Bur., Sk.

original in K., so Bn., Ki., St., et al.

for ruin of Vrss.
tators.

ajwa] doubtless a

-ifpd]

K. ijwa.

Ch. also

scribal error

and a K., so Ke., Zoe., Oe., and most commenK. 14", hs n* njjSi, is read by Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn. <Sf- inserts tKafkr before 3V\ which is considered its original position in a K. by Bn. (on a K.), St. SBOT. The late form of the verb in K. suggests that it was added to fill a lacuna, see Ges. ii2pp ovfvm noa] a K nvn no. orm nap op] wanting in a K. (6 >). nnipnn <] hostages, so also a K 14" f.

24.

hsi] a

25-28. The end of Amaziah's reign.Taken from

i4
lT -* 9
,

K.

with a characteristic addition of the Chronicler in v."

(v. i.).

25.

This

verse,

a copy of

K. 14",

is

without point in

the narrative of the Chronicler,

who

systematically ignores the

N.

kingdom.
interval

In 2 K.

it is

a note inserted by a scribe to mark the

26. Book of the kings Chronicler substitutes for " the book

between the death of Jehoash, just mentioned, and the

death of Amaziah immediately described.

of Judah and
Israel].

The

of the chronicles of the kings of

Judah "

of 2

K. 14"

his

own

principal noncanonical source

the time that

(cf.

Intro, p. 22).
after

27.

Now front

Amaziah turned away from

Yahweh] a charIt

acteristic addition of the Chronicler,

who

thus gives from his point

of view an adequate cause for the conspiracy.

was probably a

popular insurrection in favour of the young Uzziah, a result of the

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XXVI. 1-83]

REIGN OF UZZIAH

447

misfortunes into which the state had been plunged by the folly of

Amaziah
Cf. ii'.

in

provoking the war with northern

Israel.

Lachish].

28.

In

the city of David*].

The

reading city of Judah

a scribal error (v. i.), yet in the Assyrian inAsarhaddon called Manasseh king of the city of Judah (GAS. /. i. p. 268).
of JB
is

clearly

scriptions

26.

O'irvwai o'jrmn] a characteristic addition to the text of a K. 14"

c/9i

Ch. ao. oin hS.i] three uss.,#,B, omit iSn. Seven mss., 9, a K. i4 l on for on. Since the Chronicler uses both forms, on Sn a Ch. o Sk-wi trim oSd] 1 a", and ojn 16" ao" 84", the original is uncertain. 27. nvw njmi] wanting in a K. a K. i4> rrim sSoS own nai.
14".

ppm]
!

tt

mi
a

tr r<f iceupf, so also

I.

rvfjvj]

predicate,

intro 366I.

28.
a

duced by
inn

after time-determinations, Dr. 7"!/. ia7

(ft),

Koe.

iii.

nafm]

K.

14*

oSrrra

"(Jism

necessitating the insertion of the object.

mw Tja] twelve

f,

the change to act. in Ch.

mss., Vrss.,

K. tii, and so most commentators.

XXVI. The reign of Uzziah (c. 782-737 b.c.).The book of Kings contains only a very meagre account of the reign of Uzziah
(2

K.

i5'-')>

and yet his reign was one

(cf.

of the longest in

Judah and,
is

according to the glimpses given in the prophetical books, one of

unusual prosperity

especially Is. 2 /.).

This prosperity
-,

brought out in the Chronicler's account in

tirely

w.

which are enUzziah

independent of 2 K., but have a place in the Chronicler's

reconstruction of that narrative.

According to 2 K.

15',

was a
ous

leper,

and the Chronicler, compelled by

his theory of royal

history to find a cause for this affliction, does so in the presumptusin of unlawfully offering incense
is

pride

closely linked with the King's prosperity

(w. "); and this act of and greatness

the

(w. ). On the source of w.-'* see the note introductory to comments upon them.
1-6. Uzziah's accession to the throne.

Vv.

1 -4

are a tran-

from the Chronicler. 1. And all the people of Judah took' Uzziah and made him king]. This action was occasioned by the untimely death of Amaziah. Ordiscript of 2

K. 14"

'

15*

v.* is

narily the people are not mentioned as determining the royal

succession

(cf. 22').

Since Uzziah

was only

sixteen years old

and

Amaziah was

fifty-four at his death,

probably older brothers and

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448

CHRONICLES

thus a first-born, were set aside in favour of Uzziah.

2

Uzziah]

K. 14" "Azariah," and so 2 K. generally, while the Chronicler has

(v. .).

Usziah
entirely

clear.

The connection between the two names is not They are quite similar in Hebrew JI^TJ? and

nvy, and the latter may have arisen through a corruption of the former (DB. IV. p. 843). The names are somewhat similar in meaning; Azariah means " Yahweh has helped," Uzziah, " Yah-

weh is my strength." This fact may have led to their interchange. 2. He built Eloth, etc.]. On Eloth or Elath v. i. Elath (cf. 8")
had apparently been captured by Amaziah in his war against Edom (25" ') and then lost during the disastrous war with northem Israel, and its recovery was one of the first exploits of Uzziah.
This
hence
to
is

the natural meaning of this verse, especially in

its

connection

here, but in 2

K. 14"

it is

its first half,

He

a part of the narrative of the reign of Amaziah, built Eloth and restored it to Judah, is held to refer

Amaziah and to belong in the history of Amaziah with the account of the war against Edom (2 K. 14') (KA T* p. 261, Bn.). Then the second
half of the verse belongs with the preceding verse or
is

gloss.

5.

The

Chronicler

now

omits 2 K. 15 4 , which says that the high

places were not taken

burnt incense in
ity of

away and that the people still sacrificed and them, and writes this verse to explain the prosperZechariah]. This prophet
is

Uzziah described in w. -'.

It is

not

mentioned elsewhere.

barely possible that the

in the

name is derived
(i4')-

from the mention of Uzziah

book of Zechariah
(v. *.).

Who

gave instruction in the fear* of God]

1. i;w] so also

K. 15"
15'-

w.
i>

"
x>

'

" '

27* Is.
i$'
;

1' 6' 7'

; n;ij

Ho.

Am.

Zc. 14*

" ' 1 Ch. 3"; wywg 2 i5- ; in Assy, inscrip. (COT. 2 K. 15'), but now denied (KAT.'p. 262, DB. IV. pp. 844/.). Thus Azariah appears only once outside of 2 K., and that in Ch., while Uzziah is found four times in 2 K. Both forms of the name are used for a descendant of Kehath, cp. 1 Ch. 6' <*> and 6" '">, also for a

14"

and K.

K.

n;-n 2

and K.

Azriyd'u,

son of
A/Xdfl,

Heman

(with

'el

for Yah), cp.

Ch

35'

and

25'*.

2.

mS'K] <S

AOath, 2 K. 14* nS'K, and so Ki. SBOT., Kom., but n^'K

also in 2 Ch.

8" 1 K. 9" 2 K. io t and nS'K in Dt. 2 2 K. i6- '"mR asc] temporal clause introduced by nnx with inf., see Koe. iii. 401a. 3. m^y] Kt. i; J , ?J. Qr- "J ??' <f- * K- 15* ^tv t- * Xooo
l
1

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'

XXVI. 1-23]

REIGN OF UZZIAH

449
wi] he was in
the act

XaXut (A for A), *t ltx'\ta,

t Iechelia.6. *mS

of suiting, inf. with b after tvn to express the idea of aiming at a definite purpose or turning toward an object, Ges. J 114A.J, Dr. TH. 204, Koe. iii. J 399y. O'nSun nk"ij paon] who had understanding in the

vision of God,
ft, ut,

is

strange, hence read rather nip;.?, with

many

uss., <K,

who gave

instruction in the fear of God, so Ke., Oe., Kau., Ki.,

Bn.

B'nSK(H)
is

(three times)]

* nvi<.

6-15. Uzziah's military and industrial prosperity.

section
historical reminiscences.

This

without parallel in 2 K. and yet seems to contain

Bn. thinks the Chronicler's immediate forerunner (Die Vorlage) had

here reliable ancient traditions, and Ki. sees in
it

(save v. ab

and ub) material taken from some ancient

sition,

reliable source.

and w. The compois

'

however,

is

throughout that of the Chronicler, and there

no

reason

why

these verses

may

not have been entirely written by him,

though possibly they were taken from his chief source the Midrash The following are the marks of the Chronicler's composition (v. p. 22).
in
(1.

w.*-": in
87); in v."
128).

w.
iru
(1.

itp

(1.

84);

in v.

17); in v.'

ov

huS ip (L 127) and nSpcS Sp (L 86); in v. " V in 'MhSi

(1.

6.

Goth]. Cf.

Ch. 7".Jabneh] mentioned

in

OT.

only here,

unless after <g in Jos. 15",

twelve miles south of

and as Jabne'el Jos. 15", mod. Yebna, Joppa and four miles from the sea. Known

its Greek name Jamnia, it figures considerably in Jewish history from the time of the Maccabees and onward. After the fall of Jerusalem (70 a.d.) the great Sanhedrin removed thither, and for quite

by

a period

it

took the place of Jerusalem as the religious and na-

tional centre of the

Philistine city

Jews (/.

vii.

p. 18).

Ashdod] the famous

about half-way between Joppa and Gaza, two or three miles from the sea, the mod. Esd&d (Jos. 11" 15" ' 1 S. 5*

el al.).

And

he

built cities

among

the Philistines*] (v.

*.).

'Arabians].
the reading

Cf. 17".
is

Gur-ba'al f] an unidentified place, doubtful (v. *'.). Meunim]. Cf. 1 Ch. 4".

7. and 8.

And

the 'Ammonites gave tribute].

is

& has

"the

Meunim"

(v. i.),

which reading

adopted by Bn. as demanded by the context from

the connection with the Philistines

and Arabians and

the following

statement that Uzziah's name spread abroad even

to the entrance

of

Egypt, a direction quite opposite from that of the territory of

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45

CHRONICLES
This
is

Ammon.

Ki.,

on the other hand, retains 'Ammonites.

v.

agreeable to the mention of table land in

(v. i.)

and

their later

conquest by Jotham

(27*).

Probably they should be retained and

the tribute,
entrance of

the notice considered as of

cf.

17"

27*.
i.e.,

And

his

no historical value. On name spread abroad even to the

power

Egypt]

his fame, or better, his

(Be., Ke., Zoe.).

(cf.

9.
on
viii.

The The

corner gate] the north-west corner of the wall

25").

valley gate] formerly located at or near the Jaffa gate

i.

the west of the city (Rob. BR.*

p. 272); but
(cf.

p. 43; Schick,

ZDPV.

more probably near the south-west corner

3") (so Guthe,
Cf. Ne. 3"-

of the wall

Ne.

2'

MuNDPV.
cf.

1895, pp.
/.
i.

10/., also

Mitchell,

JBL.

1903, pp. 108/.,

GAS.

the angle].

pp. 177

f.).Al

While there might be many of these

angles where the wall turned (Bn.), yet some particular one seems
to have been meant, probably at north-east corner

(BDB.).

10.
4').

Towers] for the protection of his herds

(cf.

Ch. 27" Mi.

In the wilderness] the pasture land of Judah. Cisterns]. The Heb. word may also mean wells, but artificial reservoirs were constructed in Palestine from the earliest times for the storage of

The lowland] the Shephelah; cf. 1 The table land] i.e., the elevated plateau between the Arnon and Heshbon east of the Jordan, since mishmor denotes this (Dt. 3" 4" Jos. 13*- > " 20* Je. 48'- ') (Be., Ke.,
water for
beast.

man and

Ch. 27"

Ch. 1" 9".

Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

This agrees with the subjugation of the

v.
;

Am-

monites implied in
of

but

it is

doubtful whether the restriction

meaning to the
to

territory east of the

Jordan

is

necessary.

11.

Going out
This
is

war in detachments by
to think the

the

number of

their muster]

descriptive of the thorough organisation of the host (Ke., Zoe.).

better than

refers to

marauding expeditions
Cf.
1

fathers' houses].

Ch. 9".

word in detachments (Tnib) 12. The heads of the The troops were mustered by
(Ba.).

households or families.

Even

the mighty

men

of valour]
2

i.e.,

landed proprietors and other well-to-do people

(cf.

K. 15").

Two

thousand six hundred] a number agreeable to actual condi-

tions during Uzziah's reign.

commanders of the and five hundred].

troops.

13.

These are assumed to have been the Three hundred and seven thousand
Amaziah, 300,000
(25*),

Cf. the armies of

and

Digitized by

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XXVL

"

1-23.]

REIGN OF UZZIAH
Asa
(14')

451
).

the greater ones of

and Jehoshaphat (17"

Cf. ib
cf.

Skidds].

Cf. 14'

<>

17'' 1

Ch. s l, Spears].
in

Helmets)
1 S. 17'-

14.

mentioned with the shield

fig. Is.

Ez. a7> 38*;

also 1 S. 17' Je. 46*

S9"t-

Cuirasses] mentioned also in i8 1 K. aa"

Ne. 4"
Ch.
1 a*

<"> fig. Is.

59".

Bows and sling-stones]

light-armed troops assigned so frequently to

Ju. ao").

weapons of the Benjamin (14* < 1

the

15. And he made

.

contrivances the invention of

inventive

men

to shoot

arrows and great stones].

of warfare are not mentioned elsewhere in the canonical

were probably used by the Assyrians in

Such engines OT., but the days of Uzziah, and he

may have introduced them as weapons of defence for Jerusalem (so apparently Bn.), or their mention may merely reflect the methods
of defence used in the period of the Chronicler (so EBi. IV. col.

4510,

cf.

GAS.

/.

ii.

pp. iai/.).

That the statements of these verses are in substance historical appears from the following facts: (1) Hezekiah seems largely to have had control of Philistia, and this is most reasonably explained upon the ground of the strong military policy of Uzziah; (a)
Jerusalem

made a

strong defence during the reign of Hezekiah

against the Assyrians

made by Uzziah;

(3) the prosperity of the

in the prophecies of

and this was probably due to the preparations days of Ahaz revealed Isaiah (v. s.) (DB. IV. p. 844). The mention
the Assyrian inscriptions

also of Arabians in

among

the de-

fenders of Jerusalem against Sennacherib has been thought to

sustain the statement that Uzziah subjugated
ever, is rather remote) (v.

them

(this,

how-

DB.

s.).

6.

thino ony] can only mean

is

cities

in the territory of Ashdod, but

then the additional ovieSeai

repetition

strange.

Probably irwio

is

and the

text should read o^nvhca

ony nan (Ba.).

a copyist's Winckler
f-iB>i,and

thinks that original text of source was nja< nsvi nto ru

that the remainder of the verse has come from
-i'p " a city had been reconstructed

nmn n

read -vnra
this

a marginal note which first in the territory of Ashdod " (ix. Jabneh), and that
into its present

0"3T)>n] Qr. O'STJWi.

Spa tin] H M rfy rh-pat ml M Todt Mctrafovt

V1 in Turbaal adopted by KL
in

form (KAT.'

p. 263).

7.

&.: (1) "ina also the text of

Kom.;

(2) <t

read Syi instead of Spa

n>

adopted by Bn. after Winck., who sees in

the

Guri a name of

Edom

We

then read against the Arabians in

Amarna Tablets (Getch. i. 46). Gur and against the Meunim.

Digitized by

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452 The Greek
2

CHRONICLES

translator probably thought of Petra.

by Zoe., Ba.

O'jipnm] amo]

E has

"HJ3 favoured
c/".

five

mss.,H

O'j'BEro,

M(e)imtow,

ao<.

8.

though D'JWB? which Bn. adopts after Winck. (KAT.' p. 263), but <K may have been influenced by the preceding M(c)tra(ovt, e/. ao1 .nn iy wr iS'i] according to Ki. an annotation of
O'jiDjn] <K M(e)toIlM as

the Chronicler.
10.

Winck. also sees

both
in fc8*.

in this the

Arabian Musri.

-iwoai n*?Be>ai]
ft.

in the lowland and in the plain;

is

wanting in

ona*] wanting
Smv] Kt.

Sma] neither Mt. Carmel nor

.

Carmel in southern Judah (i S. as'' ')> Dut garden land, fruitful fields (Is. ap" Je. a'). ."iDiK arm] fowr of husbandry, or possibly tillage, see BDB. not* i;sf. 'tin tf<ti Gn. 9 (J). 11. nas kiv] cf. i Ch. 5". -iwaa

'Vn]

wanting in #.

ljr>,

Qr., 8,

>

"j;.

14. SaS

onS]

noun made prominent by referring to it first through its pron. Ew. O'jSp '<] sling-stones, cf. jhp n Jb. 4i. 309 c, Koe. iii. 3400. PI. in nomen rectum occasioned by pi. in nomen regens, Koe. iii. 367c KrvS] Qal inf. 16. nuaeri] contrivances, cf. Ec. J- also pi. abs. fcstr. from y' rn, but following the analogy of verbs kS, Ges. J JSrr. itpnS it'Son 'a] Hiph. expressing an action in a definite direction, the principal idea being contained in the inf., Ges. 114ft and n. 3.
the

16-23. Uzziah's leprosy and the conclusion of his reign.

Based on

K.

i5-'.

The narrative

of 2 K. simply records that

Uzziah was a leper; but the Chronicler (or his forerunner, Bn.)

adds the cause, which he finds in his presumptuous exercise of the

priests' sacred right of

burning incense and in his anger against the

high priest and his associates

when

they rebuked him.

This

is

doubtless a mere legend to explain the King's leprosy, since that

disease

leprosy of

was felt to be a token of special divine judgment (cf. the Miriam Nu. 12* and Gehazi 2 K. 5", v. also Bn. Arch.

pp. 481 /.).

A reflection

of a real controversy between Uzziah

and

and the possibility of such an historical kernel must be admitted, but no indication of it is given elsewhere. 16. To offer incense upon the altar of incense] an especially sacred act, and, according to P, lawful only for the seed of Aaron (cf. v. ' Ex. 30'-' Nu. 16" 18'-') 17.
the priesthood has been seen in this story (Bn., Ki.),

And
(cf. 1

'Azariah the priest] not identified or mentioned apart from

this narrative (cf. v. ");

a favourite name in priestly genealogies Ch. 5"-" (6 ,u ))-19. And while he was wroth with the priests
etc.].

the leprosy broke forth,

in Gehazi, 2

Cf. the sudden appearance of leprosy

K. s M

".

20.

Yahweh had

smitten him] adapted

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XXVL
from

1-23.]

REIGN OF UZZIAH
which
is

453
In a separate house]

K.

15'-',

here taken up.

21.

(v. *.).

The King as a leper

For he was on worship.
in 2 K.,

kept by himself and retired from royal

functions.

cut off from the house of

Yahweh]

is

not

found

a natural observation from the Chronicler, who laid

great stress

22. Did Isaiah the prophet the son of

(Be., Zoe.), or possibly the statement

Amoz

write].

The

reference
is

Isaiah (Ke.), which

is either to an independent work by most unlikely, or a part of the Book of the

Kings of
is

Israel

and Judah

derived from the fact that the present book of Isaiah mentions

Uzziah.

23.

And

they buried

him with

his fathers in the field of

which belonged to the kings; for they said, he is a leper] i.e, he was not buried in the tombs of the kings, lest they should be
the burial

denied by a leprous body, but

in the field adjoining these

tombs.

The Chronicler thus departed from the statement of 2 K. 15', "And they buried him with his fathers in the city of David."
16. inprroi] a late idiom, Dr.

TH.
cf.

p. 157 o.

uS

naj] he became

haughty,

lit.,

his heart

was lifted

up,
Is.

32" Ps.

131' Pr. i8' Ez. 28'

.

3" Je. i$ Ez. 16 Zp. 3 11 Vpo'i] 19. |pt<ii wyai] out of humour, dejected, but cf. y. " 1 Ch. a'. only here enraged, a late sense like Aram. 4&1 rage against. '."] \ with the apodosis as an emphatic copulative after a temporal nrrw] rise, come out, usually of conditional inf., Koe. iii. 415V. sun, only here of leprosy. 20. vim?] wanting in *, V-I^V imi] hasten (late), cf. Est. 6" and in Qal pass. pt. Est. 3" 8" f-

and

in the

same sense without aS

",

nw

ipj

'a] 2

K.

1 5*

"|Son

nw juin. 21
and
a

n<a]

rvaa.nwmn] so Kt
Meaning
is

and ten

liss. in a

K., but Qr.

atr<t*>v(r<i>0,

K.

ivf*

f-

obscure.

(K* 400oixriwr, *
a.<t><t>ov<raS

L a<p<f>ovau0,

hence original

doubtless

as in 2 K.,

cf.

Tor.

ATC.

p. 65.

(in

ivptyn rirvaa, apart in his palace (Klo., Ki., el

at.,

domo) separata. on 2 K. and Ki.

SBOT., Kom. on
i$6ff.)

Ch., yet see St.

emends

to

iyn

SBOT. on 2 K.). Stade (ZA W. vi. pp. naa in the winter-house; Gratz nneoen in the

house of eruption; Haupt (note in SBOT. on K.) rve>ann n<a, either But <$, affoveuB, seems to place of detention or place of bandaging.

have read

nitrsn,

a verb used only of leprosy (Lv.

i.e.,

13, 14),

hence naa

rwn

in the house of spreading,

a house rendered unclean by the

spreading of the leprosy after an attempt had be.n

(Lv. i4)

was appropriated

not in 2 K. 2 K. nan

for the King's use.

afrroS

"i^on

no
ja.

S; ua] ft i

Sp "|Son

22. po*

ja]

np rvao iwl r^t vU> &*. 23. wanting

in

made

to cleanse
1111 <a

it

yraoj

fiaaCKtlat atroG,

vnaM

ojr']

wanting

in six liss.

and

probably dropped as inconsistent with the

Digitized by

Google

454
following clause.

CHRONICLES
-wh rn/apn mra]
iii.

Kin jcikd vmsh >a o'sSdS

iriiTta.

The motive

for the Chronicler's expansion is evident.

is

K. 15' new]

used because nomen regent

compound, Koe.

282c

XXVII.
reigned
c.

and the

The reign of Jotham (co-regent c. 751-737; 737-735 B.C.). From 2 K. i5 ,,n with slight changes addition of new material in w. , which, like 26' ', con1-9.

tain a tradition probably of historical worth (Pa.

EHSP.

p. 232).

They show
father.
2

that

Jotham continued the vigorous policy of his

(For source-analyses of

w.

see

w.

'.)

1.

A copy of
in
1

K. 15".

Zadok] possibly the high

priest

mentioned

Ch.

5" (6) (Be.).2. Only he did not

2

enter into the temple of

Yohweh]
in

a reference to Uzziah's sacrilege (26" ) naturally wanting

K.

And the
is,

people did yet corruptly].

The

fuller

statement of

K. 15"

" Only the high places were not removed; the people

and burnt incense in the high places." 3. He built Yohweh] from 2 K. 15" the remainder of the verse and w. - are independent of 2 K. (v. s.). The upper gate was probably the one in the north wall of the Temple court mentioned in Je. 20* as " the upper gate of Benjamin " (Bn., Sk.).'Ophel]. Cf. 33" Ne. 3" J, a spur south of the Temple by some held identical with the city of David (so GAS. EBi. II. col. 2418, cf. also /. i. pp. 152/.). Cf. on this verse and the following the activity of Uzziah (26" ), which Jotham in all probability continued. 6. He fought also with the king of the children of 'Ammon] accepted by Ki. as a trustworthy tradition, but rejected by Bn. on the ground that the S. kingdom had nothing to do with the Ammonites, and hence either a fiction or a misreading of Meunim the people of Ma' on A hundred talents of silver and ten thousand measures (cf. 26' '). of wheat] i.e., in United States value and measure some $187,500 and 120,331 bushels. This statement is assigned by Ki. to the Chronicler, while otherwise v. ', from and on the wall, and v. are assigned to some ancient reliable source (cf. 26 , -')- 6. This verse
still

sacrificed

the upper gate of the house of

is

clearly

an observation of the Chronicler.

of 2 K. 15".

7.

Corresponds with
Israel

the

summary
(v.

The Book of

the

Kings of

and

Judah]

Intro, p. 22).

The

Chronicler omits 2 K. 15", "In

those days the

Lord began

to send against

Judah Rezin the king

Digitized by

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xxvn. l-xxvm.
of Syria

87.]

reigns of jotham and ahaz

of Remaliah,"

455

and Pekah the son harmony with his view of the

8. A 9. A copy of
v.).

repetition
2

a statement out of and character of Jotham (cf. probably from a copyist of v.', yet cf. 28'.
reign
slight

K. 15", with

changes

(v.

**.).

superfluous nf.

K. 15" *9\v f. 2. van] in a K. 15" is followed by a urn hyn Sh to S pi] added by the Chronicler. a] o>nwD opn tipi] iK. 15" pmaa onopoi oviaro opn -nf. 3. roa built at, cf. Ne. 4 11 <"> Zc. 6, see BDB. a, I. a. band ma, 1. h. 1. rw>a]
1. a

tow]

V- adds t
17"
f-

ItpowahriiiL, cp. ^oomp..

6OK

jg

jg

probably original,
copyist's
is

mrrva,

cf.

1 >] wanting in

two

jiss.,

A, by

and

translator's

correction, although iSd

may be a

gloss as

which

has corrected to <r' o*r4.

suggested by on'Sp,

w>rxn

rura]

o<en ona]
9.

&

mar

tnavrbr.

Ges. 131^; Koe. iii. 333d. pop a] <("* + ot' tnavrbn in ry rpdrif an unnecessary addition due to the mistranslation of H<nn rura (v. *.) 8. Wanting in <K B, 0.
in

nouns

apposition,

inn njijM] a K. 15"

vnan op ijyj.

nn]

K. +van.

chapter
history

XXVIII. The reign of Ahaz (c. 735-715 ? b.c.) .In this we have one of the best examples of the reconstruction of
by the Chronicler (or
16' Is. 7'

his

Midrashic source (Bn.,

Ki.)).

According to 2 K.

Rezin, King of Syria, and Pekah,

King of

Israel, together

invade Judah. But the Chronicler pictures

distinct events,

their invasion as

two separate and

both fraught
Is.

with signal disasters far exceeding those mentioned in 2 K. or

(vv.
')

and accompanied also with prophetic activity and influence (w. '). According to 2 K. 16' Ahaz sought successfully the help of Tiglath-pileser against the combined hostility of Syria and Israel, but according to Ch. (w. >') the Assyrian King was invoked against the Edomites and the Philistines, and
his aid availed nothing, but resulted rather in the oppression of

Judah.

According to

K. 16' Ahaz sent unto Tiglath-pileser, to

secure his services, a present of the treasures of the

of the palace;

Temple and
were

but according to Ch.

(v. ") these treasures

vainly given to secure

immunity from the oppression of the

Assyrian King.

According to 2 K. 16"-" Ahaz introduced into the

altar,

Temple a new

copied from one at Damascus, and modified

the ritual of sacrificial worship.

act of sacrifice to the gods of

This

in

Ch.

(v. )

Damascus.

According to

becomes an 2 K. 16"

Digitized by

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"

456

CHRONICLES

Ahaz cut up the bases or stands of the lavers of the Temple (cf. 4* 1 K. 7" 1 K. j n ) and also the base of the great laver (4* clearly to secure money for the tribute paid to the King of Assyria, and he made some structural changes, not clear, in an entrance to the Temple; in Ch. (w. ) he cuts in pieces generally the utensils of the Temple and closes the building, erecting in the mean time altars in every corner of Jerusalem and in every city of Judak

'

high places
this

to

burn incense unto other gods.

of the reign of

The motive
It

for

new treatment

Ahaz

is clear.

brings into
befell

greater relief punishment for sins.

The

disasters

which

Judah are

multiplied,

spicuous as a sinful

and Ahaz becomes more and more conand wicked ruler. His reliance upon Assyria

brings only trouble.

otherwise.

The

Chronicler could not conceive of

it

He

thus entirely reconstructs the history.

The

sources of this chapter, omitting

according to Ki. (Kom.) (after Bn.) t are

w. (oji) h - w. - from the

and
v. '

from 3 IC,
Chronicler;

w.

i-u. ii-a

M; and w.

"-", separating

v.

character, are from another source, one of historical

are, however, parallel to 2

and of a different value. These last

K.

16* (so Ki.

Kom.) and might even have been

introduced in a Midrashic reconstruction of a K. 16 1 -.

closely

They

are also

bound

in unity with the

to captives in v.
icler's style

"

appear in
127);

O'crS ip
list
(1.

(1.

w. " w. -: in v. in w. ' nop*

(cf.
(1.

remainder of the chapter by the reference '). The following marks of the Chron

omission of
7);

rel.

after ima (L xao),

v.

(\.

in v.
'

of proper names; in v. nta

10);

in v.

'iijjdp (I. 115); in wpi (1. 7s) and V in

W?

in

n&d); in w. ' "hfo (1. 68); v. T?i 1'P Sjai (1- 124)-

in v.

" verb omitted (L 7*)J ^

1-4.
1

6" -

with a few characteristic additions.

The character of the reign of Ahaz.Taken from 3 K. 2. And made also molten

images for the Ba'alim] an addition of the Chronicler, yet the

use of images in worship during the reign of

Ahaz

is

abundantly

proved by

Is. a 1 -"- ".

3.

Moreover he burnt incense in the valley

in 2

of the son of

Hinnom] wanting
the seat of

K.

Added by

the Chroni-

cler as introductory to the this valley

mention of the

sacrifice of his son, since

was

The

valley of the son of

human sacrificial worship (cf. Je. 7"). Hinnom lies to the south and south-west
(cf.

of Jerusalem, the

mod. er-Rabdbi

And

he burnt his children] in 2 K. i6

GAS. /. i. pp. 173 ff.). "And made his son pass

Digitized by

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XXVm.

1-37.]

REIGN OF AHAZ
fire," i.e., sacrificed his

457
(v. i.).

through the

son

The

stories of

Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac (Gn. 22) and of Jephthah's vow (Ju. 11" ' - ) show that human sacrifice was not unknown in the early days of Israel, but it probably was of very rare occurrence
until the period of

Ahaz,
2i),

who

clearly fostered the rite, as did also

Manasseh
of
(cf.

(33* 2

K.

and thus in the later years of the kingdom

Judah it became a not uncommon feature of religious worship 2 K. 17" 2i 23' Mi. 6' Je. 7" 19* Ez. 16" ' Ps. 106" ). 4. And he sacrificed, etc.] (2 K. i6<) not merely allowed the people to do so, as the best of his predecessors had done. Under every spreading tree] a Deuteronomic and Jeremianic expression (Dt. i2 1 K. i4 2 K. 16 4 (here copied) 17" Je. 2" y- ). The usual rendering "green" is slightly misleading. The reference
is

not so

much

to colour as to condition

and

size.

large, fine

tree is

meant.

us. , At"88 -, #, + rnm, which makes a more suitable and so Ew., Th., Be., Oe., and Ki. Kom., BH. (doubtfully); but <S Blt follow and the variant* may be due to the influence of 27' * 29". However, 27' may be a marginal gloss to 28' which crept into the wrong place. ?nn] in Assy, inscrip. Ia-u-ha-H (KB. ii. p. 20, COT. on a K. i6 a) tiwrv, which is the full name. nw] many hss. and 2 K. i6 + vnSn probably a scribal addition, so St. 3. ojn p mi] so Je. 7- - i9- 32; ci o y 2 Ch. 33* Jos. 15* i8 2 K. 23'* Qr. (Kt. 'n 'M u); 'niwNe. n| 'a 'J Jos. 15* i8t. "?.'!] one its., <S, ft -^j, 2 K. 16* vsjtn, and so Be., Kau., Bn., but others hold that 13? is euphe1.

on*?
29
1

\3]

age,

cf.

mistic for the earlier iya, hence Ch. retains the original form, Ba., Ki.

SBOT.,
Bn., but

v. Geiger, Urschr. p. 305.

v] #,
is

# probably, as
disasters

elsewhere,

corrected from 2

K. a and so Oe., Ba., K. nw] 2 K.

+
sions.

BnH.

6-7.

The

through Syrian and

Israelitish inva-

Recorded as punishments for the idolatry of Ahaz.

where the
allied

The

results of the
in 2 K.,

war here given are very different from those mentioned

armies besieged but could not take Jerusaloss of

lem

(16*)

and caused the

Elath

(16*).

The

Chronicler's

account has been held to supplement the other (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.,
Ba.),

and probably some

historical events grossly exaggerated

un-

6.

derlie the stories of the captives

taken and of the great slaughter.

(cf.

The king of Syria]

i.e.,

Rezin

K.

i6* Is.

7'-

8).A

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458

CHRONICLES
Nothing
like this is

great multitude of captives].

And he was

recorded in

K.

hand of the king of Israel]. In 2 K. and Is. the invasion of the two kings is a joint one. Here 6. For the representation is of two independent ones (v. s.). Pekah slew in Judah one hundred and twenty thousand in one day]. Nothing of this is mentioned in 2 K. Such a great number of 7. And the slain is a usual feature of the Midrash (cf. 13").
also delivered into the

Zichri].

On the occurrence
i.

of the

name
The

cf. 1

Ch. S lt, for that

of of

the following names, v.

Zichri probably was a real hero

king's son]
if

northern Israel in this war (Bn.).

historical,
i.e.,

probably a brother or uncle of Ahaz.

Ruler of the house]

is

of

the palace, probably the treasurer or steward

36').

meant

(cf. Is.

22"

That was next

grand
I.

to the

king] scarcely the captain over the

host, but the

(cf.

vizier,

sometimes called the recorder p*?tP)

Now. Arch.
6.

p. 308).

prom]
ijt.,

cf. 1

Ch.

i8.

jru] <t

aorbp.

may have dropped out

oaijtt]

before the following to;

thus Bn. reads uro.

6.

in their foriii.

7.

saking,

because they had forsaken, causal clause, Koe.

403a.

<& Za%apiat. This is interesting because '-or is an abbreviation of wot, EBi. III. col. 329a. wrjra] (cf. 1 Ch. 6). opniy] cf. 1 Ch. 3".non] , V, inj.njpSit] cf. 1 Ch. 6.-T>on .wd] jwo
'-ui]

governing another noun in

cstr. St.,

Ew.

287

/.

8-15.
rash.

8.

The return of the captives. A good example of MidTwo hundred thousand, women, sons, and daughters] the
(cf. v. '

men

are assumed to have been slain

a prophet of Yahweh was there]. prophets cf. 12* 15' 20". 'Oded].
storer"
it

Nu. 31'- ). 9. But For similar intervention of

Since the

name means
in 15'

"re-

may have been

suggested by the incident, yet the same

name appears

of a prophet or

a prophet's father
the

f.On

account of the wrath of

Yahweh

God

of your fathers against

Judah he hath delivered them into your hand]. Therefore this victory was not due to Israel's prowess or an evidence of the righteousness of their cause, and hence also Judah should have
been treated with restraint instead of with rage which hath reached

up

to

heaven,

i.e.,

to

God, and thus commanded

his attention

and

rendered Israel liable to punishment.

10.

The purpose

also of

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XXVUI.

1-27.]

REIGN OF AHAZ
is

459

enslaving the people of Judah

most severely condemned.

Are there not

your God?].

surely with you, you even, trespassers against

Yahweh
13* ),

The

writer

had probably

in

mind

the guilt of the

(cf.

defection of the

N. kingdom,

especially in worship

hence they should not incur additional guilt by enslaving their

brethren.
limited period

One Hebrew might hold another (cf. Ex. ai Lv. 25"-" Dt.

in

bondage

for

I5"*")> but such

wholesale slavery of fellow-countrymen by reprisal in war was never

contemplated.
of Jericho
it is

(cf.

16. The city of palm trees] an alternative name Dt. 34* Ju. 1" 3"). Beside their brethren]. Jericho,

assumed, belonged to the N. kingdom but was in close prox-

imity to the territory of the southern.

8. B'phd] <(* rpiuicoalai.
1.

130, also

cf.

Koe.
101

iii.

361b.
1

Dav. Syn.
before the

inf.,

R.

(6).

9. pjn O'DcS omitted, as far as 10. aaS oSrrvi nw ya]

"ijl

ijjna] relative
to,

v.

S ip] unto,

for earlier ij,

obj.

a pure Aram, usage found occasionally in Heb., cf. 31' 36" (?) Lv. 19* ai Dt. a8 a S. ii Is. 40*. Ges. 1 14a/ n. a.cask] ojdpohk] on strengthens the pronom. suf. oa, cf. Je. 34"- Ne. $'.

Koe.

iii.

19, the position of the pron. in front rare,

iiti&t.

Ew.
cf. 1

31 1 a.

+ Kvplov QtoO.

13. w] d + wpis three > + * 16. upj] always followed by nwra, designated by name,
>\h]

cf.

Ec. a" Gn. 49*,

avi';

uss.,

also

Vk] in proximity
writings, cf.

Ch. 1 a".on'onjm t] their nakedness, denom. from Spi, sandal, cf. Ei. 16" (Qal)
to,

cf.

BDB.

nip

II.oiSpri] a

'worh^i] Ew. 310 a. beside, used after a verb of motion only in late
t-

Dn.

8'- .

16-21.

The intervention of the King

Ahaz sought
combined attack
of the

of Assyria.Accord-

ing to 2 K. 16'
against the
this

the assistance of Tiglath-pileser III

Kings

of Syria

and

Israel,

and

corresponds to the actual historical situation, but the Chroni-

cler's narrative of the return of captives destroys the

need for such

an intervention or aid

at least against Israel,

hence the Chronicler

introduces as the cause of this application for help the Edomite

and

Philistine invasions.

The Edomite

invasion, however,

suggested by the mention of the Edomite capture of Elath (a

and such an order of events are K. 16*

according to the true reading

the statement that

RVm.) in the verse immediately preceding Ahaz invoked the aid of Tiglath-pileser.

Digitized by

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4fo
16. At that time]
Israel,
*..,

CHRONICLES
and The king* of Assyria}.
meaning of
suffered at

the time of the disasters from Syria

a chronology derived from 2 K.

Tiglath-pileser III.

17.

For again]
(cf.
i.e.,

either with reference to the

*
)

former attacks of the Edomites

"besides," "moreover,"

21 *

or with the

in addition to the attacks of the

Syrians and the N. kingdom (Ke., Zoe.).

this

That Judah

time a loss of territory through the encroachments of Philistines

is

as well as Edomites

not unlikely, yet no mention of such a fact

1 .

appears in 2 K. or in
Aijalon].

18. Beth-shemesh]. Cf. Ch. 6" Gederoth] 15" f) mod. Katra, south-west from Jabneh. Soco]. Cf. 1V. Timnah] mod. Tibne,
Is.

Cf. 1 Ch.

6"

<>.

(Jos.

near Beth-shemesh.
east of

Gimzo] mod.

Jimzu, three miles south-

Lydda.
cf.

19.

Judah,

i2 io

King of Israel] equivalent to King of The same usage appears in v. ". 2i- *.
is

He acted without restraint] i.e., in irreligion or idolatry. 20. Came

unto him] in a hostile sense (Be., Ke.), yet this

not necessarily
not strengthen

implied by the Heb.

him].

And

distressed

him and did

Tiglath-pileser is thus represented as having

come to Ju-

dah, not as a deliverer, but as an oppressor and exacter of tribute,

taking even the treasures of the
narrative of 2 K.

and

the Assy. ins.

Temple and palace (v. ") The know of no such advent of

not at
all

Tiglath-pileser in Judah,

and

it is

probable that either

he (Ke.) or a detachment of his army (Oe.) entered Judah.

21.

For Ahaz plundered the house of Yahweh, etc.] an adaptation and wrong setting of 2 K. i6. An adjustment has been sought by a pluperfect rendering For Ahaz had plundered, etc. (Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but the Chronicler's meaning is clearly different. He connects this plundering the Temple with an oppression of the Assyrian and not with a gift to secure his help (Bn.). But it helped him
not].

Tiglath-pileser continued his oppression.

The gift, accord-

ing to 2 K. 16', did help

Assyrians,
Israel,

Ahaz

in securing the intervention of the

who attacked the kingdoms of Damascus and northern and removed Judah's danger from that quarter, but the Chronicler recognised nothing of this. Ke. and Oe. reconcile this statement with 2 K. by the interpretation that " It did not really
help him," since thereby Tiglath-pileser only strengthened himself

and made use of

his

power

to oppress Ahaz.

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XXVm.

1-87.]

REIGN OF AHAZ
one MS., Vrss., and
pi. in

461

16.

<:>Sc]

K.

16' sg.

and so Be., Oe., Ki. SBOT.,

doubt 17. iiyi] either and again or and besides. 18. fwija nm njon ph] wanting in <K*, doubtless by bomoeoteleuton. 19. Sm] <K, >, rnw and so Bn., but 41 is supported by the use of Smew elsewhere, for Judah (v. *.). pnen] acted without restraint. The verb has this force only here. Wanting in <S. Sipis*] inf. abs. continuing a finite verb, Ges. } 1 13*, Koe.
Bn., but from
3a* Ki. in

Kom.

expresses

iii.

ai8b.
lis.,

one

pjS.i] twenty mss.,<5* l 6, rtyn, cf. 1 Ch. 5*- ". !*] a', B, idhS^, cf. 1 Ch. 5* . ipm] not elsewhere trans. Better <V
1

80.

Wl

point

PL

ipin,

so Oe., Ki.

BH., Koe.
c/.

iii.

aioe.

31. pSn]
2

divided,

ije.,

plundered, only here in this sense,

Be.

22-25.

The

idolatry of

Ahaz.Based upon
(v. s.).

with entire reconstruction of narrative

of his distress]
v.

22.

K. 16"-", but
in (he time
(v. *),

And
him

i.e.,

when

Tiglath-pileser distressed

but

suggests the distress of the Syrian invasion.

(v.
'.).

Ki. follows <$

sacrificed
is

and connects with preceding verse

unto the gods of Damascus].
erection of
(v. s.).

23.

For he
(2

The

basis of this statement

the

The gods of the kings of Syria helped them]. Historically, Damascus fell before Tiglath-pileser in 732 B.C., the reference can only be to Syria's short-lived successes against Judah {cf. v. ),
since

an

altar patterned after

one in Damascus

K. 16"")

but the reference

of Assyria,"

fits

in badly.
fit

Ba. reads " the gods of the kings

simpler to think

which would

the historical conditions better, but

It is

those gods were not the gods of Damascus.

of confusion

on the part of the Chronicler. 24. And Ahaz gathered together, etc.]. These statements rest upon 2 K. 16" '-, which the Chronicler has interpreted in his own way (v. s.). He saves the sanctity of the Temple by having Ahaz* idolatries outside of its precincts, as though he had abandoned altogether the worship of Yahweh. In reality Ahaz introduced innovations in the Temple worship, which he seems to have assiduously cultivated. There is no reason, then, to think that the Temple was
closed during his reign.

This Ki. follows and renders <h rn*S ok

1

and joined to v. . (SBOT., Kom., but not BH.), also HWB. *, BDB.|Dim] impf. consec. after a determination of time Dr. TH. 127 (fi), Koe. iii. } 366I. ?ntc iSon tcvi] a late usage of the pronoun prefixed to the proper name for emphasis (BDB. p. 215 e):
88.
>S
1)

ijn npai] <K

iW'

rf

e\ipijrai airir
'3

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462

CHRONICLES
|Dvi.

" that king Ahaz " the subj. of

ing idk for
tnit.

01 al tlrer i p*<ri\e6t, read(<B

23. nan] (K8* acfifr^ru L firrV*) tr^tn * verb common Ch. us. and tSd, Ch. proii] certainly Here the read Qal D due Evpiov. rva 'Sam* BDB.24. O'nSKni] dittography, Ges. O'nSun] but presence V omits.oSrno] wanting *.26. 8"11" Est. a" Saa] ", Koe. by v.-OK ejyy] OK
in
cf. 1

i8.

aSc] i

01

ef. v. .

pi.

is

in place.

O'Tfj;?]

o<"vp,

to

530,

OS

<S oftrd,

in

</>*,

its

in

<K is testified
iil 90.

fcb . .

-i'jn

-vp

c/.

4*

'

pi.

Taken with variBook of the kings of Judah ini And was buried in the city even in Israel]. Cf. Intro, p. 22. Jerusalem; and (hey brought him not into the sepulchres of the Thus, according to the Chronicler, Ahaz was kings of Israel].
26. 27.
of Ahaz' reign.
ations from 2 K. i8'".

The conclusion

26.

dishonoured for his wickedness by not being buried in the royal

tombs.

This

is

an intentional departure from the text of 2 K.

16", which says " [Ahaz]

of David."
27.
3

was buried with

his fathers in the city

cf.

For other similar departures

a

21" 24" 26 M.
op.

wupn] <8,
*vpa.

K. i6
a
t.

najjj

and

K.

K. in

wptm]
+
35
1

+ wan

oSrrva vpa] 6,

4" a Ch. a8

K. wprn. The former is usual in Ch., 1 Ch. a Ch. -" also a K. ao" Je. 15* Is. i (and

trpw) Ho. t Mi. 1' (but in last three ' may be text, error for 1); the latter more common in 3 K. and elsewhere, a K. i6 18* + 34 t. (a K. 18-ai) Is. 36' + 31 1. (Is. 36-39) Je. a6'- 1 Ch. 3" a Ch. a9'- 30" 3a", (and rvpm) a K. 18 6 t. Pr. as Assy, inscrip. Ifa*aki(i)a* COT. on a K. i8> .
1

XXIX-XXXII. The

reign of Hezekiah

(c.

715-686

? b.c).

Hezekiah, according to 2 K., was a reformer in religious worship,

removing the high places and the brazen serpent which had been
worshipped (2 K. 18'), and likewise he was marked for his devotion to Yahweh and adherence to the commandments of Moses (2 K.
i8
').

He

thus became a fruitful subject for the Chronicler,

who

describes at length his reopening of the

tion of the Passover (c. 30),

Temple

(c. 29),

his celebraservitors

and

his

appointment of the

of the

Temple

(c.

31).

All of these acts are treated

from the point

of

of view of the Chronicler's

own time and

wi*hout the evidence

the use of historical records.

XXIX. The reopening

of the Temple.

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JOOX.

1-36.]

HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

463

Sources: According to KL (after Bn.), w. ' * are from 2 K., w. *-" M; w. " the Chronicler; w. * M; w. -* are assigned to the Chronicler

because they emphasise the activity of the Levites in the service of music

and song. Bn. calls attention to the divine command for the service (v. and also the command (v. ") and instruments of David (v. ), the words of David and of Asaph the seer (v. ) (cf. 1 Ch. 15' 25', where Heman is called a seer, 2 Ch. 35", where Jeduthun is also so called). While the introduction of the Levitical singers is emphasised, yet there is no such abruptness as implies an author different from that of the remainder of the chapter. Considering the chapter as a whole, the connection between v. and 28" shows that both chapters 29 and 28 are in all probability by the same author in all likelihood the Chronicler. The marks of the Chronicler in the w. -" M -* (assigned to M) are as follows

In
the
(1.

v.

yipor

(1.

115); in v.

Spo

(1.

68); in v.

(1.

117 b); in
rvjrn
(1. (1.

w.

'

list

of Levites; in
(1-

w.

'

Sap
(1.

(1.

103); in v.
in v.

'

30),

67), Spo
(1.

68); in v.
(1.

idk

4);

kSd

65);

noSo in v.

a-b

105),

miap

81).

1. 2.

Hezekiah's accession.

Taken from 2 K.

iS'-,

with the
18').

omission of the synchronism with Hoshea King of Israel (2 K.

open the Temple.With the rest of the chapter, from the Chronicler. The whole narrative is largely, if not entirely, imaginary, since in reality the Temple was not closed during the reign of Ahaz (v. comment on 28"). Yet this cleansing of the Temple has been taken as historical, meaning a rebuilding of the Temple (Winckler, KAT.* p. 272) (cf. note on Millo 32')
3-11.
to

The command

In the first month] i.e., of the sacred year, viz., Nisan (cf. 30* '). Hezekiah is assumed to have come to the throne shortly before this (cf. \.").Opened the doors, etc.] a summary of that which was
3.

accomplished during the

the east].

first

month.4.

Into the broad place on

This

locality

must be sought

in the

topography of the

period of the Chronicler.

The assembly of the priests and Levites

Temple
(so Be., Bn.), but the term

suggests the inner court of the

is

used for an open space outside the precincts of the Temple

Ezr. io Ne.

extending to the water-gate, where the people were wont to assemble

(cf.

3" 8

'),

and

since the

Temple was regarded

well have placed the
'

as closed and neglected the Chronicler

may

And sanctify the

assembly there.6. Sanctify yourselves].

Cf. v.

Ch.

i5'- ".

house of Yahweh] as was accomplished by its cleansing and through the offerings and services described in this

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464
chapter.

CHRONICLES

The filthiness] (mjil) often used of menstruation and hence a very strong term for impurity (v. BDB.); scarcely here the
abominations of idolatry,
i.e.,

utensils connected with idolatrous

worship (the view of Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), since the Temple was
supposedly closed, but the accumulated
Cf. uncleanness
filth

from

its

neglect.

(nKDBn) v. ".From (he holy place] (BHpO) from the entire Temple area (cf. holy place (BHS) in v. '). 6. Our

fathers],

And they have turned

Ahaz and

his contemporaries, since v.

suits these only.

their faces from the dwelling place

of Yah-

weh and have given him

the back].

These words are

figurative,

meaning they have ceased to worship Yahweh in his Temple (cf. 7. Also they have shut up the doors of the porch, etc.]. Je. 2" 32").
According to 28", Ahaz had closed the Temple and naturally
the
all

Temple worship of Yahweh ceased also. This is quite contrary to the facts narrated in 2 K. i6 1,u where Ahaz is represented as modifying the ancient ritual, but where are no indications of a cessation of the worship of Yahweh, but quite the reverse. On ike lamps, incense and burnt-offerings, cf. 13". 8. And the wrath of Yahweh was against Judah and Jerusalem]. Cf 24" 32". This wrath was seen in the disaster which befell Judah during the reign
,

of Ahaz, recorded in c. 28
spectacle; the

(cf.

28')-

terror] i.e.,

terrifying

24*

word is used in Dt. 2&a Ez. 23" and also in Je. 15* 34" and 29" with reference to the impending exile of Judah.
last

In the
hissing,

passage

it

is

joined as here with astonishment and

which also occur in Je. 25'. As you see with your eyes]. The disasters are meant which befell, according to c. 28, the people under Ahaz, through the wars with the Syrians, Ephraimites,
Philistines,

Edomites, and the oppression of the Assyrians.

Cf.
1

10.

Now it is in my heart].
i.e.,

Ch.

22'.

To make a

covenant

with Yahweh]
(cf. etc.].

to pledge oneself to keep the law of

23).

Yahweh

15" 23" 34" 2 K.

Cf. Dt. io", also

11. For Yahweh hath chosen you,

v.

Nu.

3' 8.

1.

vpm<] 2 K.
in
lit.
(

18'

mpm

28".

3.

wSoS

ml ty4mro
6. enpn]

i}*) fori} (

'Ejfc/a)

iwmn
d.

swa

kvi]

<$"
to

rijt /SwrtXtlat afrov.

the sacredness, here

and not infrequently applied

Temple and its precincts, v. BDB. vp 2. weak waw. utiSk] wanting in ". >py urm]
the

6.

wp]

pf. with

f\-\}

only here with

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XXIX.

1-36.]

HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

fig.

465

tru;

with njo in

278 d.

7.
t-

of apostasy Je.

thwn]

d toO

rcuQ.

nSp] used
Kt
cf.

a" 33".
Is.

collectively,

through

this

chapter.8.

njjw]

art., Ew. and so generally a8"; Qr. njgr. The same

njjjr

On omission of

variation appears in Je. 15* 24*

ao" 34", but Kt.

vrnotc]
1

in Dt.

a8
since

Ez. 23*

noS] wanting
"7
weak
quiet,

in

<$.9.

11s.,

<j*

ojj and

so

<P* throughout

the verse.

This alteration

is

intentional,

Hezekiah's father did not die by the sword, nor could his sons, daughters,

or wives be said to have been carried into captivity.

(1-

Verb
cf. 1

is

omitted

&)

+8
aa
7.

rat rC <<rrt).
ie"i]
1

nm

,3IM ]

** atr&r
'.

Sp] <K joins with v.

10.

onS nS f-ma

(<S BA

oa ? oy]
1

Ch.
juss.

with juss. to express design or purpose, Dr. Til.

60, Ges. $ 1650.

11.

<] wanting in
fie

OK.

iSrp]

Niph. impf.

nSf

fie

hence

(not)

negligent,

Niph. only here.

nvi<]

wanting in d*.

12-19.

The cleansing of the Temple.

In response to the

King's exhortation, fourteen Levites at once come forward, two

each representing the three great Levitical families Kehath, Merari,

and Gershon {cf. 1 Ch. 6' '), two the family of Elizaphan (cf. 1 Ch. 15*, where the family is also co-ordinated with Kehath, Merari, and Gershon), and two each the three divisions of singers Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun (cf. 1 Ch. 25'), and under their direction the Temple is cleansed. 12. Mahath the son of 'Atnasai] also in the genealogy of the Kehathite Samuel (1 Ch. 6" <M> q. v., cf.

also 31",

where Mahath again appears).

Jo'el the son of 'Azariah]

<"')

likewise in the genealogy just mentioned (1 Ch. 6"

#A '**
not

son of'Abdi] also in the genealogy of the Merari te Ethan (1 Ch.

6"

'">

written Kishi).

'Azariah],

Cf. 31", where he would seem

Jehallel'el]

to have been appointed ruler of the Temple.

elsewhere

among
Ch. 4").

the

lists

of Levites, but the

name
in the

of

a man of

Judah
6
'

(1

Jo'ah the son of Zimmah]

fragmentary

genealogy of a descendant of Gershon probably Asaph (1 Ch.

13. Shimri]. Cf. 1 Ch. q. v.).'Eden]. Cf. 31" 26" a Levite, 4" the name of a Simeonite, n" a father of one

'

of David's heroes f.

Je'u'el or Je'i'el]

a frequent Levitical name

but not elsewhere connected with Elizaphan.

Mottaniah].

and Both of these names occur elsewhere among Asaphites. For the former, cf. 2 Ch. 20" Ne. i2 M ", for the latter 11" 2 Ch. 20". 14. Jehu'el )]. Shim'ei] a frequent Levitical Ne.
-

Zechariah

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466

CHRONICLES
Heman.
(cf.

name but not

i

elsewhere connected with

Shema'iah]

very frequent name; also that of a descendant of Jeduthun in

Ch. 9".

'Uzzi'el]

a Levitical clan name

not infrequent of individuals, a Hemanite musician in

15.

Ch. is"), also i Ch. 35V

And sanctified themselves].

i.e.,

Cf.v.'i Ch. 15"- .By the words

of Yahweh]
the King's

according to divine appointment either because

agreeable to the law (Be., Ke., Zoe.) or

command was

given at the instigation of a prophet (a suggestion of Ba.

likely), or

and unwent

an example of hypostatisation, the

(cf.

pi.

being used where

the priests

the sing, might be expected

30").

16.

And

in unto the inner part of the house of Yahweh] i.e., into the Temple proper, the holy place and the most holy place without distinction,

where only the

Cf. v.
.

priests

were allowed to

enter.

All the uncleanness].

And the Levites took it]. Thus the work of cleansing the
the priests

Temple was divided between

unclean,
cf.

and the
place

Levites.

brook Kidron] on the east of the city.

15".

The

To the was regarded as

i.e.,

17. On the
To

first

of the first month]

to cleanse.

the

first

of

Nisan

(cf. v. ).

sanctify]

i.e.,

And on

the eighth

day came they to the porch of Yahweh ]. Eight days were consumed in cleansing the Temple courts, and then eight more in cleansing the
finished their

On the sixteenth day of the first month they work. 18. And then they came within unto Hetekiah the king] i.e., within the palace. And the table of show bread]. In 4" and 1 Ch. 28" tables are mentioned (cf. also 4' '). 19. All the vessels which king A haz in his reign had rejected in his trespass have we prepared and sanctified]. The reference is to the vessels described in 28" (q. v.) as "cut in pieces." Ke. and Zoe. refer directly to 2 K. i6" ", and think of the brazen altar of burntoffering, the brazen sea and the lavers. Be. and Oe. refer likewise to 2 K. i6*- ". It is not impossible that the author had these in mind; then we may render set up and sanctified (Ba.). And behold they are before the altar of Yahweh] the altar of burnt-offering in the court. This favours the reference to lavers which with the
Temple
building, hence

altar

were

in the court.

On the other hand it must be remembered that the writer was drawing
largely

upon

his imagination,

and evidently cared

with that of a K.

little

about accuracy

of detail, or making his account especially consistent either with his previous narrative or,

own

much

less,

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imt

1-36.]

HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

467
' **
<*,

12. wwp (bis)] ** Zax*ptov(ai) *1 VVF* * t D '] rdr vlQr TtiffUHl}3] flt8* oCrot viol.13. Smpi] Kt. but Qr.,

'WW

'TV
<K>.

17.
latter

!* ^jwj Kt; Qr., 16 no'iu] towards the

.

<*,

>, 9 "iv.
lit.

18.

V,

mm n<a wb] wanting in

cf. v. ' 2

inside,

faceward,

K. 7" Ez.

41'.

ruoPOvai] cardinal used instead of ordinal and a late usage, Ges. } 1 34^.-0 Wj] <K toi> mo, ^.
iiL $ 33if.

dt>

given; this

v.

.' CD'S]

S indicating length of time, Koe.

20-36.

The renewal

of worship in the Temple.

On the

day

after the completion of the

Temple, the King and the princes

sacrifice of bullocks,

early in the

morning presented a sevenfold

rams, lambs, and he-goats as a burnt-offering and a sin-offering for

the royal house, the sanctuary
(i.e.,

the priests

the people generally (w. "). This service

and Levites), and was accompanied with

one of song rendered by the Levites (w. -).

of free-will offerings

Then followed

gifts

(w. "). 20. And he assembled the officials of the city] as was customary on state occasions. 21. The seven bullocks, rams, and lambs were for a burnt-offering (cf. v. ), while the seven he-goats were for a sin-offering (cf. v. ); combined to-

gether they were an offering completing the purification of the

Temple and its rededication. The burnt-offering was a petition for acceptance and reconciliation or atonement with Yahweh (Lv. 1* ' 14" 16"). It was not necessarily connected with any particular

general

form of transgression, but served to express worship in and to atone, give a covering, for general sinfulness. The

sin-offering,

on the other hand, was expressly

sins.

for this latter pur-

pose and for specific

In Ezekiel

it is

prescribed for the dedi-

cation of the altar (43" ), the annual cleansing of the sanctuary

(45""")> tne consecration of

a prince and the people on a

priest to

festive

occasions (450

'),

and
In

for the return of

duty after

purification (44")-

P
4-

it

was prescribed
1

for the covering of

minor offences
of sevens

(cf.

Lv.

offered because seven

was

5 a sacred

'

ia-

).

Seven victims were

for other sacrifices

number

(cf.

Nu. 28" Ez. 45"). For the kingdom and for the sanctuary and for Judah] *.., for the royal house, for the priests, and for the people generally. 22. And the priests received the blood and threw it (from a bowl) against the altar] according to

the ritual of the burnt-offering

(cf.

Ex. 29" Lv.

i-

>).23.

And

they (the

King and the representatives

of the assembly) laid their

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468
2

CHRONICLES
ritual

hands upon Ihem] according to the

(cf.

of the

sin-offering

Lv.

4<- ').

This ceremony
i 4 ),

is

also prescribed in the case of

the

burnt-offering (Lv.

but

is

mentioned here to emphasise the sin-

The blood of the was manipulated differently from that of the burntoffering. It was placed upon the horns of the altar of burntoffering and poured at its base (Lv. 4"- "). To make atonement] lit. to cover over, a technical expression. Through the sacrifice a covering was secured so that guilt was no longer seen, but blotted out; and thus was hidden the sin of the neglect of the sanctuary and the failure to worship Yahweh. For all Israel] not only the members of the S. kingdom, but of all the twelve tribes (cf. 30 ) whose remnants were still in Palestine. 25. With cymbals, etc.]. Cf. i Ch. 15". According to the commandment of David]. Cf. &".And of Gad the king's seer and Nathan the prophet]. Cf. i Ch. 29". Neither Gad nor Nathan is mentioned elsewhere in connection with the music or songs of the Temple.For by the hand of Yahweh was the command by the hand of his prophets] i.e., Yahweh had commanded David through his prophets, presumably Gad and Nathan, to arrange the praise services of the Temple. 26. With the instruments of David]. Cf. i Ch. 23'. The instruments of v. are evidently meant. And the priests with the trumpets].
offering.24. With their blood upon the altar].
sin-offering
1

The blowing
i6).

of the trumpets

fell

to the priests

{cf. 5'* 1

Ch. 15"
it

27.

28. During the offering of the burnt-offering until

was ended the whole congregation stood worshipping, and the song of the Levites accompanied with the music of the stringed instruments and the trumpet-blowing of the priests continued (Ke.).
30.

supplementary service

is

not meant, but the writer calls

attention to the fact that the songs of the Levites were the words

of

David and Asaph

the seer,

meaning without doubt psalms such

as were being collected in his

own

time into the

Hebrew

Psalter;

and worshipful deLevites. And they bowed down and worshipped] probably only a concluding ceremony (so Ke.). 31. Then Heiekiah answered] responded to the services of sacrifice and song. Now ye have consecrated yourselves unto Yahweh] addressed to the priests and Levites who through the and he wishes meanour of the
also to emphasise the joyful

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HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

469

ceremonies just performed had been reconsecrated to the service of

Yahweh.
term
is

Sacrifices
i.e.,

and

thank-offerings] (fllTIJTI

DTOT

the

is

epexegetical)

sacrifices

which were thank-offerings.

The

first

generic.

The

thank-offering

was a

sacrifice

offered for

some

special benefit received; here

an expression of joy
in the

over the renewal of the worship of

ritual cf.
fat

Yahweh

Temple

(for

Lv. 7" which was burnt on the altar and the breast and right thigh, which fell to the priests, were eaten by the offerer and thus were an
).
sacrifices,

These

with the exception of the

occasion of a festive meal.

In the case of the burnt-offering and

sin-offering the offerer received nothing for his

own use (the former

was burnt

and the unburat portions of the latter belonged Hence ike burnt-offerings from the assembly are to the priests). mentioned as given by everyone of willing heart. They were a
entire

greater evidence of unselfish piety than the thank-offerings.

33.

And

the consecrated things] (D^ttHp)

*.).

*.,

the sacrifices, the thankthree

offerings (v.

Six hundred oxen and

hundred sheep].
all the

34. But the

and

Since these were thank-offerings, they were eaten by the people.

priests

were too few, so that they could not flay

strange in view of Lv.

burnt-offerings, wherefore their brethren the Levites did help them].

This latter statement

of the laity.

is

1" where the killing

,

flaying the burnt-offering is the duty of the offerer,

i.e.,

one

The

writer here, however, regards the flaying as the

assist, either

duty of the priests in which the Levites might

these were public offerings presented in the
(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), or because this
in the

because

name

of

community

development of the

cultus.

marks an intermediate stage (The Talmudic literature assigns

For
the Levites were

the slaughter to the priests.) (Bn.)

more up-

right in heart to sanctify themselves than the priests].

This judg-

ment

is either

a reflexion of the Chronicler's personal bias for the

Levites at the expense of the priests (hence Bn. assigns

w. u

' to

the Chronicler in distinction from his Midrash source), or

inferred

was

from the record of the subserviency of the priest Urijah to Ahaz (2 K. 16"), as though the priests had been more in the idolatrous movement of Ahaz than the Levites (Ki.). This is
accepted as the

36.

fact, as it may have been, by Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe. And also the burnt-offerings were in abundance, with the fat

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470

CHRONICLES

of the peace-offerings, and with the drink-offerings for the burnt-offer-

ings ].

Another reason why the Levites helped the priests in the flay-

ing of the victims

was because the

altar)

priests besides attending to the

proper altar service (the sprinkling of the blood and burning of the
sacrifices

upon the

were obliged to

bum

the fat of the peace-

offerings

and manipulate the

drink-offerings.

The

peace-offerings

wine and probably poured like the blood at the base of the altar (cf. Nu. 15 " v. Gray in loco; WRS. Rln. of the Semites, p. 330).And the service of the house of Yahweh was established]. Everything necessary for the cleansing and rededication of the Temple was accomplished (Be.); better the regular cultus of the Temple was re-established (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.). 36. Because of that which God had established for the people] i.e., the restoration of the Temple worship, which is regarded as a divine benefaction. For the thing
were the thank-offerings
(v. ').

The

drink-offerings were of

happened suddenly].

This change from apostasy to loyalty to

Yahweh took place almost immediately on Hezekiah's accession to the throne (cf. v. *). It was a common impulse of both King and people, apparently without any preparation. This, too, then was a
ground of great
joy.
is

Heb. word abs. Dn. 8- , cstr. sg. here and Ezr. 8* (n nKBn) f- '"uSdd-i] Bn. regarding kingdom as synonymous with Judah reads V?on. Ki. translates " konigliche Regerung." twh] d IcrpajK possibly with the thought that Judah had been expressed under rift flatriKcLai, \e. roSoD. -idh'i] and he commanded (cf. w. , 1. 4). 23. i-yv] the usual word for the he-goat of the sin-offering (cf. Ez. 43 s Lv. o>* + 9 t. Lv. Nu. v. BDB.). 24. ihmvi] and they made a sin
21. ovp n<os] t>b* he-goat
8- (fig.

late

with ovpn Dn.

of Alex.),

pi. (lit.)

iSon. "in] Ex. 39" Lv. 6" 9". 26. -im] <$, rod vpo<pfrov. ifan] wanting in >, >. 27. Snn nj] retrospective word suppressed, cf. jo" 84", Ges. 155/. *v Spi] <K rpot. \ with
offering,
cf.

t +

epexegetical force,

Dav. Synt. 136 R.

2.

1 (c),

Koe.
inf.

iii.

} 375c.
pt.

28.

Ch. 15*, 1. 44.30. are followed by V, Koe. Hi. p. 274 n.

onnro]

cf. 1

*S V?nS]

only

and
cf.

of V>n

^pn
0.

wa<i]

frequent construction, Koe.

iii.

346 e
art.

33.
rel.,

Nu. 18" Ez. 36".36. psnn] the

Ges.
138*',

as

a 35" Ne. io see Dav. Synt. 33 R. 4,

collective with pL,

O'rnpn]

Koe.

iii.

53c,

1.

119.

XXX. The
event
is

celebration of the Passover.Nothing of this

it is

mentioned in 2 K., and as here described

probably

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CELEBRATION OF PASSOVER

471

a purely imaginary occurrence, suggested by the Passover under Josiah (3 K. 33 )- Since Hezekiah was held to have been a reformer equally with Josiah, it was felt he too must have celebrated in a similar manner the Passover.
1

The chapter is assigned by

(and the Levitts,
instead of
etc.),

Ki,

Kom.

(after

Bn.) to

M> except w. '

as

which, from the reference to the musical service

of the Levites, are assigned to the Chronicler.

M* is given

source

M,

because to the latter

is

assigned the description of the

(c. 35), which in v. " (cf. 3 K. $") seemingly forbids a similar celebration under Hezekiah. This description here appears also an imitation of the other, with an endeavour

celebration of the Passover under Josiah

In both the Levites have prominence (cf. w. " * with officials provide the animals for the Passover (cf. v. " with 35' ); with the Passover other offerings are brought (cf. v. with 35"); and the celebrations surpass also any since Solomon The celebration under Hezekiah also surpasses (cf. v. with 35").
to surpass
it.

35* *); tbe

King and

that under Josiah, since this latter

former for

was for the Judeans only, but the and strangers (w. "); the latter lasted only a week (35"). but the former two weeks (v. ). Thus while both descriptions may have been in the same Midrashic source, it is argued that they were not from the same author (Bn.). Yet it is doubtful, however, whether both narratives in a Ch. may not have been written by the
all Israel

Chronicler under the influence of the current views of both of these celebrations.

The
:

following are the

in

marks of the Chronicler's

style,

omit

ting

w.
(1.

">

w. '
t>

nru*
(1.

(L 2); in v. in

inp Hiph.

(1.

90); in v.

Vjo 117

68); in v.

pi

78);

w.
(I.

'">

omission of the verb

(1.

h); in v. ' xfr (L 63); in v.

rel.

j> or

56); in v.

in w.'">-

omitted

(1-

"<>); "

"

P*1

0- 54)

in v. (to Levites) turn (L 69) oro

(L 48); in v.

noj V? inp (1. 91); and mS (I. 3); 'i mrytr (1. 109).

1-12.

The

invitation to the

Passover.1.
letters

All Israel] the

people of the N. kingdom.

to Ephraim and Manasseh] is added to avoid misunderstanding the meaning of Israel. Ephraim and Manasseh are mentioned not as tribes,

And also

he wrote

but as representatives of
the Dtic. law.
It
is

Israel.

This invitation presupposes

if

very

difficult,

not impossible, also to

conceive of Hezekiah as having historically sent such an invitation to the inhabitants of the semi-hostile

N. kingdom at the com-

mencement
verse).

of his reign before the fall of Samaria (v. following

2.

To

keep the passover in the second month].

The law

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472
(of

CHRONICLES

F) provided that persons unable to keep the Passover in the

first

month should
the second
Ba.)-

celebrate

it

in the second

month (^.Nu-o?-").

The whole connection shows thai the writer designed this month to be
month of
the
1

first

year of Hezekiah's reign (so Be., Zoe., Oe. t

Cf. the use of

consec. in
first

second month

and " the

nSvn v. '; the contrast between month " in ao- '; and the statement of
first

the
v. *

respecting the priests, which is to be connected with the account of cleans-

ing the Temple, which was not finished until the 16th of the
(29")
(v. .)

month

Ke.,

on

the other hand, feeling the historical improbability

of the invitation being given while the

especially in
v.

N. kingdom was standing, and

in

view of the implication of the captivity of Israel given in

and the destruction of the high places

Ephraim and Manasseh

mentioned in 31', held that this Passover took place after the fall of Samaria in the sixth year of Hezekiah. But here, as elsewhere, the
Chronicler
is

not troubled by historical inconsistencies.

it at that time (i.e., on the month) because the priests had not sanctified themselves in a sufficient number and the people had not assembled

3.

For they had

not been able to keep

14th of Nisan, the

first

together in Jerusalem].

The regular time for the celebration of the

first

Passover was on the 14th of Nisan, the

month, but at that

time (according to 29") the cleansing of the

finished,

Temple had not been

and hence

it

might rightly be assumed that

(v. also 29").

many priests
Yahweh

remained unsanctified
'*

The

priests also are held

to be slack in entering into the renewal of the worship of

(cf. v.

29 M ).

The

celebration then of the Passover under those

conditions

was not

worship, the people naturally

Jerusalem.

and until the Temple was ready for would not have been summoned to apparently was the view of the writer, and the This
feasible,

occasion of the statements of this verse.

that of Jerusalem
(cf. v.
*).

4. All the assembly]

6.

From

Be'er-sheba' unto Dan] the

kingdom of David and Solomon (cf. 1 Ch. of the N. kingdom was either ignored or more ai). The existence probably the writer assumed that it had already fallen (cf. v. ) For they had not done in great numbers according to that which had been written]. Only a few hitherto had observed the Passover according to the law (v. *'.). 6. And according to the commandment of the king]. The "and" should be omitted (v. i.).Ye children of Israel turn unto Yahweh the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel]
limits of the undivided

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CELEBRATION OF PASSOVER

473

addressed to the people of the N. kingdom with the assumption

that they were apostate
(cf. i3-").

are

left

from Yahweh, the view of the Chronicler That he may return unto the escaped remnant which of you from the hand of the kings of Assyria]. This state-

ment naturally presupposes the fall of the N. kingdom through Shalmaneser and Sargon (b.c. 723-731) (cf. 2 K. 17*), although it possibly may be satisfied by the some ten years earlier ravages and deportations of the north and north-east frontiers of N. Israel through Tiglath-pileser (cf. 2 K. 15" 1 Ch. $). It is not probable, however, that the Chronicleif drew at all this distinction, and it is
profitless to

attempt to adjust his statements to the chronology of the

(v. s. v.
)

events of the reign of Hezekiah

(Indeed this chronology

was not

clearly understood

by the compilers of 3 K. and the book

of Isaiah,

and

still
.

remains obscure.)

7.

Who

trespassed against Cf. 39'.

Even unto Zebulun] thus not to the extreme northern border, unto Dan, as might have been expected (cf. v. ). Those more northerly sections had been ravaged and the inhabitants deported by Tiglath-pileser (cf. v. ) (Zoe., Oe.), a fact the writer may possibly have borne in mind (yet cf. v. ). And they were laughing them to scorn and were mocking them]. Cf. for similar action in the S. kingdom, 36". 12. By the word of Yahweh] understood as by the words of Yahweh (so 11 q. v.) (Be., Ke., Zoe.); but probably an example of the hypostatisation of the word, i.e., the word was conceived of as an entity, almost as a mediating spirit between God and man (cf. 39" 1 K. 13'- " ' so" 1 S. 3*') (cf. Smend, Alt. Rlgngesch. pp. 87, 464). This conception may be regarded as a forerunner of the NT. doctrine of

As ye now most recent. 10.

Yahweh],

Cf. v.

So that he gave them

to desolation].

see].

The

disasters of the Assyrian invasion

were

the Logos.
1.

nruM]

letters, sg.

rngK

late,

probably a loan-word, Assy, egirtu

Est. o

(BDB.),

cf. v.

Ne.

a'-

6-

f.3.

'loS] 7

n?

vj,

according to what

was

sufficient, ijt.,

in sufficient numbers (Be., Zoe.,

Oe., v. BDB. no 1. e, Ke. ad sufficientiam qualitatively with reference to the priesthood, " many at that time not having renounced idolatry ").
6. "Ol tojpi] late usage of id? v.
1.

89.Sip]

proclamation,

cf. 4.

aiS] in great numbers (Be., Ke., Zoe., Ba., Kau., Ki., Bn., RV.); for a

long time (AV.,

RVm.); Meistens

(Oe.).

The former

is

preferable.

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474
6. O'rvi] the runners,
Est.
3><

2
\e.,

CHRONICLES
royal messengers, a late usage
is
(ef.

Je.

51"

8">

").
cf. v.

(g. v.).

nvuK]

This usage
'.

nwnai] many mss.

quite different from

'ai,

that of

ia"
'oa,

so also , t, followed correctly

/Art A*

by Ki. Kom.,

BH.Sh

two

'oa,

and one

(Yahweh) may bring back the escaped remnant. 'aSo] 4K, V, #, 8. oaei; wpn Sm] rwp is freq. thus used in the Hiph. sg. with pp (cf. a K. 17" Je. 7" 17" io e< a/, v. BDB.).*Vt un] lit. we fownf to, w., submit to, cf. nnn v jnj 1 Ch. 29". 9. o'Dtn ?] an intensive pi. with V either predicate with 03'jai oa'tw or the obj. of a verb understood; cf. use with pi 1 K. 8"Ne. n> Dn. iPs. nG">.awSt] inf. cstr. attached by 1, depending upon or a continuation of the verb which
have the

ai] <g rut a"i.

lies in

O'DmV, Ges. 114^, Dr.

TH. 206.10.
rr<n

o'"iay

nvm] the
more

pt.

here and in following clauses with

in

used to express the idea of

duration more distinctly or to render action more vivid, a usage

common

Dav. Synt. \ 100 R. 2., Ges. n6r. fT*a onoM] d i" rf 6pm 'E^pdtp. O'pwo] Hiph. used only here. O'jpVoi] Hiph. late, cf. Ne. a" Jb. ai* Ps. aa'; with S, see Koe. iii. ai2f. 11. vat] humbled themselves Niph. of y in reflex, sense common in Ch., cf. 7" ia- ' ' 32" 33"- ' 34"- 36". 12. -oia] many
late
style,

MSS.,

#,

8 '-a.
celebration of the Passover. 13. TA /earf 0/

13-27.

The

unleavened bread] properly a feast following the celebration of

the Passover
(Jos. Ant.
(cf.

Ex. 12 -" with "-", both passages belong to P)

1

iii.

5).

The

Passover originally was a spring festival

of

nomadic

life

with offerings from herds, which later was given

historical origin in connection

with the Exodus and joined with

the Feast of Unleavened Bread, originally an agricultural festival

of the opening of the harvest, but later, like the Passover, connected

with the Exodus (cf.Ex.13* *' *)

identified,

'^ie tw0 feasts here are practically

" Lk. 22'.In the second month].
altars which were by Ahaz (cf. a8M ). had cleansed the Tem-

as in the

NT. Mk.

14"

Cf.

v.

14. And they arose and removed the

the places for incense they took

in Jerusalem] the unlawful ones erected

The
ple.

people cleansed the city as the priests

Even

gloss defining the altars

more

particularly to

away] probably a conform with the

mention of the burning of incense in 28*

the brook Kidron].

And

cast

them

into

Cf. 29".

15.
v.

And

the priests

and

the Levitts
is

were ashamed].

Again, as in

29", a certain reproach

placed

upon the
forward

priests

and here the

Levites, as

though they were not

in the

renewal of the worship of Yahweh, but were only

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it

CELEBRATION OF PASSOVER
by a
feeling of

475

shame

(cf.

20") under the influence of

which they
better

sanctified themselves.

And they brought offerings into

for themselves (Ba.),
(cf.

the house of

Yahweh] as an atonement
them
is

a reference to the paschal lambs

(v.

35") and the

sacrificial

functions connected with

") (Ke.).

16. And they stood

to the

in their place according to their prescribed duty according

of Moses].

law

No

specific

law

here meant, but the general law

constituting the orders of the priests

tive functions.

The

priests sprinkling the

and Levites with their respecMood (upon the altar)

from the hand of the Levites]. According to Ex. 12% all the congregation slay the paschal lamb (i.e., each householder his lamb), but on this occasion the lambs were evidently slain by the Levites, owing to the unsanctified condition of the congregation (w. " '). Had the lambs been slain and their blood caught by persons Levitically unclean, the expiatory sacrificial blood would have been defiled. The same ritual was observed at the great Passover celebrated under Josiah (35"), and for a similar reason at the Passover celebrated after the Return, mentioned in Ezr. 6" '.18.

Ephraim and Manasseh, Issachar and Zebulun],

differs

This list of tribes

from that

in v. ", but in

both cases the writer mentions the

tribes

merely as an equivalent for the

men

of the

N. kingdom.

Had not cleansed themselves]. The causes of Levitical defilement

were very numerous and members of the N. kingdom, who were not
in regular connection with the priesthood

naturally be thought of as in a state of Levitical uncleanness

and sanctuary, might and

o).

thus unable lawfully to eat the Passover

(cf.

Nu.

19.

Yet not

according to the purification of the sanctuary]

i.e.,

without having

complied with the laws of purification.20.

Ijc.,

And healed the people]

This ceremonial
Physical

forgave

them

(cf.

Ps. 41'

<

Ho.

14' Je. 3").

transgression, like other sins, is conceived of as a disease, in the

thought of

its effects,

to be removed

by a healing remedy.
in the

sickness, or even death,

(cf.

may have been

Lv. 15' 1 , Be., Oe., Ba.; Ke., Zoe.,

mind of the writer reject this and think only of

The feast of unleavened bread]. Cf. v. . instruments of strength to Yahweh] instruments with which they ascribed strength or power to Yahweh (Ke.); loud

With

spiritual results).

21.

instruments (AV., RV., Zoe.), better, with

all (their)

might

(v. i.)

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476

CHRONICLES
This
last involves the

(Be., Kau., Oe., Bn., Ki.).

omission of
addressed

one Yahweh of the verse

kindly all the Leviles

(v. *.).

22.

And Hezekiah

who had shown good

skill in their

music

for Yahweh].

The King complimented

or encouraged the Levites

on

their playing.

And they
This
is

(the people) did eat the offerings of the

feast seven days].

(v. *.),

the best of the proposed renderings

harmonising completely with the remainder of the verse,

since peace-offerings were in reality festive meals of flesh.

thanks unto Yahweh,

etc.].

expression of penitence (so

Giving Whether this praise included an Be., Oe., EVs. making confession) or
(Ke., Zoe.), cannot be
is

was rather only

praise

and thanksgiving
*.).

determined, although the former

D^TiriD, giving thanks (v.

favoured by the usage of

23.

The

feast

was prolonged
This was done

seven other days, making a two-weeks

festival.

by reason

of the gifts of

sheep and

cattle

from the King and the

princes or officials (v. ").

similar fourteen-days festival

was

held at the completion of Solomon's

y), although then the extra seven days preceded the regular feast. 24. And a
(cf.

Temple

great

number of the priests sanctified themselves] and therefore the mentioned offerings of cattle and sheep were properly handled
(cf. v.

29").

26. The participants in the feast were (1) the people

and Levites (the
latter

of Judah, including the priests

gloss, so Ki.

may be a
(3)

BH.);

(2) the

people from the N. kingdom; and

the sojourners (0*13), proselytes from both kingdoms.

last cf.

On these

2"

<"> 1

Ch. 22 where they are gathered for service, but here

they have a share with native Israelites in the feast according to the

command

of Ex. 12"-

"

'.

26.
had

From the days of Solomon]. The

Temple had been

fourteen-days festival at the dedication of the

similar, but nothing like
it

since occurred.

14.

nnepon

f] <R i* ofi

UviuHaar

roft ftvitan,

in quibus idolis

adolebalur incensum, merely attempt to

v. s.

16.

make

this

reference clearer,
o'lSni.

wnprtM idSm oiSm

owum]
'-n.

&
an

omits

Sm and 8
1

Ki.

BH.

suggests the reading 'pnn

Since Levites could not offer

the burnt-offering, Bue.

{ZAW.
is

'99, p. 114)
1

omits

before O'iSn, thus

reading as in

v.

*',

considering this

insertion
for
at

This

is

doubtful, since there

no motive
assisted

by the Chronicler. adding the Levites here

the
burnt-offering,
cf.

(so Bn.).

The

Levites certainly

Digitized by

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XXXL

lj

DESTRUCTION OF IDOLATROUS SHRINES

Bn. considers
'vrt

477

nai]

a later addition. did; Sjj] a later equiv. noun inp (cf. 34" 3S> Ne. 8 o* 13" Dn. gi. it io ii) (BDB.).ooecos] cf. 1 Ch. 6" >.16. trow] many mss., 17. n? !] possibly abs. Koe. iL $ 367b; fern, form with col(t, I 'm. no<ne> f] act of slaying cstr. sg. of "(piMp, a lective sense ib. $ 355d. nominal form with the function and construction of the inf., Koe. iii. 18. main] great number, ef.gti Ch. ia 1 S. a" Lv. as"t 233d.
v. ".

inSai

of onnn, the only use of

wanting in Vrss.,

may have

3 p. pi., n assimilated before e, Ges. 54c. n with qamef in pause, hence o with fghol (cf. nnen Ezr. 6") as in Nu. 8', Ges. $ ajq, Koe. i. J 371. wSa] late usage, cf. 1 Ch. "ipa]. 1 3". The verse-division is difficult, making it necessary to supply
pf.

raphy from noio.

nn^n] Hithp.

crept in from v. ", or a dittog-

nSn after
Hezekiah.

"ipa,

with

Aben
is

Ezra, and to

make
is

the following jan refer to

( :)

Neither
"ipa

probable, hence strike out

Sa,

with

commentators.

governs

which

followed by

<, 1, and most ton understood,

iii.

and thus

cstr.

before the following clause, Ges. J 1394 n. 3, Koe.

RVm. reads "wm -ipa Asm </kj< settetk his whole heart. Ba. 337Yadopts the same construction, but transposes awn and governs with ipa.
The
i6-

adj.

occurs nowhere else with nvi\

setteth, etc.

He
1

translates

7"A

Lord

pardons the good even he that

".19. bvtShh] wanting

in <$, "B,

375^

21.

On ipa after "ia, t/ Lv. 9* 0.uSi] disjunctive, Koe. iii

1

tp 'Saa]

read jH>aa as in

Ch.

13*,

so Be., Oe., Kau., Ki.,

Bn.; also strike out, with Kau., Ki.

this

BH.,

the preceding

nwS,
. . .

since

"wi] was occasioned by the present reading. 22. aS Sp i/>a4e unto the heart, *\e. kindly, cf. Gn. 34* 500 Ju. 19* 3 S. 19* Is. 40* Ho. 3" Ru. 3" t- 3 Sat> o^aron] in the present context can only mean those who showed good skill in the art of music (Be., Ke., Bn.). For phrase a Sa*> cf. Pr. 3* 13" Ps. m". tpon pk lSami] is difficult

EVs. render they did eat throughout the feast, but Be., Ke., Oe., SS., they ale the offerings of the sacred season (v. .). <K read iSri and they completed, instead of V>aKM,

adopted by Ki.
:'

O'WD] Hithp. of m has force

Lv.
5*

confess in Ezr. io

Ne.
t.

Dn.
v. 1.

o-

possibly give thanks

BDB.
for

23. rmor] 30
'

16" a6" Nu.

uss., <$,
, f>

5',

here

'fa.

24. onn] (0
15", etc.
after
(8*,

///

26. nw] <J" omit, but add, ml waaa cywi] a phrase of D, 33". O'tou27.
D'Vwi
cf.

or

pt

sacrifice, cf. 35'-

also Ex. 35"

Nu.

IncXiprta 'lotta,

Many

mss.,
v. .

V,

'm, so Ba.,

KL, but

this is

probably a correction from

1.

XXXI. (Assigned by Bn. and Ki. directly to the Chronicler.) The destruction of idolatrous shrines.The fourteen days of
movement which
led to the

the feast culminated in an iconoclastic

destruction of the high places with all their equipment of pillars,

poles (asherim),

and

altars

throughout both the N. and

S. king-

Digitized by

Google

478
doms.
In a K.

CHRONICLES
though confined evidently

i8<, action similar to this,

is

to the S.

kingdom,

ascribed to Hezekiah.

1.

pieces the pillars

all

and hewed down

the Asherim].

Cf.

Judah and Benjamin] the S. kingdom (cf. Ephraim and Manasseh] representing the N. kingdom. 2-10. The organisation of the priests and of theLevites.and their bountiful support.2. Hezekiah appears here as the restorer
of the priestly organisation for the service of the

And brake in 14:Oul of 11"). And in

Temple, even as

David was
in the

its

founder.
(cf.

The

courses] the divisions for service

Temple

Ch.

24').

After their courses] after those

of the

already

established,

renewal

old order which

fallen into disuse

during the reign of Ahaz.

Of the

priests

had and of

the Leviies].
offerings
i.e.,

The former were

appointed for the service of burnt-

and of peace-offerings; the latter to give thanks and praise, render the service of music, and (following the order of 9
in the gates,
etc., i.e.,

v. i.) to minister
1

to serve as gate-keepers

(cf.

Ch.

26').

The camp of Yahweh] a

'

figurative expression for the

in the wilderness

Temple, derived from the story of the tabernacle

(cf. 1

Ch.

9'

Nu.

2")-

3.

And

the portion of the king from his

. . .

property he appointed for burnt-offerings

according to the

law of Yahweh]. The reference is to the and yearly public offerings (cf. 1 Ch. 23"
28. 29.

daily, weekly, monthly,

'), commanded in Nu. These were, with prescribed amounts of wine, oil, and meal, a daily sacrifice of two lambs, one in the morning and one in

and then the additional sacrifices, on each Sabbath first day of each month seven lambs, one two bullocks, and one he-goat; on each day of the Feast of ram, Unleavened Bread the same; on the day of first fruits (Pentecost) the same; on the first of the seventh month the same, less one bullock, on the tenth of the seventh month (the day of Atonement) the same as on the first (irrespective of the two goats and bullock
the evening,

day two lambs, on the

on the first day of the Feast of Tabernacles, and one he-goat; and on each succeeding day of the feast the same less each day one
mentioned
in

Lv. 16)

fourteen lambs, two rams, thirteen bullocks,

bullock, until the eighth day,

(cf.

when only one

bullock was offered

Gray, Com. on Nu.).

sacrifices

According to Ez. the duty of providing

i.e.,

such public

devolved upon "the prince,"

the

civil

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XXXL

a-ai.]

PROVISION FOR PRIESTS AND LEVITES

(cf.

479

ruler of Israel

Ez. 45"

46'),

and thus the Chronicler naturally

portion of

thought of such provision

the priests

made by Hezekiah.4. The

and
tithes,

and

the Levites] first fruits

(cf. v.).

and reserved
to the

portions of sacrifices

That they might hold firmly

law of Yahweh] i.e., devote themselves to the law of Yahweh, or more clearly to the services of worship required by the law.
Perhaps the reading of <K
should hold firmly
(v. i.)

should be adopted, that they

of the house of Yahweh.
priests
(cf.

to the ministration

The

object

was

that the Levites

and

might not be com).

pelled to labour for their subsistence

Ne. 13"

6.

And

when the word

(the royal

command) was spread abroad the children

etc.].

of Israel gave in abundance,

This and the following verses

of v.
i

describe the fulfilment of the

tion of the priests

command

to give the por-

and

the Levites.

This portion was understood

according to Nu. 18"

priests,

'-, where the first fruits are the due of the and Nu. 18", where the tithe is the due of the Levites First fruits of grain, new wine and oil, are (cf. also Ne. 12"). commanded directly for the priests in Dt. i8 (cf. Ne. 13"); the first fruit of honey is mentioned only here, although inferentially commanded in Lv. 2" '-. (On grain, new wine and oil, cf. 32".) The children of Israel] either the inhabitants of Jerusalem (cf.

v. ') (Be.,

Zoe., Oe.) or the

Judeans

in general (Bn.).

And

the

tithe of all

brought they in abundantly].

They were not

niggardly

in

making

their tithes, as is further illustrated in w.-.

6.

And

the children of Israel] the inhabitants of the

better the inhabitants of the

N. kingdom

(Be.);

N. kingdom who dwelt in

the cities of

Judah,

i.e.,

those

who had

migrated into Judah and there settled

(Ke., Zoe., Oe., Bn., Ba.) (cf. 10" n" 30").And of Judah]. These words appear superfluous and may be omitted as a gloss

(Kau., Bn.).
of Israel of v.

If retained,
*

then the contrast

is

with the children

(v. s.), restricted to

the inhabitants of Jerusalem,

while the children of

The

tithe of cattle

Judah here would be the other Judeans. and sheep] not mentioned elsewhere except in
is

And the
(Bn.).

Lv. 27"-".

(A

royal tithe of cattle

alluded to in

1
if

S. 8'.)

tithe of the dedicated things]

an obscure,

not im-

possible, phrase

hence

tithe

may be

omitted as a dittography

The

dedicated or holy things, then, include all the gifts

/~

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4&>
2

CHRONICLES

which the people brought. The tithe was a holy thing (Lv. 27"), and first fruits might be equally so regarded (cf. first loaves of new
harvest, Lv. 23", fruit of trees of 4th year, Lv. 19*).
If tithe is

retained, ings,"

it

may

be taken as the equivalent of "the heave offeri8-

'

"the contributions," the terumoth (Nu.

cf.

v."),

"which was a remnant of that which was consecrated to Yahweh,

as the tithe was a remnant of
(Ke., Zoe., Oe.).
all

the cattle and

field

produce"

On
i.-M.

first fruits cf.

11.

m Nu.

Ex. 83" 34" (JE.) Dt. i8 36'" (D) Ez. 44" Lv. 23 i8 (P); on tithes cf. Gn. 28" Am. 4* Dt. i2- 14"

26'*

originally
cal.

* Nu. iS*-". A sharp line of distinction was not drawn between tithes and first fruits. They might be identiThe legislation concerning them preserved in the OT., while pro-

Lv. 27"

gressive, is neither

166 ff. vy>ff.\ Gray, Comm.

p. 95 ;

(v. Dr. Comm. Dt. pp. Nu. pp. 225^.; Harper, Comm. Am. and Hot. Moore, EBi. IV. col. 5102). The Chronicler also has given an

uniform nor entirely consistent

ideal picture of these contributions for the support of the priests

and

Levites as

an

object-lesson for his

own

times.

7. In the third month they began

they finished].

and in

the seventh
fell,

month
the

The

third

month,

in

which Pentecost

was

time of the finished grain harvest, and the seventh month, in which
the Feast of the Tabernacles
of orchards
fell,

was the time of the finished harvest

and vineyards.

10.

And

'

Aiariah] the

name

like4'),

wise of a priest the son of Zadok, of the time of Solomon (1 K.

and a
s
..t

chief priest of the time of Uzziah (26"-"),

cf.

also 1 Ch.

priest]. (Rin jHSH) cf. 1 Ch. 27*. Zadok] distinguished from the house of Ithamar, Of the house of to which Eli was felt to have belonged, and which, according to

(6-"). The high

K. 2"- M ,

lost the

priesthood of the

Temple when Zadok received

priestis

the office in the place of Abiathar.

According to Ezekiel, the

In
(the

hood was

of the house of

primal father of

Zadok (Ez. 44'). the priests. The offerings]

P Aaron

the

fr&mah heave-

offering) the portions of all sacrifices, especially of meal-offerings,

sin-offerings,

and trespass-offerings, which were reserved for the and their families (cf. Nu. I8 1 -"). Since the opening of the Temple these had been so abundant that the priests needed but little of the first fruits and tithes for their support.
priests

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xxxta-ai.]

PROVISION FOR priests and levites

PL
after prep.,

481
Ew.

1. n'jjS] inf. abs.

late usage,

Koe.

iii.

$ 235b,

3*5 (3). but cp. n. 1; cf. 94".2. O'iSSi] BUchler (ZAW. 1899, p. omits here and inserts after a<cW>i, since it was the duty of the priests to officiate at the sacrifices, and it belonged to the Levites " to minister," etc., but the Chronicler may have assumed the division of labour to be
well

m)

known.

SSnSi nnnSl mrSj.

wanting in 8, <S
3. n$!p]

&

reverses the order, better suited

to the context, since the giving of thanks, etc., gates."

1

was not

likely " in the

cf.

nunD] Ch. 9"

'-.

oTxov,

but both probably read si,

nr

in constr. cf. Ges. } 95*.

%, probably due to dittography. ww->] cf. 1 Ch. 27". n^prn] governed by S in nV?pV. A. idi'V| late use with force command, see BDB. ibii, QaL 4. nw mina] <$ iv rg 'KurovprfUf. otmv Kvptev no rnt^p

6. r3i] mi rpovtrafyr. 6. nim] seems nwi joined with on so Kau., Bn. carvn]
nvv.
<B
<S

rS>S] wanting in

d,

'Ml]
to

>ia

which

"nn*"

is

v.

be a

gloss, cf. 1

<K '<ni.

01] <B,

V +

wan.
(xjn,

o<np "Wjoi]

K. 12",

is

dub.

Bn.
1

strikes out '81, so also

KL BH.

doubtfully.7. TO'S]
71.

point tiB' ? according to

Ben Naphtali, Ges. J}

retained
like

orthographically, but is assimilated to the following consonant

verbs

I'D.

The
no ?]
1

peculiar order object, infinitive

is

due

to

Aramaic

influence,
n. 2.

10.

Dav. Synt. $

in

R.

3,

Dr.

TH.

for K>?n^ as in Je. 39'; or for

208 (3) Obs., Ges. $ 142/ maS, Koe. iii. J 215b.

began
to

In the

latter case translate, since the offering

come

to the

house
.

of Yahweh.

If H'aS

man ?, on
1

order

object, infinitive, v. s. v.

anS
Koe.

v ironi jnaw Sun]

iii.

inf.

abs. for finite verb in asyndetic clause,

first

317b.

Instead of

pers. pi., the clause

may

be trans-

lated, there is eating,

read after <&

and abundance remaining. nu rareXfurofur, ttjijj, Oe., Kau., KL, Bn.

and
satiety

invn]

11-21. The care and distribution of the provision made for

the priests and Levites.The contributions of
first fruits, tithes,

and offerings enumerated in w. ' were stored, under the care of Conaniah and Shimei and their subordinates, in the chambers of the Temple, w. ', while the distribution of these and all priestly portions was in the charge of Kore and his subordinates (w. " '),

who were

in the priestly cities,

and gave

to the priests

and the

Levites according to their order of service, and according to the

11. The chambers of the house of Around the holy and most holy places of the Temple, in three stories, were series of chambers (cf. 1 K. 6) adapted for store-rooms. 12. Conaniah f] "Yahweh has established," EBi. III. col. 3282. Shime'i] very common name, cf 1 Ch. 3> et al.
enrolment of their families.

Yahweh]

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CHRONICLES

482
13. Jehi'el].

Nahath\

Cf. 1 Ch. 15".*Azaziah]. Cf. 1 Ch. 15". Cf. 1 Ch. 1" 6"<>.'Asah'el] name of Levites 17* Ezr.

10", elsewhere only of Joab's brother 2 S. 2"

ii ay.Jerimoth].
12',

Cf.

Ch.

7' i2

Jozabad],

et al.

Ch. 2"

Cf. 1

Ch.

here perhaps the same as the chief of the Levites mentioned

Cf. 1 Ch. 5"

in

35'.Eli'el].

6" <">
1

sustains."Mahath].

Cf. 29"

is- ".Ismachiah] "Yahweh Ch. 6" <>.Benaiah]. Cf. 1

'.

Ch. 4" 15".

'Azariah] the chief priest mentioned in v.

Cf.
1

Ruler of the house of God].

Ch. 9''.14. Kore].

is

Cf.

9", where Shallum the son of Kore

chief gate-keeper,

1 Ch. and 1

Ch.

26',

Imnah] (son
should read
(1

where Meshelemiah the son of Kore is a gate-keeper. of Asher 1 Ch. 7") only here a Levite, perhaps we

"Heman"
and Kore

(JOTI instead of ri3D , ) )

(1

since

Heman
first

Ch. 6"

<)

Ch.

26')

both belonged to the family of

Korah.

Was

over the freewill offerings of

God] not the

fruits (the

view of Oe.), which along with the tithes were comthe law, but
all offerings

manded by

voluntarily brought to
(cf.

God,

those not in the ritual, but pure thank-offerings

Lv. 23" Dt.

12"), in order to distribute of these the reserved portion of

i.e.,

the share of the priests

i.e.,

(cf.

Lv. 7"- -

io*

'

Nu.

$')

Yahweh, <d also

the most holy things,

trespass-offerings

the portions of the sin-offerings

and

sanctuary
Ke.).

(cf.

which were to be eaten by the priests in the Lv. 2- ' 6" '> - "> J* io'- " 14" Nu. 18'- ) (Be.,

The freewill offerings might also include gifts for the Temple gold, silver, utensils (so here BDB., cf. in connection with the tabernacle Ex. 35" 36*, and the second Temple Ezr. i 8"), but

better as above.

15. 'Eden f]
>

(v. *.).

Miniamin]
(cf. 1

(v. i.) this

form
(

of

name Ne.

12"-

usually

Mijamin

Ch. 24' Ne. io "

12"- ") 12' Ezr. io M f) five persons. Jeshua'] Levitical and priestly name of frequent occurrence (cf. 1 Ch. 24"). Shemaiah,

Amariah, Shecaniah are three names occurring very frequently in

lists

of Levites.

These subordinate Levites were in

the cities of the

priests (cf. Jos. 2o-') to distribute to their brethren

by courses

(i.e.,

according to the divisions of the Levites for service) as well to the

great
(i.e.,

the old) as to the small

(i.e.,

the young).

All Levites

who on account
ment
(cf. v. ')

of their age or youth or the term of their appointin the priestly cities

were

were to receive their portion

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xxn.

a-ai.]

PROVISION FOR priests and levites

This portion, the understood object of
first fruits

483

of the offerings.

to give,

included not only shares of the contributions and the most holy
things of v. ", but also shares of the

and

tithes.

Practi-

cally shares of the most holy things in

literal

sense could not be

given to residents of the priestly

cities, since,

as already mentioned,

they were required to be eaten at the sanctuary.

exception of those registered of males
limitation of v. ".

In the priestly

16. With the from three years, etc.] & cities no portions were given to

who were in service at Jerusalem, nor to the children of their families, who seem to have accompanied their parents From three years old and upward]. Priests and to Jerusalem.
those residents

Levites began to receive public support evidently at the age of

three years.

Children under three years were reckoned naturally

as nursing babes.

For

the thing of each day]

*..,

as the duty of

each day required (RV., Kau.), better/or his daily portion (RVm.,
Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.) (cf
registration of the priests it
fathers'

Ne.

n").17. And

in regard to the

houses)

was according to their families (fit. the now the Levites from twenty years old and
was
strictly

upward were
service)
ical,

registered by their divisions in their courses (for

].

The

registration of the priests

genealog-

while that of the Levites was, according to the classes, based

upon the time and manner of their service. From twenty years old and upward]. Cf. 1 Ch. 23"- ". 18. And to register (i.e., with the purpose of registering) their children, their wives, and their sons, and their daughters, of the entire congregation (i.e., of the entire

priesthood)] according to Be. a continuation of to give (SV\b)

(v. ") after the parenthesis

(w. "

')

"The men in
So

the priests' cities

also

were

to register their children, etc."

likewise Ke.

(whom
)

Zoe., Oe. follow), but he renders to give to their brethren (v.

.
.

and to the registered of all their children, their wives and their sons and their daughters, to the whole multitude (*'.., of the wives, sons, and daughters) (so also Be., for ^HS). But it is better with
.

Ki.

Kom.

to regard v.

'

as a continuation of the description of the

served as an enrolment of every

registration of v. ".

It

member
were
so

of the families of the priests.

For they in

their faithfulness

wont

to consecrate themselves

in holiness].

The enrolment was

complete that every

member

of the priests' families received his

Digitized by

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484

CHRONICLES

share (as a reward), because the priests so faithfully, especially in

the matter of purifications, performed the duties of -their holy
office,

or the passage

may

simply

mean they

sanctified or busied

themselves in a holy manner with the distribution of the sacred

portions (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki.).

Kau. considers the meaning

so doubtful that he leaves the words untranslated.

19. Also for

This con-

the sons of Aaron the priests, in the suburbs of their cities, in each city,

were

men

appointed by
to every

name

to distribute to every

male among the

priests,

and

one registered among the Levites].

cludes the description of the enrolment and the distribution

tioned in
to v. ",

men-

w. "

'

(so Ki.).

Others regard

this as

supplementary

drawing a distinction between the priests residing in the and those in the suburbs (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.). But that such a distinction was really drawn between priests residing in the cities or towns and those dwelling in the outlying fields, if there were such dwellers, is extremely improbable (v. *., Bn.). These w. '- are probably a late addition (so Ki. Kom.).
cities

13. ovr-ipm] wanting fa <$.wnu] Kt. 'jw, Qr.

*

'jj cf. 1

Ch. 15*-

*>.

some Heb. uss. in Kennic. viyjg, and so fc. <* BL 'Ofrtu but * Ofufut, which must either be a correction from or original <$, more likely the latter. 1 et Atarias. vi'jai] <$ + not oJ viol airroB is based on an ancient dittography or conflated. vtmw] v. s. v. >. 16. pp] cf. ao". j'0'i] 3 Heb. uss. in Kennic and Vrss. (except V) 'a\ so KL Kom. The more difficult reading of should be retained. ipa] Bn. corrects to 'i Sp, according to & 84 x/>&>. but <$ more likely misread *V3 for 'ipa. 16. ocmnn -uSd] <$ Incur rfy htiyatijx which
(probably
<$)

Xurtriat favours

Kt. 13.

wnjrt]

os^ri vhtf, but " tnrot ( laSc), possibly .iwa ov "wS] cf. 8", 1 Ch. 16". DrpnipSnDa] other uss. 'oa. 17. nm] an example of a late usage where nH or rm is used to give greater definiteness at the mention of a new subject and hence may be rendered as regards (Be., Ew. $ 377 d, BDB.

Bn. thinks

may

represent

the origin of

Kom., BH.O'Am] transIn <$ nnvupSnoa follows ciSm. Neither 'hange improves the text Bn. follows the order of 4 and omits onvmaroa (w. '.). 18. wnpn] 3 uss. 'nn. 19. ewrwi VaSi] inf.
rot S).

<K read

nm

adopted by
after

poses, placing the

word

KL wan.

cstr.

as subst., Koe.

iii

J 333a.

SO.
aa

nonni].

The
its

use of the noun ddm

apposition Je.

with the preceding adjectives corresponds to

force of an adj.
(cf.

frequent use with the

io>, fa

as pred. Dt.

K.

io*

Dn.

Digitized by

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1-23J
io> Pr.

THE INVASION OF SENNACHERIB

?).

485

aanh

21.

trrh] either

inf.

of purpose (so rendered by Oe.,

Kau., Ki.) or of circumstance Ges. 11 40. Bn. adopting substantially the readings of <K
explanation of

(v. .),

gives the following

Jerusalem
defines

w. ->: There is no reference to a distribution outside of until v.". The distribution (v. u ) takes place under the
and
v.
>

oversight of the priests instead of "in the cities of the priests";

more

exactly the distribution:

it is

made

to

each one with his

(<S

offspring, to the males from the age of three years, etc.

(ormnn

oeronro) is

regarded by Bn., and rightly, as a gloss).

The

registrations (v. "),

upon

which the distribution was based, were by the priests according to families, by the Levites according to their courses or divisions for service. V. " then came from the hand of a reader who observed that v. " did not harmonise with v. *, since v. ' presupposed that the children were registered, therefore he wrote on the margin, that which later entered the wrwin later corrupted to nvnnS, and also at the end of the text: Their registration was verse irmn' later corrupted into tnp wnpn\
with
all their offspring, their wives,

the whole congregation, for they

tion

is wanting in (t. can designate the priests and the Levites. Since the conclusion of the verse is corrupt, the present words might be understood of sanctifying, i*.,

Their wives

and their sons, and their daughters, of were conscientiously (mil Treue) enrolled. It is uncertain also whether bnp congrega-

bringing (Hiph. instead of Hithp.) the holy dues, and one may have sought
in the verse the notion [hence Snp Ss] that exact
lists

of the congregation

were kept through which could be determined whether all contributed their dues. With this explanation of w. u ' agrees the thought of v. ", that the product of the land of the priests was distributed only to the

male members of the families and those who had been

registered.

XXXII. 1-23. The invasion of Sennacherib.Based upon

the narrative of a K. i8"-io*', but freely
icler
(cf.

composed by the Chron-

with great abridgment and the possible use of other sources

).

w.

Bn. and Ki. assign these verses to

Wortlaut) dependent
tion of Lachish.

M. The

former says:

"The
nicht in

narrative is neither in style nor diction (nicht literarish

und

upon

Cf. O'nea

K." Yet cf. in v. and 3 K. 18" the menon* no Sj> (v. ) with ma preun no

nnsa (3 K. 18") (both utterances of Sennacherib) ; cf. n*DB (v. >) with n<D> (3 K. 18"); cf. v. " with 3 K. i8>">, the latter contains the thought of the

with 3 K. i8; w. with 3 K. i8-; v. with 3 K. 18"; K. i8 io- " ' (v. also v. ); v. ' with 3 K. i8; v. with 3 K. io>; v. with 3 K. io- ; v. " with 3 K. io-". (On w. " v further '.) These parallels are all sufficient to show the dependence of onr narrative upon the other. This chapter b also an immediate continuaformer; v.
v.

" with

Digitized by

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486
tion of c. 31, as appears

CHRONICLES
these things in v.

from After

noM

faithfulness

(cf.

31").

The

following
(1.

style also appear:

In v. pmrvi

38),

in v.

jinn

(1.

a8); in v. iiy (L 84); in

it

', and the use of marks of the Chronicler's rftp (1. 114) and atS (L 105); w. " mrmn (L 6 and 91).

These marks,

must be acknowledged, are not very numerous, but yet

composition of the Chronicler.

sufficient to suggest the

The

subject

may have

led

him

to write

style less

awkward than

usual.

1. After

these things

and

this faithfulness]

the reforms of

Hezekiah described
exact chronology.

in cc. 29-31.

The

writer has

no

interest in

The The

invasion of Sennacherib, according to 3

K. 18", was
B.C.

in the fourteenth

year of Hezekiah's reign

(v.

com-

mentaries in loco).

date as fixed by the Assy. ins. was 701

affect the interpretation of

The

question of the second invasion of Sennacherib in

691 (Winckler's view) does not

Chronicler's narrative.

the

And encamped

against the fortified cities

and he thought

to

break into them and so bring

them unto

himself].

According to 2 K. 18", Sennacherib took these cities, and according

to the Assyrian account they
2 94#0-

were

forty-six in

4> And they stopped

all the

springs

flowed through the midst of the land].

in the

number (COT. pp. and the brook which There are no living springs

immediate neighbourhood of Jerusalem, except the single

hill on which Temple stands. The writer then is either describing the closing of springs which now no longer exist or of artificial reservoirs; or, the more probable view, we have a mere legendary extension of the diverting of the waters of the Gihon. This Gihon or Virgin's Spring is in a cave on the east side of the city without the wall, and its waters appear originally to have flowed into the Kidron valley and thus would have been a source of supply to besiegers; but later it was diverted through a tunnel cut in the rock south-west and west for a distance of some 1,700 feet through the south head of the east hill, on which the Temple stood, into the pool of Siloam in the south-east part of the city. In this tunnel was discovered, in 1880, an inscription in pure Hebrew recording the making of the tunnel; and, while no date is given, there is no doubt that this is the engineering work of Hezekiah referred to in v. " (2 K. 20") and also here. He stopped the brook which flowed through the

Gihon, the present Virgin's Spring, at the foot of the

the

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1-23.]

THE INVASION OF SENNACHERIB

its

487

midst of the land by diverting the course of

waters so that they

no longer flowed down the Kidron valley, but to the pool inside the city wall. 6. And he built up all the wall that was broken and upon it towers* (v. i.) and another* (v. *.) wall without]. Hezekiah not only repaired the city wall and built towers upon it, but also, as a further means of defence, an outside wall. This last statement has been thought to be confirmed by the discovery of the remains of an outer wall "which may date back as far as Hezekiah," enclosing the pool of Siloam on the south-east. (Ba.

with reference to Bliss's Excavations at Jerusalem, 1894-97, pp. 96/. 325/.) The Millo in the city 0/ David]. Cf. 1 Ox. n*
'

Winckler regards, without

to the

sufficient reason, the

Millo as equivalent

Temple (KA T.* p.

(1*1717

272).

And he made missiles]. The word

is

missiles
cast:

used collectively) properly means anything that

hence weapons of defence, darts, or even stones to be hurled

wall.

from the

6.

The broad
is

place of the gate of the city].

Alis

though no particular gate

to the broad place
half

mentioned, the reference probably

on the

east

mentioned

in 29' q. v.

7.

Cf.

on

first

20" Dt. 31" Jos.

cf.

i*.

8. An arm of
<>.

flesh] a merely

human

support,

Je. 17* Is. 2i Ps. 56

The

repeated "with us" in

w.

'

may be compared with the "Immanuel," "God with us," of

(Is.

Isaiah

7"

8-

">)9. After this].

The
v.

Chronicler
is

order of events after 2 K. 18, where in

" mention

maps the made of

the invasion of Sennacherib corresponding with v.

description of Hezekiah's measure for defence
of the people of 2

here.

The

and the confidence

(w.

') is

the Chronicler's addition to the narrative

K.

He also passes over in silence the submission of Hezekiah

of tribute recorded in 2 K. 18"-"

and payment

and continues the

narrative with the account of the

embassy from Sennacherib.

In this he draws from both of the narratives of 2 K., i.e., i8"-i9* and 19"-".Before Lachish]. 2 K. 18". Cf. on Lachish 25". 10. Upon what are ye trusting?] Cf. 2 K. 18 *. Ye* dwellers in
1

siege in Jerusalem] (v.

*.).

The

besieged people of Jerusalem are

thirst].
is

addressed.
in grosser

To

die by famine

and

Cf. 2 K. i8" b , where

language the same thought

Cf. 2 K. 18".

presented.

Saying Yahof troops

weh,

etc.].

The Chronicler now omits the arguand

ment of the Assyrian based upon Hezekiah's lack

Digitized by

Google

488
reliance
syrian's

CHRONICLES

on Egypt, given in a K. i8-, possibly because the Ascontempt of Hezekiah's forces might seem not in accord
and because the reference
to

with the military preparations already ascribed to the monarch

(w. 1

);

Egypt might imply the seek-

ing of foreign aid, which, from the Chronicler's point of view,

13-16. These w. continue

also appears in 2

would have been unthinkable

K. 19"".

in the case of the

good Hezekiah.
-

the argument of 2 K. i8 n

which

The

Assyrian urges that

Yahweh

cannot be expected to save Jerusalem, because the gods of no other

people have saved them from the Assyrians.

16.

And his servants

spake yet more,

etc.].

The

writer either thus refers to his abridgis

ment

of the material of 2 K. or this

letters}.

a rhetorical statement.
2

17.
is
etc.].

He
(Is.

wrote also
37")-

Cf. the letter mentioned in

the

K. 19"

To reproach
in 2

God

of Israel].

This motive or act

the gods,

mentioned
Cf. v. ".

K.

19'-

'

- - (Is. 37'- " ").As

said to

Since v.

" may be
it is

come

as an interruption be-

tween

v.

" and v. '*,

regarded by Bn. as a gloss.

18. And they

a loud voice, etc.], Cf. 2 K. 18". The conversation between Rabshakeh, the Assyrian messenger, and the Judean officials (2 K. i8) has been omitted. 19. In 2 K. 19" the gods of
cried with

the nations conquered the

by the Assyrians are

called

"no gods but

work of men's hands." 20. The prayer of Hezekiah is given in 2 K. 19"-" and a message (not a prayer) of "Isaiah the son of Amoz" in 2 K. 19"-". This is the only direct reference by the
Chronicler to these passages.
facts are given

21. Cf.

K. 19"-", where these

more in detail. And Yahweh sent an angel]. This form of expression compared with that of 2 K. 19", "The angel of Yahweh went forth," is agreeable to the later conception of Yah-

weh working through agents rather than direcdy. The angel of Yahweh might be understood as a direct manifestation of deity, but not so an angel sent by Yahweh. The narrative implies the
destruction of the Assyrians through pestilence,
is
(ii.

and

this

main

fact

confirmed by an Egyptian legend recorded by Herodotus

141)
(Sk.).

His god]

Nisroch,
fire

probably
Is.

identical

with

Nusku

the Assyrian god of

(2

K. 19"

came forth from his own loins] his Sharezer (2 K. 19" Qr. Is. 37")- The statement of the Chronicler

They that sons Adrammelech and

37")-

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1-33.]

THE INVASION OF SENNACHERIB

that of 2

489

is

more poignant than

side].

K.

22.

And

he gave them rest*

on every

1. ngtin] usually rendered faithfulness, but since this suitable in the present context, Perles explains

meaning is unby connecting with the

pi.,

Babylonian amiiu "word"; and by pointing as

with both a
p'ona
pdh.-i,

ricn,

he removes

the syntactical difficulty arising through the necessity of construing aSua

sg.

and a pL
5 334 M-

(v. .)

(OLZ.
Koe.

8, 1905, col.

Then onana is a gloss explaining this X25).iSna] belongs to both anana and
1

?] a pregnant construction with Sk; Koe. iii. $ 213a. vVk wanting in Of, J. 2 K. 18" worm. 4. pirpoa Sa] flKn] Of rflt rAXcvt. . 'sSd wo' <K ri ttara rdr rrrydf as in v. .
iii.

*^" oppa

a8 30*. 6. pmn'i] <:/. i> pVruna Sp Spi] with "jjrn as Qal, And he went up on the towers, can scarcely be the true reading; nor yet with Spi as Hiph., though defended by Ba., who " He rerenders And he brought up (restoration) upon the towers, ix.,
wjdi]
Of,

0,

sg., /.

paired the towers."

desuper.

Ok omits Sp Sp<i.

renders

et

exstruxit turns
/us

Hence read

either (1)

nVruon

a'Sjj Sp<i,

ylrf

raised

up

omit Sp as a dittography, And he raised up the towers (Kau. note), or (3) aSp niS-uo, /4 m* he built towers thereon (Be., Oe.). This last is to be pretowtii thereon (Ew., Ke., Zoe., Ki.
(2)

Kom., BH.), or

ferred, since nSp is

nowhere

else

used of the erection of buildings.

is

mrh]
Koe.

if

correct towards the outside; possibly a 330L

a dittography, so

Yet instead of mn noma read pin* now (Ki. BH.) another wall. O'jidi] wanting in Of, possibly a gloss (Bn.). 10. o>aei] Of, t, omit 1 probably correctly .12. wvn pk i<Dn wptm ma *Sa]2K.
iii.

i8 (
being

Is. 36')

woa pk

vi'pm "vaa >

is

ma
in

icV?a,

the antecedent of

ma

waSn

mn<, while here Kin

used

a late and rare construc1 e).

tion qualifying a'ptm that

icler gives the

Hesekiah (BDB.

ma

Thus

the Chron-

thought a slightly different turn.

According to the author

suffered his high places

of K., Sennacherib says that the

God who had

and

altars to

people.

be overturned could not be trusted to render aid to his According to the Chronicler, Sennacherib attempts to arouse

"in* nam] 2 K. in 2 K. (and Is.). wanting In 2 K. (and Is.). 13-16. i8 ab 19". V. ' repreThese verses are clearly dependent on 2

distrust of
(Is.) Of

Hezekiah.noS] wanting

nta natcn.

wepn
>o)
1

l'Spi]

sents 2

K. 19" rewritten as follows:

V. "
2

K. 19"

ntrwa nwnun

W >nwm Sa ? iwh

jk

vwp

>aSo

wp tk

an via *Sa ph npnr an*

aja.

The

Chronicler has changed the exclamatory sentence of 2

K.

into

an equally strong ironic question. The phrase the kings of Assyria is changed into the more definite I and my fathers, and peoples is inserted before lands. The remainder of v. '* is taken from 2 K. 18",
thus:

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490
V. uk a K. i8

2
*vd

CHRONICLES
pk

arm
iSd

wx

vd

Here the verse in a K. is and the Chronicler in characteristic fashion expands the gods of Ike nations
into the gods of the nations of the lands, and, as

nwinn u <nSn by Sim n r'K o'un viSk iS'*n Sma. strengthened by the addition of the verb ?y

WiS
win

Assyria into the more definite / and

my fathers

(v. s .),

he changed the kings of so he also changed

from the hand of the king of Assyria into from my hand. This dependence upon two separated passages of 2 K. explains the inconsistence between the two parts of the verse. It is otherwise peculiar that Sennacherib and his fathers should figure in the first part and in the second Sennacherib should refer only to himself. The following verse 14 is taken from a K. i8 with the following changes: rnrwn becomes "Van O'un, to which is added the phrase 'iron lO'im irw; S3' strengthens Sxj where 2 K. uses only the latter verb (as in the preceding verse); ray is substituted for wik; and for nK mm h*r> >} vvd oSrw of 2 K. the Chronicler gives us nD oshk S'inS osmSk Sw >s. In writing the first part of v. ", the Chronicler probably had 2 K. i8nb before him, while the remainder of this verse is simply the answer
to the question of v.".

tography.

15. Ss>] wanting in <t, B, bvp} many mss., Vrss. S'jf'j cf. v. ". >3

is

possibly
after

>ik]

a duca nega-

tive proposition serves to intensify the negative,

with the force

o'ibdi] <S sg.

how

much
is

less,

Ew.

354 c (2),

cf.

Koe.
1T
,

iiL

often used for royal missives, v.

BDB.
cf.
'Kjt!?i

sg.,

probably due to

sg. in v.

v.

18. imp'i] three mss., 31 wi'Di] Qr.

'.
.

353a.

17.

to

<K B1 ,

'K

from

os; adj. t-

Perhaps originally
his loins.
is

who came forth from

Bn.

22.

(Ki. 52f.), 4>ui

some of those
vo;tt,

So]

some mss. add

and so

The
if

addition

natural but not indispensable.

uSnri]
is

And
most
1

guided them (AV., RV.), followed by 3'3Dd from round about,

awkward
20"
1

not impossible.

<8 xal

eis quietem;

hence read onS ryn

(v. *.)

mriravoer adroit and V et prastitit a frequent phrase, cf. 14' is *

Ch. 22", so Be., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.

24-26. Hezekiah's sickness and pride. An epitome and interpretation of 2 K. 20'-" (Is. 38. 39).

Without the

details are

men-

tioned (1) Hezekiah's serious sickness, (2) his prayer for recovery,
(3) the acceptance of his prayer, (4) the sign of his recovery, (5)

Hezekiah's subsequent pride,

(6)

the anger of

Yahweh,

(7)

Hezekiah's humiliation, and (8) the stoppage of the divine wrath

during his days.

On account of this abridgment

Chronicler, he thinks,

Bn. assigns these verses to

M,

since the

2 K. 20

"

would have reproduced so edifying a narrative as quite fully. Ki. (Kom.), on the other hand, rightly assigns

them

to the Chronicler.

Digitized by

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24-83.]

HEZEKIAITS SICKNESS AND

WEALTH

491

24. In those days Hezekiah was sick unto death] a direct

quotation of 2 K. 20"
(Is. 38'*).

Those days here can only mean

the days of the Assyrian invasion nacherib.

reign

and the deliverance from SenHezekiah's

after his in his

(This likewise

is

the meaning in 2 K. 20 1 .
his

was twenty-nine years and

days were prolonged

illness

illness fifteen years;

hence the date of his

was placed
prayer
is

fourteenth year, which coincided with the date of Sennacherib's

invasion.)
in 2

And
'

he prayed unto Yahweh].

38'
').

The

given

K. 20

(Is.

And

he spake unto him] through

Isaiah with the promise that his days should be prolonged fifteen

And gave him a sign] the sign of shadow moving backward on the sundial (2 K. 20 1 -" Is. 38' '), omitted by the Chronicler. 26. And Hezekiah did not render according to the benefit to him for his heart was lifted up]. This statement is based upon Hezekiah's apparent pride in displaying
years (2 K. 20'
the
* Is.

38* ).

his treasures

unto the messengers of Merodach-baladan

Is.

(v. ")

(2

K. 20"

'

wealth but in

He should have taken Yahweh his God and deliverer.

39
1

').

pride not in his

Therefore wrath
interpretation of
Is. 39)-

was upon him and Judah and Jerusalem] an

26.
came

Isaiah's prediction of the

Babylonian captivity (2 K. 20"

And Hezekiah humbled

himself over the pride of his heart,

he and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the wrath of Yahweh not, etc.] a. proper inference from Hezekiah's acquiescence

in the

word

of

Yahweh

(2

K. 20"

Is.

39')

and the

fact that

the captivity took place a century later.

27-33. Hezekiah's wealth and the conclusion of his reign.

Bn.
is

inclined to give these verses also to

(with the exception,

probably, of

w.

');

Ki. (Kom.) to the Chronicler with trustworthy

historical information
(v. *.).

from an old extra-canonical source

in

w.

27.
ly].

And Hezekiah had wealth and

18')

honor exceedingly abundant-

King Solomon (1") and of David (1 Ch. 29"). The King's wealth is recorded as an expression of the worth of his character. Silver and gold and spices are mentioned in 2 K. 20" (Is. 39') among the treasures which
Cf. the similar statement twice repeated of the good

Jehoshaphat (17*

and the wealth

of

Digitized

le

492

CHRONICLES
of

Hezekiah displayed to the ambassadors

Shields] the small, round shield
either representing
(cf.

Merodach-baladan.
i

comment on
Solomon (9")

Ch. ia

"*')

weapons

in general (Ke.), costly gilded

weapons

(Zoe.)i treasures, shields like those of

different text (v.
i.)

(Ba.), or with

precious things (Ba.).

The shields also may be

an inference from "the house of his armor" (V^D JV2) of 2 K. 20" (Is. 39). 28. Grain, new wine, and oil]. These are repeat-

edly thus mentioned together as the products of the land of Israel

Nu. 18" Dt. 7' 11" 12" 14" 18* 28" Ne. 5" io"<"> i3- " Je. 31" Ho. 2"<" "< Jo. i' 2" Hg. i) (BDB.).And stalls /or flocks *] thus (after <g, V) AV. "cotes for flocks"; the RV. follows
(31*

^, rendering, " And flocks in folds." 29. Cities] in this connection with stalls and flocks and possessions of sheep and cattle appear out
of place, hence the interpretation of " watch towers " has been given
after

a usage in 2 K. 17* (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

This

is

rightly

rejected as inadmissible

by Kau., Bn.
v.

The

text is probably cor-

rupt
v.

(v. .).

We

should either place

cities at
(lit.

the beginning of

"

(reading the verb of

"

he provided

he made) with that

store cities, etc., and acquired and cattle in abundance, or with a similar construction omit the word cities entirely, And he made store houses, etc. Ki. retains and translates cities. The originality of this is possible with such an awkward writer as the Chronicler. Ba. thinks the cities were meant chiefly as places for refuge for the flocks and herds in time of war. 30. And this same Hezekiah, etc.]. The reference is to the engineering work described in v. . The upper Gihon] the Virgin's Spring (see v. ). Called upper probably in contrast to the lower flow of water at the end of the

verse),

And

he made for himself

possessions of sheep

tunnel.

And

he led them straight down westward

of

to the city

of

David] RV. "on the west side

the city of David."

The
is

Heb. allows
correct.

either rendering,

and our knowledge

of the location

of the city of

David
').

is

too indefinite for us to determine which

is

The former
(cf.

favoured by Oe., Ki. (nach der Stadt

is

Davids)

v.

31.

This verse

joined closely with the last

all

clause of v. ".

And Hezekiah
(i.e., left

prospered in
to his

his works

and

so

God abandoned him

him

own

free will) in the case

of the ambassadors of the princes of Babylon

who had

been sent to

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M^3J HEZEKIAH'S SICKNESS AND WEALTH

him
to inquire

493

concerning the wonder which had been in the land,

all that

in order to

know

was in

his heart].

Because Hezekiah

enjoyed such unbroken prosperity

God

left

him

to his

own
unto

will,

not to bring misfortune upon him, but to reveal to him his pride

and thus, as the sequel showed,

(cf. v.

to bring

him

in humility

God

) (Be., Ke., Zoe.).

The

verse has also been taken in conv.

",

trast to the foregoing

words of

the introductory particle

atiamen, Oe., Ba.). (pi) being rendered "Howbeit" (AV., RV., It is doubtful, however, whether the Hebrew particle admits such

a rendering.Who had been

sent] (<8,

V,

Vfr,

Kau., Ki.)

is

better

reading, involving merely a change in the Hebrew vowel points (v. *.), than that of M, " who had sent " (AV., RV.). The wonder].

This was appropriately an object of inquiry by those Cf. v. M from Babylon, the seat of the study of the movements of the heavenly bodies. According to 2 K. 20" , however, the King of
.

ness.

Babylon sent the embassy to condole with Hezekiah in his 32 f. The conclusion of Hezekiah 's reign expressed

sickin

formula nearer that of the author of Kings than the usual one of the
Chronicler
(cf.

K. 20").

His

pious deeds] either in respect to

God

or

man

or both; thus mentioned only of Hezekiah and

Josiah (35*) and

Nehemiah (Ne.

13").

The
is

vision of Isaiah the

son of Atnoz],

The

reference probably

to the

Book

of Isaiah,

which contains the account of the invasion of Sennacherib and Hezekiah's sickness, since these are the opening words of that

book

(cf. Is.

i 1 ).

And*

in the book of the kings of Judah and

Israel] v. Intro, pp. 22 /. (on p. 23 join (0) as

an exception,
Bn. regards

re-

quired by the insertion of and, with ()).

And they buried him in

this

the ascent of the sepulchres of the sons of David],

burial-place, only

mentioned here, as outside of the graves of the

according to the Chronicler,

kings,

and since

this befell otherwise,

only impious kings (Jehoram 21", Joash 24", Uzziah 26",

28")) he thinks this statement cannot be

Ahaz

an invention either of the

thus in his translation)

Chronicler or of a like-minded source, but must rest upon an old

reliable tradition (Ki. accordingly

marks
is

it

(Kom.).

The

statement doubtless

historic,

but

it

does not

necessarily imply

a burial-place outside of the royal sepulchres.

The word

ascent (r6j?D) might

mean upper

locality,

hence they

Digitized by

Google

494
buried

CHRONICLES
even

him in

the higher part of the graves of sons of David, or

as

renders:

They buried him above

the sepulchres of the sons of

David.

Be., Ke., Zoe., after Thenius,

on

2 K. 30", conjecture that

the burial in the ascent was due to the lack of room in the hereditary

burying-place of the kings.

"The

chiefest of the sepulchres"

(AV.)

is

not an allowable rendering.

And

all

Judah and the

in-

habitants of Jerusalem did

him honor
21").
iBU'i]

at his death] perhaps in

the burning of spices

(cf. i6'i

34. 1;] wanting in 2

Ki.

K. so

BH.

suggests "r$y.
O'JidSi]

0.

27.

26. na]
1.

d ml brIJKOwrir, t exaudivitque,
irb toO tyovt, but cf.Veoquod,

<S

."non 'Sa] desirable vessels, cf. 36> Ho. 13" Na. a" Je. as" Dn. ii.28. nuxoi] elsewhere always with '->p, cf. (- 1 K. o') 8 4 17" (on i6 see notes), Ex. i f- < *ol *-4Xei. Possibly O'ipi in v. is in the wrong place by scribal error and we should read 'd npi, and store-cities (yet see v. ). nonai nona SsV]

things as in v. .

ml

dr\o<Hjmt.

Ba. suggests nu-uoVi and precious

for all kinds of cattle Ges.

123/.n>W? ompi] read with

<*,

ompS,

so Ki., Bn.

omits the clause.

The

vocalisation

*, m-wto mil* Bn.

describes as

an unnecessary attempt

to differentiate the

word from the

previous nnK.
of D'-np of v.
(v.
)

29.

Dnpi] either out of place (see v.") or a dittography

and

wp

3-iS -ipa' ?**.

The object of rwy in the latter case was pujddi meaning of acquire is understood with njpai 30. ri'Spn] modifies kjto, Koe. iii. 334 y. o-w"i] Kt
(Bn.).
in the

oi^'.p,

Qr. either D"i(H Hiph. with

syncopated, Ges. 6ok.

with adversative force,

-oipo] ft* nmiD.31. Gleichwohl.onSon]

so also
&T, is

>

assimilated or DTjfM
pi] Oe.
rott

PL

with

'

reads I3K

<S

drorraXeurv,
*.).

5f

missi fuera.nl

ovi^n,

preferable (v.

fSo]

interpreter

Gn. 42", intermediator between God and man Jb. 33" Is. 43", hence here properly ambassador f. 32. Sp] read Spi with <8, V,

IB.

33.

nSpn] <S

dra/Wn,
to

JB^er.

11331] <8

ml Mfar
Wi.

xot

ripV

'31

ivn may be due

a misread dittography

of

When Manasseh,
the idolatrous

XXXIII. 1-20. The reign of Manasseh (686(?)-64i B.C.). at the early age of twelve, came to the throne

and anti-prophetic party in Judah seems to have affairs, and the young King became thoroughly identified with it during his long reign. Under his patronage not only the worship at the high places was revived, but varieties of
obtained control of

heathen (Assyrian) worship were introduced.

of heaven were placed in the courts of the

Altars to the host

Temple and an Asherah,

Digitized by

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'

xrrtn
later

i-ao.]

reign of manasseh
itself.

495

understood as a graven image, in the Temple

Manasseh
shed also
strictly to

also sacrificed his son

and practised

divination.

He

much

innocent blood, probably of those

who adhered

the worship of Yahweh. Thus his reign, through its wickedness, was long regarded as having sealed the doom of Judah. In the narrative of Kings, which is entirely written by the Deuteronomic compilers, nothing relieves the blackness and foulness of Manasseh's reign. In the Chronicler's narrative, however, the King suffers captivity and humbles himself and is restored to his kingdom, and, acknowledging Yahweh to be God, he built an outer wall to the city and removed the foreign gods and heathenish altars

from

its

midst.

Neither Bn. nor Ki. assigns this narrative to other than the Chronicler

and

his canonical source.

1-9.
sions

and

Manasseh 's idolatry.A copy, with only very slight omisvariations, of 2 K. 3i -" k 1. 2 K. 21 adds the name of
"Hephzi-bah."

his mother,

2. And he did that which was

| .
1

evil in

the eyes of

Yahweh] the usual expression in 1 and 2 K. for sins of cultus. These of Manasseh are given in the following verses and are here condemned as a repetition of the abominations of the aboriginal Canaanites (cf. v. 28' 2 K. i6 17'- ")3. The high places which Hezekiah his father had broken down]. Cf. 3 1*. And he reared up altars for the Baalim and made Asherolh]. 2 K. 21 has in each case the singular "for Baal" and "an Asherah," with the additional clause "As did Ahab king of Israel," and the writer of Kings evidently has in mind the worship of some one Baal, like the Tyrian one of Ahab (cf. 17'), and the erection of some one
symbolic post
(cf. 14'),

possibly representing the goddess Astarte.

The

Chronicler thinks, on the other hand, of separate Baals or

Canaanitish gods at each high place, with also, correspondingly,

the sacred poles.
(sun,

All the host of heaven] the heavenly bodies

moon, and stars).

This worship, introduced under Assyrian

it

influence, or encouraged (since

earlier times in Israel)

clearly

(GFM. EBi.

III. col. 3355),

had not been unknown became

in

at

once prevalent, as

is

shown by its frequent mention

(cf.

in the literature

of this period, the century before the exile

Dt. 4" 17' Zp.

Digitized by

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496
i* Je. 8' 19").

CHRONICLES
built altars

4. And he

in the house

Yahweh]

i.e.,

for foreign deities or Baals.

shall be

my name forever].

Whereof Yahweh said in Jerusalem Cf. 7" 1 K. 8" 9*. The promise or

command centralising
the host of heaven].

the worship of

expression in the sole worship of

Cf. v.
.

Yahweh in Jerusalem found Yahweh in the Temple. 6. All In the two courts]. The Temple of

Solomon had only one

post-exilic

court, hence this verse in 2

K.
is

(21') is

(Bn., St.).

6.
to

In this verse Manasseh

said to
-.

He caused his sons

Mi. 5 <">
to
is

have been guilty of

six things expressly

forbidden in Dt. 18"

..,

pass through the fire]

he

sacrificed

them unto Yahweh (cf. 28*). And he practised soothsaying] besides Dt. 18"- " 2 K. 21% alluded to also in Lv. 19" Ju. 9" Is. 2*
Je. 27 Is. 57 (Dr. Dt.).

The kind of divination referred

word has been connected with the root meaning cloud, hence divination by observing the clouds or sky, or the word " eye," " to smite with evil eye." Both of these, however, are
uncertain: the

now
utter

generally rejected, but nothing satisfactory has taken their

The word is held to be derived from a root meaning "to a hoarse nasal sound" (EBi. II. col. 1119). And he used enchantments] as Joseph did with his cup (Gn. 44*- "), probably by hydromancy, or watching the play of light or rings of liquid in a
place.

cup.

And

The term includes divination by observing omens in general. he practised sorcery]. The meaning of this verb has
cut,

been variously explained: to

witchcraft
finally to

here to use "herbs or drugs shredded into a magic

and hence the derived meaning brew" (cf.

Mi. 5"

<">),

or to obscure, to be gloomy, distressed, and

be a suppliant, to seek something from the deity (EBi.

III. col. 2000).

And he instituted

ghosts

and familiar
For a
full

spirits]

**..,

persons professing to deal with them.

the terms v. Dr. Dt. pp. 225/.
is

discussion of

The
1 S.

character of these persons

28'
*-,

seen in "the witch of Endor,"

who was

described

as a

woman

possessing a ghost,

who was

possessed with a spirit

maiden of Acts 16" *-, of divination. Manasseh fostered

in the

and

people of this description.

7.

The graven image

of the idol which

he had made] in 2 K.

21',

"the graven image of the Asherah."

The

Chronicler brings out clearly his conception of the Asherah

it is

there mentioned:

an

idol.

Whether he thought of the

fe-

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XXXm.

1-20.]

REIGN OF MANASSEH

497

male deity Astarte

in this connection is not clear, but another

name from

that of

Yahweh was

localised in the
.
. .

Temple.

nman n] 1. 2 K. 2i' + na 'on tok on. 3. nmato transD'SpaS] 2 K. sg. nne>n] 2 poses.rro] 2 K. 2i "ian.nrw* K. + >-" V?d anna wp -mho omitted by the Chronicler, since he does not record the doings of Ahab. 4. The first part of this verse is
. . .

seemingly inconsistent with the second, since the house of

Yahweh and
for

Jerusalem are not identical.

Klo. (on 2 K.

2i<)

suggests "vja

am

naa

(cf.
*

2 Ch. 28"); St.

(SBOT. on
it

2 K.) regards the verse as a

v.
'.

gloss to v.

(based on

v. '), logically

belonging after
21'.

Possibly

the writer used Jerusalem, since

included the

weak
to

with the

pf.,

taken from 2 K.
high places.

mnaic]
in v.

Temple
Ki.
,

area.

ni]

reads 'on,

the altars, identifying

them with those mentioned

K.
ai "vajnu

but those seem

2 K. nn 0'ei 9, 2 K., ija, but <S of 2 K. pi. The sg. in 9 is doubtless a correction from 2 K., cf. 28'. ja ' n] wanting in 2 K., and likely added by the Chronicler, cf. 28*. nro] wanting in 2 K., elsewhere only pt., as subst., meaning sorcerer, Dt. 18"; fem. sg., sorceress, Ex. 22"; masc. pi. Ex. 7" Dn. 2* Mai. 3 tThis word is always used with the preceding 'JPti] 2 K. o'Jjnn.

have been

built at the
ttvn] 2

oe\6. Tayn

aSipS >vv nw]

vja]

aw

pi.) 1 S. a8- Is. 8" io 2 K. 2i 23" Lv. io 20- ' Dt. H. P. Smith regards both aw and 'JPT as some sort of idols (Sam. pp. 239 /.). na-wi] in 3 K. Bn. connects after <K with ns>pi. wpanS] 2 K. D'yanS, but 38 mss. <S, 0, Of, of 2 K. point to the read(sg.
t-

or

18"

ing of 2 Ch. as the original.

7.

Soon] instead of 2 K. 21'

**>

wm.
in temple
in 2

ovVwn

rvaa] 2 K. rvaa alone, but <K L /

tpnfotn in

Kv^(ov and

Domini, nvT rnaa.

O'nSK] 2
yet

Ch. certainly points to

K. mm.

K.

DiS'pS] scribal error for oSipS as in 2 K., so most;

oiSip

may be dissimulation for

K. 2i TjnS.

8. -vonS] 2

(8 <ra\eO<rai in

oSip v. note of Hpt. in Ki., SBOT. both places, and B moveri

K. as original, so Oe. word more common
Bn.
in his

and commoveri point

time.

to the reading of 2

suggests that the Chronicler substituted a

iu is not used in the writings of the Chronicler. Sjra] 2 K. jo.vnnpn] read with 2 K., <S, V, 9, 'nnj, so Kau., Ki., Bn. oynianV] read with 2 K. and Vrss. on , so Be, Oe., Ki. Sa pk] 2 K. Saa.SaS] 2 K. SaSi. murom o'pnm] an addition by the Chronicler.ne>o *va] 2 K. rwo nap onn nw -mpk, so too 9, which may have been influenced by 2 K. 9. 2 K. ai b introduced by vsv hS). riK] is expressed in 2 K. by the pron. sf. of the third oS*>rv '38"i pers. pi., opmi.jn] 2 K. pnn n*.

mw

10-13. Manasseh's captivity, repentance, and restoration.

This paragraph, with the exception of the opening words, And

Digitized by

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498

2
spake,
is entirely

CHRONICLES
wanting in 2 K., which gives no indica-

Yahweh

tion either of
restoration.

Manasseh's captivity or of his repentance and

passage then has been regarded as a pure inof
Israel in exile,

The

vention,

an allegory

and received by the

of that length being
(St.

Chronicler with the motive of accounting for Manasseh's unusually long reign

fifty-five

years

a reign

unthinkable in the case of a king wholly bad

Gesch.

I.

p.

640), or simply invented by the Chronicler through this motive

(We.

Prol. pp.

206/.).
is

Besides the silence of 2 K., against

Je. 15', which, since there the captivity

Manasseh's repentance
is

grounded upon the

sin of

Manasseh,

clearly

shows that his

case,

repentance must be regarded as a

is

fiction.

The

however,

different with the story of his captivity.

ins.

Manasseh's name

occurs in the Assy.

among

the

list

of the kings, tributary to

Esarhaddon and Asurbanipal, of the Chatti country, embracing Phoenicia and Philistia. These same lands also were engaged
during the reign of Asurbanipal in a rebellion (648-647 b.
in support of the King's brother
c.)

Shamash-shumukin, viceroy

at

Babylon, and there

is

no reason why Manasseh might not have

have incurred such suspicion.
taken captive either to Nineveh

been involved in
In that case he

this rebellion or

may well have been

or to Babylon, since the inscriptions show that the King received

embassies there.

Later also Manasseh might have been released

and

restored to his throne.

Such treatment Necho

I,

Egypt, received from Asurbanipal.

release

Hence

this

captivity

King of and

may

be received as

historical.

(This result was especially

reached by Sch.
also Sayce,

COT.

II.

pp. 53 /.;
ff.;

HCM.

pp. 458

KATs pp. 367 /.) Cf. Dr. in Hogarth, Authority and

HPM.

Archeology, pp. 114 ff., who, admitting in abstract the possibility of

the narrative, finds difficulty in the circumstances in which the

statement occurs;
II.

TKC.

EBi.

III. coll.

2926/.;

McC.

pp. 377 ff. Winckler, who formerly held this view, AT. Untersuch. p. 122, now places Manasseh's visit to Babylon under
in his reign.

Esarhaddon early
acquitted.

" Manasseh was summoned before

Esarhaddon, before

whom

he defended his conduct and was

Whether the
difficult to

investigation

was held

in Assyria or at

Babylon

it is

determine" (KAT.* p. 274).11. The

Digitized by

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ZXZnt
king

1-30.]

REIGN OF MANASSEH

499

of Assyria]
(1)

hooks].

Esarhaddon or Asurbanipal (v. s.). With Figurative of Manasseh's treatment like a wild beast
meaning of
led
fetters (<B,

(Ke.), (2) with the

literal:

B,

8f,

Be., Oe.), (3)

Assyrian kings sometimes thrust a hook into the nostrils

of their captives

and so

them about, a
the British

practice illustrated
(Ba.), (4) the

on many Assyrian

reliefs in

Museum

name

of

place,

an unknown
Jericho,

corruption of

*im\
s.

Hohim (Th. in Be.) (DTlin a TKC. v. s. op. cU.). The literal

To Babylon]
v. s.

view was probably intended by the writer.

McCurdy

(v.

op.

cit.)

thinks this a substitution by a later

scribe or copyist for

an original to Nineveh. 14-17. Manasseh's enlargement of the city wall and reform

of the cultus.
Spring,

14. This can only mean that outside 15.

And

the exist-

ing rampart of the citadel, on the ridge above the present Virgin's

Manasseh constructed another

line of fortification,

which
its

he carried northward past the Temple Mount and round

northern slope.
he removed,
etc.].

Cf.

w.

This

statement of the removal of the foreign gods and idols from the

Temple and Jerusalem by Manasseh is not exactly consistent with the account of 2 K., which, knowing nothing of Manasseh's conversion, assigns such a cleansing of the Temple and of the city to Josiah (2 K. iy-*). 17. Nevertheless the people, etc.]. The
Chronicler
felt

the necessity of this statement in view of the

permanence
Manasseh.

of

the

idolatry

nourished during

the

reign

of

18-20. The conclusion of Manasseh's reign.

restof the acts of Manasseh],

18.

And

the

This formula is derived from 2K. 21",

is

but the remainder of this verse

from the Chronicler and

it

clearly

shows a source
seh,

distinct

from 2 K., since

contained his prayer.

On the basis of this statement was composed the Prayer of Manasa Hellenistic composition of early date found in the Apocrypha
all

(though not in
tions of the

mss.)

(DB.
it

III. pp. 232/.).

1

In the English edi-

Apocrypha

occurs just before

Mac.

The words
in the Acts

of the seers] probably refer to prophetic admonitions addressed

to

Manasseh, which, with the prayer, were recorded

(or history) of the kings of Israel (v. Intro, p. 21).

19.

This verse
to be

seems to have come from a later hand than the preceding, and

Digitized by

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2
fuller

CHRONICLES
The words
else

500
merely a

statement of the same facts.

(or the

history) of the seers *]

can scarcely refer to anything

',

than the

words of the seers of

sible,

v.

the

title

probably of a section of The Acts

is

although an independent work posHigh though not probable Asherim]. Graven images]. Cf. 20. And they
of the kings of Israel (v. s.)
(v. Intro, p. 23).

places].

Cf.

1 1".

Cf.

14*.

34'.

him in the garden* of his house]. The reading of M, " They buried him in his house," is a mistake to be rectified by the true reading of (& and 2 K. 21". 2 K. adds also "in the garden of Uzza," probably meaning of King Uzziah. The reference may have been then to one laid out by that King in the court of the palace, and since it is called the garden of his own house, Manasseh may have built a house there within the grounds of which was his sepulchre and also that of Amon (2 K. 21"), and possibly Josiah, who was buried in his own sepulchre (2 K. 23").
buried
11. O'mna] ron usually

means

brier, bramble.

Here and
1S

in Jb.

40"

hook or ring in jaw; perhaps point D<nn from nn, hook, ring,
2

cf. Is.

K. 19".

Pointing also doubtful in Job.

p'l]

13.
i4

ij

injm] wanting in

*-,

but the following ;dci, translated by the same word in <K

for the omission.

accounts
xss.,
t-

TJJJi

Koe.

iii.

16. Qr., most About 25 0, 0, Ezr. Dn. so Ki 17 San] as adversative, 19. 'm] read 372b.18. 19. Sn* ySo] wanting
uss.,
jan.
.

also

io

io>

to'-

in <S.

with one MS.,

kid

<8,

o\nn, so Kau.,
jj?

Bn.20.
with
<S,

vnap'>] 2

K.

ai'

j -o^i

pa

ma
jidk]

Here, then, add

so Bn., Ki.

(St.,

SBOT. on

K.).

"S" 'A^t, so

too in following verses.

21-25. The reign of

21"-".

Amon (641-639 b. c.).Taken from 2 K.

nothing
is

Of

this King's brief reign

recorded except that

he followed in the

evil footsteps of his father.

Manasseh

clearly

was

subservient to Assyria,

and probably

the policy of his son

was

the same, hence his death

may

have been caused by an Egyptian

Others

party (GAS. /. II. p. 198), possibly representing the Patricians and

Priesthood of Jerusalem (Erbt, Die Heb. pp. 162

/.).

regard the motive as religious, an act of the adherents of the cause of

pure religion (Ki. Gesch. p. 320).

The
section

cause
is

is really

unknown,
age
is cor-

and
with
rect,

it is

idle to conjecture.

The

taken from 2 K. 21"-"

If this

v. rewritten.

21. Twenty-two years].

then

Amon was only

sixteen years old at the birth of Josiah.

Digitized by

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mm.
father

21-26.]

REIGN OF AMON

501

McCurdy
was
accession

holds that

Amon was

probably acting king when his

his

in captivity,

and hence older than twenty-two on

{JSPM.

p. 389).

The name

of Anion's mother,

"Me-

shullemeth the daughter of Haruz of Jotbah," given in 2 K. 21",

is

omitted. 22. And Amon sacrificed to all the graven images, etc.] K. 23", "And he walked in all the way which his father walked
idols

and served the

them."
because

which his father served and worshipped

The
it is

Chronicler has abridged and changed this statement

inconsistent with Manasseh's repentance,

which

his

own

statement allows.

26.

The

people of the land] the

common

people in opposition to the courtiers

who had

conspired against

Amon. This vengeance may

indicate that the people were favoured

by the conditions which prevailed during the reign of Manasseh, as though the entire period had been one of quiet and contented vassalage under Assyria; or it may only be an expression of the
loyalty so often felt

by the common people

)D

for

a sovereign.

toh on. 33. r>3M'] a K. at" which the Chronicler omits, for reason given above. 'in O'S'OBn-SaSi] a K. n nap O'WMn-rm lajn orh. 23. The Chronicler omits a K. ai" and adds this verse, an obvious reference to his addition to the account of Manasseh. |idm kvi <a] B Sri vttt A + avrov) 'Ajt&t; " Sri Ajiur i vUt, hence original <a> ( Pdk ua '3. V omits pw. Probably jidh tnn as well as pot* ua are glosses which crept into different texts. 24. voy] 3 K. ai" pen nap. vin'DM] a K. iSon ph in'O'i. 28. wi] a K. ai" im.

SI. 2 K. ai"

+ rw

fnn na noSvs

van iSnWK vnn-Vaa

"fr>\,

mwi

&

XXX1V-XXXV. The
tion of his accession

reign of Josiah (630-608 b. c.). The

K. cc. 22. 23, apart from the menand his death, consists entirely of an account of the discovery of the book of the law and the subsequent reform. The Chronicler abridges this narrative in certain points and modifies, embellishes, and expands it in others. 2 K. knows of no reformatory activity on the part of Josiah until his eighteenth year, when the book of the law was discovered; the Chronicler, on the other hand, makes the young King exhibit special piety ten years earlier, in his eighth year (34*), and in his twelfth year he behistory of Josiah contained in 2

gins to purge the land of idolatry so that his reformation in

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502

CHRONICLES
book of the law instead of, as
his

cultus precedes the discovery of the

in a K., following the discovery.

The reason of this change is plain.

Such a pious king as Josiah must be represented as pious from

youth and needed not the special cause of the discovery of the

book of the law to influence him to remove

Chronicler has also omitted
all

idolatries.

The

reference to the purging of the

23* -') f confining himself to the
(v. ).

Temple

in detail (recorded in 2

K.

single statement that

he purged the house

This omission

may have been

simply due to brevity, or because in 2 K. 23* - the

idolatrous objects

which are removed are

these.

clearly those associated

with Manasseh, but according to 2 Ch. 33" Manasseh himself

had purged the Temple of

of the

The narrative

of the discovery
22'-' the

book of the law

is

also rewritten.

In 2 K.

only

officers

mentioned in connection with the repair of the Temple

scribe

are

Shaphan the

and Hilkiah the high

priest;

but in

and Joah the recorder appear (v. ). The keepers of the door also have become Levites (v. ; cf. 2 K. 22*), and the money has been gathered not
simply from "the people,"
*..,

Chronicles, Maaseiah the governor of the city

those of the S. kingdom, but also

all

from those of Manasseh and Ephraim and

Israel.

the remnant of

Also in 2 K. 22* the implication

is

derived from contributions

the arrangements

made

at the

money was Temple according to

that the

the altar to receive dues or offerings in

Temple (2 K. 12* had been collected by

made by Jehoash, who placed a chest beside money brought into the *). The Chronicler assumes that the money
peripatetic Levites.

The
as
is

breaches of the house also are not those of natural decay,

the
of

implied in 2 K. 22', but specifically those of violence done to Temple by the idolatrous kings of Judah (v. ). The overseers all the work also are Levites, a number of whom are mentioned
'
'

by name (w.

).

of the finding of the

These are entirely absent in 2 K. The account book and the inquiry of the prophetess and
since that has
is entirely

the entering into the covenant are given essentially alike in both
narratives.

But the account of the reformation,

already been assigned to the earlier years of Josiah,

omitted, with the exception of the celebration of the Passover,

which was a feature of Josiah's reform (2 K. 23"-").

This

is

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XXXIV.

1-7.]

REFORMATION OF JOSIAH

503

elaborated by the Chronicler in a description of nineteen verses.

The

Chronicler also gives a somewhat

,, - ,,

full

Josiah (35

),

which

is

very briefly narrated in 2

account of the death of K. 23"-".

taken from a K.) assigns

Sources:

Ki. (after Bn.) (omitting the

w.

34-7toM;

w. "and"
w.

M; w.

*/}-!

to the Chronicler; 3s 1 -* (as far as people) to to the Chronicler; w. '- to M; w. >- (as far as temple) to
'

the Chronicler;

/-

to

M;

v.

to the Chronicler.

It is

doubtful,

however, whether a Midrash source should be introduced.

assigned to
following
c.

M
w.

The passages contain nothing necessarily foreign to the Chronicler. The

of his style appear in them: c. 34 in v.
(1.

marks

>

cnt

(1.

23);

35 in

v.

ncp Hiph.
'

89); in
(1-

w.
(1-

map
'

(1.

81); in
(1.

w.

<

npSra

(L 43); in

nonn ma

14); " v.
4).

kid

69); in v.

" the use

of a in niSpna

(1.

69); in v. -\dk

XXXIV.

If. Josiah's accession. Taken from 2 K. 22'

'-,

with
he

the usual omission of the

name

of the King's mother.

2.

And

did that which

was right, etc.]. Cf. similar statements concerning Asa 14', and Jotham 27' Hezekiah 29', but only to Josiah is given the praise: And he did not turn to the right hand or to the left.
1. oir] 2

2. a-na] 2

K. 22> fur. oSrwa]2K K. 22* th Saa.

nptao nnj na

m*v tok on.

3-7. Josiah's piety exemplified in his reformation.

in the eighth year of his reign,
etc.].

3. For
knows

The

narrative of 2 K.

nothing of this movement for reform when Josiah was so young and
before the discovery of the book of the law.
Chronicler's modification v.
s.

A reconciliation

For the reason of the between the two

narratives has been sought on the ground that 2

K. described

the consummation of a reform begun at an earlier period, while

the Chronicler described the entire reform without reference to

chronology (Be., Zoe., Oe.). The high places]. Cf. 11". The Asherim]. Cf. w. ' 14*. The graven images and the molten
Cf. w. 4 . The former are mentioned in 33". The two may be coupled here together to denote every kind of idol (so The graven in Na. 1" Hab. 2" Is. 48* Je. io 51" Dt. 27"). (carved) image was either of wood (Is. 40" 44 11 45") or of stone

images].

(Is. 2i).

But the word (^DB, ^*DD)

is

used for idols in general,

even for molten ones of metal (Je. io" 51").4. This verse

Digitized

bjVjOl JGooQle

"

504
describes

CHRONICLES
its
<>.

more

fully the

Baalim].

Cf. 17*

conduct of v., repeating 33'. The sun pillars]. Cf. 14'

are mentioned.

terms.

In 2 K.

23" the mazzeboth,

pillars,

pillars,

The hammanim, sunperhaps more readily in

later term, the Chronicler used,

connection with idolatry.

In 2 K.

23*-

this

is

he made dust of them]. Cf. v. . said of the destruction of " the Asherah" and
also

And

"the high places."

32"),

Thus

was the golden

calf destroyed

(Ex.

and according

to the Chronicler the idolatrous image of

Maacah 15". And he scattered [the dust] upon the graves of those who sacrificed to them] (v. *.). In 2 K. 23* the dust of the Asherah was scattered "upon the graves of the common people." The
Chronicler's representation
is

more

intense, a sort of retributive

pollution even of the resting-place of the impious dead.

the bones of the priests he burned

6.

And

upon their altars].

Cf. 2 K. 23"-

from which
derived.

this statement of defilement

and abhorrence is probably

6. And in

the cities

ofManasseh and Ephraim and Simeon

even unto Naphtali he laid waste their houses

* round about].
(cf. 30'-

The
").

reform of Josiah

(after 2

K.

23'-

") extended over northern Israel.

This had already happened

in the case of territory

Hezekiah

' '

The mention

was south of Judah (1 Ch. 4" *), with the northern tribes is due to the fact that it was reckoned as one of the ten tribes forming the N. kingdom (cf. 15'). Their
of Simeon,
(cf.

whose

houses] idolatrous temples

2

" the houses of the high places,"

the

K. 23").7. Cf.
3. >nS ?]
(L
1

v.

:All the land of Israel]

Mr.

N. kingdom.
Kartrrasn
in

Ktptop t4

4.

vjeS wnj'i] tf"(*

rati

shows must have stood in pi. in original <8, as is found in * KararTptif/ar, which supports M. Some scribe of (t BL changed the number to agree with the preceding and following passages. The necessary change from afroO to atrQr was made only in L. O'lDn] cf. i4.O'nain onapn] read with Vrss. either 'tn nj,-> (Ki. BH.) or 'pn
Or), but aflroS

axaft) r& mri, rpivurror atroto

that the verb

V\

6. O'nvoto] Qr.

en

6. omria

vo]

Kt. onn| ins, he chost

'

(searched) tkeir houses,

is

hardly possible.

Qr. o^'niTna, with

<S

their

swords,

is

only a guess, as are the renderings of the Vrss.

a*rOr; 9, cuncta subvertit.
el at.)

ml

(h)

r. t4toi

Most moderns

(Be., Ke., Zoe.,

Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn.,

is

read on<ro Vf3 in their ruins, but no account

taken of i K. 23" upon which this verse is based. There Josiah is described as destroying " the houses of the high places " (moan <na)

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XXXIV.

8-13.]

THE REPAIR OF THE TEMPLE

cities

505

which were " in the

cities

of Samaria," the latter becoming in a Ch. the

of lianosseh and Ephraim and Simeon even unto Napktali. " Hence it is probable that the account in Ch. referred to these " houses

originally,

must be correct. *vu, then, is and in the cities of ... he destroyed their houses, or of "von, cf. a K. a3'.7. onriei nm nwatna n] transposed in tt. P"!" ?] not likely an isolated and abnormal inf. Hiph. with the vowels of the pf. (Ew. 238 d, Be., Ke., Zoe.), but is either an error
in so far the Kt. on'nj
either

and

a corruption of Tyv}, ix.,

for PT3J

(cf. v. )

(Kau., Bn.) or should be pointed pyfl (Oe.).

8-13. The repair of the Temple. Based upon 2 K. 23'-' (for main variations v. s.). 8. The clause rendered in AV., RV., When he had purged the land and the house, is an addition to

the text of 2 K. 22*,

and

in
-'.

this

translation

brings that verse

into conformity with

(v. i.)

w.

The

other proposed renderings

make

the clause either an expression of the object of the

repair of the

Temple or an

implication that Josiah spent several

years in removing

all idolatries

from the lands.

is

The

fact that

only here

is

the purging of the

Temple by Josiah mentioned by

a gloss
(v. .).

Shaphan].

the Chronicler favours the notion that the clause

This name also appears

in

v.

",

as the father

of Ahikam, also of an Elasah Je. 29' (perhaps the same Shaphan is meant). Shaphan appears also in Je. 36"- " " as the father of Gemariah and in Ezk. 8" as the father of Jaazaniah. These latter two may have been identical with the Shaphan here mentioned. The name means Coney or Rock-badger, and has been taken with other animal names as an evidence of

totemism in Israel (but see Gray,

HPN.

pp. 103 /.; Jacobs,

Studies in Bib. Arch. pp. 84 f.).Azaliah] (2 K. 22* f). Chronicler omits his father Meshullam, and Shaphan's
of " scribe " both the city
in 2

The
title

mentioned

in 2

K.

22*.

Ma'aseiah the governor of

and Jo'ah the son of Jo'ahaz the recorder] not mentioned The names are common. 9. The matter is stated differently in 2 K. 22*. There Shaphan took a message to Hilkiah that he should "sum," i.e., reckon the total of the money received in the Temple or, to follow a better reading, "pour it out" from the chest in which it had been collected from contributors entering the Temple; here Shaphan and his companion came to Hilkiah and
K.

Digitized by

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506

CHRONICLES

gave the money which had been collected throughout the country

presumably by Levites

(v. s.

and

cf.

24' *

where the Chronicler

has made a similar departure from the narrative in 2 K. 12, introducing Levites as collectors
repetition of
24*).

10

f.

And

they gave
v.
,

']

and they gave (AV., RV., delivered) of

**..,

Shaphan and his companions with Hilkiah gave the money into the hand of the workmen who had the oversight of the house of Yahweh and these in turn gave it to the workmen who were working in the house of Yahweh to mend and to repair the house (Ke., Zoe., Kau., AV., RVm.). This latter statement is made more definite by v.": And they gave it to the carpenters and to the builders to purchase hewn stone, etc. Another interpretation regards the workmen

who were working

(DVffy "IffN rOK^DPI *ttnj as identical with or

who had the oversight (nSK^Dn VS^y DHDSDn), and renders: And the workmen who were working in the house gave it to mend and repair the house (v. ") and they gave it to the carpenters, etc. (RV., Ki. Kom.). The former of these two inbelonging to the workmen
terpretations
is

favoured by the parallel in 2 K.

(D^BTin)

22*.

Carpenters].

means not only workers in wood but also in stone and metal. The houses] the chambers of the Temple Whether the (cf. 1 Ch. 28") which the kings ofJudah had ruined]. writer thought only of ruin by neglect (Ke., Zoe.) or something more positive, as is ascribed to the sons of Athaliah (24'). is uncertain. 12. And the men worked faithfully at the work]. In 2 K. 22' faithfulness is mentioned in connection with the payment of the money. And over them were appointed overseers Jahath and 'Obadiah, Levites of the sons of Merari, and Zechariah and Meshullam of the sons of the Kehathites to direct the work.] This is a characteristic addition of the Chronicler. On the names of the Levites cf. for Jahath 1 Ch. 4' 6' <> " <> 23" ' 24"; for Obadiah 1 Ch. 27", 3" 7 8" et al.; and on the families cf. 1 Ch. 5" (6 ). And the Levites, all skilled in instruments of song 13 * were over the burden bearers and were directors of the workmen doing every sort of work: and from the Levites were the scribes and officers and gatekeepers]. Not only were the four principal overseers, those mentioned by name, Levites, but from the Levitical musicians were taken the subordinate directors of the work, and from the Levites

The Heb. word

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8-13.]

THE REPAIR OF THE TEMPLE

and other subordinate
is

507
officers

also the clerical employees

and the
entirely

gate-keepers.
the

The

Chronicler

anxious to express

how

work in every detail was under the supervision of the Levites. When Herod rebuilt the Temple this notion of committing everything connected with the sacred edifice to ecclesiastics was carried even further, since, according to Josephus (Ant. xv. 11, 2.), Herod caused priests to be trained as carpenters and masons for labour on the Temple. The words all skilled in instruments of song, giving prominence thus to the Levitical musicians, and also the last clause of v. ", may be glosses (so Ki. Kom., after Bn.).
8. nani fwn nM tnaS] (1) has been variously rendered, when he had purged, etc. (B, EVs., Luther, De Wette, et al.). But such a construction of the inf. with S is unexampled elsewhere, (a) In order to purge . . . he sent, etc. (Be.). This connection with the following words is Ki. Kom. against the context, since the verbal object of rhv is pmS. also renders thus, and after Bn. regards the words as a gloss. This latter is plausible. This is (3) While purifying, etc. (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.). to be preferred (cf. Ew. 380 d).rhv] a K. aa + "(Son. wSnt] a K. + won oSpd ja. ptnS . vwyo ran] wanting in a K. vnSn] wanting in a K., which adds iokS. 9. wai] for the imv. nSp, a K. aa. urw] orm of a K. was either misread or intentionally changed by the Chronicler.o'nSn] a K. w<.-oAn] inserted by the Chronicler. 'in TD] a fuller statement than a K. opn nno, v. s. on v. . onem] <K + ml t0 ipx&rruy scarcely arose through error in the Greek nor could ontn be original. Possibly the latter represents a corruption of an ' oewi] Kt. ' 'aif^) and the inhabitants of earlier npon, cf. v. 15*.

Jerusalem also 8, I, 0, adopted by Ke., Oe., Kau., Bn. The Qr., w^i and they (the Levites) returned, implies that the Levites went
forth to collect this

money

(v. *.).

Ki.

(SBOT. and BH.)

4*.

prefers Qr.,

since the inhabitants of Jerusalem are included in all Judah, but these

are differentiated elsewhere, ao"(Qr.) v^rM, hence

10.

unv]

K.

aa

9 o!

Item*

afirb

in*

uri'i

may

be original.

wj>] possibly
v?pS
fa

-jpjf with a K., so Ki., but cf 1 Ch. 33*.<w]tt, &, a K. probably original, so Be., Ke., Kau., Bn., Ki BH. ory]

was introduced by the Chronicler to emphasise the conpinSi pnaS] trast with the workmen that had the oversight, onpoon. a K. ptj n* pnS. pnaS f] Qal inf. cstr. of denom. verb pna formed from stj. 11. urm] wanting in a K. aa. ooaSi] a K. + onuk nopS] <K, a K., 'Si. o'jn a*no mk] transposed in a K. 'in pnanoS
wanting in
2 K.,

a K. noa n* pmS.nrono]
mp
to

cf. 1

Ch.

denom.

furnish with beams.

12.

aa.

nnpSi]

Pi. inf. cstr.

from

hskSdj] an addition to the

Digitized by

Google

CHRONICLES
Sjn]

508
phrase in a K. aa' k .

BH.).

IS.

omit

(Be., Oe., Kau., Bn.,

Ki Kemu,

ottjjd]

wanting

in <K

and

therefore struck out

by Bn.

14-19. The discovery of the lowing quite closely 3 K. 23".

law-book.Based upon and fol-

14. This introductory verse

is

is

from the Chronicler. from

3

Its

purpose

to

renew the narrative taken

K.

after the interruption of

w. "

And when they brought

money which was brought into the house of Yahweh, HUkiah the priest found, etc.]. The natural inference would be that the book was found in the place where the money was kept, yet the connection may only be temporal: at the time when, then HUkiah found, etc. The book of the law of Yahweh by the hand of Moses]. The Chronicler has in mind the Torah or Pentateuch (v. v. '). The words by the hand of Moses are wanting in 3 K. The book actually found was Deuteronomy, or more exactly the original Deuteronomy, Dt. 5-36. 38 (Dr. Dt. p. lxv., Ryle, DB. p. 598, GFM. EBi. I. coll. 1080/.; others restrict the original D more nearly to cc. 13-36, thus Comill, Intro, p. 60). 16. And Shaphan brought the book to the king and moreover he brought the king word saying, etc.]. The awkward introduction of the book at this point,
out the

anticipating the narrative of v. *, has arisen from a misreading of the text of 2 K. 33* (v.
.).

The

text of 3

K. reads, "And Shaphan

the king

the scribe

came

to the king

and brought

word and

said,

Thy

servants have emptied the money, etc." (In the unpointed Hebrew text the words " he came " and " he brought " are the same,
(N3*l)

and also "the scribe" and "the book" (IBDH)).17. And money that was found, etc.]. The phraseology from 3 K. 33* implies collection in the chest instituted by Jehoash 18. And Shaphan read therein]. A noticeable departure (v. s.). from the text of 3 K. 33", which has "And Shaphan read it," implying that he read the entire book before the King, but the Chronicler, assuming the book to be the Pentateuch, recognised at once the incongruity of such a statement and thus changed it. The reading was confined to portions of the book. In like manner also he omitted from v. " the words of the corresponding verse in 2 K. 19. The law contained some message of (33*), "And he read it." peculiar horror for neglect of the covenant of Yahweh, probably
they poured out the

the message of Dt. 38.

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XXXIV

14-33.]

DISCOVERY OF THE LAW

wanting
in

509
ib**]

15. jp>]

K.

a K.

vim,vi.

16.

i$sn

wpSreJ a K. + Srun pan. m jcr njy] a K. ijen |er nay.

aa>.

aa*

The
-idkS

Chronicler misread igoa.

'in]

(Bn. thinks copyist misread Toon.)

wanting in a K. -idkS is a substitute for iDM'i of a K. aa**. 17. lavmj a K. inap wnn. wanting in a K. r> Sjn onpeon -v Sp nation v] a K. ' no onpoon nawSon ve>j> *n Sp. The Chronicler

w]
and

differentiates nattSon ivy

O'lpursa, the latter

being Levites

(v.

'),

hence the transposition and the insertion of

aa" vwijjm.

19.

Sp.

18.

13

wojvi] a K.

'-oi] a

K. aa"

-voo.

20-28. The inquiry of

etess.

Yahweh through Huldah

Yahweh

the proph-

On

hearing the

terrific

denunciations of the law-book

clearly with

Josiah at once resolves to consult

of averting impending calamity,

a view

and he sends a commission to a prophetess, Huldah the wife of one of the courtiers, and from her he receives a message of doom for the city and yet of respite for himself. 20. Akikam] mentioned elsewhere as a well-minded courtier who defended Jeremiah on a critical occasion (Je. 36") and who was also the father of Gedaliah the governor of the cities of Judah after the fall of Jerusalem (Je. 39" 4o).'Abdon] in 2 K. 32" "'Achbor." This latter (meaning mouse) is more probably correct, since in Je. 36" 36" Elnathan the son of 'Achbor is mentioned. Micah] 2 K. 22
abbreviated form of the
called
latter.
i
1

"Micaiah." The former is an The prophet Micah was also

Je.
1

and 26" Kt). 'Asaiah]. (For occurrences of the name cf. Ch. 4" 6" <"> i5- " 9.) This one is not mentioned else(cf.

Micaiah

Mi.

where.

The
is

servant of the king] the

title

of a particular

office,

although
Servant
officials,

we are ignorant of its precise function

Gn. 40"

(Bn. Arch. p. 258).

Israel] wanting in 3 K. and all Judah." The Chronicler characteristically introduces the remnant of the N. kingdom (cf. v. ). Which has been poured out]. <8, followed by Bn., Ki. BH., has the reading of 2 K., " which has been kindled," which, since the

8'.

21.

used elsewhere with reference to a king (1) of royal 2 S. io*- < and (2) of common soldiers, 2 S. 3" "

And for them that are left in

22", which has "for the people

reading

is

the

more unusual,

is

probably correct.

Likewise,
2

fol-

#, with Bn. and Ki. BH., we should after because our fathers did not hear * the word, etc., instead
lowing
<S,

R. read

of because

Digitized by

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CHRONICLES
etc.

5IO

our fathers did not keep the word,

22.

Then Hilkiah and those

whom the

Again a reading of <S supplying the word commanded is to be adopted. Huldah] 2 K. 22" f (meanThe prophetess]. This title is also given to Miriam ing weasel).

king commanded*].

(Ex. 15"), Deborah (Ju.

false prophetess Noadiah

4'),

the wife of Isaiah

(Is. 8),

(Ne. 6").

Women, thus, as
Shallum] (a
et al.)

well as

and to the men,

gave in Israel communications from Yahweh; yet prophetesses

cf.

appear not to have been numerous. 1 Ch. 2" ' 4 M 5" ' (6> ) 9"

common name,

possibly identical with

Shallum the uncle of Jeremiah

reading of 2 K. 22", Tikvah (a

(Je. 32').

Tokhath] better the

10"

t)-

Hasrah

fl 2

name meaning hope, also in Ezr. K. 22" Harhas j\ the former probably is

correct.

Keeper of the wardrobe] (lit. the garments) either the king's wardrobe or more likely the garments kept at the palace for
Cf. 2

K. io n and on the use of special garments In the second at religious functions, WRS. Rel. Sem. pp. 452 /. quarter]. Cf. Zp. 1".24. All the curses], Cf. Dt. 28" . For
festive occasions.

phraseology similar to that of this verse and the following

9' *

cf. 1

K.

14*

'

Je.

7"

19* 32".

kindled
.
. .

(cf. v. *') (v. i.).

].

The

text is in

was: Because thou hast

. The words which thou hast heard some way faulty. Perhaps the reading hearkened unto my words (") and thy heart

26 f

25.

Poured out] better

after <S

was
it

softened, etc. (v.

*.).

28. And thou

was

shall be gathered to thy

grave in peace].

Since Josiah

slain at the battle of

Megiddo,

looks as though these words were written before his death, and

hence are a testimony to the genuineness of the prophecy of

Huldah.
20.

wpSn]

K.
is

M n + pan.rnap]
doubtless

K.

iiasy, cf. Je.

26" 36";
support

g >mn\ iaaal
M.

K. 21. Smro "wwn rnwai] 3 K. 22" Sa npai opn.nary] a K. nn, supported by rwv] a K. ipcr, <K AwAmvrot, may be original, o Bn., Ki. BH. supported by <B, 0, and adopted by Bn., Ki. BH.rat] a K. nn,| t0 Myur, i verba, ' fell out before aw. mn] a K. ntn noon -ron S? mn] a K. vSp (41 w^p). 22. -wo] add -\dk with <$ rf* !, so Ew. $ 292 b n. 1, Be., Oe., Kau., et al. The Chronicler thus avoids repeating the names of v. u given in 2 K. 22". nnpw] Qr. nnjjn, 2 K. njjri. mon] 2 K. omn, the former is to be read Ki. BH. rims]
">>d] 2

correction from 2 K.

<t, "B,

K.

ivs'D.

<K M()<xa(a supports a

mw

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14-33.]

DISCOVERY OF THE LAW

511

K. 34. Vp matron ni^Hn] a K. aa u nai. mtan] <$ rdt onaTj agreeing so far with a K. 'jbS wtp] K. mi>. Ch. is more exact in the light of v. " = a K. a 2". 26. ni?i>y] Qr., aK. aa>'ny|n). "|nm] a K. nnwi makes a better contrast to naan, is
wanting
.

in a

XAyow

and adopted by Oe., KX, Bn. On with the impf. see 26. njw "wk ona-in] taken from a K. aa", a harsh construction, but in <S* , V. In a K. * 'ArS* &p ffrova-at rotft X&yovt fiov, ml iirra\ir(hi 1) tcaplla. aov, I Pro to quod [quoniam
supported by Dr.
<$,

TH.

1 35.

in Ch.] audisti verba voluminis et perterritum [atque emoliitum in Ch.]

est cor

tuum, *>., iaaS ti nai rw njw 'njmp nnSr -wh. Hpt. regards the words
v. .

wt
fa

jr.

St (SBOT.) onain
gloss to

Ki. /Tom.,

viai n] 6 roit Xiyow pov narm probably 'man nr*.var] 2 K. + nSSpSi norS rmnS.ocS jnam] wanting 3 K. aa M a K. 28. va'
Sjn]

BH. hold a lacuna. 27

mat -k a

ipora of

swiSh So] a K. aa"

nw

<md.
a

original;

K.

wanting in

in

29-33. The assembly, the reading of the law, and the

covenant.
riations in
elders of

A
w.

reproduction of 2 K. ly-', with interesting va*-

and a new conclusion in v. '. 29. All the Judah and Jerusalem] the heads of clans and families. 30. The Leviles]. The Chronicler substitutes these for "the prophets" of 2 K. 23*. Both great and small] both old and young (cf. 15"). The assembly was a popular one, embracing men of all ages and conditions. The book of the covenant] i.e., a book which expressed the basis of a covenant (cf. Ex. 24'). 31. In his place] 2 K. 23* " by the pillar," cf. 23". And made a covenant] lit. cut a covenant, a phrase derived from the cut-

ting of sacrificial victims into pieces between

to the covenant passed

which the parties

but there
is

(Gn. 15" Je. 34"

');

no

reason

to

suppose that this was an essential part of each

covenant or took place on this occasion.

An

oath probably
meal.
Before

was sufficient with or without a Yahweh] with invocation of his deity.

etc.]

sacrificial

Dtic. expressions,
i.e.,

cf.

Dt. 13 4

To walk after Yahweh, io ' 6" 26".32. And the

inhabitants, etc.]

kept the law.

33. The Chronicler having

own kingdom
early in

already introduced Josiah's reform of his

his reign (v.
),

puts here similar measures in the districts which

had belonged

to the

N. kingdom.

All his days].

After the death

of Josiah in the reign of Jehoiakim the people lapsed into their

former evil ways

(36*).

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512

CHRONICLES

9>. ityg]] a K. 83' WpKJ. The former is the original. rw] a K. rS*.80. or<t] a K. a3 3" SatoSrrv] a K. + vw.o'rwi] substituted by the Chronicler for owajm of a K.pp ijn Sruo] transposed in a K. 81. rroy] t4 tfrrfXoi- a K. 33* TWjn, /. 33". uaV] <K, 3 K. without suffixes.mrpS] rpn] a K. iripn.-*u a K. O'pnS. n>*un] 3 K. + nwa. 83. nrojn Sa rw may] a K. 3 rvoa ppn Vs tbj. The last phrase <* covenant may have fallen

from

while every one

Ch. (Oe., Bn.), since the reading without it is harsh, or who was found in Jerusalem takes the place of " all the people," rayai and Benjamin may be a misrrading by copyist for rmaa (Kau., Ki. Kom., BH., doubtfully).
text of

XXXV.
to 2

1-19. The celebration of the Passover.According

Josiah

K.

23-
it

commanded
book

the celebration of the Passof the covenant,"

feast

over "as

was

written in the

people responded and celebrated

before been observed.

the

as

it

and the had never

This

brief statement

gave the Chronicler

occasion to describe the celebration of the feast in detail, especially in reference to the part therein of the priests

1.
it

and

Levites.

In Jerusalem].

This was the

significant thing historically

in Josiah's observance of the Passover: according to the Dtic.

law

was held

at the central sanctuary in Jerusalem.

Previously
or at local

the celebrations had been

sanctuaries

at the people's

homes

derived v.
first

throughout the land (Dt. i6). The Chronicler from 2 K. 2$ n :On the fourteenth day of the
12*

month] according to the law Ex.

Nisan.

Lv. 23* Nu.

o.

The month was

From

2.

Encouraged them],

Cf. the similar

all Israel.]

exhortation of Hezekiah (20>- 30")-3. That taught

the beginning in Israel the priests were the guardians and the

and the Chronicler, in dignifying the office of them (cf. 17* ' Ne. 8'- ). That were holy unto Yahweh] another expression dignifying the Levites (cf. 23'). In P only the priests are called holy (DB. IV. Put the holy ark in the house, etc.]. This command to the p. 93). Levites to place the ark in the Temple, and, since they no longer have the burden of carrying it, to serve now Yahweh and the people in making preparation for the Passover (w. '), has been
teachers of the law,
the Levites, assigns this duty also to

variously interpreted.

(1)

On

the assumption that the ark

had

been removed from the Temple by Manasseh or by Josiah during

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XXXV.

1-19.]

CELEBRATION OF THE PASSOVER

command was
to replace
it

513
to

its repair,

the

in the

Temple and

attend to other duties (so the older commentators, also Be., Oe. ; Be. held also that the Levites bore the newly reconsecrated ark upon
their shoulders at the celebration of the Passover

under the idea

bound to do so by the law, but Josiah taught them that the Temple built by Solomon had caused an alteration in that respect), (2) The language is figurative, meaning "Think not on that which formerly before the building of the Temple belonged to your service, but serve the Lord and his people now in the manner described in w. ' "< (Ke., Zoe.). (3) With emendation of the
that they were
text (v. *'.), read: Behold the ark is now in The meaning, then, is essentially that of (2).

the temple,

etc.

(Bo.).
in its

Since the ark

is

place and is no longer to be borne, the Levites should attend to their

regular duties.

This appeared

trivial

and. a reader emended as

i.e.,

given in

^|.4.

After your fathers' houses]

after the clan or

great family divisions.

service.

By

your courses]

i.e.,

the divisions for

According

to the writing

of David],

The

formation of
ascribed to

the Levitical divisions for service in the

Temple was

David

(cf. 1

Ch.
8")-

23').

And
is

according to the writing of Solomon].

The

final

appointment and arrangement was made necessarily by

{cf.

Solomon
not have

There

no reason then why this statement may

come from
and

the Chronicler {contra Bn.).

6. According

to

the divisions of the fathers' houses of your brethren the children of the people,
(for every division)

a part of a

Levitical family],

"Each

great division of the laity

(cf. v.

was

to be served

by a small
Cf.

division of the Levites"

').6.

And kill the

passover].

30" where the Levites kill the Passover owing to the laity's uncleanness, but here no such reason is alleged. This looks as
though at the time of the Chronicler the right of slaying and
roasting the paschal
the households (Ex. 12* "), to the Levites.

lamb had passed from the laymen, heads of If this was the case,
might also
sanctify yourselves].

Jewish laymen

later regained this privilege, yet Levites

slay the lambs.

And

After the slaying of

animals the Levites should wash themselves in view of their further

duties.

And

prepare,

etc.].

Prepare the Passover for your breth(cf. v. ").

ren (the laymen), according to the law of Moses

7. And

Josiah gave,

etc.].

Cf. the similar action of

Hezekiah and his

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514
princes (30").
sacrificial

CHRONICLES

Three thousand buttocks] for peace-offerings or

(cf.

meals

oxen w.

").

8. And his

princes'] ix., the

various

officials.

For a

free-will offering] corresponding to the

passover offerings (Ke., Zoe., RV.); better willingly (B, Be., Oe.,

Kau., Ri., Ba., AV.,

RVm.).HUkiah and
Of
is

Zechariah and Jehtd,

the rulers of the house of God].

these three rulers Hilkiah

was

the high priest

(cf.

31"); Zechariah

usually conjectured to have

in 2
26') ;

been the priest next to him, the second priest mentioned

Je.
is

K. 25"
Jebiel

52"

(cf.

Pashhur a ruler in the house of Yahweh Je.

conjectured by Be., Ke., Zoe., the chief of the line of Ithamar,

8' continued to exist after the exile
(cf.

which according to Ezr.

1

Ch.

24<).

But

it is

better to think of

him simply as

the priest

third in

rank (Oe.).

On

occurrence of the

name

cf.

31".

8.

Conaniah, Shemdiah, and Jozabad appear as names of Levites

cf. 1
at.,

under Hezekiah in 31"". On Nclhan'el, for occurrence of name Ch. 2 15" 24* 26* i-j'etal.; Hashabiah, cf.iCh. 6"<> o" et
very

common;

Je'i'el also

common,

cf. 1

Ch.

5' 9".

11. And

the priests sprinkled].

Cf. 30".

Now

the Levites were flaying].

As in

the case of the killing, this according to

(cf. v.

P would seem to have

been a layman's part

offerings, etc.].

29").

12. And they removed the burnt-

lambs

(v.

>'),

The Levites, after killing and flaying the paschal removed from the lambs portions which were burnt

upon the

altar (r6j?n the burnt-offerings), giving these portions to

them Yahweh. No ritual like this is mentioned in Ex. 12, but it must be assumed that the paschal lambs were treated like the lambs of the peace-offerings, of which certain portions of fat were burned upon the altar (cf. Lv. 3-") (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Bn.). And so it was done to the oxen]. They were treated in the same way. The fat was burned on the altar (Lv. 3*-*) but the rest eaten (cf. v. "). 13. The paschal lambs were roasted
the representatives of families that they in turn might present
to the priest for an offering unto

according to the ordinance of Ex.

the oxen, were cooked otherwise

12'-*.

The holy offerings,

either eaten as

to wit

and were

a part of

the paschal meal (Be.) or during the later days of the feast (Ke.,

The former seems demanded by the connection. 14. The people were served first. Then the Levites prepared their own lambs and those of the priests who were engaged until night
Zoe., Oe.).
in

burning the fat portions of the lambs.

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1-10.]

CELEBRATION OF THE PASSOVER

be interpreted as in
v. .

515

nSum and the

(collective) burnt-offerings is to

ooWn
(l) is

fat, defines the burnt-offering.

The

connective and

ex-

plicative (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

Be. draws a distinction between the two

nouns and interprets the

latter as the fat of the

oxen which was burnt.

16. Cf.

Ch.

25'-*.

According to Jewish traditions the Levites

In spite of all the labour

sang the "Hallel" while the paschal lambs were being killed in
the court of the Temple (JE. IX. p. 553).
of the priests

and Levites, neither the singers nor the gate-keepers were drawn from their posts of duty either to assist them or to
prepare their

own

paschal supper.

16. And

all

the service of

day in preparing the passover and in offering the burnt-offerings upon the altar of Yahweh was arranged (.., was exethai

Yahweh on

cuted) according to the

command

summary

of the preceding narrative.

King had commanded, or the command, i.e., was ordered by Josiah.

14th of Nisan.

This is a was performed as the emphasis may be upon the King's

of the king Josiah].
All

On

that day]

i.e.,

the

Ke., Zoe., Oe., hold that the expression covers the

seven days of the feast agreeable to their interpretation of v. "

The burnt-offerings are to be interpreted as in w. ". 17. The feast of unleavened bread], Cf. 30"- ".18. A copy of 2 K. 23" with these principal changes: from the days of Samuel the
(q.v.).

prophet instead of " from the days of the judges that judged Israel"

(Samuel was regarded as the

specific

last of the judges);

mention of the

priests

and the

Levites

and

all

and with the Judah and

Israel

who were

present

and

the inhabitants of Jerusalem.

19.

Also from 2 K. (23").

3. OMUion] the Kt., which
teachers,

must be regarded as a substantive,

cf.

the

does not occur elsewhere in this construction, hence read with

Qr. and
Oe.,

many

jrw n* un] certainly implies some movement of the ark (v. $.). It may be inferred from r Ch. 33* that the Chronicler considered this service of the Levites ended with the completion of the Temple. Bn. reads 'vn jri* nja; Ki. BH. suggests that nnun be
el al.

uss. ot?9?> those that taught,

Ne.

8'-

so Be., Ke.,

'in

read for nM un,

ir r 84vu

Better follow <t (as preserved in 1 Esdr.) cf. 1 Ch. 28'. nna and render, After that the ark was placed in the house
built, there

which Solomon the son of David king of Israel

burden upon your shoulders,
inf. cf.

has not been a

with the

BDB.

a,

V. 1.

now

serve, etc.

On

this use of a

4.

warn] read Kt. warn with <B (Ch.), V, so

Be., Kau.,

Ki BH.,

el al.

anaoai

anaa] Ki. reads

'ai

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5l6
2
with a few MSS. and Vrss.
in 41 (Ch.)

CHRONICLES
.

wnpnni] Bn. strikes out, since

it

is

wanting

and

since the sanctification should precede the slaying of the

paschal lamb, so also KX

BH. doubtfully. But (i Esdr.) <taJ rat $vrtai

Since the Levites did prepare the holy offering!
is

read

cripm

(cf. v. ').

for their brethren, the people (v. '), this

the original, hence omit

>

and render and prepare the holy 97".9. vraut] cf. 31". IS. offerings, ete.l. ro*>] cf. i Ch. rvrh* f] a word not infrequent in Arab, and Aram. IS. rum] a few mss. and Vrss. pn. 10. <$ (Ch.) inserts after this verse 2 K. 33*-. This passage was added in the underlying Hebrew, as is shown by the transliteration xapaenn icadiprnp BMtnp, not found in 3 K. 33".
before u>>i, also with <$ (i Esdr.)

The
cf.

older version (1 Esdr.) has another addition at this point which probably represents in mutilated form the Chronicler's original text,

Tor.

ATC.

pp. 83

/.,

Etra Studies, pp. 87 /.

given in 2 K. 23"

20-26. The death of Josiah.Much fuller than the account ', showing that either fuller reminiscences of this sad event had been preserved or that a legend concerning it had

already developed.

The

Chronicler gives the following details,

dis-

which are

entirely

wanting in 2 K.: (1) Necho's message to

(2) Josiah's disguising himself

suade Josiah from war,

to fight in the valley of

Megiddo,

(3)

and coining the wounding of Josiah by

to the second chariot

archers, (4) the transfer of the

(Ba.).

wounded man

Bn. ascribes the narrative to the Chronicler's forerunner

(die Vorlage).

In

this

he

is

followed by Ki.

The

evidence

is

seen in the connecting

the temple, v. .

clause, After all this

remainder of the section

when Josiah had prepared is ascribed by Bn.

The
and

to the forerunner

by Ki. toM.

20. Neco the king of Egypt] Necho

second King of the twenty-sixth dynasty.

II,

son of Psammetichus,
reigned from 609 to
writer here gives

He

594 B.

c.

To fight

against Carchemish].

The

the geographical goal, while 2 K. 23" has the personal object,

"The king of Assyria." Necho,

taking advantage of the tottering

condition of the Assyrian Empire,

was

intent

upon

restoring the

ancient Egyptian sovereignty over the Syrian provinces.

Carche-

mish] the objective point of Necho's march, the mod. Jerabis

(or Jerabus)

on the west bank of the Euphrates,

corner
of

directly east

of the

north-east

the

Mediterranean,

the

ancient

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XXXV.

20*26.]

THE DEATH OF JOSIAH

and the gateway from Syria

517
into

capital of the Hittite empire

Mesopotamia.

Two years later Necho was defeated at

this point

by the Babylonian army of Nabopolassar under Nebuchadrezzar, and from that fact the writer introduced it here. And he went
out to meet him] possibly at the

command

of the Assyrians or

through loyalty to them;

but since the Assyrian Empire had

grown very weak and was near its end, it is far more probable that Judah had for some time ceased to be tributary to Assyria and that Josiah went out to preserve the independence of his kingdom. 21. Whether this embassy with its message was in any way historic, or merely a fiction to assign a cause for the death of the good King, it is impossible to determine. Probably the The writer saw in the message of Necho a divine warning latter. which Josiah did not heed (v. "). He assumed that a real revelation from God, whom he would have identified with Yahweh, had been made to Necho. The older commentators thought of the command having come to Necho through a dream or a prophet (on the text v. *.). 22. But Josiah did not turn his face from him]. He persisted in hostility. But he disguised himself]. The story of

the death of Josiah appears to have been modelled after that of

Ahab.

Both kings received a divine warning, both entered the

battle in disguise

evidently

to avoid the threatened

danger

and
>).

both were wounded by

bowmen and

later died (cf. i8'(v.

*'.).

Yet

d
1

read and he strengthened himself

Mouth

of God].

real revelation

Cf.

Ch. 7".

The

had been made to Necho (cf. v. "). Megiddo]. battle was so far north not because Necho adp. 96,

vanced to northern Palestine by the sea (a view suggested by

Cheyne, Life and Times of Jeremiah,

with northern
allies this

based on Herodotus's

reference to Necho's naval activity, II. 158), but probably because

ancient battle-ground afforded the best

place for resisting the Egyptian.

23.

For I

am

sore wounded].

The second chariot] probably a greater and more comfortable one than the war chariot. And they brought him to Jerusalem and he died]. In 2 K. 23" the King is said to have been slain at Megiddo and brought dead from there. The narrative in 2 K. has also been interpreted to imply that Josiah sought an interview with Necho and was assassinated by him

Thus

also said

Ahab

(i8 M ).

24.

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518
at

2
(Ba.).

CHRONICLES
is

Megiddo

This

unlikely.

25.
(cf.

And Jeremiah com-

posed an elegy over Josiah],

the other hand, Jeremiah
to
is

This has not been preserved.

On
this

said to have deprecated the extremes

which mourning
they

for Josiah

was carried

Je. 22").

Unto

And
death.

day] either of the Chronicler or his source; most likely the

latter.

made them an ordinance in

allusion to this has been
is

Israel'] ijt.,

a custom.

They were probably repeated yearly on

the anniversary of Josiah's

An

interpretation

very doubtful.

found in Zc. 12", but that In the lamentations] not the ca-

nonical book of Lamentations, but a lost one.

tion of the

26.

A combinaof the acts of

Cf. 32.

form found

in 1

and

2 K.,

..,

And the rest

Josiah (2 K. 23"), and that peculiar to the Chronicler, and his

acts first

and last

(cf.

9"

12").

And
retained

his good deeds],

v. Intro,

The book of the kings of Israel and Judah]

21.
Dv."i

pp. 22 /.
nicht wider

nr\H -pSy mS]

Be.

and rendered
likely

dich set

du

keute.

Kau.

inserts nn| after nnx, the latter being

sf.

used to
\)H.

emphasise the preceding pron.

'nonSo n'3-SnJ,

More

we should

repoint nnM,

/ will not come against you this day.

Ki.

BII. reads "ph

The

rendering of

EVs.

against the house wherewith I

is

have war,

i.e.,

the house of

my

war, was defended by Ke., but

not against you,
is

awkward.

Better read with 1 Esdr.

mo Sit, favoured by Be., Zoe., Kau.,

it

since this brings out the contrast, vis.,

is

but

against your enemy, that I

am

marching.

22. ronnn]
(1

not supported

by the
read
the

Vrss.

<$ (Ch.) iKparauilh) read

pmnn and 6

Esdr.) brex*tp*i

am

The

following verse seems to imply that the

King was not

In

disguised, since the archers

made him
shot

the object of their attack.

Ahab

incident, the

King was

by chance,

probably read pmnn, so Be., Zoe., Oe., Bn.

rpo<pjrov.

Read M.

Winckler holds

wi]
an

cf.

18*.

We

should

<g (1 Esdr.) 'Itptplov

that

original of

been

much
is

corrupted and reconstructs as follows:

w. has According to v. ,

Josiah

clearly the

Hence

after n<3

thing like this:

one who has received a command from God. some words are missing. The original was some" What have I to do with thee, King of Judah? Not
\e.,

against thee but against the house [of Assyria,

I come.

thy vassalship]

am

Then said Josiah: It is not my wish that I fight ('nonSj), but God has commanded me to make haste. Halt [O Pharaoh] before the command of God who has sent me, that he does not destroy And Josiah would not turn back from him because he had been thee. made to fight with him [rnnn in place of rennn] and he did not
hearken to Necho on account of the word of

God

[which he, Josiah,

had received]" KAT.*

p. 377.

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XXXVI.

1-4.]

REIGN OF JEHOAHAZ

519

XXXVI. From the death of Josiah to the fall of Jerusalem.

The Chronicler had before him

with

K. 23" b 24'% from which,

much abridgment and some

but

striking modifications, he took

w.

'",

w.

"-**

he

freely

composed, giving his own version

its

of the fall of
exile

Jerusalem with

cause and the duration of the

and the decree

Ki. assigns

of Cyrus, which led to the return.

chapter either to the Chronicler or from a K., with,

all this

however, an interrogation against

w. -'.

reign of Jehoahaz (three months, 608 b. a). a similar enthronement by the people, cf. 26' 33". Jeho'ahaz] a younger son of Josiah (cf. w. ' ) and therefore not the natural heir to the throne. His election was probably due to his sympathy with the anti-Egyptian policy of his father or his
1-4.
1. 2. For
control by those

The

who

represented

it.

In Je. 22" he

is

called

Shallum, which was probably his birth name, while Jehoahaz

was

the

name

taken as king.

23", is omitted

and

also the statement,

of

His mother's name, given in 2 K. "And he did that which

according to
all

was evil in the sight had done." 3. And

Yahweh

that his fathers

the king of

Egypt removed him from reign-

ing*

Jerusalem].

at Riblah."

The text shows confusion

K. 23" mentions that "Necho bound him The words bound (v. *.).

and remove
silver]

are very similar in Hebrew.

hundred

talents of

about two hundred thousand

dollars.

talent 0/ gold]

about thirty thousand

that imposed

"God

dollars. This tribute was lighter than by Sennacherib (cf. 2 K. 18")- 4. Eliakim means establishes," and Jehoiakim "Yahweh establishes," thus

the two

respect for

him

to

identical. Necho showed his him the latter name. And carried Egypt] where he died (cf. 2 K. 23" Je. 22").

names were

practically

Yahweh

in giving

1.

vwm]
1

4K (Ch.)

and

K. 23"

+ inn

todm, but the plus

is

want-

ing in

Esdr.

The

Chronicler probably omitted the phrase, since he

regarded this as a sacred function, which the people of the land were not entitled to perform, cf. aa', also 23" compared with a K. 11". oSrrva]

wanting in

Esdr. and a K., probably crept into the text from the

lowing verse.

2.

fol-

vnaK wj> * Saa

K. 83"* jnn e>yi njaSo wtrv na Sown wh bv\ vpa, is supplied after this verse by <$ (Ch.).

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520

CHRONICLES
name
is

Since the Chronicler habitually omitted the

of the king's mother

and the passage

is

wanting in

Esdr.,

doubtless original.

The

Chronicler probably omitted the statement concerning the King's evO

young King followed the policy of his father, the good Josiah. 3. iSd vrwi oSrwa on*o] 2 K. 23" oSrrva Yjdo* msn f-mi rrw-o nai ny> vnew\
doing, since the opposition of the Egyptian ruler indicates that the

which

Atyvrrop.

adding ml iirrijrtaytr a&riw 6 fta<n\c&i eft This appears to be a conflation of Ch. and K. 1 Esdr. (the original Gr. being preserved in the Alexandrian its.) supports
<S (Ch.) follows,

A
is

against the

reading of 3 K., but read

doubtless what the Chronicler wrote,

This :f?pij after 0'*>xo. and the king of Egypt re-

moved him from reigning in Jerusalem, so Be., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki. Kom., BH., Bn. n rw] 2 K. hp vy |nM, <S (Ch.) follows 2 K. *. oSe>rvi rrwr> ^p vrw O'P'Sk nn onxn fro tSdm] 2 K. 23" njno tSdi v>3 vtck' nnn wpk' {3 d'P'Sk nn. <S (Ch.) has combined the two readings. In the L text the conflation is complete. 1 Esdr. has trp'w instead of O'P'Sk and no notice concerning the change of name, but

instead

xol

Hi^re ro* iteytorarat

in *)

luaKu/i

(following the order of

O'p'W o'"w> nn idkm, which is certainly an early misreading of 0'pw in n aO'v vmo'i "M npS vrm tnm run no'-ixo] 3 K. or no'i omo wi npS rtiHW nw, <K (Ch.) conflates, also adds 3 K. 23" with but slight variations, omitting ov>m< and reading wpnS rnttn iSm m for rwin ri yngn ik. In 1 Esdr. slight changes are introduced in order to harmonise with the misreading of the
words preserved

preceding clause

(v. s.),

but otherwise

it

supports

M.
Again, as

6-8.

usual, the

23*). 6. Nebuchadnezzar] a corrupt form of spelling Nebuchadreizar

The reign of Jehoiakim (608-597 b. c.).6. name of the queen-mother is omitted (2 K.

King of Babylon, 604-561 b. c. This corrupt form is found in 1 and 2 Ch., Ezr., Ne., Est., and a few times in 2 K. and Je., v. BDB. Nebuchadrezzar's father, Nabopolassar, was King of Babylon 625-605 b. c, and on the fall of Nineveh (between 608 and 606) immediately began to extend his empire westward,
but the conquest
perial
fell

largely to his son,

who commanded
(cf.

the im-

army

at the battle

of Carchemish

35") 605, where

the Egyptians were defeated. Exactly how soon after that event Nebuchadrezzar came up against Jerusalem and compelled the

submission of Jehoiakim,
2

is

not easy to determine.

in
it

According to

K.

24'

it

was apparently
prefers to place

601 or 600 b. c, the usual view.

(McCurdy

immediately after the battle of

Digitized by

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XXXVI.

6-10.]

JEHOIAKIM AND JEHOIACHIN

521

But after three years p. 167, likewise Oe.) and before the Babylonians had subdued his rebellion, died and his son Jehoiachin came to the throne, and after a three months' reign, the city having been besieged and taken, he was carried captive with many others and much treasure to Babylon (2 K. 24 -")- In view of these facts the statement he bound him [Jehoiakim] in fetters to carry him to Babylon is strange. It has been taken as expressing an intention which was not realised (Be., Ke., Zoe.). <S, B, render and he carried him to Babylon, as though Jehoiakim were held there awhile and then released and
Carchemish,

HPM.

Jehoiakim

rebelled,

permitted to reign again in Jerusalem.

verse
is

7. The statement of

this

With the preceding it is without doubt an expression of a tradition, later given in Dn. i of an attack upon Jerusalem and the carrying away of a part of the sacred vessels of the Temple during Jehoiakim's reign. The
not supported by anything in 2 K.
1

motive for the formation of this tradition, putting the attack in the
third year of Jehoiakim (Dn.
i'),

was because thereby a

But
I.

captivity

of seventy years might be obtained.

this early fall of Jerusais

lem

is

forbidden by Je.

25'-,
(v.

and

all

that

known

of the

move-

ments of Nebuchadrezzar
kings of Israel and Judah].
6. oSrrva] 2

DB.

p. 553).

8.

Book of the

See Intro, pp. 22 /.

K. 23"

nnn
*.

wanting in

Esdr.,

cf. v.

vnSx] wanting

nno pa nvar
in

idh
1

Esdr.

on, so <B (Ch.), but 2 K. 23" omits,

1

but adds vnatt wp -vph Saa, with which <K (Ch.) agrees. The latter also adds at this point a section which varies only slightly from a K. 24 *, in spite of the fact that v. ' is dependent on 2 K. 24', another case of conflation.
its

6.

r>Sp]

insertion (v.

*.).

7.

K. 24 1 has

ma. <B (Ch.) omits necessarily after Syn] palace (rather seldom in this sense). 8.

mjb] <B

(Ch.)

+
1

"Ktr/ur r0>* inienwr rots

S O'ovi

nan was

inserted

doubtless from 2 K. 24', and as in other cases probably in the underly(8* K. and the former has the additional clause ml hi(pr\ ir Tar Ofa peri rflr varipwr airoO, which must have as the underlying Hebrew wok 0; mp pa iapi, cf. 2 K.

ing Hebrew.
(Ch.)

Smr] wanting
24*

in <S (Ch.) as also in 2

o<r><vr> aaei,

mm]

and

K.

+ wan

op

ai'

; see Tor.

ATC.

p.

84.pyw]

<& (Ch.) 'Ixorfa, so also v.

9. 10.

The reign
is

of Jehoiachin (three months, 597 b. c).

9. Eight] eighteen (2 K. 24*,

AL <J , , Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.,

Ki.).

This

latter

also

favoured

by the elegy

of

Ezekiel

over

Digitized by

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522
Jehoiachin
(igf-*).

CHRONICLES

the queen-mother suggest that the

Yet the repeated allusions by Jeremiah to King was quite a youth (Je.
it

13" 22"

29'),

and

is

difficult

to

think

of

a motive

for

shortening the age, hence Be. regards eight as original; and also

Bn. as coming from the Chronicler's forerunner (die Vorlage), and he holds the same also in reference to the ten days which do
not appear in 2

K;

yet eighteen
i.e.,

is

probably correct.
(cf. 1

at the return of the year]

1

in the spring

10. And Ch. 20 2 S. ir

K. 20").

Jehoiakim rebelled probably in the

In 2 K. 24" * the city

fall

after,

and then

in the following spring Jehoiachin

is

Nebuchadnezzar sent].

and died soon was deposed. said to have been

besieged by the Chaldeans, and Jehoiachin to have surrendered

and been taken, with his treasures, and the vessels of the Temple, and the best people of the land, to Babylon. There Jehoiachin remained some thirty-seven years in prison, where he married and begat children (1 Ch. 3" '); but at the accession of Evil-Merodach (561 b. c.) he was released from prison and given a place of honour among the captive kings of Babylon (2 K. 25" Je. 52" ). His brother], but according to 2 K. 240 Zedekiah was his uncle (cf.
1

Ch. 3 ).
9.
3

ow ruioip]

K. 24* nir me>p njor, but

o<o

nirjn

is

wanting in

The original Greek of both Ch. and 1 Esdr. probably agreed with M. The addition of the ten days leads to the suspicion that an rnsyy was accidentally omitted after name and later inserted between the lines or on the margin, whence it made its way into the wrong place in the text. D'D< was then added to make the text intelligible. For further oSrrva] 2 K. + oSwwo tnj ?* na Mnrru iok on. discussion v. s.
K.

K. 4 + van nrj "wk hx. 10. win] <S (Ch.), I, 9, mk tw; 2 K. 24" m; wanting in x Esdr. The Vrss. seem to be corrections from 2 K.
nvr>] 2

11-21.Reign of Zedekiah (597-586 b. c.) and the destruction of Jerusalem.

11. This verse

name

is

a copy of 2 K.

24'

with the

usual omission of the

of the King's mother,

"Hamutal the
full

daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah." Zedekiah was a

brother of

Jehoahaz
2

(cf.

K.

24*).

K. 23") but only a half-brother of Jehoiachin (cf. 12. And he did that which was evil in the sight of
2 2

Yahweh] taken from

K. 24"'.

And

he humbled not himself

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11-81.]

REIGN OF ZEDEKIAH

523

before

Jeremiah] a statement based upon Zedekiah's attitude to the

counsel of Jeremiah respecting the Chaldeans.

submission.

Jeremiah advised

Zedekiah through the opposition of the nobles and

vain hopes could not bring himself to this (Je. 21 1 -' 34*-" 3? 1 - 1 * 38"-"). Yet Zedekiah was not really ill-disposed toward Jeremiah
(cf. (cf.

Je. 37"-

38'-

')

Neither did Jeremiah speak harshly of him

Je. 34 ).Out of the

mouth of Yahweh].

Thus, according to

Jeremiah,

came

true prophecy (Je. 33").

13.

And

also, etc.]

as

though rebellion were a sin additional to the refusal to

Jeremiah; but the former involved the
latter.

listen to

Who had made him

cf.

swear by God]. Zedekiah was placed under an oath of allegiance in

He hardened]. The subject not God but Zedekiah Against returning unto Yahweh the God of His violation
is

the

name of Yahweh.

On

the violation of this oath,

Ez. 17"-".
(Be.).

Israel].

and resistance to the advice of Jeremiah are regarded by the writer as apostasy from Yahweh. 14. In this and the following verses the retrospect has been held to extend backward to
of his oath

the reign of

Manasseh

(Be.), but the conditions

were

fulfilled

dur-

ing the reign pf Zedekiah.

tion of the

A most graphic description of the pollu-

gers rising
in

Temple is given in Ez. 8.16. Sent to them by his messenup early and sending] a form of expression frequent the Book of Jeremiah (Je. 2Q"- 35" ' 26*). 16. But they

mocked,

etc.]

accomplished in the treatment of Jeremiah,

who
same

was

bitterly persecuted,

and Uriah, who was put

to death (Je.
in the

26"-).

Other unknown prophets doubtless suffered

17.
nal

way, since the reference need not be limited to the reign of Zedekiah.

The king of the Chaldeans] Nebuchadrezzar. The origihome of the Chaldeans was south-east of Babylonia proper,
sea-coast,

on the
the

and from thence they pressed

into Babylonia,

and
his

since Nabopolassar, the father of

Nebuchadrezzar and founder of

of that stock, Chaldea

new Babylonian dynasty, was

it is

from

time meant Babylonia.

And he slew]. The subject is ambiguous

the Chaldean King the subject (Ke.,

but
Ki.,

better to

make

Oc,

EVs.) than

God
is

(Be., Zoe.).

In

the house of their sanctuary].

The judgment

brought into definite relation with the crime;

(v. ")

because they profaned the sanctuary

slain in the sanctuary (Ke.).

they themselves were

1 Cf. the vision of Ezekiel (o -")-

The

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524

2
also

CHRONICLES
stronghold of the city.20.

Temple

was the

last refuge or

And

his sons] Nebuchadrezzar's successors.

Neriglissar,

Merodach,

of a different

These were Eviland Nabonidus. The last two were usurpers family from Nebuchadrezzar, although Neriglissar

was his son-in-law (EBi. I. col. 45a). Until the reign of the kingdom of Persia] until the conquest of Babylonia by Cyrus in 538. 21. To fulfil the word by the mouth of Jeremiah the prophet]
25" 29", where after seventy years the promise is to punish the King of Babylon and to restore the people of Israel to their own Until the land had enjoyed its Sabbaths] i.e., until the land.
Je.

seventy years of the captivity allow the land to enjoy the Sabbaths
(the Sabbatical years of rest or non-cultivation), of which the land had been deprived during the previous history of Israel (cf. Lv. 26" ). Hence the Chronicler thought of a period of four hundred and ninety years during which the Sabbatical law (Lv. 25'-') had

not been observed (from the period of the Judges onward) (Be.),
or in view of the God-fearing kings David, Solomon, Jehoshaphat,

who doubdess observed the law,

the four hundred and ninety

years must be taken loosely (Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

The

Chronicler

undoubtedly had the notion that "the land obtained

the sinful people

had deprived
It

Sabbath observance" (Ke.).

that the law

rest which by their neglect of the of must be remembered, however,

it

and notion

of the Sabbatical years are in reality of

late origin, belonging to P.

Seventy years].
less

The
this,

actual period
since the
first

of the

Babylonian captivity was

than

submission of Judah to the Chaldeans was in 601 or 600 (2 K.

and the first proper captivity was in the first year of Jehoiachin K. 24*-"). The number seventy in the prophecy of Jeremiah was doubdess meant in the first instance
24
1

or Zedekiah, 598 or 597 (2

to

have been taken symbolically.

The

literalising of

it

gave rise

to the story of the earlier captivity in the third year of

Jehoiakim

(Dn. V)(v.s.).
11. oS*>rva] a K. a4< + njaVD went* ra Se>on k on. 12. vrh*] wanting in a K. 84", the latter adding D'P'W nrp "wh Sm.'w mS] not from 9 K. v. s. 14. wtr] <S (Ch.) + 1 mim and so KJ. BH.,

but 1 Esdr,
1

ml
.
.

at ijyoiiuwi Si

roO XaoO rat rflr Itptur.

1

''Jjo ?.

16.

f>h -9] cf.

14" and on puS

Ch.

22*.

SuraS] Qr. 17. o-W3]

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XXXVX

22-23.]

THE DECREE OF CYRUS.

vtr>\ jpt nSinai -una Sp]
i)X/i]kra

525
Zetoclov
airrwr
xai

Qr. O'T

(S

(Ch.)

to0

T*t

rapBirovt airup otx

tix?\

xai ra&t TptafivTipovt

ir/fta-for.

occurs only here.

22. 23. The decree of Cyrus. These verses are also in Ezr. V. They are not the proper close of a history, but the introduction;

hence their true place

is in

Ezr.

i 1 -**.

and

2 Chronicles

formed with Ezra one work, and in the separation this paragraph was allowed to remain in each either by chance, or
originally

as an evidence that the two writings were originally one, with less probability,
to give
it

or,

may have been appended

close to the

to 2 Chronicles
2

a more hopeful

book (even as

Kings closes

with a notice of the release of Jehoiachin).

22. First year] 538 b. c; the date is taken from his rule in Babylon (Noeldeke, Aufsatze zur pars. Gesch. 22 a. 1). Word of Yahweh by the mouth of Jeremiah] his prophecy of the seventy
years of captivity followed by a restoration (Je. 29"
stirred
*).

Yahweh
4i M 44"

up

45'

"

23.

the spirit of Cyrus],

Cf. the promises,

Is.

This

is

the Chronicler's version of the decree, since

is
;

Cyrus King of Persia

(Dr.

not the

official

designation of Cyrus
51, pp. 662/.),

LOT"

pp.

545/

Weissbach,

ZDMG.

nor

is

there any likelihood that he

Yahweh.

The

historicity

would thus have acknowledged indeed of any decree on the part of

Cyrus for the return and rebuilding of the Temple has been
questioned (see Sm.

OT. Hist. pp. 344 ff.). (Torrey in his Ezra Studies rejects entirely the historicity of the decree.)
22. <oa] Ezr.
O'DBTi] 1 Esdr.
1'

'BO.

011]

wanting
'lapa-fjK,

in

<K

(Ch.).

i Kipun roS
i 'n;,

Ktpios 6

fnfiiarot.

23. viSk nw nv] read

with

1 Esdr.,

Ezr.

so Be., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki.

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ADDENDA.
In the Introduction, pp. 33/.,
is
it is

said that the Vision of Isaiah of the Rings of

expressly mentioned as in the

Book

Judah and

Israel.

This

is

true according to
(v.

M,

Ch. 32"; but the text there

/.), in

should probably be emended

Vision of Isaiah, in
Isaiah.

pp. 493

which case the

of

all likelihood,

This

latter

view

is

means the canonical Book given on p. 493.

The

section 1 Ch. 1-9 requires

a few

further words of intro-

duction.

The

genealogical tables serve to bridge the period of

Israel's history

from the creation of man to the time of David

suffi-

a period which the Chronicler doubtless thought had been

ciently treated

from

his

own

point of view in the canonical books.

This method of bridging with

lists of names or lines of descent was derived from the priestly portion of the Pentateuch where it appears in Gn. 5 and n in the genealogies connecting Adam and Shem, and Shem and Abram. These tables also served to explain the origins and relations of peoples, communities, and families. This was largely the purpose of the original record of those derived from Genesis. They arose under the conception that historical beginnings were in the form of family life, and they embodied commingled geographical, racial, political, and chronological rela-

tionships.

But these are by no means the only reasons for these

laid

tables.

leading motive for their composition must be found in the stress

during the period of the Chronicler upon purity of descent.

sharp line was then drawn between the Jews and the other

peoples of Palestine, with

grievous trespass
told,
(</.

whom

union by marriage had become a

Certain families,

Ezr. 9. 10).

we

are also

priesthood because they could not furnish genealogical registers (Ezr. 2 ,IM Ne. 7"-").
office of the

were debarred from the

Hence a genealogy must have been a most valued

5*7

asset for

an

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528
individual, family, or even

ADDENDA
them
community; and to provide genealogies was probably in the
these tables.

or a basis for

for his contemporaries

mind

of the Chronicler

when he compiled

Jews

claiming descent from any particular tribe or clan, especially from

Levi, Jerahmeel,
full,

and Caleb, of whom the genealogies are quite and men of Ono and Lod and of other towns which are mentioned, and the families of Jerusalem, doubtless received his information with eagerness and favour. These tables, we may
believe,

were choice literature to them, even as at present the rec-

ords of colonial families are to

many

persons in

New

England.

ERRATA
On
p.

124 TinjHl for TIBJH1, and

TTiJ? for

1BJT

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INDEXES.
I.

ENGLISH.
Atarah, 93.
Athaliah, 11/., 163, 435; death of, 430; usurpation of, 418, 423/. Azariah, 480; exhortation of, 384. Azmaveth, 166, 196, 293.

Aakon, sons

of, 127, 369.

Abiathar, 213, 270, 194/.

Abel-mayim, 389.
Abijah, 10, 369; address of,
reign of,

375/;

373/.
70/.; descendants

Abram, Abraham, of, 71 /. 77-

Baal, Baalim,
43'. 435Baalah, 205.

116, 119, 164, 392,

Adam,

58.

Adoniram, 364. Adullam, 188, 366. Ahab, 395 ff., 414, 416.
Ahaz, 12; idolatry
of,

461; reign

of,

Baal-perazim, 308/ Baasha, 378,387/ Bashan, 121^.

Bealiah, 196. Becher, 146, 157/. Beersheba, 114, 347, 403, 472. Benaiah, 189 /., 216, 236, 290, 482.

455/
Ahaziah, 11; reign Ahithophel, 294/.
of,

418 ff.

Aijalon, 161, 366, 460. Alamoth, 216. Alemeth, 138, 146, 159.

Benjamin, genealogy

of, 147, i$6ff.;

Algum-trees, 321, 357. Altar of Temple, 330, 336.

sons of, 171; recruits from, 198. Beriah, 154/, 161, 264.
Bethel, 377.

Amalek, 74, 234. Amaziah, 12; reign of, 440 ff. Amnion, campaigns against, 237 ff.
Amorite, 64. Arabians, 15, 383, 394, 417, 419, 449.

Arpachshad, 66, 70.

Asa, 10, 378, 416; reign of, 380/.; reforms of, 384 ff.; war with Baasha, 387 ff.; victory over Zerah, 382/. Asahel, 88, 191, 290, 482. Asaph, 130, 134/, 220, 339, 408; sons of, 275 ff.

Beth-horon, 141, 154, 353. 443Bethlehem, 97, 106, 188, 366. Beth-shean, i$tff. Beth-shemesh, 138, 445, 460. Beth-zur, 96, 366.
Bilhah, 114. Binders, 256. Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah, 22, 446, 454, 493, 518, 521.

Caleb, sons 108/.

of,

89

ff.,

95

ff.,

104,

Ashdod, 449.
Asher, genealogy of, 155/. Asherah, 386. Asherim, 381, 401, 437, 478, 495/.
SCO.

Calves, golden, 368. Candlesticks, 209, 332, 336.

Caphtorim, 64. Carchemish, battle

Caterpillar, 344. Chaldea, 523.

of,

516, 530.

503/

Ashhur, 00,92/., 106. Ashkenaz, 61.

Ashtaroth, 142. Asshur, 66.

Chaldeans, 522/.
Chariots, 333/., 318. Cherubim, 399, 337.

5*9

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53

INDEX
Enosh, 58. Ephod, 318. Ephraim, genealogy of, i$$ff. Esau, 74. Eshtemoa, in, 138. Etam, 105, 115, 366.
Ezion-geber, 335, 359, 43-

Chronicles, date of, 5/.; diction of, 27 ff.; Hebrew text, 36/; higher
criticism of,
44.^.;
of,

44

ff.;

literature of,

1/.; order of, 1/.; plan, purpose, and historical value

name of,

ff.;

relation
ff.;

Nehemiah, a
of, 16/.;
of,

to Ezra and religious value

sources of, 17 J.; versions

37/-

Feast of Dedication, The, 348/. Gaash, brooks of, 191. Gad, sons of, 121 ff.

Cush,

62/
Gad
(prophet), commission of, 250. Gate-keepers, 5, 173 /., 215; appointments of, 284/.; genealogies of, 282/. Gath, 232, 366, 449.

Cushites, 371, 383, 417. Covenant, 511. Cymbals, 215. 376. Cyrus, decree of, 525.

Dagon, 183. Dan, 247, 472; genealogy David, 334, 34s, 4M, 44i,
of,

of, 150.

468; administrative officers of , 236/., 393; appeal for offerings, 301 ; ancestry

Gedor, 105, 106, in, 196. Ge-harashim, 109.

Genealogies, primeval, 55. Gerar, 116, 383. Gershon, 127/., 263/. Geshur, 91. Gezer, 140, 210. Gibeon, 163, 210, 225, 315/

army of, 290; buys /.; Oman's floor, 252/.; capture of

87
ff.; campaigns Amnion, 137 ff.; census of,

Jerusalem by, 185

against

345 ff\ charge to Solomon, 257; descendants of, 99 ff.; foreign wars of, 232 ff.; last acts of, 260 ff.; last assembly of, 295/.; made king, 184 ff.; mighty men of, 186
ff.;

Gihon, 486, 492.

Gilead, 91, 120, 122/., 288/., 392. Girgashites, 64. Goliath, 13, 243.

Nathan's message

to,

226^.;

Gomer,

60.

to Solomon by, 208; prayer of thanksgiving, 329; preparation for the Temple by, 255 /.; sons of, 13, 09, 208,

plans of

Temple given

Gozan, 126.
Habiri, 155. Habor, 126.

237;

victories

over

Philistines,

208/. Deuteronomy found,

Eber,
68, 70, 122.

Hadad, 72, 77, 78. Hadramaut, 68/

Hagrites, 15, 120, 123.
271. 59, 116; descendants of, /., 60. Hamath, 65, 203, 233, 234, 353. Hammon, 142.

508.

Hakkoz,

Ham,

62

Edom,

71, 74 /., 405, 412; campaign against, 442jf.; conquest of,

234/.; revolt of, 415; kings of, 77/.; tribal chiefs of , 78/. Egypt, 62/., 519; brook of, 349Ehud, 146; descendants of, 158 ff.

Hamuel, 114. Hamul, 84.

Hanani, 277, 389, 411. Hanoch, 58/., 73. Haran, 96, 264.

Elam,

66, 283.

Elath, Eloth,

no,

335, 448, 457, 459-

Elhanan, 191, 243.

Eliehoenai, 283.
Elijah, letter of,

Hashubah,

102.

415/
of,

Elishama, pedigree Elizaphan, 213. Elkanah, 216.

94/,

99.

Havilah, 62, 69. Hazael, 420. Hazar-susim, 115.

Elpaal, 160, 163. Enchantments, 496.

Hazazon-tamar, 403/ Heber, in, 153. Hebron, 70, 137/, 213, 366; family
of, 128;

hosts at, loaff; sonsof, 95.

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INDEX
Hebronites, 388. He-goats, 368.

S3i

Helah,
381
134-

106.

Heman,

/.,

84/., 134/., 220, 276, 278, 339; pedigree of, 130 /.,

Heth, 64. Hezekiah,

12,

Passover by, 471

the Temple Jf; sickness of, 400/.; wealth

491-

celebration of opening of by, 463; reign of, 462

117;
Jf.;

Jehoahaz, 519, 523. Jehoiachin, 100 Jf; reign of, 521/'. Jehoiakim, reign of, 520/. Jehoiada, 190, 201, 290, 295, 422, 428, 430, 433; covenant of, 431. Jehoshaphat, 10/., 236, 416; army alliance with Ahab, fi 393 ff\ 395/.; fleet of, 412; judiciary of, 402/.; prayer of, 406/.; reign of,

of,

391/.; victory of, 404^. Jehoram (Joram), n; reign

ff-

of,

413

Hezron, 84, 86/., 92.

Hezronites, 86.

Jehu, 411, 421/.

Jehu (prophet),

401.

High

places, 367 /., 500.

Hilkiah, 502/.

Hinnom,

valley of, 456.

of,

Jerahmeel, 82, 87, 93, 272, 274. Jerahmeelites, families of, 93/. Jeremoth, 266.
322;
/.;

Hiram, 321/., 35s; answer

exchange of cities with, 351 Solomon's message to, 320.

Hiram
Holy

(artisan), 322, 334.

Hittites.64,319.
Hivites, 64. place, the most, 326.

Jericho, 238, 459. Jeroboam, 123, 373, 377; army of, 374Jerusalem, 207, 208, 239, 372, 512, 519, 521; destruction of, 522/.; inhabitants of, 167 Jf.; judiciary of,

403/
Jesse, family of, 88.

Horses, 319.

Host of heaven, worship Huldah, 509/. Hur, 90, 92, 105/

of, 495.

Jeush, 74/., 264, 369. Joab, 88, 109, 185, 236, 239 if., 247
/., 287, 294.

Huram,

321.

Huram-abi, 322.
Iddo, 360/., 372, 378. Images, 503.
Insignia of royalty, 428.
Isaac, 71, 74. Isaiah, vision of, 22, 493; writing of,

Joash, 11; apostasy of, 437 Jf.; coronation of, 424; reign of, 423 Jf. Joktan, 68.

Jorkeam, cA
Josiah, 12, 100; accession, 503; celebration of the Passover, 512 Jf; law-book discovered, 508 jf.; reformation of, 503 Jf; repair of

> 453Ishbaal, 165, 290. Ishbosheth, 165. Ishmael, 71, 166.

81/. Issachar, 202, 475; genealogy
Israel, 74;
of,

Temple, 505/. Jotham, 123; reign of, 454. Judah, genealogies of, 82 Jf., 104 Jf;
immigration to, 367; recruits from, 198; sons of, 84/. Judges, appointment of, 402 Jf.

sons

of,

144/
Kedar,
Jabez, 98, 107. Jabneh, 449. Jacob, 74; descendants
Jair, 91.

71.
of,

Kedesh, 142. Kehath, 128, 211, 263, 264; sons

of,

80/.

408.

Kenan,

58.

Japheth, 60; descendants of, 60/., 69.

Jared, 58. Tattir, 138. Tavan, 60/. Jebusites, 64, 185, 251. Jeduthun, 220, 225, 276, 281, 339; sons of, 277.

Kenites, 08.

Keturah,

71/

Kiriath-jearim, 97, 204, 205. Kittim, 61. Korah, 74/., 95, 282; sons of, 408. Korahites, 196, 282/.

Koz,

107.

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532
Lachish, 366, 447, 487. Ladan, 263; sons of, 286. Lahmi, 13, 243.
Lantech, 59. Lavers, 331/

INDEX
Moab, Moabites,
113, 232 ff., 40s ff. Moriah, 324. Moses, 130, 136, 265; tax of, 435. Mt. Gilboa, battle of, 180 ff. Mushi, 274; sons of, 266. Musical instruments, 215 ff., 376,

Law, book

of,

Law-book, discovery
ing of, 511. Levi, genealogy

393; teaching, 393. of, 508; readof,

468.

and geography 126 /.; hign priests of, 127 ff.; sons of, 128, 129/., 272 ff.

Musicians, see Singers. Muzri, 319.

Nabopolassar,
Nahor,
70.

520, 523.

Levites, 172, 219/., 376, 435, 469/, Stiff.; appointed for service, 225; teachers, 393, 512/.; guards of the Temple, 425; cities of, 140 ff., 204; heads of, 261, 263^.; lists of, 272
ff.;

Naphtali, genealogy of, 150. Nathan, 226/., 257, 308, 360, 468. Nebaioth, 71/

organisation
of,

of,

478;

sup-

port

479/.

Lotan, 75.

Lubim, 371, 389. Lud, 66. Ludim, 63.

Nebuchadnezzar, 520 ff. Neco, 516/. Nethinim, 170. Netophah, 173. Nimrod, 63. Noah, 50; descendants of, 77.

Maacah,
386.

96, 151 /., 292, 369, 374,

Obal, 69. Obed-edom,

Machir, 91, 151.

Magog,

60.

Mahalalel, 58.

Mahanaim,

143.

Mahli, 265, 274.

Malchiel, 155.

13, 206, 215, 217, 219, 225, 283, 285. Obil, 293. Oded, 384, 385, 458. Offerings, burnt, 467/., 514; drink, freewill, 482; holy, 514; 470; public, 478; sin, 467 /.; thank,

Manasseh
504;

(tribe),

genealogy cruits from, 109.

123/., 471, 475, of, 150 /.; re-

469.

Ohel, 102.

Manasseh

(king), captivity and restoration of, 497/.; idolatry of, 495;

Omri, 146, 292, 419. Onan, 84. Ono, 160/., 163.

Ophel, 454. Ophir, 68/., 335, 359.

reign of,

494/-

Maon,

96.

Mareshah, 95, 366, 383, 413. Mattan, 431. Megiddo, battle of, 517/.
Merari,
506.
128,

Ornan, 251/., 324.

Othniel, 108/., 290.

263;

sons

of,

274,

Palmyra, 353.
Parbar, 285.

Meri-baal, 165.

Parwaim, 325.
Passover, 470/., 512/. Patriarchs, antediluvian, 58 Pedaiah, 101, 103, 292.
Pelatiah, 102. Peleg, 68, 70. Pelet, 96, 196. Peleth, 94.
Philistines,
ff.

Merodach-baladan, 492. Meshech, 60, 67. Methushelah, 59.

Meunim,

15, 117, 405, 449.

Micaiah, prophecy of, 397/. Michael, 122. Midian, 73. Midrash, 22/., 378, 449, 458.

63

Milcom, 242.
Millo, 185, 487.

champions

/., 209, of, 243.

417,

449;

Miriam,

m.

Pillars, 381; before the Temple, /.; sun pillars, 382, 504.

328

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INDEX
Priests, cities of, iyjff.; courses of, (x)jf.\ in Jerusalem, 171/.; list

533
152.

Shubael, 265, 272, 277/.

Shuppim, 150,

127 ff., 137; 269, 478; support of, 479 ff. Princes, tribal, 291/. Prophets, 13, 397. Prophetess, 510. Psalteries, 215/.
of,

organisation of,

Simeon, 385, 504; conquests of, 116 ff.; genealogy of, 114 ff.; princes
of,

116/.

Pul, 125.

Singers, 5, 133 /., 339, 506; as scholars, 279; before the ark, 215 courses of, 275 ff., 281; ff., 220; families of, 276 ff.

Ram,

71, 82, 87, 93. Ramoth-gilead, 396. Rechab, 98. Rehoboam, 10; cities of, 366/.; dis-

Soco, in, 366, 460. Sojourners, 255/.

Solomon,

9, 14, 99/., 244/., 256/., 260/., 296/., 300, 313, 513; acces-

suaded from attacking

family

Israel, 365; of, 368/.; reign of, 362 ff.

Reuben, niff.; 123/. Reuel, 74/.

Rodanim,
Sabtah,
Sacrifice,

61.

62.

sion, 306/.; acts, 35 1#.; address of 1 34 /; appointments of, 354; bondservants of, 353; cities built by> 35*/-; cities exchanged with Hiram, 331/; history of, 313/.; levies of, 322/.; made king, 261; ministrations at the altar, 354; prayer of dedication, 342/.; promise at

Sabteca, 63.
457. Salt, covenant of, 375; Valley of,

human,

348;

Gibeon, 315; sacrifices of, trade at Ophir, 355; vision

*35>443-

Samuel, 184, 308, 515.

Sarah, 71/ Satan, 246, 398.
Saul, 195, 199, 287; death of, 181 ff.; genealogy of, 165, 179. Scorpions, 363. Sea, the brazen, 331, 334. Seer, 13, 308.

of, 349Sorcery, 496. Spear, 201.

Sukkiyim, 371. Sycomore-trees, 293, 318. Syria, 319, 461; invasion from, 438,

457/
Table-land,
450.

Tables, 333, 336; in the ark, 338.

Segub, 91.
Seir, 74/., 405.

Tadmor, 352/.
Tarshish, 61, 146, 148, 412/. Tekoa, 92, 106, 366; wilderness of,
409.

Semites, 65/. Sennacherib, invasion of, 485 ff. Servant of the king, 509. Seth, 58.

Tema, 72. Teman, 74.

Temple, age for service
building
of, in,

Shallum, 100, 510.

266

/.;

Shammah,

75, 88. Shaphan, 122, 502, 505, 508. Shealtiel, 101, 103.
of,

Sheba, 63, 68, 73, 122; Queen

356

Shephelah, 293. Shelah, 67, 70, 105, 113; sons of, 112/. Shem, 59, 70; descendants of, 63 ff.,
69.

Shenazzar, 101, 103. Sheshan, 94.

Shields, 372, 382, 400, 492.

cleansing of, 465/-; completion of, 355; cost of, 258; courts of, 335; date of, 324; dimensions of, 324 ff.; furniture of, 330 /., 335 /.; guard of, 424 ff.; material for, 258; oversight by Levites, 262; place of, 324; plans, given to Solomon, 298; pillars before the, 328 /.; preparations for, by David, 255 /.; by Solomon, 320 ff.; renewal of
244, 320;

worship in, 467 463 /.; repairs

servants of, 258,
.

/.; of,

reopening of, 434 /., 505;

Shishak, invasion of, 370/. Shobal, 75, 97; sons of, 105.

245;

workmen

of.

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534
Terah, 70.

INDEX
Visgin's Spring, 486.

Tiglath-pileser, 119, 124, 6i 459/-.

473-

Yahweh, angel of, 48S; camp of, 478Zadok, 128/., 201, 213, 454,
Zebulun,
473, 475!
of,

Togarmah,
Tola,

61.
480.

144/

Trumpets, 216, 339, 465Ur, 67. Uzal, 68/. Uzza, 206.

Uzziah, 12, 448; accession of, 447? death of, 453'. leprosy of, 45: prosperity of, 449; sons of, 274.
Uzziel, 213,

genealogy of

145/Zedekiah, reign Zemarites, 65.

52a/.

Zerah (clan), 75, 84, 170. Zerah the Cushite, 382/. Zerubbabel, 101/.
Ziklag, 115, 195, 199. Zoreah, 366.

"5.

a 77 466.

II.

HEBREW
also pages 38-36.)

(Compare

rib*, 99.
">?*,

^9T?i 3*3liS,

>*& 99-

459-

199.

",
n?,
214.
"HP,,

36437203.

Spawn, 158, 165, 187.

*&
":
jjo,

48i-

weto, 219.

wtfmaoS,
'??':,

thp rn^na, 224.

a^; aS rtSa, 203.

379-

rnoSp^Sp.,

an.

rwjS, 262.

W,
W,

All33-

p-i^pa, 99.

201.

mSpa, 196.
pSjSj, 262.

yj?. 317Sa";3D, 219.

n-jijo,

'jiaSStn, 108.

nix, 201.
OT!*J?> 38.

fu, 399D'pai, 401-

380.

n^SpD, 358.
"
,

n?\

38.

PPQV-> 2 35'\ne>nKn, 106.

?,

?p

35 8

O't^l, 200.

n.?";?P,

323.

nn, 298, 300.

nxSn, 106.
O'H'3-tP.n,

nra'BD, 166.
"<JP, 440.

np\

201.

395.

nnbp-5, 323.
o'r;, 474-

IDt, 222.
1P4. 453-

mpo, V0, 319Spa Spa

'->d,

165.

nth, 308.

"Wj
vptr,
J 33?*?

3347'"*, 279.

a'->o,

165.

pSn, 461.

iff >?* i??"?.

a'-iinp,

won, 86.
rwe^n, 453.
fvrtn, 86.

477-

"""*> 477-

anjnp, 303.
"?}.

***. 33naStf, 286.

3837124.

nirun, 69. ' " "I' VT

I

o-rhnn
rajp..

nw,

255.

8't>?J,

onopf, 124.
n'jan, 298, 300.

i7-

-nop,),

Pis, niph, 474-

"'

lo6 -

wwjSi ruSa, 121

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MACKINTOSH, Ph.D., Professor

College, Edinburgh.

THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF SALVATION. By GEORGE THE DOCTRINE OF THE CHRISTIAN

Brown, D.D.,
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B. STEVENS, D.D., sometime Professor of Systematic Theology, Yale University. [Now Ready.

Systematic Theology,

LIFE. By William Adams Union Theological

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tional Church,

CHRISTIAN ETHICS. By Newman Smyth, D.D., Pastor of Congrega[Revised and Enlarged Edition, New Haven.

THE CHRISTIAN PASTOR AND THE WORKING CHURCH.

THE CHRISTIAN PREACHER. The Rev. Principal of New College, London, England.
RABBINICAL LITERATURE.
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E. Garvie, M.A., D.D.,

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Introduction to the Literature of die Old TestaBy Professor S. R. Dwvwt, D.D., D.Lirt
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there is probably no book in the English Language equal Introduction to the Literature of the Ola Testament, for the student who desires to understand what the modern criticism thinks about the Bible."Dr. Lyman Abbott, in The Outlook. Crown 8vo. $2.50 nW.

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History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age. By Abthur C. McGutoit, Pb.D., D.D. " The clearness, self-consistency, and force of the whole impression of Apostolic Christianity with which we leave this book goes far to guarantee
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Apologetics;

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Old Testament History,

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life

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New Testament

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