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The Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: The First Two Seasons Author(s): Izumi Shimada Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Winter, 1981), pp. 405-446 Published by: Maney Publishing Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/529792 . Accessed: 28/01/2013 18:43
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The BatanGrande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the FirstTwo Seasons

IzumiShimada
PrincetonUniversity Princeton,New Jersey
Thearticlewas written cooperation AlanCraig,FloridaAtlantic in with University;CarlosG. EleraA., PontificiaUniversidad Catolicadel Peru;Jose Garcelen S., Universidad Nacionalde Trujillo; AnneHelsley,Princeton University; DavidParrellaand Christine Pickett,University Oregon; Melody of and Shimada,Princeton University. BatanGrande,occapying area of some55 sq. km. in the smallcoastalvalley an of La Lechein NorthPeru, is known a meccaof gravelootingthathas as yieldeda considerable quantity goldfunerar3 of artifacts. Thesedestructive clandestine operations havenot onlyprevented serious fieldwork also effecbut tivelyobscured complexity significance archaeological the and of remains that include nearly50 extensive cemeteries massiveadobeconstructions toand that getherspansome2,500 yearssince the Formative period(ca. 1300B.C.). Since 1978, the multi-year, interdisciplinary Princeton University BatanGrande-La LecheProjecthas beencarrying intensive oat field workwithprincipal research interests (a) evaluating role of organized in the religionin cultural development, (b) establishing regionalchronology, elucidating a (c) cultural interaction during theproblematical MiddleHorizon Period(ca. 600-1000 A.C.), and (d) documenting systemic relationships between cultural natural and processes.This paperpresentsthe majorresultsand interdisciplinary research strategies the of first twoseasonsas well as a modelof theBatanGrande burialand religious tradition.
Introduction The region of Batan Grande, which occupies the center of the small La Leche Valley on the northernedge of the "North Coast Culture Sub-Area" in Peru, (FIGS. 1-2), iS little known archaeologically.It is betterknown as a mecca for huaqueros (local term for grave looters) who, through years of random and systematic looting, have devastated some 50 extensive cemeteries and associated architecture. Over 20,000 deep pits and numerousbulldozerlland-grader tracks from the looting are visible among the algarrobo (acacia) trees and large truncatedadobe pyramids. To archaeologistsandtouristsalike who are accustomedto seeing extensive green irrigatedagriculturalfields in the coastal valleys to the south, the Batan Grande region presents a striking vista. From the late 1930s to the late 1960s, the often highly organized and mechanized looting effectively precluded any systematic or long-term scientific investi-
gation of the rich archaeological remains in the area. A considerable quantity of gold funerary objects such as "death masks" (FIG. 3) and "tumi knives" (FIG. 4) were recovered;we have little knowledge, however, of the culturalsystems that developed and sustainedthe ceremoniall religious and mortuarycustoms that requiredsuch a large investment of material and human resources. The great majorityof the inventory at the Gold Museum in Lima is believed to have been derivedfrom looting in BatanGrande. The beauty, variety, and technological sophistication of these artifactshave, fortunately,long been appreciatedand analyzed.l Symptomaticof this one-sided picture of Batan
1. For example, HeatherLechtman, "The Gilding of Metals in Pre-ColumbianPeru," in Applicationof Science in Examinationof Worksof Art, W.J. Young, ed. (Boston 1973) 38-52; idem, "E1 [)orado de Metales en el PeruPrecolombino,''RMN40 (Lima 1974) 88-110; Miguel MujicaG., Catalogue, MuseumGold of Peru (Lima 1970); Georg Petersen, "Mineria
too-
406 The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada
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Grandeprehistoryis the tendencyto subsumemany of these gold artifactsunderthe rubricof "Chimu Culture," without properlyassessing the local culturaldevelopments.
y Metalurgiaen el Antiguo Peru," Arqueologicas (1970) 101-117; 12 A.D. Tushingham, "Metallurgy," in Goldfor the Gods, A.D. Tushingham, ed. (Toronto 1976) 55-64. The artifacts illustratedin Figs. 3-4 were inventoried by J. C. Tello (see below, note 22) when he inspectedthe BatanGranderuins and looting as representativeof the National Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology. Tello studied another collection of funerary gold artifacts from BatanGrandein 1919. In 1929, GustavoAntze examinedothercollections of funerarygold artifactsexcavated and purchasedby Heinrich Bruning (now housed in the Hamburg Museum)fromHuacasde la Cruzand Sapame in Batan Grande: see Antze, Trabajos Metalen el Nortedel Peru, en translatedfrom the Germanby E. Moore (Lima 1965). The death masks in this collection and othersrecoveredrecently by WalterAlva nearHuaca Corte during salvage excavations are stylistically nearly identical to the death mask shown in Fig. 3. During the summerof 1980 our four-month analysis of looting at Batan Grande, as well as the discovery of colorful murals depicting Classic Lambayeque "death masks" at Huaca Corte furtherindicate that the use of Classic Lambayequemetal funerarymasks was primarilyrestrictedto Batan Grande, ca. 900-1350 A.C.
It is not the purpose of this paper to criticize the past situation or focus upon looting and looted goods, which would only accentuatethe skewed understanding have we of this area. Batan Grande has a number of culturalphenomena that provide an excellent basis for resolution of various major issues facing Andean archaeology, as well as of more generaltheoreticaland methodologicalproblems in archaeology.The 1978 preliminary surveyby I. Shimada and earlierinvestigations2 have delineateda numberof signiElcant cultural and naturalfeatures of Batan Grande, as follows. 1) Batan Grandesslocation is a nodalpointof the communication network links various "CultureSub-Areas'' that of North Peru, each with distinctive environmentalcharacteristicsand culturaltraditions(such as the Vicus Culture in the arid, tropicalcoastal regions of the Far North Coast; the Valdivia, Machalilla and Chorrera culturesof the Ecuadorian coast; the highland regions of Chachapoya,Chota, Cajamarca,and Huamachuco;and the Moche and Chimu culturaltraditionsof the fertile coastal valleys on the North Coast to the south). The E-W route throughBatan Grande is the closest linkage through the highlands between the jungle of the Amazon Basin and the coast. 2) Despite its small size and the presence of a perennial river, La Leche Valley is laced throughby the largeintervalley canal systems of Raca Rumi (Lambayeque-La Leche), Jayanca (La Leche-Motupe), and Taymi (Lambayeque-La Leche), a fact that suggests some hydrological peculiarities.This circumstancealso indicatesthe necessity for an inter-valley perspective, and makes clear the limitations of the "individual-valleyunit" approachprevalent in the archaeologyof the Peruviancoast.3 3) The area shows little evidence of prehispanicagriculturalactivity and habitationalsites but, rather,much of the 55 sq. km. area was utilized nearly continuouslyfrom the Formativeperiod (ca. 1300 B.C. or even earlier)to the time of the Inca Conquest of- the North Coast ca. 1460-1470 A.C. for cemeteraes associatedwiththe monumental archatecture.This non-agricultural utilization the fertile botof
2. Izumi Shimada, "Behind the Golden Mask: Archaeology of Batan Grande, Peru," paper presentedat the annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Vancouver (1979); Paul Kosok, Life, Land and Waterin AncientPeru (New York 1965) 159-166; Duccio Bonavia, Ricchata Quellecani: Pinturas Murales Prehispanicas (Lima 1974) 92-98; C.B. Donnan, "Moche-HuariMuralsfrom NorthernPeru," Archaeology 25 ( 1972) 85-95; RichardP. Schaedel, "MajorCeremonialandPopulation Centersin Northern Peru," Proceedings of the 29th InternationalCongress of Americanists2 (Chicago l951) 232-243; idem, "The Huaca Pintada of Illimo," Archaeology 31 (1978) 27-37. 3. Izumi Shimada,"The NorthPeruvianAnthropological ResearchGtoup (NorPARG)," JFA 7 (1980) 377-378; Richard P. Schaedel and lzumi Shimada, "PeruvianArchaeology 1946-1980: An AnalyticalOverview," WA 13 (in press 1981) .
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tom land of the valley is unique on the coast and deserves particular attention. 4) These cemeteries and architectureshow significant ceramic and iconographic evidence of the coexistence and
stylisticblendingof variouscontemporaneous culturesof theMiddleHorizon period(600-1000 A.C.), such as Moche,

Wari, Cajamarca,and Lambayeque.This observationraises
the possibility that Batan Grande was the major religious and burialcenter of North Peru, whose attraction across cut cultural, temporal, and spatial boundaries. The purpose of this paper is to present (a) basic data in documentation the featuresdescribedabove, (b) a model of of the Batan Grande religious and burial tradition that emerges from the integrationof these data, and (c) an in-
Project:theFirst TwoSeasons/Shamada LecheArchaeologacal 408 TheBatanGrande-La

terdisciplinary (involving archaeology, geology, faunaland botanical analyses, and ethnohistory) research strategy to deal with the three research interests specified below. Research Objectives, Organization, and Strategies The Princeton University Batan Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project has three principal interrelated research components, each with specific and general theoretical and substantive issues and aims in mind. The firstis the role of organizedreligion in culturaldevelopment. More specifically, we aim (1) to determinethe spatial, temwithin of poral, and formalparameters religious architecture the LambayequeValley Complex (the hydrologicallylinked Zana, Lambayeque,La Leche, and Motupe Valleys [FIGS l-2]); and (2) to test the basic propositionthat BatanGrande was the majorreligious and burialcenterof the North Coast during the Middle Horizon and Late IntermediatePeriods (ca. 600-1350 A.C.), and that the distinctive Classic Lambayeque art style (FIG. S) iS a material expression of the religious organizationat Batan Grande, which had limited functions within ritual and funerary contexts. Ideological foundation and stimuli, ceremonial and religious settings and paraphernalia,as well as the economic basis (interregionaltrade, mining, and metallurgy)of the religious corporate body will be examined in this article. Intensive excavations at two sites (Huaca Lucia and Soledad) in Batan Grande by I. Shimada along with an extensive survey of religious architectureby D. Parrellahave been conducted. Distributionaland contextual analyses of the Classic Lambayeque ceramics continue. The second focus is on the establishmentof the regional cultural chronology and elucidation of "cultural interaction" involving Moche, Wari, Cajamarca,and local Lambayequeculturesduringthe Middle Horizonperiod in Batan Grande.This concern is directly pertinentto questions surroundingthe evolutionaryprocesses of the "Classic Lambayeque" culture during the Middle Horizon. The Classic Lambayequestyle is believed to be the long-term outcome of stylistic/ideological syncretism of Moche and Wari (to a lesser extent) within a local religiousliconographictradition dating back to the inferred influence of Cupisnique. This interest is also central to determining the nature of Moche and Wari expansion on the North Coast and understanding"emergingculturalcomplexity" duringthe Middle Horizon period, which provided a basis for the later pancoastal Chimu Kingdom. Culturalinteractionwill be examined throughsystematic analysis of ceramic samples from excavations at selected sites and from surface collection using various controlled samplingdesigns, the task assigned to C. Pickett. This analysis permits us effectively to assess not only the relative merits of different sampling designs in dealing with exten-
Figure 3. Gold S;deathmask" looted from Batan Grandeand currently on display at the Gold Museum in Lima. H. 28.5 cm., W. 47.4 cm.
Figure 4. SSTumi knife" looted from Batan Grandeand currentlyon display at the Gold Museum in Lima. Both the death mask and this knife are executed in the Classic Lambayequeart style. H. 27.7 cm. W. 10.3 cm.
Journul of Field ArchueologylVol. 8, 1981 409 sive looted cemeteries, but also the type-varietyand stylistic techniquesof ceramic analysis. The task of establishing the chronology is multi-faceted, necessitating a series of independentapproaches. Concurrent with the work of Pickett, Carlos G. Elera A. and Jose Garcelen S. carriedout an excavation at the inferredrural, habitationalsite of Huaca del Peublo Batan Grande, thus providing an independentcheck for the chronology emerging from the work by Pickett. The habitational and nonhabitationalsamples derived from the two approachesalso give a comprehensivepicture of prehispanicoccupation in the La Leche Valley. A. Helsley's excavation at Tambo Real (Late Horizon) furtheramplifies the culturalchronology and nature of Chimu and Inca control of La Leche Valley. Rich ethnohistoricaldocuments pertaining to the populations of the 15th and 16th centuries in La Leche Valley offer yet anotherarea for a productiveinterdisciplinary collaboration. In particular, the Inca occupation at evidence, TamboReal, along with the relevantdocumentary serves as a test case for the model of Inca stateadministration developed elsewhere in Peru. The thirdcomponentprovidespaleoecological context for the archaeologicalcomponentsof the project and elucidates the culturalimplicationsof dynamic geomorphologicaland hydrological conditions in the Lambayeque Valley Complex. That task was undertakenby A. Craig, geomorphologist, and M. Shimada, organic analyst. There are five specific tasks: (1) identificationand documentationof physiographic changes (dynamic forces, spatial and temporal parameters)and their impact upon regional populations; (2) identificationand assessment of potential mineralogical resources in the study area; (3) geological characterization of the Batan Granderegion; (4) identificationof the spatial extent, relative chronology, and functional characteristics of major intra- and inter-valley canals within the Lambayeque Valley Complex; and (S) reconstructionof the subsistence base and strategies through identification of the patternsof exploitationand managementof floral and faunal resources. Obviously one of the pressing geological questions is whetheror not the intensive utilizationof the fertile bottom land of the central La Leche Valley for burials and pyramidswas "preconditioned"by naturalfactors. Craig's fieldwork involved extensive survey as well as detailed examinationof geological profiles exposed in canal cuts and river courses, following stereoscopic analysis of the five sets of airphotos. M. Shimada's work included analysis of organic materialsfrom various excavations by other members, as well as from her own, to provide an independent, controlled sample. The Batan Grande work is part of her more extensive study of North Peruvian pre-hispanic subsistence based on materialsfrom such varied sites as Huacaloma in the CajamarcaBasin and Pampa Grande, the Moche V ceremonialcity in Lambayeque.Specialized functions and land-use patterns within Batan Grande provide interesting data for comparison with the ceremoniallresidential sites of Pampa Grandeand Huacaloma. The Study Areas Any research concerned with the spatial dimensions of human existence must establish an explicitly definable
vessel (H. ca. O.21cm.), style 5. Figure ClassicLambayeque blackware in MuseoBruning Lambayeque.
"study area" that is justifiable in respect to the research issues at hand.4 Size, shape, and the mannerin which the study area is defined significantly affect the natureand validity of inferences that may be drawnregardingthe spatial dimensions of archaeologicalremains. The study area for the first two researchconcerns of the projectis an elongated, triangularalluvial plain defined on
4. David Pinder,IzumiShimada,and David Gregory,';The Nearestand Application New Developments," Archaeological Statistic: Neighbor 44 AmAnt (1979)443.
410 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasonslShimada

Figure 6. Location and names of the major cemeteries and monumentaladobe constructionsin the Poma District, Batan Grande.
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the north by Rio Pacora, south by Rio La Leche, east by the junctureof the two rivers, and west by the Poma canal and the intensively cultivatedsmall fields of Illimo, an area of about 55 sq. km. (FIG. 6). Ecologically this area is a highly homogeneous zone dominatedby algarrobo,zapote, and vichayo (monte vegetation), while the areato the south has sparservegetationalcoverage and extensive sand sheets, and the area to the northhas similarly sparsevegetationbut extensive alluvial fans from side canyons (quebradas). Farther east is a zone of irrigatedsugar cane, while the region to the west is dominatedby irrigatedsmall fields, including wet paddies for rice cultivation. The delimitation of this study area is also based on the observation that the area encompasses most of the known majorcemeteries and pyramids within La Leche Valley with the exception of the E1 Purgatorio-Tucume region further west. In addition, the ceramicsidentifiedso far include (in termsof the previously defined styles) pre-ChavinPacopampa, Cupisnique, Vicusoid, Gallinazo-likeface-neck jars, Moche IV and V, Middle to Late Cajamarca,WariNorteno, Classic Lambayeque, Chimu, Chimu-Inca,ProvincialInca, Colonial, and vessels of historical times remarkablevariabilityfor any one region. The specialized natureof archaeologicalremains (cemeteries and monumental architecturewithout associated habitationalsites and irrigation canals/agriculturalfields) furtheradds credence to the appropriateness this study of area. The sites of Tambo Real, Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande, and Sapame are situated outside this area and all
have definite residentialoccupations. The area corresponds to the Batan Grande National Archaeological Monument designatedby the InstitutoNacional de Cultura Locally this area is known as the Poma (western half) and Santa Clara (easternhalf) Districts. For the third component of the project, however, the study area corresponds to the hydrologically interlinked Lambayeque Valley Complexs (FIG. 2). Here the coastal desert and alluvial plains of the four contiguous valleys merge to create the single largest cultivable area on the Peruvian coast. Unlike "circumscribed coastal river valleys"6 to the south, the Andeanfoothills recede considerably furtherinland and, at places, are discontinuous. Thus, hydrological and geomorphologicalstudies need to deal with the LambayequeValley Complex as a system. Systematic Transect Survey Before proceeding to discussion of specific excavations, resultsof the systematictransectsurvey of the BatanGrande study area in 1979 are described to provide furtherbackground. The 1978 survey of Poma aimed at determination of the spatial, temporal, and formal dimensions of the ar5. Paul Kosok, "El Valle de Lambayeque," Actasdel II Congreso Nacionalde Historia Peru (Lima 1959) 49-67; idem, 1965 op.cit. (in del note 2) 146-174. 6. RobertCameiro, "A Theory of the Origin of the State," Science169 (1970) 735.
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 411 chaeological remains resulted in a numberof observations thatwarranted elaborationand furthertesting. For example, the resultantceramic sample, in spite of showing tremendous variation,was collected for diagnosticvalue andlacked a statisticallysound basis for assessment of representativeness and inference-making.The sites examined were primarily located by air-photo analysis or local guides, and represented larger, more visible archaeologicalremains. the Furthermore,it became apparentthat ecological variation between the Poma and Santa Clara Districts was gradual and minimal, and could be encompassed as a single ecological stratumin futuresampling. The 1979 surfacesurvey and concurrentsurface collection provideda representative pictureof extantarchaeologicalvariability,andrectifiedand elaboratedthe situation and observationsdescribedabove. For several specific reasons we adoptedsystematictransect sampling: (1) the relative ease with which it can be implementedin an area with dense vegetational coverage and no, or nearly invisible, physical referentsfor triangulation; (2) the relatively large surface size of the study area (ca. 55 sq. km.) for the given time and manpower;and (3) difElcultaccess to startingpoints and limited mobility. Zig-zaggingacrossthe studyarea, nine transectswere made, each consisting of a 40 m. wide (4 persons at 10 m. intervals), straight-linepath linking north and south borders of the studyarea. Each transecthad a predetermined bearing of either 30 or 150 degrees east of magnetic north. Earlierobservationson the considerableceramic stylistic variability were confirmed by the new collection. There were wider and greater distributionsthan anticipated of Formative,Cajamarca,Chimu-Inca,and Colonial ceramics throughoutmuch of the Poma District, although such distributional patternswere less clear in Santa Clarawhere no major cemeteries or pyramids occur. The survey encounteredan appreciable numberof small, scattered,featureless, low mounds(about 10 m. in diameter)thatcannotbe readily identified on aerial photos and may prove to be house mounds in future excavation. No Wari ceramics, pure or local imitations, were found, althoughpure Moche IV and V sherds occurred in appreciable numbersat HuacasSoledad and Lucia. WariNorteno and composite styles such as Lambayeque-Moche,Lambayeque-Wari,Moche-Wari, and Lambayeque-Cajamarca were quite rare and restricted to Poma sites. Elaborately decorated Classic Lambayequeblackware were relatively common in Poma cemeteries. Paddledware (paleteada), as expected, was more common than pressed ware, but both are widely distributed.The scarcity of sherds attributable to the Early Intermediate period (200 B.C. to 600 A.C.) was disturbing,but we believe this circumstanceis more of a perceptionalproblemthan a real hiatus. Potential sampling distortionsresulting from looters collecting "curious" and ornate sherds remain to be determined, as we do not have adequateinformation the extent of collection. The effects on of repeated looting and long-term, multiple interment at differentdepths on our samples will be discussed later. Surveys and Excavations of Religious Architecture A. ArchitecturalSurveys D. Parrella conducteda generalsurveyinvolving mapping (Bruntoncompass and 50 m. tape), surface collection of diagnosticsherds, and analysis of broaderarchitectural and environmentalcontexts of "religious" architectureat the regional (contiguous valleys between Jequetepeque and Motupe; FIGS. 1-2) and local (Batan Grande) levels. The survey was aimed at establishing an operationaldefinition of "religious" architecture elucidationof spatial, temand poral, and functionalvariation.Only with a comprehensive understanding its variationanddevelopmentalhistorycan of we properlyassess BatanGrandearchitecture.Previoussurveys by A.L. Kroeber, P. Kosok, and R.P. Schaedel provided the foundationof our study.7 In archaeological literature religious architecture has rarely been explicitly defined. We are addressingnot how a given place becomes sacred but rather, given a sacred place, how does an organized religion manifest itself architecturally. The religious architectureas defined in this paper possesses several basic features. (a) It has a single focal pointor physicalreferencethatis symbolically a center of the sacredworld andtowardwhich activities, access, etc. are oriented;in other words, architecture a symmetrical has layout and centripetal effect toward the focal point. (b) There is physical segregation (e.g. accentuatedthreshold, series of platforms,long and elaboraterampsor stairs) to mark the transitionone makes from the secular to the sacred,innerworld. The physicaltransitionserves to remind one of the extraordinary natureof the architecture.In addition, the interiorarchitecture horizontallyand vertically is differentiatedto further demarcate the focal point (e.g., altars, platforms, sunken courts). (c)"Holy" images or objects often decorated with vivid and efficacious representations of the focal image or object are present. Polychrome murals are excellent examples of this point. The overall setting, then, is an effective device for symbolic communication. Survey in the contiguous Jequetepeque, Zana, Lambayeque, La Leche, and MotupeValleys suggests architecture that fulfills the above criteriashows formal and contextual variationthat is largely subsumed under three broadly defined architecturalclasses: (a) the isolated T-shaped plat7. A .L. Kroeber,ArchaeologicalExplorationsin Peru^Part ll: TheNorthern Coastw Field Museum of Natural Historyw AnthropologyMemoirs 2, No. 2 (Chicago 1930) 57-73, 91-94; Kosok, op. cit. (in note 2) 135-179; Schaedel, 1951 op. cit. (in note 2) 236-240.
412
The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons/Shimada addition,with the possible exception of the principalmound of Huaca La Merced, there is no T-shape constructionin pure form as seen in areas to the south. Most importantly, the survey confirmedthat there was an undeniablesystemic (in terms of functional, chronological, and spatial placements) relationship between architectureand cemeteries in Batan Grande. In the following brief discussion, only several sites directly pertinent to these observations are considered. Isolated, relatively small conical mounds (D. ca. 60 m.) overlookingthe surrounding cemeteriesat HuacasCholope, La Mayanga, Soledad (Mounds I and II), and Tordo form an architectural class. We hypothesize that they were "shrines" (platform mounds with enclosures on top) associated with the surroundingcemeteries. A test case at Mound I, Huaca Soledad that supports this contention is describedlater. They are believed to have a complex constructionalhistory. Huaca Loayza, on the other hand, displays a definite rectangular"plaza" configurationdefined by mounds on the north, east, and west sides, each with a somewhatdifferentconstructionformatand form. The plaza has no huaquero pit. The associated cemetery is largely confined to northof the plaza, althoughit does extend somewhatto the east and west. In our scheme of architectural evolution in Batan Grande, Loayza may represent a precursorto the Batan GrandePyramid Group plaza configuration(F1G. 8) furtherwest with increasing emphasis on architectureand dissociation with cemeteries. Huaca Corte, due west of Loayaza, may representyet anotherstage of the westerly shift noted above. While the cemetery is quite large, particularly towardthe Rio Leche, the architectural featuresaremoreprominent here. The cemetery contains Formative components, although Middle Horizon and Late Intermediatecomponentsdominate. The principalarchitecture a long platform-likepyramidbuilt is up in a series of levels, possibly connected by a T-shaped centralrampor stairway. An enormouslooters' trenchthat removed much of the central portion of the architecture down to its foundationreveals a sequence of construction phases. The lowest level is an adobe-and-fillconstruction with large rectangular adobes. Higherup in the centralportion is a platformof solid adobe (with "maker's marks") and the top is covered by burned,cane/cord-marked plaster and mortarfragmentswith paint, suggesting some former superstructure.The pyramid has at least two subsidiary mounds. WhereasHuaca Corte is built on a large, naturalterrace, HuacaLas Ventanasfurtherwest sits on and is surrounded by a large artificial platform of adobe-and-fillchambers. The pyramidof Las Ventanason the west side shows three levels, the lowest of which contains adobes with "maker's marks" similar to Moche marks in the Moche Valley (FIG.
form mound with a central ramp that connects various platformlevels (e.g., Huaca Taco in the LambayequeValley, FIG. 7; HuacasTeodoraand Miguelito in the Zana Valley); (b) the large, steep-sidedtruncated adobe pyramidwith or without associated platformmound (e.g., Huaca Rajada in the Lambayeque Valley); and (c) the platform mound with rectangularenclosure at the top (e.g., Mound II of HuacaSoledad, HuacaLa Mayanga,both in BatanGrande). Other than temporal and stylistic considerations, much of this variation is believed to reflect the nature of religious acts (elite vs. masses, regularvs. irregular,etc.), different degrees of functionalexclusivity, and the natureof participants (public vs. private). At a few major sites (such as Chotuna, Colluz, and Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque Valley), the three basic configurationsare broughttogether in close proximity, suggesting their integrationundera single, dominant authority. In Batan Grande similar coexistence is seen only in the Batan GrandePyramidGroup (and perhapsat HuacaLoayza), which representsthe late end of the religious architectural evolution in Batan Grande. Architectural surveyin the Poma Districtof BatanGrande led to a number of generalizations elaborated in a later section. For example, most architecture faces east and west, andorientationmay have had some underlyingastronomical considerations. At the time of the Spanish Conquest (1532-1535 A.C.), the Poma region was known as ''Sican" or the "House of the Moon." Surface area occupied and estimated labor/materialinvestment representedin the religious architectureincrease in a westerly direction, culminating with the Batan Grande Pyramid Group. In
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Figure 7. Reconstructedplan of Huaca Taco, sw LambayequeValley. Note the basic T-shape construction.
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 413

Figure 8. The Batan GrandePyramid Groupand Plaza configuration. Note that La Leche River bisects the PyramidGroup.
9) and a possible side rampalong the northface. On the top level thereare still standingadobe walls thatonce delineated a large rectangularcompound. The Batan Grande Pyramid Group (FIG. 8) consists of Huacas Las Ventanas, La Merced, Oro, Rodillona and Ingenieros. These huacas representthe large end of size variation and the western extent of Batan Grandearchitecture. Perhapsmore importantly,these huacas manifest internal differentiationof form and by inference function. Huaca La Merced encompasses two major mounds situated towardthe easternand westernedges of an associatedcemetery. The west moundhas been largelydestroyedby looters
whereasthe east mound rises in a series of narrowingplatforms linked possibly by a T-shaped centralramp. Huaca Oro refers to a large adobe, truncatedpyramid with steep, slightly curving sides that rises some 35 m. above the Plaza surface (FIG. 10). It has a numberof outfeatures,includingan L-shaped,high, standingarchitectural narrowramp reaching the top from the west following the south face of the pyramid. The second feature is a long ramp (ca. 145 m.) that extends north. These features are stronglyreminiscentof some pyramids at E1 Purgatorioto the south (includingHuacadel Pueblo Tucume, FIG. 2). Oro may have been the prototypefor pyramidsat the lattersite.
414 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasonstShimada
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Oro does not align with the Las Ventanaspyramidand the overall unity of the Plaza may have been achieved by subsidiary structuresthat are now buried. Lack of pyramidal alignment is not surprisingconsidering the distinct possibility that componentpyramidsof the PyramidGroupwere originally constructedat different times. Huaca Rodillona does not face the Plaza, although it is included in the Batan GrandePyramidGroup. Rodillona is by far the largest construction in Batan Grande, (FIG. 11) having estimatedbasal dimensions of 80 m. x 100 m. and a height of some 35 m. The pyramid actually consists of two structures: two-level platformwith a large connecting a centralramp(thushaving a T-shape) and a steep-sidedtruncated pyramidto the west. The pyramidalportionmay well be a later addition to a T-shaped platform. Functionaldifferentiationbetween these two components is suggested by the long zig-zag rampthat provides access only to the pyramid. Consideringits visibility from the surroundingarea, the platformmay have served as a setting for public rituals, while the pyramid top may have been reserved for more exclusive, elite activities. Other than a limited number of largeburialpits immediatelysurrounding pyramid,there the is no evidence of an associated, massive cemetery, suggesting dissociation of the pyramid from burial activities. Overall, Huaca Rodillona appearsto be the culminationof increasing dissociation of architecturefrom burials. Comparedto earlier sites in Batan Grande, at Huaca Rodillona, architecture(and not cemeteries) dominates the cultural landscape. Perhaps the shift representedincreasing power of a religious elite as opposed to earlier emphasis on the cult of the dead and ideology.
If the numberand size of looters' pits are indicationsof the natureof burials, burials in close proximity to the pyramidsof Oro and Rodillonawould representa small number of elite. We argue that the size of the burial pit and the social statusof the decreasedare positively correlatedwhile distance between religious architecture and burialpit is inversely related to the status of the deceased. The fact that a small numberof large burialpits are found in close proximity to Huacas Oro and Rodillona (believed to date to ca. 900-1350 A.C.) suggests (1) clear stratification religious of personnel andtor (2) burial privilege in accordance with differential sacred land value and social status of the deceased. Parrellasuggests that the depth (up to 20 m.) of the large tombs may reflect concern for the security of burials and funeraryofferings. Althoughthe large squarepyramidsat Rodillonaand Oro represent something of a departurefrom earlier religious structures BatanGrande,their basic form of two or more in levels connected by a centralramp (T-shape)reflects some unity with constructions in the Jequetepeque, Zana, and LambayequeValleys discussed earlier. The T-shaped constructionsatop Oro and Rodillona with their limited access suggest furtherseparation inferredritualactivity from the of public. Huaca Santillo, situated NW of the Pyramid Group has a majorplatformextending north and south from the principal adobe pyramid. Burial pits on the platform are significantly larger than those in the cemetery to the east corroborating relationshipbetween architecture burthe and ials noted for Oro and Rodillona. The concept of burial platform may have been widespread on the North Coast during the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediateperiods; consider constructionat Pacatnamu8 Chan Chan.9 and
8. RichardW. Keatinge "Religious Forrnsand Secular Functions:The Expansionof State Bureaucraciesas Reflected in PrehistoricArchitecture on the PeruvianNorth Coast," AnnNYAS 293 (1977) 229-245. 9. M.E. Moseley, "Chan Chan:Andean Alternativeof the Pre-Industrial City," Science 187 (1975) 219-225.
Journal of Field ArchaeologytVol. 8, 1981 415 showed considerable stylistic variation, including Cupisnique, Moche IVB (?) and V, Wari Norteno, Cajamarca (Cursive), Coastal Cajamarca, Classic Lambayeque, pressed and paddled (paleteada) wares, and Chimu. This complex composition suggests that the Huaca was repeatedly utilizedfor burialsand/orhabitationover a considerable time span (ca. 600-1450 A.C.). We began excavationby straightening sides of several the looters' pits, which showed a simple and relatively undifferentiated sandy-silt matrix with occasional outlines of large intrusive burial pits. Collector A, whom I. Shimada interviewedin 1978 and 1979, claimed to have encountered several massive paintedcolumns, a platform, and a number of burials during his looting in the early 1960s. Although he backfilled his pits to preserve the architecture,we estimated that about a third of the Templo has been disturbed or destroyed. The main excavation was Trench 8 (5 m. x 13 m.), which was intended to reveal the central portion of the Templo where we suspected the focal architectural features and formal entrancewould be (FIG. 12-13). Eight of the 24 adobe-and-claycolumns identified so far served as the east and west margins of Trench 8. Within the Trench we encountered massive upper column segments that flared toward one U-shaped end (FIG. 14). In addition there were numerouswhole, conical adobes and smaller fragmentsof clay mortarthatcementedthe adobes together(FIG. 15). The columnsegmentswere initially thoughtto have fallen during a strongearthquake following abandonment the Templo. of Careful examination of these segments and their depositional pattern, however, suggests ratherthat they were intentially placed on and above the clay floor and buried by clean sand. The sand shows neither the grain sorting expectedfromwaterdepositionnorthe cross-beddingexpected from wind deposition. Contraryto the anticipatedbreakage that would result from the fall of any column segment (estimated to weigh about a ton) from a minimum height of 4 feet, these segments show little structuraldamage. One small column segment that accidentally fell during excavation from its sand matrixon to the hard clay floor broke into variouspieces, illuminatingthe constructiontechnique (FIG. 16). Nine adobes with one additional adobe in the center were arrangedin a "spoked-wheel format" and cemented with clay mortar, forming a modularunit that was simply stacked over another. The lack of any structural featureagainst lateral sway accounts for the flat top of the standing columns. The grooved flaring ends of the upper segments suggests that they served as receptacles (tongueand-grooveformat)for some superstructure (roof beams?), although there is no trace of any beams or roofing. The numberand distributionof grooved segments from Trench 8 suggest that all of the central columns had two segments with an originalheight of ca. 3.5-4.0 m. Futureexcavation
Figure 11. Reconstructedplan of Huaca Rodillona with complex platformand ramp arrangement.The upper and lower halves of the pyramidhave different access. The lower set of platfolms are linked by a central ramp in the classic T-shape folmat.
B. HuacaLucla
.
During the 1978 survey I. Shimada observed three massive (about 1.2 m. in diameter), painted (reddish-pink)columns and an enclosing adobe wall on the northern perimeter of Huaca Lucia in Poma. The observed architecturalfeatures, exclusive use of conical adobes, and widespreadoccurrenceof Cupisniquesherds in the-area, argued that the construction was Formative in date and non-domestic in nature. Excavation in 1979, then, was intended to test the hypothesis that the northernportion of Huaca Lucia represented a Cupisniquetemple and perhaps the first monumental religious construction symbolizing the emergence of a corporatereligion in the BatanGranderegion. We were far from optimistic, however, aboutour chances of recovering artifacts in undisturbedcontexts or of defining architecturalconfiguration,consideringthe intimidatingnumber of large huaquero (looter) pits and bulldozer tracks. According to local informants,the Huaca had been subjected to at least three "recent" waves of looting the first by the crew of shovelers directed by the formerhacienda owners, the second by bulldozers, andthe thirdby variousindividual
huaqueros.
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Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada 416 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological

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may show that all 24 columns were the same height. The columns form threeparallelrows northof a three-levelplatformthatspannedthe width (E-W) of the enclosureas defined by a thick wall of conical adobes (FIG. 12). As shown in Figure 17, the platform has two symmetrically placed box-shaped constructionsof solid adobe and clay mortar.Like the floor of the Templo, the platformhas
that wear a veryeven, firmsurface showslittleuse-related of or damage.The floor of the Templowas constructed clay laid 7-12 cm. of homogeneous,highly compacted down in a series of thin layers. In places the floor is so smoothit seemsto shinein the intensesunlight.Sub-floor excavation Trench8 revealedan earlierclay floor of of was aimedat deabout5 cm. thickness.This excavation
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terrniningthe cause of two irregularly shaped patches of (reddish-brown) discolorationevident on the floor surface. Excavation showed that sufficient heat emanated from the floor surface to thoroughly discolor nearly S cms. of the clay floor. At the same time, the undamaged state of the surface suggests very careful burning or use of charcoal over a long period of time. No charcoal or ash deposit was encounteredin our excavation, indicatingthat the enclosure was kept very clean. Walter Alva10reportsa recurringpatternof small, subfloor "offering fires" at contemporaneous sites in the Zana Valley to the south. Our excavation outside the enclosure, although limited, showed that the two superimposedfloors extended east and southbeyondthe enclosure, andthatthe areadirectlyoutside its sw corner had undergone some architecturalchanges. This cornerwas originally carefully roundedwith a terrace extending west but was later covered by a conical adobe wall that extended south. Overall, excavation indicated at least two constructionphases, the latest dating to the Cupisnique occupation. Supportfor the Cupisniquedate comes from traces of a polychrome mural found on the outside face of the enclosure wall in Trench 17 (FIG. 18). A large huaquero that destroyed the inferred SE corner of the pit enclosure revealed that the enclosure wall had two plaster layers, the outer layer showing a curvilineardesign in dark greyish-blueand red (hematite?)outlinedwith black against a beige background.The color and design are similarto the muralon the principal wall of the interiortemple at Cerro Sechin in the Casma Valley to the south. The Sechin mural depicts a stylized feline, drawn over an earlier incised decoration. The mural at Lucia does not show incised outline. The outlook for recovering more murals is dim because of huaqueros' disturbance, intrusive burial pits placed along
Figure16. Schematized representation the construction of technique for thecolumns reconstructed of a complete and view column.
10. Walter Alva, personal communication, December, 1979.
Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada LecheArchaeological 418 TheBatanGrande-La

Mound I, an adobe pyramidof similar size that may have forrneda pair with Mound II; and (4) the mound had not been looted. Overall, the moundhad a long, complex, constructionhistory as a majorreligious center associated with the Middle Horizon burial ground that it overlooks. Here, then, was an excellent opportunityto deal with two of the of principalconcernsof the project:demonstration the longof terrnreligious signiElcance BatanGrandeand elucidation of cultural interaction during the problematical Middle Horizon. Trench and block excavations showed that much of the mound's height (ca. 10 m.) is derived from at least five phases of purely adobe-and-mortar constructions, each modificationsand two to phase showing some architectural plasteredfloors. Each constructionphase five superimposed is clearly separatedby 50 to 100 cm. of thick artificial fill of two kinds: (a) a clean silt-sand mixture overlying (b) a uniformlayerof compactedalgarroboleaves, branches,and fruits that thoroughlycovers plastered floors and architecture (including its vertical faces). The former fill was undoubtedlyexcavatedand broughtin from nearbyriversand/ or canals, althoughthe sand could have been locally gathered. The layer, in any case, helped to preserve floors and architecturein excellent condition. This situation is similar to the ';entombment" of the successive temples at the CentralHighlandsite of Kotosh.11 We argue that there is an importantsymbolic linkage between this practice and a human burial pattern in Batan layeringof ochre and white Grandeinvolving superimposed sand documentedelsewhere.l2 The mound constructionis by characterized a conspicuous absence of artifacts,refuse, floor and architecturalfeatures of domestic activities and layresidentialfunctions, and by its elaboratearchitectural out and construction(e.g., ramps, platforms, niches, plascolumns, cardinalorientationand symmetry). tered/painted The scarcityof artifactsmakes it difficult to date or speak of possible culturalaffiliationsof variousconstructions.On the otherhand, from fill overlying the FirstPhase Construction we recoveredseveral sherds of highly burnished,thinwalled blackware with incised and pressed designs nearly identical to vessels recovered from Moche V contexts at PampaGrande.13 There are important continuities and discontinuities throughthe constructionphases. For example, the cardinal orientationof architecture,use of specialized artificial fill,
11. Seiichi Izumi and Kazuo Terada, eds., Andes 4: Excavations at Kotosh, Peru, 1963 and 1966 (Tokyo 1972) 3()4. de 12. A. Pedersen, i'E1 Ajuar F;unerario la Tumba de la Huaca Menor de Batan Grande, Lambayeque, Peru," Actas del 41 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas2 (Mexico City 1976) 61* 13. I. Shimada, ''Socioeconomic Organization at Moche V Pampa to Grande,Peru:Preludeto a MajorTransformation Come," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,University of Arizona (Tucson 1976).
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or near the enclosure wall, and a later plasteredfloor that covered the mural and the associated floor. Originally, the Templo at Lucia must have been very strikingwith gigantic red columns inside and polychrome murals on the outside wall. The overallconfigurationof the Templocannotbe defined because of looting, intrusive burials, and erosion. For example, bulldozers apparentlyploughed away much of the northernperimeterof the enclosure. As bulldozer activity does not extend too far to the south and the floors still continue, future excavation may reveal considerablymore architecture.In fact, the excavated area may representan complex elaborateentry complex for the main architectural still buried to the south. It is significant that we identified no associated habitationalstructurewithin the Huaca. Excavation yielded no portable artifact or refuse in primary context; only broken vessels and displaced artifacts from looted burials post-dating the Templo abandonmentwere of recovered.Althoughour characterization the architecture as the focus of the regional corporatereligion must remain tentative, there is nothing comparablein terms of architecturalcharacteror labor investmentin Batan Grandeor even in the entire Lambayequeregion for its period.
C. HuacaSoledad
Oureffortto elucidatethe temporaland formalparameters of the inferredreligious traditionof Batan Grandewas also focused on Mound II at Huaca Soledad (FIG. 19). The selection of this mound was based on several observations madein 1978 and 1979: (1) the ceramicsfromthe associated cemetery indicatednumerousand complex Middle Horizon interments representing various cultural groups; build-up and similarities to the nearby La (2) architectural Mayanga temple with its polychrome murals blending Moche and the highland-basedWari iconographies;(3) its position relative to the extensive cemetery of Soledad and
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 419 and the absence of artifactsin primarycontext are noted for all Phases. Perhaps the most importantcontinuity is the long-termuse of the same location for the same or related functions. The horizontalextent and internalorganization, as well as access patterns,however, changed over time. The earliestand most extensive constructionis dominated by a 4 m. high, 2-tieredwall covered with thick mortarand tracesof purplepaint. The mortarwas roughlyhandmolded to simulate adobes that had been washed away, probably by strongrains. Despite extensive water damage, however, they elected to repairthe existing wall ratherthan invest in a new construction, underscoringthe importance of this location. This wall defines the east side of a platformthat provided a level surface over a sloping topography. Atop this basal platform,an adobe wall with cream paint closely paralleledthe edge of the platform, creating a rectangular enclosure. A small platform with 3 steps was built in the center of the west edge of the enclosure. Formal access to the enclosure was possibly by steps from the south and a long ramp from the north. Excavation for this phase was limited to the peripheriesof the mound;the internallayout of the enclosure remainsto be determined. The Second Phase is poorly known largely because of erosion and the superpositionof laterwalls. The ThirdConstructionPhase is well defined with a U-shaped enclosure with a centrally placed 3-tiered platform (linked by two shortramps)borderedby a wall with niches (FIG. 19). There appearsto have been a block set out slightly from the west wall atop this platform. This block would have been the ;;focus" of attentionin this symmetricallayout as one ascended the rampsto the platform.There were niches flanking both sides of this block, similar to the configurations at Huacas La Mayanga and Pintada.14Furtherwest along the axis of this platform and ramps, but outside and contiguous to the enclosure, was a 2-row colonnade of plastered, paintedalgarrobocolumns built on a lower platform. Eachcolumn had a diameterof about 30 cm. Extendingthis central axis east, toward the edge of the mound, we encounteredan undulatingplasteredfloor ascendingto a platform at the easternedge of the mound. Examinationof the surfaceof the undulatingfloor and the underlyingdeposits clearly revealed that this undulationis intentionaland not from differentialsubsidence. During Phase 4, the mound assumed a dome-like form throughconsiderable artificial fill. Constructionconsisted of a centrally placed E-W rectangularplatform surrounded by a continuous, plastered floor descending unbrokentowardthe peripheriesof the moundexcept to the west where it is eroded. The final phase construction, despite having over 1 m. of fill kept in place by a series of retainingwalls, is minimal
14. Bonaviaop. cit. (in note 2) 92-98; Donnanop. cit. (in note 2) 86-87; Schaedel op. cit. (in note 2) 29-33.
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The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada may signal spatialdifferentiation functionsservedearlier of by the constructionsat Mound II. The conspicuous absence of artifactualor architectural markersindicatingthe culturalaffiliationof these constructions may simply be a resultof erosion and/orregularcleaning. Considering the variability of ceramic styles in the associatedcemetery and data from the excavation, we propose culturalneutrality the necropolisandreligiouscenter of at Huaca Soledad. Although the initial constructionmay have been carriedout by one culturalgroup or in line with one religious ideology, prestige of the center would be expected to rise in accordance with the degree to which it could serve or attractvarious culturalgroups. There are other importantobservationsto be discussed. One concerns the basic U-shape construction with wall niches found both at the Mound and Huaca La Mayanga west of Soledad. These features characterize;;Chimuaudiencias"lswith inferred administrativefunctions representingthe state. Evidence from BatanGrandesuggests not only thatthe basic featurescan be tracedto the early Middle Horizon period (ca. 700 A.C.), but that they were first associated with religious functions. We arguethat the Chimu audiencias, despite their "secular" contexts, retainedimportantreligious functions. Another important architecturalfeature is variation in size, shape, manner of production, and marks found on adobebricksof similarsoil composition, texture, andcolor. Considerable variationis observedin adobesof Construction Phases I-V. Figure 20 shows some of the variation encountered. These marks are very different from inferred makers'marksfound at the pyramidof HuacaLas Ventanas (FIG. 9) and at Moche constructionsin the Moche Valley. 16 The variationhas importantimplicationsfor any seriational study. Consideringthe nature of these marks, ratherthan the conventionalinterpretation they represented sothat the cial identity of the adobe makers, we should consider that they may have been numericalcountersor simply decorative features. A series of intricate, incised markingswas found on the northand east sides of a three-tieredplatformof the Third ConstructionPhase (FIG. 21 a,b) which suggest some underlying themes. Anthony F. Aveni,17 an astronomerat Colgate University, notes that the interconnectingradial patternsresemble the huge geoglyphs in the Ingenio Valley
and has the appearanceof a squatteroccupation. The fill may have been placed as the final act of the Temple Entombment. Overall, in contrast to the first three phases of construction, which created a space that focused attention on activities within the enclosure (e.g., consider placement of the niches), the fourth phase created a dramaticsetting for sighting (e.g., La Mayanga and astronomicalphenomena) and public display. Whetheror not there is some major functionalor temporaldiscontinuitybetween the third and fourthphases remains to be established, althoughthe possible roles of Mound I cannot be ignored. The construction of what appears to be a solid adobe pyramid at Mound I
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Figure 20. Variationin adobes at Mound II, Huaca Soledad. A: shallow spiralthat appearsto have been drawn with a finger; B: possible deerhoof print;surface aroundit texturedby finger marks;C: cane-marked adobes; D: possible human-palm-marked adobe; E: dog print;surface aroundit texturedby finger marks;F: adult human-footmark;G: possible hand print (the hand was apparently jammed in); H: artificially grooved adobe.

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Figure 21 a-b. Incised line drawings found on the north face of a threelevel platformat Mound II, Huaca Soledad, Batan Grande.
of to the south and may be graphicrepresentations a Cequesystem known in the Incaic Cuzco. 18 like ritual-calendrical This is not an unreasonablesuggestion considering the religious natureof architectureat Batan Grandeand the possibility that different contemporaneous sites were linked througha given system of a ritual calendarand rules. Finally, the two burialsexcavated at MoundII supported an earlier suspicion that (1) there is a long established tradition of grave looting through prehispanic, Colonial, Republican,and moderneras, and that (2) burialswere limited to outside of the religious architecture.For example, Burial 1 showed thoroughlydisplaced bones overlain by over 3 m. of complex stratigraphy.No funeraryoffering was found. Prehispaniclooting is indicated by the overlying stratigraobserved below phy, which is a continuationof stratigraphy the "undulatingfloor surface." Overall, the site is unique on the Peruvian coast for its architecturalfeatures, history, and specialized functions. Within Batan Grande, however, the site appearsto be only a part of a recurrentpattern.
Horizon occupation and for establishing the regional chronology. Fieldworkproceededalong two independentfronts: surfacesurvey/collectionand excavation in the inferredburial/religious center of Poma, and concurrently, excavation at the suspectedrural,habitationalsite of Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande. The two sets of data served to cross-check each other and ultimatelyprovideda comprehensivepicture of culturalactivities in Batan Grande. C. Pickett conducted excavations at three places in the extensive cemetery of Huaca Soledad. The first two areas were selected for the following reasons: (1) considerable ceramicvariation(includingpre-ChavinPacopampa,Moche IV and V, Cajamarca,Wari Norteno, Moche-Lambayeque, Classic Lambayeque,Paleteada,Chimu, Chimu-Inca, and Colonial); (2) adobe burial chambers closely resembling Moche chambers that Max Uhle excavated at the site of Moche,l9 and which could be used as a temporal marker pits in deep cuts; and (3) huaquero showed clear stratified layers. Despite these promisingsigns, Pickett's excavations were hamperedby ubiquitousdisturbanceby looters and the small quantity of "diagnostic" or decorated ceramics in contexts. At ca. 2.8 m. below the surface in stratigraphic Cut 2, however, the burialof an adultfemale in an extended position with her head to the south was uncovered. The feet appearedto have been cut off priorto interment.A pattern of lopping off extremities is reportedelsewhere for Moche burials on the North Coast.20Although the funeraryofferings were limited in number,they includeda large plainware face-neck jar closely resembling those of the Early Intermediate Gallinazo culture reported further south.21Huaca Soledad may have been a major burial ground from the Formativeperiod (ca. 1000 B.C.) on. The third area of excavation at Soledad again yielded relatively few ceramics, but shed much light on site formationand utilization.Two pits were excavated;Pits A and B to depths of S m. and 2.7 meters below the surface, respectively. Over half a dozen looted burials at varying depthswere noted in these pits, documentinga looting technique characterizedby a series of horizontal, exploratory radiating from a deep central shaft. tunnels (minaduras) This method of looting does not necessarily leave extensive surface disturbanceother than the central shaft. In other words, the 20,000 looters' pits counted in the air photos of Poma District are only an imprecise indicationof the extent
CulturalChronologyand Interaction
A. Surveys and Excavations at Huacas Facho, Las Ventanas,Jotoro, Sapame, and Soledad The 1978 fieldwork and survey showed that various sites in Poma have potential for elucidatingthe natureof Middle
in "TheIncaCalendar," Native AmericanAstronomy, 18. R.T. Zuidema, A.F. Aveni,ed. (Austin1977)231-259.
19. Max Uhle, "Die Ruinen von Moche," JSA 10 (1913) 106-108. 20. C.B . Donnan and C.J. Mackey, AncientBurial Patterns of the Moche Valley,Peru (Austin 1978) 200-201; Melody ShimadaandIzumiShimada, "Exploitationand Managementof NaturalResources at Moche V Pampa Grande, Peru: the Role of Organic Analysis," RMN (in press 1981). 21. W.C. Bennett, The Gallinazo Group, Viru Valley, Peru. Yale UniversityPublications in Anthropology43 (New Haven 1950) 70-100.

Figure 22. An aerial view of the site of Sapame at the base of Cerro Sapame. Note the extensive looting of the cemetery and scatteredmounds.
of looting. The excavations also showed complex superpositionof burialsdatingto differenttimes. In Pit A, cultural material was still observable 5 m. below the buried wall tops and there may be deeperburials. Yet anotherimportant observation is the nature of cultural refuse encounteredin the Pits. The cultural accumulationwas predominantlyin lenses of organicmaterialsratherthanhorizontallyextensive "layers." The same deposition pattern was observed independently by M. Shimada in her excavation of Huaca Cholope south of Soledad. Pit A yielded "Coastal Cajamarca" and a Moche-like figurine (all ca. 3 m. below surface), while Pit B produced Lambayeque from all stratigraphiclayers andpaleteadasherds decreasingin the lower layers. Pickett conducted additionalstratigraphic excavations at Huaca Las Ventanas and Cerro Sapame, wsw of Soledad. Las Ventanas was selected on the basis of earlier stratigraphicexcavationby Julio C. Tello who recoveredChavin, Muchic (Moche or Mochica), Maranon (Cajamarca),and pre-Chancaystyle ceramics.22Sherds of these styles were observed on the surface in the thoroughly looted cemetery aroundthe pyramidof Las Ventanas built of adobe bricks, many with "maker's marks" (FIG. 9). The pyramid may well be a late Moche (ca. 500-600 A.c.?) constructionthat underwentlatermodification.Overall, however, the relative scarcity of surface and subsurface ceramics, poor strati22. J.C. Tello, "Los TrabajosArqueologicosen el Departamento Lamde bayeque," El Comercio (newspaper)January29-31 (Lima 1937); idem, "El Oro de Batan Grande," El Comercio April 18 (Lima 1937).
graphicdistinction, and, most importantly,ubiquitoushuaquerodisturbanceshamperedPickett's efforts; for the timebeing, work has been suspended there. Subsequentlythreetest cuts were made at the site of Cerro Sapame (FIG. 22) coinciding in time with the work of M. Shimada there. Despite excellent stratigraphyand considerable quantities of natural and cultural remains, ceramic materials were quite uniform throughoutthe stratigraphy, suggesting that refuse accumulation was relatively rapid. M. Shimada independently reached the same conclusion throughher excavations at Sapame. The site was built on the slopes of limestone mountainsratherthan on "discontinous terrace" (as in the case of the Poma sites) so that the stratigraphy may well be wholly cultural above the pediment. In 1978 and 1979, we identified "Classic Lambayeque" blackware with elaborate decoration and conical spouts, pressed and paleteadawares, Chimu, Chimu-Inca, Inca, and a small number of tricolor, kaolin Cajamarca sherds. It would appearthat the Middle Horizoncomponent (ca. 600-1000 A.C.) at the site, if present, is eitherlocalized or at considerabledepth. In view of the test excavations described above, we designed and implemented various controlled sampling schemes for surface collection of ceramics at Huacas Soledad, Facho, and Jotoro. Figure 23 illustratesfour schemes employed at Soledad: systematic and randomquadrat,zigzag, and longitudinaltransects.Only transectsampling(zigzag and longitudinal)was conducted at the other two sites becauseof its simplicityin implementation.Systematictransect sampling designs were not suitable for looted sites in
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 423 of BatanGrandewith regular(uniform)distribution looters' pits pits. Nearest-neighboranalysis of huaquero shown in the air photos of Huaca Soledad indicates a significantly regulardistribution.Consideringour observationthat surface artifactstend to cluster aroundthe perimeterof huaqueropits, our earlier transect sampling designs may not reflect the natureand distributionalpatternsof the surface artifacts.Despite the greaterinitial investmentof time and manpowerrequiredin establishinga grid pattern,our quadrat sampling schemes provided a better picture of the dispatternsof surface artifacts. Selection of approtributional priate grid size is crucial. Accordingly, a brief study of pit huaquero size variationand distributionwas conducted and we selected a 4 m. x 4 m. grid as the basic spatial unit of sampling. In addition to producing ceramic samples that show a wide rangeof stylistic variation(Cupisniqueto Chimu-Inca includingMoche, Cajamarca,and Coastal Cajamarca),the randomand systematic quadratsampling schemes led to a number of important observations: (1) while systematic transectsgave a better "overview", quadratsyielded a better picture of associational patterns;(2) utilitariancounts fromthe quadratswere much higher than from the transects becauseof the tendencyto carefullycount each sherdwithin activity, cattleandgoat grazing, and a quadrat; (3) huaquero erosion, etc. did not necessarily adversely affect ceramic distributionand concentrationunless the disturbancewas widespread.Dense vegetationalcover was the primaryfactor to consider in the distribution and concentration of
ceramics.
> N
0 M
200
n Ll N
//UACA SOLEDAD
of Figure 23. Graphicrepresentations four sampling schemes for controlledcollection of surface artifactsat Huaca Soledad, Batan Grande.A: longitudinaltransects;B: zig-zag transects;C: random D: quadrat; systematic quadrat.
B. Huacadel PuebloBatanGrande An oval-shapedhuacatoday measuring40 m. x 30 m.

x 6 m. was excavated by Carlos Elera and Jose Garcelen. Excavationtook the form of trenchesand yielded resultsfar exceeding our expectations: abundantand diversified ceburremains, undisturbed ramic, organic, and architectural ials, and stratifieddeposits that we believe span 900 years to from the Early Intermediate the Chimu-Incaof the Late Horizon, and from RepublicanEra to the present. So far, no indicationof Colonial occupationof the Huacahas been recorded. It is interesting that Colonial remains are also conspicuously absent from the site of Tambo Real with a majorChimu-Incaoccupation, whereas dispersedColonial occupationshave been identified in much of the Poma District to the west. Threetrencheswere excavated, but our emphasiswas on Trenches 1 and 2, which were later united and attaineddimensions of 9 m. by 3 m. and a depth of ca. 5 m. (FIG. 24). The overwhelmingproportionof deposits encounteredin sterile sandwere cultural. the Trenchabove the hard-packed
Two majorperiods can be discerned:historicaland Prehistoric, with a considerablehiatusbetween them (no Colonial materials), although there is some evidence of significant breaks in the prehistoricoccupation of the Huaca (pluvial sediments noted in StrataIV and VI). The overall stratigraphy was differentiatedinto twelve strata (I-XII) in the half of the trench, while the southernhalf showed northern a considerableaccumulationof historical materials in the five strata designated A to E. In the northernhalf, each stratumconsisted primarilyof occupational surface(s) and associatedconstructionfill. Eleraand Garcelenencountered remains. The first was a very thick two majorarchitectural (nearly 1.5 m.) wall constructedof unusual tabularmoldmadeadobes(65 cm. long and 10-12 cm. high) with vegetal temper and clay mortar which sits atop Stratum VI and served to retain prehistoricdeposits to the south. The elehalves and vationaldifferencebetweenthe northern southern of the Huaca perceivable on the surface is because of this wall. Examinationof the profile suggests an early historical date for the wall construction. The second constructionis
',;v.,,';,ffi,!
ADOBE ASHY DEPOSIT STERILE SAND [-1
SHERDS
424
The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada
Figure 24. Stratigraphic profile of the east and south faces of Trench 1-2, Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande.
TRENCH 1-2
HUXCA DEL PUEBLO BATXN GRMNDE

East Profile PerfiI Este
ADOBE
TIERRA CENEOSA O 1
l l
ARENA ESTERIL 2
l
TIESTOS
clearly articulatedwith occupational surfaces 4 through 8. This wall is made of large adobes (50 cm. x 30 cm. x 12-14 cm.) of fine-grain sandy silt and is apparentlypart of a well-madeconstruction covers muchof the northern that portion of the Huaca. Consideringthe occurrence of hearths and firepits with charcoaland ash, associatedorganicrefuse (variouscharred seeds, fish, llama bones, etc.), the floor surfaces (mostly compactedearth and not plastered), and various pits (some postholes), most of the 12 floors thus far identified were primarilyloci of domestic activities. In the immediate vicinity of the firepit associated with occupationalsurface 12 (overlying Stratum XIIB), however, Elera and Garcelen recovered what appearsto be copper slag and soil stained green by the oxidation of copper. A "cottage industry" level of copper processing would not be unreasonableconsidering the widespreaduse of copper artifactsand availability of high-gradecopper ore in the vicinity. The predominantly utilitarian ceramic materials further support the above interpretation domestic, habitationalfunction. The of ceramics are currentlybeing analyzed by Elera and Garcelen. StratumXII yielded a handful of Moche V sherds. Figure 25 illustratesa broken Moche figurine in direct association with llama bones and Donax shells. Above this level, a small quantity of what has been loosely termed "Coastal Cajamarca"was encounteredand midway up the stratified deposits a handful of Lambayeque-Cajamarca
sherds with "Cursive" curvilinear abstract decorations against a cream backgroundwere recovered. These latter of sherds, however, show formalcharacteristics the Classic Lambayequestyle.23 Two adult burials with Chimu-Inca blackwarevessels were found intrudedinto StrataIII and IV. In addition,two infantburialswith Chimu-Incavessels were recovered from StrataII and III. The preceding discussion clearly shows that the Huaca has a long domestic, occupational history associated with ceramics of a considerablestylistic variation.Furthermore, in contrast to the burials in Poma, the above burials are interredbeneathoccupationalfloors. Perhapsthe most significant burial excavated so far is that of StratumXII (XII A-C to XII G-O). Figure26 illustratesthis adultmale, seated cross-legged at the sw cornerof Trench 2. Funeraryofferings included a single blackwarevessel with a tall, slender spout and round handle, in front of the body, a badly oxidized silver-coppertray-like plate, and beads (mostly turquoise) pressedagainstthe chest by the crossed armswhich may have had copperbracelets, and two gold (?) ear spools. The blackwarevessel showed a definite affinity to the later style in respectto form. Relative proxClassic Lambayeque in imity to Moche-like materialsis signiElcant determining the evolution of the highly ornateand technically advanced
23. Jorge Zevallos Q., Ceramica de la Cultura "Lambayeque"(Trujillo 1971) 9-16.
Flgure 26. Seated burial at the sw corner of Trench 1-2, Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande.
of and Figure Association a Mochefigurine llamaboneswithin 25. del primary-context refuse,Huaca PuebloBatanGrande.
Classic Lambayequeceramics. The blackwaretraditionapparently has considerable time depth in this area, and we cannotignorethe Moche V blackwaresreportedfrom further thatpresumably south (e.g., PampaGrandeand Pacatnamu) represent archaisms of the earlier Cupisnique blackware tradition. The degree of Cajamarcainfluence in this part of the NorthCoast seems to have been very much underestimated. Local huaquero informantsclaim to have unearthedeasily recognizable Cajamarcavessels from looted burials. Information, however, regarding the association of Cajamarca vessels within each gravelot is not clear and we may be dealing with tradewaresfrom the North Highlands. At the same time, if the "Coastal Cajamarca"style is any reflection, or local assimilation, of the highlandCajamarcastyle, the relatively high frequency of the former style even in small habitational sites such as Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grandecan be construedas evidence of the pervasive nature of the Cajamarcainfluence. Cajamarcamay have been a majorpartnerin coast-highlandstrade.
Small-scale trade (using burros) between Batan Grande and the North Highlands (Jaen region) involving cotton, salt, chemical dyes, salted and dried fish, etc. from the coast and cocoa, coffee, woolen goods, fruits, etc. from the highlandscontinueduntil ca. 1950. If the Chinchipe River in the North Highlands, indeed, provided much of the gold nuggets for Batan Grande burials and goldsmiths, the organized political and economic systems of the Cajamarca role in the exploitation culturemay have played an important and transportation the gold. Archaeological surveys of of the Chota region slightly to the south revealed intensive Cajamarca occupationduringthe Middle Horizon and Late Interrnediate Periods.24What is more, ethnohistoricalanalysis of early Colonial documents of the Lambayequeand revealed varLa Leche regions by Susan Ramirez-Horton25
24. Duccio Bonavia, personal communication,July, 1979; Jose Pineada, ';Los Patrones de Asentamiento en el Valle de Condebamba," in The
Archaeological in Diagnostic Precolumbian of Troubles theAndes: Time R.P. Schaedel, I. Shimada, and J. VreeFeatures theMiddle of Horizon,
land, eds. (in press 1980); Ruth Shady and HermilioRosas, i;El Horizonte Medio en Chota; Prestigio de la CulturaCajamarcay su Relacion con el 16 ImperioHuari," Arqueologicas (Lima 1977) 28-39. 25. Susan Ramirez-Horton,personal communication,April, 1980.
426 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasons/Shimada

ious references to tributepayment to highland populations and in some cases political control of local populationsby highlanders,patternsthat may well date back to the initial incursionof Cajamarca influence duringthe Middle Horizon period, following collapse of the Moche V polity at Pampa Grandein the adjoining LambayequeValley. Overall, excavationat the Huacaprovidedample material (1) to establish a badly needed regional culturalchronology and culturalcontinuity in the Batan Grandesince the early Middle Horizon, and (2) to achieve a basic understanding of domestic, habitational occupations in the region. The Huacaprovidedexcellent comparativematerialfor specialized functions of the Poma District furtherwest. C. Huaca Lucia Burial II In respect to stylistic interactionduring the Middle Horizon, a major discovery of the 1979 season was Burial II excavated in Trench 19, Templo de las Columnas, Huaca Lucia (TABLE 1; FIG. 27). The skeleton of an adult was in a fetal position on its back; because of the decayed state of the bones the sex was not clear. The burialclearly illustrates the importanceof gravelot association in chronology building, as the eight associated vessels, if taken individually, could seriously challenge any stylistic or typological approach to correctly identify their contemporaneity.Vessel A (stirrup-spout FIG. 28) iS of particularimportanceas jar; it shows an interesting stylistic combination, a somewhat stubby Moche V stirrup spout attached to what appearto be fourhour-glass-shaped gourds. It has an unevenorangishred slip with thin lines of thick cream paint delimiting areas of fine black-line designs. The "sun" and spider designs are quite distinct from anything in Wari and Cajamarca iconographies.The "sun," however, may correspondto a more stylized Moche "octopus" motif. This gravelot association is also importantin defining the chronologicaland culturalsignificance of what is locally known as "Cachaco" style (Vessel B; FIG. 29), which is characterizedby orange slip paint with curvilinear conventionalized designs executed in thick cream paint. Vessels decorated in this particular style have been recovered from various sites throughout BatanGrande,includingHuacadel PuebloBatan Grande.Radiocarbondates from the lattersite indicate that the Cachacostyle ceramics date to ca. 750-850 A.C. (TABLE 2). Four of the remainingvessels form two nearly identical pairs(two face-neckjars and two short-neckjars); one from each pair is appreciablybetter quality, suggesting the remaining two are imitations. The two face-neck jars show a strongresemblanceto late Moche face-neck jars, as does Vessel A. The cultural significance of the ceramic composition remainsunclearand we cannot readily speak of the cultural affiliation or social status of the burial since we have minimal informationon the variabilityof contemporaneousburials.Althoughsome of these vessels (e.g., Vessel
Figure 27. Burial II, Trench 19, Templo de las Columans, Huaca Lucia.
1%3
CREAM
O -
5 _ CM
=
ORANGE-RED
Figure Polychrome 28. stirrup-spout fromBurialII, Templo las jar de Columnas.
A) may represent tradewares, it is clear that blending of various ceramic techniques, forms, and iconographiesduring the Middle Horizon was widespreadin the northern half of the North Coast. Excavation at Moro Viejo in the JequetepequeValley to the south by H.D. Disselhoff26also yielded various funeraryvessels showing similar blending of ceramic traditions, including Moche and Cajamarca.
26. HansD. Disselhoff,"Tumbas San Jose de Moro,Provincia de de Pacasmayo, Peru,"Proceedings of the 32nd International Congress of Americanists(Copenhagen 1958)364-367.

burials). Table 1. Burial data from Batan Grande(from undisturbed
SiteandBurial Number
Huacadel Pueblo Batan Grande(HPBG) Burial II HPBG Burial I HPBG Burial III HPBG Burial IV HPBG Burial V Huaca Lucia Burial II Huaca Soledad BurialI Huaca Soledad BurialII
VerticallHorizontal Location
Layer II-III Layer III-IV Layer II-IV Layer III-IV Layer XII Near NW corner of U-shape enclosure of Templo de las Columnas Excavation 2, sw sector of cemetery 2.8 m. below surface Pit 4, adobe burial chamber very close to Excavation2
Associated Ceramics
Chimu-Inca Chimu-Inca Chimu-Inca Chimu-Inca "Early Lambayeque"?singlespout blackware Moche V face-neck jars, stirrup-spout Cachaco jar, style short-neckjar Gallinazo-likeface-neck jar
N-S
Burial Position
extended adult
Flexed, seated infant N-S extended infant E-W extended adult, head and upper trunkmissing seated, cross-legged adult male
N-S
flexed adult on back
N-S
extended adult, feet missing
Cachaco style jars (Wari Norteno A)
N-S
extended adult
SampleNo. SMU-834 TK-30 SMU-833
Date (B.P.)
Sample
Context Templo de las Columnas, Huaca Lucia, Batan Grande, floor context Huaca Corte cemetery, Batan GrandeS ';pre-Chavin"burial Phase IS Mound IISHuaca Construction Soledad, Batan Grande, paintedl plasteredcolumn Layer XIIN, Huaca del Pueblo Batan floor context Elrepit GrandeS Layer XIISHuaca del Pueblo Batan Grande, inside buried vessel Layer IXS Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande, floor context firepit Huaca Corte (Classic Lambayeque),Batan Grande, burntwooden column, pyramid top construction(PM I) Huaca Julupe, Batan Grande, burnt wooden column set into a floor overlying and underlyingcamelid burials
Table 2. Radiocarbondates from BatanGrande.
3273 + 163 charredwood 2880 + 100 charcoal 1388 + 65 wood
SMU-873 SMU-876 SMU-875 Beta-1802
1520 + 65 1385 + 65 932 + 41 985 + 65
charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal
Beta-1803
980 + 70
charcoal
|:.;
CREAM |
ORANGE-RED
MONTICULO
,. j
Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada LecheArchaeological 428 TheBatanGrande-La

D. TamboReal Our effort to elucidate the natureof late prehispanicoccupationin Batan Grandecenteredon the excavation of the site of Tambo Real, which is situated at the northernbase of Cerro Tambo Real on the southern flank of La Leche Valley, where I. Shimadain 1978 observed provincialInca and Chimu-Inca sherds. The strategic location affords an excellent view of the upper and middle La Leche Valley and control of access to the valley from the south (Lambayeque). The straight"Inca" roadpasses the easternflank of CerroTambo Real and heads directly northward(24-25 degrees east of north) toward the center of the site, much of which is now coveredby wind-bornesandandvegetation. The site (FIG. 30) iS a roughly rectangularstone-wall enclosure measuringapproximately415 m. E-W by 160 m. Ns. The enclosure as a whole occupies an undulatingtopography. If the builders had so desired, the site could have been located on a more even area nearby, suggesting that the location was predeterminedby the course of the road and access to vantagepoints giving a good vista of La Leche Valley proper and the road. The road runs NE (30 degrees east of north)out of the site, towarda large pre-Incaicadobe pyramid. North of the site the road is quite visible, about
OUEHRADA DRY,RAV/NE , \
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surface and 8 to 10 m. wide, 50 cm. above the surrounding and appears to be made of adobes and compacted earth. Closer to the site, however, the road is covered with small field stones. To the SE of the site lies a large looted masonry kiln (associated with a masonry structure)covered by sand andmisfiredChimu-Incasherds. It is interestingto note that a document dated to 1540 A.C. states that the local "parof cialidad"27 Jayancaincludeda "ranchode olleros" with three Indian artisans.28Such detailed ethnohistoricaldocumentsoffer ample potentialfor archaeologicalverification in the futureonce the boundaryof the Jayancaparcialidad is determined. organizationand surface remains (variabilArchitectural ity and distribution)suggest that the site was tripartitioned accordingto function and that the size and range of day-today activities were limited. Excavation in the EasternSection (FIG. 31) focused upon determinationof (1) functional significance of standardized masonry "rooms" (outside dimensions:ca. 8.0 m. x 7.0 m.), (2) access to and within what appearsto be a raised masonry enclosure (containing with the above-mentioned"rooms"), and (3) its articulation architecture.There were few surface artifacts, surrounding although much of the "enclosure" was covered by zapote and vichayo. Two rooms, StructuresA and C, were excavated by Anne Helsley in 1979, C in its entirety down to the latest floor surface and in part onto sterile sand. The stone walls (70-80 cm. wide) of these rooms today stand 1.25-1.50 m. above the latest floor. No entrancewas found,
27. Parcialidades refer to socio-economic units, each with a distinct economic role} recognized obligations (e.g., farming, fishing, and craft activities), and claim to speciElc natural resource. They often possessed distinctive dress, religious beliefs, and practices as well as temples. personal communication, April, 1980. 28. Susan Ramirez-Horton}
Scm
Figure 29. "Cachaco" style short-neckjar from Burial II, Templo de las Columnas.
,7r;
=z
tSs
TS
*7
,
r-1
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 429 indicating that access was either through the roof or over a very high thresholdaccessible only with steps or a ladder. The floor and the faces of the interiorwalls of StructureC were well finished with plaster, but no artifactwas found in a floor context. The solid and careful constructionof these rooms, difficult access, conspicuous absence of refuse or artifactsin a floor context, and relatively isolated location with good ventilationand drainageall suggest that these rooms were used for storageof culturallyvalued commodities(Structure C) such as woven cloth, metal artifacts(including armour), rawcottonor com kemels (for chicha[fermented com drink] making) that may have been brought to the site as local tribute for the Incas, and comestible items (StructureA). Total storage capacity, however, is quite small in comparison with other noted Inca regional centers in the highlands (e.g. HuanucoViejo).29The absence of any content is not surprising,consideringthe razing that occurredat the time of the Spanish Conquest. We cannot ignore the distinct possibilitythatthe enclosuremay have also provideda raised area for surveillanceof the site and surroundings. Excavation in the Southwestem Sector (VIII) revealed ampleevidence of domestic activities, includingfirepitsand associated floor-context sherds and a half-buried ChimuIncajar. It appearsthat many of the areas excavated in this sector were used as outdoor kitchens. Nearby structures made of adobe-cappedstone walls do not show the architectural standardization the Eastem Section; rather, the of width of the walls and height of the thresholds vary. A1thoughwe cannotdiscountthe possibility of communalfood preparation, dispersednatureof small firepitsandvessels the arguesagainstthis idea. More likely the food was prepared andconsumedby the occupantsof "neighborhoods."These inhabitants may well have been representatives local comof munities who served mitaduty on a rotationalbasis.30 The CentralSector is a relatively flat area dotted by several dunes, one of which may well contain a sizable mound or platformsimilarto that situatedin the center of the plaza at HuanucoViejo. This Sector has not been excavated. The majorityof ceramics recovered on the surface and during excavation were Chimu-Inca blackware and provincial Inca. No CuzquenaIncasherdswere found, although distinctlyChimusherdsoccurredin fairnumber.In addition, no Colonial artifactwas found. A numberof tentative conclusions may be drawn from the preceding discussion. (1) The latest occupation was Inca, although, numerically,the majorityof the inhabitants (both transient and permanent)were non-Inca; they conqueredthe Chimu, who may well have had a settlementin the immediatevicinity. (2) The maximumdurationof Inca occupation was only about 60 years considering the ethnohistoricallydeduced date for Inca conquest of the Chimu Kingdom around 1460-1470 and subsequentSpanish Conquest of this region in 1532.31(3) The site was still undergoing structural modificationwhen it was abandoned.(4) The site was at least tripartitionedaccording to function and possibly social status. (5) The site controlledN-S movement throughthe centralportion of La Leche Valley. In the Inca administrativehierarchy, Tambo Real may have been a tertiarylevel post in the hands of a local with delegated administrative power. Schaedel32 argued that often groups recently conqueredby the Inca were encouraged to assist in the conquestof othergroupsto obtainfavor with the Inca as well as regain lost wealth. In this light,
31. John H. Rowe, "Absolute Chronologyin the Andean Area," AmAnt 10 (1945) 280; idem, 'iThe Kingdom of Chimor,' ActAm6 (1948) 40. 32. Richard P. Schaedel, "Early State of the Inca,e' in 111Congreso Peruano, El Hombrey La CulturaAndinayRamiroMatos M., ed. (Lima 1978) 116.
TAMBO REAL Sector /V /\

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29. Craig Morris and Donald E. Thompson, "Huanuco Viejo: An Inca Administrative Center," AmAnt35 (1970) 352-358. 30. Cf. Craig Morris, ';State Settlementsin Tawantinsuyu: Strategyof A CompulsoryUrbanism,s'in Contemporary Archaeology, M.P. Leone, edF (Carbondale1972) 393-410. Figure 31. Architecturallayout in Sector I, EasternSection, Tambo Real.
430 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:theFirst TwoSeasons/Shimada

administratorsat Tambo Real may have been conquered local lords working for the Inca to retain their prestige and power. Ethnohistorical documentssuggest that North Coast ethnic leadersenjoyed relative freedom underthe Inca, and that their pacification and integration into the Inca state structurewas difficult, slow, and incomplete.33The short time spans separatingthe three successive conquests of this region (Chimu, Inca, and Spanish Conquests) imply that theremay not have been sufficienttime for eitherthe Chimu or Inca administrative systems to take root before each conquest. What is more, consideringthe differentland-use and demographicpatterns on the North Coast, the models of Inca administration that have been advanced for the highlands and coastal regions further south (e.g., the Central and South Coast) cannot be expected to be directly applicable for this area. Despite the Cuzco Inca visions of a "unified nation," the empire encompassed considerable heterogeneityand was still in the process of unification at the time of Spanish Conquest. The physical manifestations of the Inca conquest and initiation of their administration may be seen in ceramics and architecture,but we cannot with confidence speak of the road or site as being wholly Inca. Paleoenvironmental Context Geomorphologicaland hydrological investigationby A. Craig consisted of three parts: (1) stereoscopic analysis of the five sets of high-altitude aerial photos taken between 1961 and 1973; (2) concurrent, direct field inspection for "groundtruth"; and (3) laboratoryanalysis of various soil and ore samples. Majorfindings and hypothesesformulated are discussed under specific researchheadings. with steeper gradients and smaller pediments, such as the Moche Valley. Extant geological conditions that have affected the hydrology of our archaeologicalstudy area can be explicatedin termsof "knictpunkte" (pointswhere sharp changes in streamgradientoccur). In respect to the Rio La Leche three knictpunkteshave been recognized. The first occurs where the steep gradient of the headwaterssector enters into an area with a comparativelylow gradient.This is the zone of present-daycultivation of sugar cane, and is an areaeasy to irrigateand is subjectto silting by occasional flooding. Immediately downstreamfrom the last point of modern field irrigation, the stream gradientincreases perceptibly, andthe Rio La Leche shows shorterloops or bends and an incised channel. This area correspondsto the Poma and Santa Clara Districts. The third knictpunkteoccurs where the old and new distal branchesof the Rio suddenly debouch, entirely losing their ability to transportbedload furtherdownslope. Here the channel loses its character,the terrainis flat, and irrigationis extensive and intensive. The firsttwo gradientchanges arebelieved to be resultsof buried bedrock topographywhile the last correspondsto the hypothesized buriedTertiaryshoreline mentionedearlier. Before cultural factors can be invoked to explain the peculiarland-use patternsin Poma, naturalfactors must be properlyassessed. It is significant that the 1978 and 1979 surveys have failed to documentpre-hispanicirrigationagriculturein the area. The observed field systems and canals date to the brief period following the major 1925 floor. Geologicalcharacterization the areaproceededalong sevof eral lines of inquiry. The entire length of the S km. canal (3 m. deep and 10 m. wide), dug in 1976 linking the La Leche and Pacora Rivers, was carefully studied for useful data (FIG. 6). The examination of the stratigraphyof the canal led to several majorobservations:(1) evidence of human occupation is strongest along the southern third, diminishing rapidly northwardtoward Pacora; (2) there is a massive flood deposit that may well correspondto the legendaryNaymlapFlood, estimatedto have occurredca. 1100 A.C. near the present surface,34but no extensive evidence of the 1925 flood was recognized, perhapsbecause of deflation of fine flood silt by strong winds; and (3) there is evidence neitherof a duripannor caliche layer of the kind that would be created by repeated irrigationof furrowsor other forms of agriculturalpractices at any point in the profileof the canal. Preliminary and dissolved-saltanalpH ysis of soil samples taken along the canal so far have been
A. Geomorphological Hydrological and Characterization of the Study Areas

The middle andlower La Leche and LambayequeValleys constitute a huge, very flat area. Available evidence suggests that this "pediment" was formed on a Late Tertiary shallow marineabrasionplatformbetween the mouthof the Rio Zanato the south and the course of the Rio Piurato the north.We furtherarguethat the abrasionsurfacewas "preconditioned" to become nearlyhorizontalwith the addition of Quaternaryalluvium, a surface nearly ideal for subsequent extensive irrigationcultivation. This is an important point in understanding various differences in irrigationsystems found in this area versus smaller valleys to the south
33. Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Curacas y Sucesiones Costa Norte (Lima 1961) 58-62; Shozu Masuda, "The Peculiarityof the North Coast of Peru as Reflected in the First Chroniclers' Writings," Actas y Memoriasdel 36 CongresoInternacionalde Americanistas2 (Seville 1966) 207-209; Sally F. Moore, Power and Property in Inca Peru (New York 1958) 18; Rowe, 1948 op. cit. (in note 31) 28.
34. Miguel Cabello Balboa, Miscelanea Antartica:Una Historia dNet Peru Antiguo(Lima 1951) 327-330; Kosok, op. cit. (in note 2) 73, 77-81; Fred L. Nials, E.E. Deeds, M.E. Moseley, S.G. Pozorski, T.G. Pozorski and R. Feldman, "E1 Nifio: The CatastrophicFlooding of Coastal Peru," FMNHB 50:7 (1979) 4-14; idem, "E1 Nino: The CatastrophicFlooding of Coastal Peru, Part II," FMNHB 50:8 (1979) 4-10.
Journal of Field ArchaeologytVol.8, 1981 431 inconclusive. A series of more detailed analyses is being conducted now. The Poma-Santa Clara Districts were largely built up by extensive lenticular flood deposits, the normalalluvial sequence expected for the more distal portion of a broad,low fan where fine-grainedmaterialis being deposited by a network of branchingdistributaries. The dynamics of regional hydrology, so crucial to the understanding ancientirrigationsystems, were examined of through air photos and field inspection. We learned, for example, that much of the Pacora "canal" is, in fact, a of naturaldrainagechannel in the form of a distributary the largerLa Leche River and shows two distinct terracelevels across much of its distance. The downstreamend of the Pacora,however, has been artificiallyelongatedfor several kilometers until it reaches the Pan American Highway. Althoughjust a distributary,the Pacora has much greater carryingcapacity (velocity and gradient)than the La Leche which, however, seems to have had greaterculturalsignificance. It is now quite apparentthat the original course of the Rio de La Leche was southwardtoward E1 Purgatorio (what is now called Tucume Canal:see FIG. 32). The course shown on the availabletopographicmaps as La Leche River as it exists west of Poma is a comparativelyrecent distributary that crevassed from the original channel, capturing the majorityof La Leche discharge and causing an immediate silting and sanding-in of the original course leading duringa majorflood the crucial to E1Purgatorio. Apparently thresholdwas eclipsed and the river changed its course. In the short time since this change occurred, the new channel
R10 LA LECHE
has become incised sufficiently to reflect bedrock-strike reachesparallelto the strike control, as evidencedby straight nearbyCerro Sapame. The new La Leche has no tendency to form an annual floodplainwith shifting bends and terraces, suggesting that the water volume and force of annualdischargehave never exceeded the amount that originally created the new La Leche. The locationof the crevassecould have been partially preconditionedby land modification activities around the Batan GrandePyramidGroup and its Plaza (FIG. 8), while the flood could have been the legendary Naymlap Flood. It is hypothesized here that the diversion of annual flood waters into the New La Leche was the reason for the construction, or at least the extension, of the Taymi Antiguo Canal (Taymi II FIG. 2) as a relatively recent and sophisticated "MaximumElevation Canal" that insureda resupply of waterto E1Purgatorio.In other words, the inferredconstructionor extension occurredsoon after the change in La Leche's course. We believe it is no coincidence that the gigantic elongated trapezoidalpyramidon the northside of Cerro E1 Purgatoriowas the destination of the canalized portionof the Old La Leche and Taymi II. Following these developments, a large connecting link canal was built between the Taymi II and the original La Leche, possibly to introduceexcess Taymi water into the original La Leche, which, in turn, may have serviced small fields south of CerroSapame. As a broadgeneralization,we arguethatthe lower andmiddleLa Leche (Pomaincluded)did not practice large-scale irrigationagriculturesimply because there was not enough water available on a regularbasis. B. Inter-ValleyCanals The investigation still continues and only preliminary statementscan be made on the work conductedso far. One of the inter-valleycanal systems in the LambayequeValley Complex is the Taymi, which today starts at La Puntilla, the neck of the LambayequeValley, and takes water to the (FIG. 2). We can distinguishModareaaroundE1Purgatorio ern, Historical, and Ancient Taymi Systems. Much of the Modern and Historical Taymi parallels and utilizes the courseof the AncientTaymi, which is a MaximumElevation Canal that can be tracedto near La Puntilla, and faithfully maintainsproper gradient by closely following the valley flank topographyin order to maximize the arable area capable of being irrigated. There is considerable evidence, however, thatthe engineeringproblemsencounteredby this 3 m. wide canal were so severe thatit was unableto function long enough to justify its construction.Contraryto the west branch(Taymi Antiguo II) that reached E1 Purgatorio,the east branch(TaymiI) comes to an end in an interiordrainage basin between La Leche and LambayequeValleys. Cerro Patapo(NW edge of the LambayequeValley; FIG. 2) was an obstacle that was never satisfactorily circumvented by
BATAN GRANDE PYRAMID GROUP

terrace
t/'
,,'
N<
O
_ _ _,
i\,
500 M
TUCUME ,' (ANCIENT LECHE) LA
Toward El Purgatorio
Figure 32. The course of ancient and recent Rio La Leche in respect to the Batan GrandePyramidGroup.
432
The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada bronze, gold, and silver artifacts and gold nuggets looted from this region is staggering. Pedersen's36descriptionof a large burial pit (14 m. to a side; ca. 20 m. deep) near HuacaLas Ventanasprovidesa glimpse of the quality,quantity, and varietyof funerarymetal artifacts.Even today one can still find clusters of copper/bronzeartifactsdiscarded or left untouchedby huaqueros unworthyof their efforts as in looted burial pits. For example, a large pit near Huaca Las Ventanasstill has a large cluster of ''neipes"or "double-T copper money," which may have served as a standardized medium of exchange. In other words, there is a distinctpossibilitythatthe BatanGranderegion was a major metallurgicaland trade center in pre-hispanictimes. Our task here is to show not only the existence of mineral deposits accessible to prehistoricminers, but also their extensive exploitationand significance for the regionaleconomy. Relevant fieldwork focused on the CaleraDistrict on the south side of La Leche Valley which encompasses Cerro Blanco, a Cretaceous granodiorite extrusion and a key source of local mineralization(hydrothermal deposits emanated from the magma chamberresponsible for emplacement of the Cerro), and Cerro de los Cementerios, the location of a major prehistoricand modern ore-processing site. A complex copperore body is located along the eastern base of CerroBlanco ca. S km. south of the communityof BatanGrande.37 ancientroad (1.5 m. wide) ascends the An alluvialfan andslopes of the quebrada leadingto the mining area. The roadhas been carefullyclearedof all cobbles and bouldersand has a well-packed, firm surfaceand occasional sherds (includingpaleteada). It is evident that ancient minersbegan with obvious, rich surfaceveins and followed them downward,therebyleaving little trace of the original mineralization.Our survey indicates that at least three levels and one "winze" (a vertical shaft used to connect two levels within a mine) have been developed in the principalmine as a result of the combined efforts of both ancientand modernminers. Above this mine arethreesmall pits from which rich but localized veins were removed. Although several elongated (non-local) stones with battered ends were found in these pits, as well as batteringmarks along several veins, no prehistoricmining tools were found in the largest mine.38Here the distinction
Taymi I. In contrastto the Modern Taymi (IV, stone and concrete lined), which makes several dramatic drops in grade to deal with the sharp drop in gradient, Taymi I attemptedto maintainits basic elevation. Here and at other choke points (sharpcurves) there was stone lining to offset the greater friction caused by fast-moving water racing aroundthe outside bank. Multiple simultaneous breaks at choke or stress points (where the canal makes sharp turns against the spurs of valleys' flanks) caused weakening of the stone-lined banks and allowed subsequent tunneling throughthem by water. We feel these breaks representsevere earthquakedamage that should be detectable in other nearbycoastal valleys. Analysis of air photos of the Moche Valley to the south also showed similar breakage patterns at stress points along sharpcurves on the pre-hispanicMaximum Elevation Canals. This earthquakemay have been a pan-coastalnaturalevent with major cultural impacts. Concurrentwith the excavation of Tambo Real, examination of the Raca Rumi Canal was initiated. This canal broughtwater from the Rio Chancay in the upper Lambayeque Valley to upper La Leche Valley throughPampa de Chaparri. the cases of Taymi I and Raca Rumi, evidence In collected thus far suggests that they did not make a substantial, long-termincreasein agricultural capacity, despite large labor investment. Whetherthe increase in agricultural capacity was a response to the increased needs for food of an expandingpopulationor an effort to enlarge production of industrial crops (for example, cotton) for trade, etc., has yet to be determined.Our work in this area suggests much trial and error and that physical evidence of canals cannot be readilyequatedto operationalor functionalcanals, since some were undoubtedlyover-ambitiousor poorly planned engineeringdisasters.
C. Prehistoric MiningandMetallurgy
A recent survey of prehistoric mines and metallurgical activities in the Central Andes by H. Lechtman3sdocumentedthe richness of primarilycopper deposits and intensity of their exploitation in the La Leche-Lambayeque region. She urged more in-depth, regional analyses of mining andmetallurgicalactivitiesto follow her generalsurvey. Our investigation in La Leche stemmed from (a) the numerous published and unpublished accounts of a considerable variety and quantity of metal artifacts looted from thousandsof tombs in the Batan Granderegion, and (b) the numberof large batanesscatteredthroughoutmuch of the slope of Cerro de los Cementerios near the present community of Batan Grande. The inferredquantityof copper,
36. Pedersen, op. cit. (in note 12) 63-65, 69. 37. Coordinatesof the principal modern mine, which appears to have followed prehistoriccuts, are Latitude6 30'06" south and Longitude79 39'10". As recently as 1969 these deposits were commercially mined. Daily productionof concentratereached about 10 tons (Jose Maeda M., personalcommunication,October, 1979). 38. Cf. Junius Bird, "The Copper Man: A Prehistoric Miner and His Tools from Northern Chile," in Pre-Columbian Metallurgy of South America, E.P. Benson, ed. (Washington 1979) 112-123.
35. Heather Lechtman, "A Metallurgical Site Survey in the Peruvian Andes," JFA ( 1976) 10-16, 22-26.
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 433 between prehistoricand modernworkingswas made by the authorson the basis of the presence of "shot holes," clean "hangingwalls," and "foot walls" on one hand (modern), and "cajas" or "stope walls" and thick accumulationof bat guanoon the other (prehistoric). An ethnohistoricalstudy is being carriedout. Although silver was the principaltargetore of Colonial mining (e.g., consider Potosi), no definite historical reference to silver mininghas yet been identified. Archivalresearch,however, of by Susan Ramirez-Horton Ohio University has thus far of revealedthat, accordingto the 1540 Visita Da Gama, the of parcialidad Jayancagave gold and silver as tributeto the Spanish, but the Indianshad no mines and the lords of this grouphadtradedgoods (probablycotton, raw and/orwoven) reportsa document(charter) for the metals. Ramirez-Horton to datedJuly 1, 1562, that establisheda partnership exploit (recipientof estategrant "mines" betweenthe encomendero by Spanishking) of Ferrenafeand three other individuals. The charterrefers to more than two mines, but only one is mentionedby name: "sin pall pon" or "san pall pon" in the "valley" of Tucume. The documentmentionsprecious stones, gold, silver, and "other metals" as the productsof the mines. The locations of these mines have not yet been determined.There are other ethnohistoricaldocumentsthat mention silver (Cerro Chilete, 1534-1542) and gold (no namegiven, 1562) mines in the Valley of Zanato the south. Our petrographicand mineral analyses of specimens from a small prehistoricprospecting pit on the eastern side of Cerro Eten situated on the sw edge of the Lambayeque Valley showed potassium feldspar, or adularia, which is typicallyassociatedwith Tertiarygold and silver ores of the "bonanza"type (pocketsor masses of silver or gold). Silver bodies of this type often weigh tons. This mine is not large enough to have established Lambayeque's reputationfor gold, but it could well be the factual basis for the ethnohistorical accounts of silver and gold mines already mentioned. Related to the preceding discussion is considerationof ore processing. The subject of prehistoric"mine tailings" has neverbeen adequatelyinvestigatedin the CentralAndes. We argue that, unlike modern miners, prehistoric miners generally left little, if any, identifiabletailings at the mine site. We believe that prehistoricworkings invariablybegan at strong surfaceindicationsof highly mineralizedoutcrops where, in some cases, it could be inferred that "native" (i.e., elemental)silver or copperwas presenton the surface, or at least easily smelted oxides of these metals. Consequently, the absenceof old, weatheredtailings nearan open pit (or in this case an open cleft leading to an adit) strongly suggests thatall ore, both high and low grade, was removed for crushing and concentratingunder labor-intensive circumstancesthatcould not be economicallyduplicatedtoday. interestinasmuchas, at the This observationis of particular Moche V ceremonial city of Pampa Grande in the neighboring LambayequeValley, labor-intensiveproductionof metal artifacts was similarly conducted at dispersed locations, each involved in a distinct segment of overall production.39 Preliminarysurveys of Cerro de los Cementerios were conducted in 1978 and 1979 by various members of the project. The site is famous for numerous, large batanes.40 Many were removedin moderntimes for use in local households and not many batanesare left in situ. Lithological were fashionedfrom local analysisindicatesthatthe batanes basalt or dioritethat fracturesinto flat-sided slabs with preselected grinding surfaces. The ore-processingand smelting function of the site is largely based on our observationof scatteredpieces of lowgrade copper ore (malachite) and pulverized slag over the areaoccupied by the greatestconcentrationof batanes.Ore can be pulverized in seconds according to an experiment we conducted. It is, however, not clear how the resulting small pieces of copper minerals could then be separated from the equally fine crushed quartz and miscellaneous rocks. A location separatefromthe crushingoperationsmay be indicated if excavation reveals no tailings in the batan pits area. Several huaquero in this area cut throughburied associated with charcoal and crushed clay-lined structures slag concentrations. We argue that these structureswere smeltingfurnacesassociatedwith ore processing. The extent andquantityof these materialspoint to a majormetallurgical operationat Cerrode los Cementerios.Faceted stones used in metal working, however, have not been observed at the site, and we must consider the possibility that metallurgical activities were organizedby function with different phases of the process carriedout in spatially distinct sites by different groups of specialists. Extensive excavation of the metallurgicalsite at Cerro de los Cementeriosis planned.
and D. CoastalUplift,SandMovement, TheirCultural Ramifications

In recent years significant Holocene coastal uplifts and El Nino incursions41as well as their attendant geomor-
39. Izumi Shimada, "Economy of a Prehistoric Urban Context: Commodity and Labor Flow at Moche V Pampa Grande," AmAnt43 (1978) 582. 40. Batan is an anvil with a circular concave depression used in conjunction with a chunga, rocking stone, to pulverize various materials. Batanes we examined measured 70-100 cm. in length and width and 30-60 cm. in height. The name of the community, Batan Grande, then, means "large anvil". 41. El Nino incursionsare occasional incursionsof warm, tropical water into the cold HumboldtCurrentalong the Pacific Coast. The abruptchange
400
434
phological changes, have been identified in valleys to the south, notably in the Moche, Viru, Chao, and Supe, and resultantculturalchanges involving settlementand subsistence patternshave been discussed.42These developements significantlyaffect our perceptionof archaeologicalremains or samples, since undoubtedlysome have been buried or even obliteratedas a result of associated floods and sand movements. As a partof our interestin elucidationof complex linkages between naturaland culturaIchanges, and in order to determine the pan-coastal validity of various arguments and environmental changes, detailed air-photo analysis and field inspection of the study area were conducted. Available evidence indicates no Holocene coastal uplift of significance between Puerto Eten and Calderela within the LambayequeValley, despite the uplift documented in the Far North Coast and valleys south of Chicama. The difference may well be because of the transversefaults that affect lateral extent of a given uplift and the variable rate of subductionin the area affected by plate tectonics. In our study area such classic geomorphologicalevidence of uplift as strandedbeaches, stacks, and marineabrasionplatforms are absent. If regionaluplift had occurredin the recent past, it would have resultedin rejuvenation all drainagesystems of passing through this area; i.e., fresh down-cutting of all small streams and rivers would have resulted from the increase in their gradient caused by the uplift. Craig notes that, in fact, the oppositeconditionsprevail:thatthe streams are sanding up and degeneratingas the gradientslowly decreases. These geological conditions must be remembered in any comparativeassessment of drainage and irrigation canal systems in different portions of the North Coast. The productivityof an integratedarchaeological-geological-historicalapproachis also demonstratedin respect to our assessmentof the historicaldescriptionof Naymlap, the "founder" of Lambayeque Dynasty, and the Temple of Chot that he erected upon his arrival in Lambayeque(ca. 1025 A.C.).43 The legend relates that the Temple was built on the bank of a majorriver near its mouth. We argue that,
in water temperature affects a large portionof marinelife along the shore and is associated with torrentialrains, which cause coastal flooding. 42. E.g., the two articles by Nials and others, cited in note 34; R.A. Feldman, "PreceramicCorporateArchitecturefrom Aspero: Evidence for the Origins of the Andean State," paper presentedat the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Houston ( 1977); M.E. Moseley, "The Landin Frontof ChanChan:AgrarianExpansion,Reform, and Collapse in the Moche Valley," in TheDesert City and Its Hinterland in Coastal Peru, K.C. Day and M.E. Moseley, eds. (Albuquerque, in press); M. West, "Prehistoric Environmentand Cultivation in the Viru Valley, Peru," paper presented at the annual meeting of the American AnthropologicalAssociation, Washington, D.C. (1976). 43. Cabello Balboa, op. cit. (in note 34) 327-328; Kosok, op. cit. (in note 2) 73; Rowe, 1948 op. cit. (in note 31) 38.
M Figure 33. The sites of Chotunaand Chornancapin respect to the sand sheets and ancient courses of Rio Lambayeque.
contraryto the popular belief, the pyramid site of Chornancap, ratherthan Chotunafurthereast, is the Temple of Chot described in the legend. Accordingly, A. Craig examined the geomorphology and hyrology of the pertinent areato producecorroborative contraryevidence. Careful or tracingof the drainagenetwork of the area upstreamfrom the coast revealed that Chornancapis the only site situated on a river and that Chotuna bears no relationshipto any significantsurface drainage. A sand sheet moving NNE has effectively blocked the surface flow of water downstream to this solitary pyramid (Chornancap,FIG. 33). This sand sheet is the oldest of the three recognized so far in the vicinity and, Craig argues, may have originatedfrom sand depositedby the NaymlapFlood inferredca. 1100 A.C. This explanationwould require the flood waters to have had a velocity sufficient to carry sand-size particles the entire lengthof the Chancay-Reque riversystems anddepositlarge amountsof sandin the ocean where longshorecurrents could distribute along the shoreline. To accomplishalluvialdepit osition of this scale, we must invoke a flood of muchgreater magnitudethan any other recordedin the region. The legendary Naymlap Flood may have been just such a flood. The alternativeexplanationthat this sand sheet originated from a near-shoresubmarinesandbarexposed by tectonic uplift is rejectedon the basis of (a) the irregular extent and small dimensions of the sand sheet, and (b) the absence of any field evidence of coastal uplift, as noted earlier. So far, field evidence suggests thatthe threesand sheets recognized near the coast have a point source, repetitive deposition (e.g., the mouth of Rio Reque dischargingflood deposits), and predominantly seif dunes. E. OrganicAnalysis This area of investigation consisted of ( 1) analysis of floral and faunal materials recovered through excavations at varioussites by otherprojectmembersand (2) "purposive
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 435 sampling" of organic materialsthroughexcavations at the sites of Cholope in Poma and Sapameto the west. The latter is an extension of our belief that, in orderto generatemeanorganic reconstruction, ingful behavioralandenvironmental analysis must be integratedinto the overall researchdesign line andprovidean independent of research,includingactive field collection of organicmaterialsthroughcontrolledsamThe passive role of analyzing materials pling techniques.44 recoveredby othersmay amplifybiases. Purposivesampling was employed for several reasons: (1) inadequateunderstandingof the degree and natureof surfaceand sub-surface depositionalvariability(vertical and horizontal)because of temporal complexburialandlooting patterns,(2) inadequate control(primarilyceramic chronology), (3) the necessity to experimentallydeterrnineappropriaterecovery techniques (mesh size of screens, flotation samples, etc.) for organic materialswhose variability was not yet fully established, and (4) time restriction.The primaryaim of the 1979 fieldwork was to establisha basic inventoryof organicmaterials and a set of alternativerecovery proceduresthat could be employed in accordancewith varying depositionalcircumstances. Actual areasof excavationwere largely determined throughpre-excavationexaminationof exposed profiles. Sapame (FIG. 23) has extensive organic remains, some deposits being more than 10 m. deep. Like Huaca del Pueblo, manyburialsat Sapamewere placed withincultural refuse resulting from continuous habitation. BTeobserved layers of cana (cane) matting interdigitatedwith occupational surfaces with wooden posts, hearths, etc. Two pits, each 2 m. x 2 m., were excavatedandthe recoveredorganic remainsare tabulatedin TABLE 3. Only major features are noted here. One recurrentfeature is layers consisting primarilyof algarrobo(fruits and leaves) and llama dung. The pervasiveness of this material in various parts of the site suggests that it may have been cleaned out of corral areas, the assumptionbeing that the camelid were feeding on algarrobo. This assumption is supportedby the finding of seeds in camelid dung. Anotherlower dung layer algarrobo containedmaize stalks, cobs, and leaves; perhapsthe animals were fed on this material.The highly adaptivenature of llama and the variablenatureof their diet has been documentedelsewhere.45 The presence of all parts of corn plants and the site location near agriculturalland suggest direct access to agricultural products while Poma sites with no evidence of intensive or extensive agricultureshould reveal only importedcobs or kernels. Dennell has arguedthatcomposition, grainsize, and archaeologicalcontexttogether characteristic permitus to deduce the processing activities and stages of crops,46a possibility that will be pursuedin Batan Grande in future work. The build-up of cultural refuse and other signs of domestic habitation,along with the easy access to agriculturalareas that were irrigatedprobably with water from the Taymi Antiguo Canal, clearly distinguishSapame implicationof excavations fromsites in Poma. An important at Sapame and Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grandeis that the burialand religious sites of Poma were borderedto the east sites thatshow little evidence andwest by rural,habitational of the large-scale or intensive craft activities necessary to supply the quantityof funeraryofferings interredin Poma. Selection of Cholope for investigationwas based on the presence of Formativeceramics, well-defined deep stratigraphy, and the presence of a range of organic materials; logistical considerationswere also a factor. The primary motive, however, was the expectationthat work here would providecomparativematerialfor NorthHighlandFormative material(Huacaloma)alreadybeing analyzed, and for materialsemergingfromthe Middle Horizon-LateIntermediate sites describedearlier. A pit (2 m. x 2 m.) was excavated by nine naturallayers;the lowest level containedFormative sherds.This excavationandobservationsat otherPoma sites indicatethat the culturalrefuse was largely deposited in the form of localized lenses ratherthan extensive layers as at Sapame or Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande. A wide range of material was recovered at Cholope (TABLE 4), but the quantitywas less than at Sapame. Fewer plant remainsbut a greaterrange of marineresourceswere recovered;Donax shell and a small anchovy-size fish were especially abundant. Our survey and excavation so far suggest that the Poma area did not have any large, nucleated, permanentresident populationsduring its long history, although transientand small maintenancegroups are highly probable. BTe have found no evidence for extensive or intensive irrigationcultivation in pre-hispanictimes in the area. Thus we expect a different strategy of resource procurementthan, for example, Sapame, which bordersfertile, irrigablelands. Considering the relatively small resident population that has been inferred, large-scale formal storage of comestibles seems unlikely. Culturallyvalued commodities, however, such as textile, wooden, ceramic, and metal artifacts, may have been broughtto various religious/ceremonialcenters as tributeand/orofferingsand may have been storedin some
44. Karl W. Butzer, ';The Ecological Approachto Archaeology:Are We Really Trying?" AmAnt40 (1975) 106-11 1. 45. Shimadaand Shimada, op. cit. (in note 20).
of 46. Robin W. Dennell, "The Interpretation Plant Remains:Bulgaria7" in Papers in Economic Prehistory, E.S. Higgse ed. (Cambridge 1972) 149-159; idem, ;'The Economic Importanceof Plant Resources Represented in Archaeological Sites,'' JAS 3 (1976) 229-247; idemS "On the Problemsof StudyingPrehistoricClimate and Crop Agriculture," ProcPS 43 (1977) 361-369.
436
Table 3. Organic remains from the test cuts at the sites of Sapame and Cholope.
Sapame1
Layer
2 Sapame
1 2 3 4 5 Layer
Cholope
1 2 3 4 5 6 Layer 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Lamasp. Caviaporcellus Canisfamiliaris Homosapiens

Cricetidae unid mammal Columbidae cf. Dicrodon 101 unid. fish 102 103 104
105
x x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x x x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x x x
x
x x x x
x
x
x x x x x x x x x x
x
x x x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x
x x x x x x x
x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
106 107 108

109
110 111
x x x x x
x
x x x x
x x
x x
x x
112 113 114

115
x x x
x x x x
x
116 117 118
x x
peruvianus Myliobatis Lamadung Caviadung cf. Canidae cf. Dama

cf. Bezoar stones
x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x
x x
formal storage facilities near the centers. A largely buried compoundwith complex internaldivision at the rectangular NW edge of Huaca Soledad is just such a possibility. Tables 4 to 6 list those materials recovered from M. Shimada's excavations and those identified from others' excavations.47The only comparative samples in terms of recovery techniqueare those from Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grande, Sapame and Cholope. At Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grandewe estimate that recovery of organic materialswas complete, because (1) the entire excavation was by natural layerswith those thickerlayerssubdividedby 5 cm. arbitrary levels, and (2) any feature with organic remains was screened using both l/4-inchand window screening, in adstrata dition to sample screeningof all naturaland arbitrary
47. The tables do not include floral materialfrom Huacadel Pueblo Batan Grande.
without readily observableorganic remains. Although it is tenuous to make any comparisonconsideringthe natureof sampling, it is interestingto note that a narrowerrange and lesser quantitiesof fish species occur at the Huaca than at Sapame and Cholope. The range of faunal materialsfrom the Huaca, however, is similar to that of other sites in the area (i.e., Lama sp. dominated).The presence of algarrobo leaves, fruits, and trunks from various levels of all sites excavated indicates that the density and distributionof algarrobomay not have changedsignificantlysince prehistoric times. Palynological analysis is expected to support this conclusion. In terms of recovery techniques empioyed, aIf materiaX from M. Shimada's excavations was recoveredusing window screening. It is clear thathad /4-inch screenbeen used solely, there would have been almost no fish recoveredand little guinea pig, lizard, or other small fauna. Sample bags
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 437 Table3. (continued)

Sapame 1 Sapame2 Cholope
Layer Leguminosae
Campomanesiasp. Cucurbitamaxima Cucurbitasp.
. . .
1 2 3 4 5 Layer x x x x
x
x
1 2 3 4 5 6 Layer x x x
x x x x
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
x
x x x x x x
x x x x
x
x x x
Lagenarla
slcerarla
Prosopis chilensis tapslcum anuum coca Erythroxylon
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x x
plant#8 unidentified plant#9 unidentified plant# 10 unidentified

Gossypiumbarbadense Annona cf. muricata cf. Capparis ovalifolia
x x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
plant#14 unidentified cf. Solanaceae plant#16 unidentified cf. Psidium plant#18 unidentified
Inga sp. Phaseolus vulgaris Zea mays
x x x
x x
x x
x x
x x
x
x x
x x x x x x
8-row 10-row 12-row 14-row

Persea americana Gyneriumsagittatum
x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x x
x x x x x x x x
x x
of (1) screened but unsorted material, (2) unscreened, unsorted material, and (3) materialleft in screen after sorting were taken for later, small-scale flotation to ascertain the effectiveness of the recovery procedure. Flotation was not practicalat the site or in the community of Batan Grande because of the water shortage. An archaeologicalmidden is being created with known quantitiesof wild and domestic floral and faunal materials and the culturalformationprocesses controlled. The independentvariablesfor experimentalrecovery are screen size and sampling fraction. We hope to ascertainhow varying recovery proceduresaffect our reconstructionof homogeneous and heterogeneousrefuse deposits. Discussion As a frameworkfor synthesis of the data and their ramifications presentedso far, a first approximationmodel of the burialand religious traditionin Batan Grandeis offered below. The question of how the Batan Grande region initially
acquired its sacred charactermay never be answered archaeologically. Analysis of ethnographicand ethnological data, however, provides interestinginsights into this question. Space has both physical and culturaldimensions and is not a homogeneousentity, as certainportionsmay acquire sacred character.The manner in which a given place acquires such character,and the long-term consequences of this transformation,can be illustrated using an historical phenomenonin the Lambayequeregion. For over 100 years an CerroChalponin nearbyMotupehas attracted ever-growing numberof pilgrimsfrom all over Peruand otherAndean nations, stimulating rapid economic and demographic growthof Motupe. The focus of this centripetalforce is the Cross of Guayacan, allegedly placed by PadreGuatemala, a hermitand saint, sometime in the 1850s in the middle of the cliff-like face of Cerro Chalpon.48The circumstance underwhich the Cross was createdand erected is not clear, but seems to be connected to the notion of miraculousap48. Personal communication, March, 1980, from Douglas Sharon, an at ethnographer UCLA specializing in folk medicine in North Peru.
438 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:theFirst TwoSeasonslShimada

Table 4. Inventoryof organic materialsfrom sites excavated duringthe 1979 season.
Lamasp. Caviaporcellus Canisfamiliaris Homosapiens Dusicyon sp. CapralOvis Bos

Cricetidae Tinamidae
Sapame I x x x x
Sapame 2 x x x x
Cholope Tambo Real x x x x x x x x x

x x
HuacaPueblo Soledad: Soledad: BatanGrande Mound Cemetery 2 x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x

x x x x x x
Phalacrocorax sp.
Scolopacidae Columbidae Laruscf. dominicanus cf. Cyanocorax ynca x
x x x
x
Turdus sp.
cf. Dicrodon Unid. fish, 101-112
x
x
x
x x
x
x
x x x
Myl tis peru nus ioba via Damasp. Donaxperuvianus Polinicessp. Nassarius sp. Thaissp. Olivellasp.
Planaorbidae
x x x x x x x
x
x x x x x
x x x x x x x x
x x x x x
x x x
x x
Protothaca sp. Aequipecten sp. Cantharus sp. Turbo sp. Mitrasp. Spondylus princeps Fissurella sp. Scutalus sp. Cypraea sp. Sinum sp. Tegulasp.
Leguminosae
x x x x
x x x x x x x x x x
x
x x
Campomanesia sp. Cucurbita maxima Cucurbita sp. Lagenaria siceraria Prosopischilensis Capsicum anuum Erythroxylon coca
cf. Solanaceae
x x x x x x x
x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x x x
x
x
Gossypium barbadense Annona muricata cf. cf. Capparis ovalifolia Psidium guajava Ingafeuillei Zea mays Perseaamericana Phaseolus vulgaris
x x x x x x x
x x
x x
x x

Table 5. Inventoryof organic materialsfrom Huaca del Pueblo Batan Grandein respect to their stratigraphic contexts.
ce
X 11
-,s,X t1
,
Euwu
_ mmm<
o st
9 o_ mm t s 2
q Am
m<tttzmswx
R Q>t
RRRRRRRR
tQkk4t
_ k<
2 s
t:S
XUNt_W
4q
Lama sp. Caviaprocellus Canisfamiliaris Homo sapiens Cricetidae Unid. Mammal Ovis/Capra Dusicyon sp. Unid. Bird Unid. Fish Fish 101 103 104
105 110
xxxxxx x xx xx x
x x x x x x xx xx x x x x x xxxxx x x x x x x x x xxxxxxxxxx x
xxxxxxxxxxxx x xx xx xx xx xx xxx xx
xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxx xxx xx xx xxxxxxxx xxxx x xx x xxx xxxxx x x x x x x x x x

x
xx x x x x x xx
x
x
x
112 Unid. Crab Donaxperuvianus Polinices sp. Thais sp. Olivella sp. Cantharussp. Turbosp. Scutalus sp. Spondylusprinceps Cypraea sp. Tegula sp. Unid. Shell Nassarius sp.
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx x x
x x
xx xx x x x xx xx x x x x xx xxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx x x x xx x xxxxxxx x x
x x x x x x x
pearance. Another example of the emergence of a sacred pilgrimagecenter is describedby Ralph della Cava,49who shows thatJoaseiro,a hamletin the impoverishedNE district of Brazil in the late l9th century, following an alleged miracle,became a majorpilgrimagecenterwith subsequent, rapiddemographicand economic growth. The above illustrationsindicatethe strongmagneticforce of pilgrimagecenters which affects a large populationthat cross-cutspoliticalboundaries.The convergenceof pilgrims from diversified social, economic, and political back49. Ralph della Cava, Miracle at Joaseiro (New York 1970).
groundshas importantsymbolic significance and serves as an importantmeans of integration, communication, and establishmentof varied social, economic, and political relations, etc. These historicalcenterslinkedto the capitalistic marketeconomy have a dual, polarizedcharacter: solemnity and uniquenessassociated with the sacred, and vitality and opennessassociatedwith festivity andtrade.Thuswe would expect that the religious corporatebody at the pilgrimage center had every interest in protecting and controlling potentialrevenueresultingfrom these activities. Periodicmarkets and trade, for example, may have been held only under its patronageand sanction, possibly in returnfor tribute.In a non-market economy, redistribution would have been the
tot <U
9XX u 9o o 9_k < U N o 9 k * ' 9 N
N o w
w b)U >
w G _k o U b)
_k o
9> q
oo w
9;
b)
9t
U w
9b}o ' ; o
- oU
9 b) ow9 L
X _k > oo > o)
9 f4
_k >
4 X>4 U kti . X < 4 4 N .o 4

N > u
*.
Xo U
Project:theFirst TwoSeasonslShimada LecheArchaeological 440 TheBatanGrande-La

Table 6. Inventoryof organic materialsfrom the excavation at Mound II, Huaca Soledad.
>
@ <
0z
o E
&
o o
X >
>
E E
SE
Lama sp. Cavia porcellus Canisfamiliaris Bos Capra/Ovis Dusicyon sp. Cricetidae Homo sapiens Dama sp. Coragypsatratus Unid. Mammal Unid. Bird Unid. Lizard Carcharhinidae Protothaca sp. Donax peruvianus Sinum sp. Turbosp. Nassarius sp. Olivella sp. Psidium guajava Lagenaria siceraria Zea mays Unid. fruit # 18 Unid. fruit # 19 Cucurbitasp. Prosopis chilensis
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
x x x
x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x
principal economic concern. Every pilgrimage/religious centerthus has considerableeconomic, social, and political potentialand control. Below, we consider Batan Grandein light of these observations. CerroChaparri,centrally situatedin the upper La Leche Valley, is a naturalhuaca(sacredentity) with variouswellknown legends.50The mountainis one of the highest in the area (ca. 1420 m.) and, more importantly,has a dramatic
50. Kosok, op. cit. (in note 2) 159-160; Douglas Sharon, Wizardof the Four Winds(New York 1978) 35-36.
appearancevisible from a considerabledistance. Because of its height and location, it traps moisture in the air from the Pacific, producingclouds and lightning. The rain supports lush green vegetation which in turn supportspopulations of deer, spectacled bears, and possible pumas, features that further distinguish this from other coastal mountains. Sharon speculates that Cerro Chaparriwas the major pre-hispanicnaturalhuaca for the Lambayeque-La Leche region.51It is possible, then, that proximityto Cerro
51. Sharon, (see note 48).
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 441 Chapam, together with natural preconditioning (chronic water shortageand very low water table) of Poma District usage, made the Batan Granderegion for non-agricultural burial and religious center. In other such an important huaca, words, throughassociationwith the dominantnatural the Batan Granderegion itself became a culturallydefined huaca.The separationof Batan Grande from habitational sites along the valley flank is also significant in the sense that this distance adds the greater significance of going to a "far place," away from the familiar and mundane. andclasses thatprovidedit with pilgrims)for these religious centers, we are dealing with a relatively small "field of attraction."The scope and natureof the catchmentarea for these permanentcenters deserves furtherinvestigation, although there is no a priori reason for assuming isomorphic territorialdivisions and inclusiveness of regional political and religious centers. The relative homogeneity of iconography associated with various Cupisnique sites on the Peruviancoast suggests wide acceptanceof a standardized ideology. At the same time, as noted earlier, valley-byvalley religiouscenterssuggest thatorganizationof religious activitieson the NorthCoastwas regionalin scope. Contrary to other centers (e.g., Huaca de los Reyes in the Moche Valley)s3that seem to have served as multi-functionalcenters (religious, economic, andpolitical), over a considerable periodof time, HuacaLucia may have had a more restricted function (shrine for cemeteries) and occupationalspan. Internalassimilationand loss throughoutthe North Coast of prestige of the Cupisnique ideology and iconography weakened the corporatereligious organizationcentered at Huaca Lucia. The later Early Horizon and much of the Early Intermediateperiods are poorly represented in the archaeologicalrecordsexamined thus far. The collection at the Bruning Museum in Lambayequeindicates that some isolated burialswith Moche II vessels were looted from I>a CaleraDistrict(furthereast of the SantaClaraDistrict), and our surface collection and excavation yielded some sherds resemblingthe "Gallinazo" style defined in the Viru Valley to the south. Occupationand burialsdating to this block of time in the PomaandSantaClaraDistrictsmustbe described tentatively as sporadicand limited. of Revitalization the burialandreligioustraditionin Batan Grande is believed to be closely related to the northward expansion of Moche culture during the late Early Intermediate period. As arguedelsewhere,54following political consolidation of the Chicama, Moche, and Viru Valleys through military conquests, further southward and northwardexpansionof the Moche polity probablyinvolved little military action, but was based on religious missions combined with economic and political maneuvers.Replacement of local ceramics does not seem to have occurred. Military action may have been more of a threatthan reality. In some areas, establishmentof religious/tradeoutposts may well have precededpolitical integration.All majorreligions pur-
A TheModel
The extensive alluvial plain of the Poma and SantaClara Districtsof the central La Leche Valley was naturallypreconditioned for non-agriculturaluse because of chronic water shortage and numerous, large "discontinuous terraces" primarilyconsisting of clean sand and silt suited for burials. Utilization of this area for burials began early in the period. A "pre-Chavin"buriallooted fromBatan Forxnative Grande provided a sample dated by radiocarbon to 2880+100 B.P. (uncorrected date of 930 B.C., TK-30). "Preceramic" and other "pre-Chavin" burials are described by local informantsand are said to cluster in the area of Huaca Corte in the Poma District. "Pre-Chavin" sherds resembling those from the site of Pacopampanear Chota in the North Highlands and Cupisnique sherds are found at various huacasin Batan Grande(e.g., La Merced, Lucia, Monja, Tordo, Cholope, Corte, Facho, and Soledad and Las Ventanas). of The graduallyemergingimportance the areaas a major regional burial ground pre-adaptedthe local populationto the intrusiveCupisniqueideology and to the emergence of an organized, religious/ceremonialcorporatebody during the EarlyHorizon. Apparentlythe Templo de las Columnas at Huaca Lucia was the regional center of the corporate entity, althoughburialswith classic Cupisniquevessels are known only from Huaca Facho and Corte thus far. Within La Leche Valley, a major Cupisnique occupation (with stone-relief designs) is known furtherinland at Mochumi Viejo. Along with cemeteriesandcaches recoveredat Chongoyape and PampaGrandein the neighboringLambayeque Valley, recent excavation of a Cupisniquecemetery habitationalsite at the base of CerroEtendocumentswide-spread Cupisniqueoccupation in the Lambayeque region.52The only known formal religious architecture,however, is at HuacaLucia. The closest Cupisniquereligious center is the extensive site of Monte Grandein the upper Jequetepeque area" Valley to the south. If we can speak of a "catchment (in the sense of a geographicalarea and the social groups
52. WalterAlva A. and CarlosG. Elera, "Sumariodel Trabajoen el Sitio Formativode Moro de Eten," NorPARGNewsletter 3 (1980) 2.
53. Thomas Pozorski, ;'E1 Complejo de Caballo Muerto: Los Frisos de Barrode la Huaca de los Reyes," RMN 41 (1975) 211-251; idem, "The Early Horizon Site of Huaca de los Reyes: Societal Implications," AmAnt 45 (1980) 100-110. 54. Izumi Shimada, ;'Integrationand Segregation of Urbanismand Ceremonialismon the NorthCoastduringthe MiddleHorizon:An Examination of Systemic Diagnostics," in Schaedel, Shimada, and Vreeland, eds., op. cit. (in note 24).

porting to have more than regional significance have achieved effective compromisebetween retainingthe power and status differences of participatingpolitical groups, on the one hand, and emphasizing shared values and goals among those who share a system of beliefs (inclusiveness), on the other. The formermay be sustainedthroughlocalized shrines with specific "catchment areas" that may correspond to units in a hierarchicalor segmentary social and political organization. The latter may be propagated and sustainedthrougha system of pilgrimagecenters that crosscut political and even culturalboundaries.We believe centers of the latter category would be situated in zones of tension or marginality, because not only do the processes of pilgrimagesmaintainactive networksof communication, but also because the experienceof the pilgrimageitself gives rise to a heightened awareness of belonging to a larger whole. Participationin rituals at centers furtherreinforces this integrative trend.55Pilgrimage processes and centers may begin as missions for establishing gift exchange (e.g., such items as status markersimbued with Moche ideology and iconography)or otherreciprocalrelationshipswith local elite. Underlying this proposition is the premise that the elite are social pacesetters, that they initiate major social andculturalchanges thatthe lower strataimitatein one form or another.This process would, over time, have established strong linkage between local and Moche populations. We consider Huacas Soledad and perhapsLas Ventanas in Batan Grandeand Panamarcain the Nepena Valley examples of this type of late Moche religious center. These sites in Batan Grandeprecededestablishmentof the Moche V capital at Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque Valley. Undoubtedly, much of the population in the Lambayeque region was pre-conditionedto the eventual establishment of Pampa Grande, but whether or not the religious center in Batan Grandebrought about political integrationof the regional populationinto the Moche system is questionable. On the other hand, establishmentof the Moche V capital in a neighboring valley undoubtedlyamplified the significance and legitimacyof BatanGrandeas a regionalreligious and burialcenter. Duringthis period burialsmay have been limited to those of Moche and local populations. The collapse of Moche V Pampa Grande ca. 675-700 A.C. led to a period of transitionduring which institutionalized social forms, modes of thought, iconography, etc. were re-assessed. Nearly concurrentwith the collapse we see the introduction Wariiconographyin BatanGrande.56 of Freed from Moche political control, the religious corporate body in Batan Grandeopted for syncretism of Moche with
55. Roy A. Rappaport,"Ritual, Sanctity, and Cybernetics," AmAnth73 (1971) ss-76;idem, "The Sacredin HumanEvolution," AnnRES2 (1971)
23-44.
s6.
Donnan, op. cit. (in note 2) 8s, 93.
the prestigious Wari religion and iconography in order to maintain some continuity, and at the same time to infuse some new elements into a system of belief and rituals that was being seriously challenged. Wari influence occurredat a limited numberof specific, established religious centers, which, during the Moche period, served primarilyas pilgrimageand political centers (e.g., Pacatnamu,Panamarca, Batan Grande). These sites served as secondaryor tertiary points of dispersion for Wari iconography and religious ideology, perhapsin the image of Pachacamac the Central on Coast. Based on their distance from primarypoints of dispersion, the paucity of pure Wari artifactsand specialized contexts in which they occur (murals, gravelots, and cache offeringsat a selected numberof prestigiousreligious sites), we believe the North Coast posts of Wari influence served as outposts for priests-cum-merchants engaged in missionary activities and attemptingto tap the economic wealth of the North Coast. What is more, considering the prestige retainedby the CajamarcaCulture and their outpost at the site of Wari itself, the hypothesized Wari missions may have travelleddown from the North Highlandsto the coast undercontrolof the Cajamarca opposed to moving along (as the coast). We argue that their missionary activities emphasizedthe "inclusiveness" of theirreligion for more universal appeal. In BatanGrande,the importanceof Wariwas not so much the introduction of new ideas and stylistic features, as the impetus it provided in shifting religious ideology (resulting from syncretism) toward greater "inclusiveness" and "a-cultural openness." Cemeteries in BatanGrandebecame less sectarianin nature,while temples such as HuacaLa Mayanga, with its muralsblendingMoche and Wari iconographies, were graduallyreplaced by those thatdisplayedthe emerging Classic Lambayequestyle. The proliferation ceramicstyles integratingMoche, Wari, and of Cajamarca, well as local Lambayequetechnicalandiconas ographictraditions,occurredconcurrently duringthis period of ca. 700-850 A.C. During much of this period, the necropolis and the corporate religion maintained a mutually reinforcingrelationship in respect to their legitimacy and prestige. Here in BatanGrande,whetherwe have a majorpilgrimage center (religion and shrines being the central focus) or a necropolis with shrines (assuming a secondary role), we are clearly dealing with an extensive catchmentarea and a strongforce of attraction that cross-cutpolitical boundaries, as attestedby the sheer numberand variationin burialsand associated artifacts. In other words, the demographicand geographical fact of the large number of people coming (perhapsat set times of the year) from considerabledistance to the sacred center in Batan Grande, and the amount of labor investment represented in preparingtombs and funeraryofferings, all arguefor certaindegree of organization and economic wealth.
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 443 The physical mobility of importantgroups of people entails a measure of social and cultural mobility and correspondingevolution of institutionsat their homes and at the The religious organizationat BatanGrande sacredcenter.57 had a vested interest in protecting and fostering political and economic growth associated with the convergence of peoples. We see increasing political awareness and power growing with the increasing religious importance of the of area58and argue for a gradual transforrnation regional religious order from scattered shrines to centralized and nearby subsidiary shrines organized into a vertical hierarchy. The Batan Grande Pyramid Group (Huacas La Merced, Las Ventanas, Oro, and Rodillona, with their associated Plaza) represents the culmination of this centralization. is This inferredtransforrnation manifested in the emergence of "Classic Lambayeque" style ceramics and metal which we feel were used principallyin ritualand ornaments funerarycontexts on much of the North Coast (as far south as the Moche Valley, if not further). The PyramidGroup (particularlyHuacas Oro and Rodillona) and Plaza were largely dissociated from extensive cemeteries, while the that platforxns surroundthe basal area of the truncatedpyramids seems to have been reservedfor a limited numberof buriedwith gold personageswho were apparently important and humansacrifices.59A recent comment by W.H. Isbell as to the absence of what may be described as "royal burials" on the North Coast, implying limited political integration, does not take into account the data from Batan Grande.60Pedersen's description of a major tomb in the vicinity of the Plaza with 17 skeletons and numerousgold, copper,shell, wood, andceramicartifacts,as well as various the ornamentsof semi-precious stones surrounding central figure,6l does not compare with any burial reportedso far from the Peruviancoast, with the possible exception of the Chimu royal burials.62 Lastly, the increasing dissociation of religious architecture and cemeteries is inferredto have led to establishment of the major settlementof El Purgatorioat the base and on the slopes of CerroLa Raya, which is strategicallysituated between La Leche Valley and LambayequeValley during period.63This impressive cluster of the Late Interrnediate some dozen adobe pyramidsmay representculminationof described the spatial centralizationof religious architecture above. A major researchproblem here is the natureof articulationwith the "LambayequeDynasty" founded by the is legendaryNaymlap. One intexpretation thatE1Purgatorio represented unification of the Batan Grande religiouspolitical system and the LambayequeDynasty, and together they controlled the economic productivityof Lambayeque Valley. Differentclustersof pyramidsmay have represented different populationswithin this unified system. Dating of occupationat the site is also problematical.Althoughlimited excavationby Bennettyielded only Chimu and Chimu-Inca from the perspective of the cultural evolution materials,64 in Batan Grandewe concur with Schaedel65in placing the major period of constructionin the pre-ChimuLate Intermediate period, perhapsas early as 1000-1100 A.C. The religious organizationat Batan Grandeundoubtedly had changingeconomic and political interestsand potential over its long periodof existence. Why, then, do we not see of manifestations demographicandeconomic archaeological developmentsassociated with the catchmentarea and field discussed above? Have we failed to identify them attraction because of the thick alluvial deposits that cover this area? Certainly the discovery of buried adobe structuresin the immediatevicinity of Huaca Soledad suggests that there is to much architecture be found. Were it not for the evidence activities, we might not have disand huaquero of burning them. covered Ourregionalsurvey is far from complete and futurework may reveal habitational and craft-productionsites in the vicinities of various huacas. At the same time, if Batan Grande served as the regional redistributivecenter, population aggregation would have been ephemeral, and we should be more concerned with material correlates of the transient population and redistribution (e.g., storage facilities).
Considerations B. Economic
57. Victor Turner,Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca 1974) 178. Aspects 58. Cf. RobertMcC. Netting, "Sacred Power and Centralization: of PoliticalAdaptationin Africa," in Population Growth:Anthropological Inplications, Brian Spooner, ed. (Cambridge1972) 219-244. 59. Pedersen, op. cit. (in note 12). 60. William H. Isbell, "Review of AncientBurial Patterns of the Moche Valley, Peru by C.B. Donnan and Carol Mackey," AmAnt 44 (1979) 634-635. 61. Pedersen, op. cit. (in note 12). 62. Donnan and Mackey, op. cit. (in note 20).
Relevantto the precedingdiscussion of the development of the religious organizationin Batan Grande are consid63. Schaedel, 1951 op. cit. (in note 2); idem, "The Lost Cities of Peru," SAm 185 (1951) 18-23; idem, "Highlight of Andean Archaeology, 1954-1956," Archaeology 10 (1957) 93-99. 64. W.C. Bennett, Archaeology of the North Coast of Peru: An Account of Explorationand Excavation in the Viru and LambayequeValleys, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 37:1 (New York 1939) 114- 116. 65. Schaedel, 1951 op. cit. (in note 2); idem, 1951 op. cit. (in note 63); idem, 1957 op. cit. (in note 63).
444
The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada elaborateon regional agricultural productivityother than to reiteratethe fact that the LambayequeValley Complex encompasses roughly a third of total cultivable land on the Peruviancoast. In conjunctionwith the above alternative,it is important to consider the economic significance of tradebetween Cajamarca and Batan Grande. Following Wari collapse ca. 750-800 A.C., we suggest highland/coasttradewas largely controlledby these two cultures. Batan Grandecould offer a variety of agriculturalproduce (particularlymaize and cotton), marineproducts(particularly salt, dried and salted fish), as well as ritual paraphernalia.Cajamarca,on the otherhand, may have been tradepartners "middlemen" and in broaderinterregional trade. Cajamarca may not have had many subsistenceitems thatcould be offered for trade;their location, however, would have affordedcontrol of E-W, Ns movementof such status items as obsidian, bird feathers, placer-minedgold, silver, and alpaca wool. Similar to interaction between the Olmec heartland of Veracruz and Tabasco and the Oaxaca highlands envisioned by Flannery,68we may well have had a symbiotictraderelationship involving subsistenceitems from the coast and statusitems from the highlands. The imported items may have been furtherprocessed at Batan Grande (the final productsprescribed with cultural values in accordance with religious tenets) and possibly exported to various parts of the North Coast. Such a positive reinforcingmechanismandthe ability to acquire and produce status items would have been an effective means for persuadingvariouspopulationsto align themselves with the Batan Grandeelite. Asymmetricalreciprocityin favorof BatanGrandemay have been established with other coastal populationswith Batan Grandeoffering status or imported goods along with its "religious blessings" in returnfor certain goods or services. Our earlierquestionregardingthe demographicand economic correlatesof the BatanGrandereligious traditioncan now be seen in better light. We suggest a concentric-ring model of religious, economic and demographicfunctions and centralization. Some 50 major cemetery-architectural mounds in Batan Grandeconstitutedthe innermost, sacred zone with a small residentpopulation,perhapswith closely supervisedcraft productionof elite items. The second, narrow zone had little culturalactivity but spatially segregated the inner zone from the outermost zone. The outer zone (LambayequeValley, lower La Leche, and Motupe) was the sustaining area with large population and productive imgation agriculture. The mining-metallurgicalcenter of Cerrode los Cementeriosis subsumedin the outerxnost ring.
68. Kent V. Flannery, "The Olmec and the Valley of Oaxaca:A Model for Inter-regional Interactionin FormativeTimes," in DumbartonOaks Conference on Olmec, E.P. Benson, ed. (Washington, D.C. 1967) 102-108.
erations pertainingto the economic system that sustained the materialand labor investment representedin the architecture and funeraryofferings. Labor and goods for intermentmay have been suppliedby each populationconcerned. On the otherhand, the local populationin the outlying rural communities may have been conscribed or become specialized in providing the needed services (e.g., ritual paraphernalia,adobe bricks, etc.). In fact, we may entertainthe possibility of progressive elaborationof funeraryservices and goods to the point of developing specialized funerary art and goods unique to Batan Grande to complement the emergingideologies. It may be arguedthatonce the funerary art, rituals, and attendant ideologies that sanctify them were established,they were exportedto otherpartsof NorthPeru, and interxnent Batan Grandewas primarilyreserved for at the elite at BatanGrandeandof the participating populations elsewhere. Gold and silver, for example, may have been exchangedfor the BatanGrandereligious andfunerary products. As these productswere taken out of circulationat the time of interment,there would have been a continuous demandas long as the productsretainedsacredand prestigious values. Conversely we may argue that the economic foundation of the Batan Grandereligion lay in control of regional agriculturalproductionand other naturalresources. We suggest that the increasingprestige and attractionof the Batan Grandereligion duringmuch of the Middle Horizonlaid the foundationfor an effective political integrationof the Lambayeque Valley Complex. The Batan Grandepolity established the population and agricultural center of Apurle (MotupeValley) and associatedAntiguaJayancaIntervalley Canal, along with extending the Antigua Taymi Intervalley Canal(from the LambayequeValley) to the lower La Leche to secure a sound economic foundation. In addition, we must consider the economic significance of the mining/metallurgical complex of Cerro de los Cementerios which, accordingto associatedceramics, operatedfrom the Middle to Late Horizons. AlthoughRostworowskispeaks of copper as an importanthighlandproducttradedto the coast,66our investigationsuggests this need not have been the case; the scale of productionat Cerro de los Cementeriosmay even have surpassed regional needs. Thousands of copper "neipes" that Pedersen67 describes from a large burialnear HuacaMenorcould have been local products.Should future researchshow that local copper products(e.g., agricultural implements, neipes) were exported to elsewhere on the coast, mining and metallurgywill have been demonstrated an important economic asset of BatanGrande.We need not
66. Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, "Coastal Fishermen, Merchants, and Artisansin Pre-HispanicPeru," in The Sea in the Pre-Columbian WorZd, E.P. Benson, ed. (Washington, D.C. 1977) 176. 67. Pedersen, loc. cit. (in note 12).
Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 445 Although conceived in a very different manner, we concur with Schaedel's observationthatBatanGrandemustbe seen in the context of the broaderLambayequeValley Complex. The culturalprocesses and the concentric-ringmodel presented here may well apply to two other ceremonialreligious centers of much importance, Pachacamac and Tiahuanaco. Conclusion Whetheror not one considersthe emergenceanddemands of organizedreligion as a "primemover" of culturechange, the long tradition and multiculturalcomposition of cemeteries, as well as considerable material and labor investment made at various sites in Batan Grande, require an explanation. The preceding first-approximation model of the burial and religious traditionat Batan Grandeis characterized by long-term internal growth with brief periods of external stimuli associated with Moche occupation and introductionof Wari iconography and ideology (perhaps mediated through Pachacamac). The overall effect was a gradualtransformation from a sectarianto a more universal, a-culturalreligion that cross-cut political boundaries. We arguethat it was not so much the presence or arrival of Moche and Wariinfluence thatwas important,but rather thatthe processes of theirinternalization long-termconand sequences that are most significant in understandingthe burialand religious traditionat Batan Grande. The continuing development of organized religion and utilization of the necropolis are inseparably linked in a mutually reinforcing relationship. Underlying this linkage was another positive feedback relationship between the sacred nature of Batan Grande and legitimacy of the necropolis and re .lglon. During the past two field seasons we have made a considerableprogress in documentinglong-term continuity of the burial and religious tradition, as well as the complex pattern "culturalinteraction"duringthe MiddleHorizon. of Despite destructionby years of looting, it is clear thatBatan Granderepresentspossibly the most extensive and complex burialground in the CentralAndes. Although the prospect is less than promising, it is essential that the social and paleodemographicdimensions of the burial and religious tradition extractedfrom what still remains. For example, be we expect some standardization constructionformatand in natureof fill, as well as significant correlationbetween the volume of burialpits and distancesthatseparatetombs from nearby religious architecture.Here we are speaking of a concentricmodel of differentialsacred land value. In respect to the paleoenvironmentalcomponent of the project, we have greatly elucidated the naturalfactors underlying the land-use patterns in Poma, and have documentedrich mineralresourcesand, more importantly,their exploitation. The resources and the exploitation may have
. .
been an important of the economic system thatsustained part the religiousorganization BatanGrande.Organicanalysis of suggests that the regional subsistence patternsmay be substantially similar to those of other North Coastal valleys, but that in respectto the Poma sites we may be dealing with significantlydifferentprocurement strategies.Overall, however, the most important contribution these investigations of is documentation the necessity for a trulyinterdisciplinary of approach(both at the researchformulationand day-to-day stages)to gain an understanding the systemicrelationships of between culturaland environmental changes. We have presented examples of the productivenessof in-depth, regional analysiswithin an interdisciplinary framework.At this stage of investigation, we do not feel we can readily generalize observed cultural and natural changes beyond our study area. Furthermore, were able to lay the foundationfor eswe tablishmentof the regional culturalchronology, and effort continues to elucidate the nature and patterns of cultural interactionduring the Middle Horizon period.
Acknowledgements This articleis based on datagatheredby variousmembers of the Batan Grande-LaLeche Project. We wish to thank Drs. Susan Ramirez-Horton Ohio University for her ethof nohistoricalresearch, D. Washburton,Departmentof Geology, FloridaAtlanticUniversity, for thin-sectionanalysis of the ore samplescollected by A. Craig, AnthonyF. Aveni of Colgate Universityfor his expert opinions on the incised markingsat Huaca Soledad, and Laurie Craig for the bird identification. In addition, we appreciatethe full support and cooperation of local archaeologists and officials. We are particularly indebtedto IngenierosLarea, Segura, Galvez and Loayza and other membersof the Consejo de Administracion of the Cooperativa Agraria de Produccion Pucala and Anexo Batan Grande. Special thanks to Jose Maeda M., who provided importantlinkages between the BatanGrandeprojectand local people, and Dr. WalterAlva A., director of the Bruning Museum of Lambayeque, for providing us with various logistical supportand opportunities to analyze and photographthe artifactcollection in the Museum. The six-week survey by I. Shimadain 1978 and the sixmonth fieldwork in 1979 were carried out with permits Acuerdo No. 02/27.06.78 and No. 06/20.06.79, respectively, from the InstitutoNacional de Culturaof Peru. The 1979 fieldwork was financed by National Science FoundationGrantNo. BNS-790674. Variouslaboratory analyses were financedby two FacultyResearchGrantsfrom Princeton University. Figures 3 and 4 were reproducedhere with the permissionof the Royal OntarioMuseum.
446 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada
IzumiShimadaJ Assistant an Professorin the Department of Anthropology Princeton,has donearchaeological at fieldwork the U.S. Southwest in andJsince 1973, in Peru.For thepast threeyears he has directed the interdisciplinary BatanGrande-La LecheProject.Prior research includes functional studyof prehistoric urbanism at the Mocheceremonial of PampaGrandeabout city whichhe is writing book.His additional a interests encompass spatialanalysis)the experimental approach in archaeologyJ the role of ceremonialism religion and and in cultural developments.

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Maney Publishing

The BatanGrande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the FirstTwo Seasons

Joarnal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 8, 1981 407

_ ^> ' SITE SOUNDARY '--' * MAJOR MOUND OR * VILLAGE

+ PREHISTORIC CANAL =-:

00001l''talt' PREHISTORIC WALL 5 lOkm

: . ".: MOUNTAIN ar MOCHEV SITE

Figure 2. Major settlements and archaeologicalfeatures of the LambayequeValley Complex.

stylisticblendingof variouscontemporaneous culturesof theMiddleHorizon period(600-1000 A.C.), such as Moche,

Project:theFirst TwoSeasons/Shamada LecheArchaeologacal 408 TheBatanGrande-La

410 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasonslShimada

LA POMA DISTRICT BATAN GRANDE

Cemete Adobe P^mid

Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 413

414 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasonstShimada

Figure10. Reconstructed of Huaca plan Oro,Batan Grande.

Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada 416 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological

TEMPLO DE LAS COLUMNAS HUACA LUCIA

Figure 13. A general view of columns and Columnas, Huaca Lucia.

\00'o ': ' ;l: "'t "tt'l00 tt titV tit't lt00

Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 417

Figure 17. Platformsouth of the columns at Templo de las Columnas.

10. Walter Alva, personal communication, December, 1979.

Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada LecheArchaeological 418 TheBatanGrande-La

Temp/o de /as Co/mnos

17, de mural Trench Templo las in of Figure18. Remnant polychrome Columnas.

!,o :iv:wo--X-J.-e*: .................... -w ->'."'.v1":

.s5: wa-!sss--- .+ *lgl>!Nt-rwr >e*

Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 421

422 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasonslShimada

B. Huacadel PuebloBatanGrande An oval-shapedhuacatoday measuring40 m. x 30 m.

ADOBE ASHY DEPOSIT STERILE SAND [-1

The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada

HUXCA DEL PUEBLO BATXN GRMNDE

Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 425

426 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:the First TwoSeasons/Shimada

Figure Polychrome 28. stirrup-spout fromBurialII, Templo las jar de Columnas.

Journal of Field ArchaeologylVol. 8, 1981 427

flexed adult on back

extended adult, feet missing

Cachaco style jars (Wari Norteno A)

SampleNo. SMU-834 TK-30 SMU-833

Table 2. Radiocarbondates from BatanGrande.

3273 + 163 charredwood 2880 + 100 charcoal 1388 + 65 wood

SMU-873 SMU-876 SMU-875 Beta-1802

1520 + 65 1385 + 65 932 + 41 985 + 65

charcoal charcoal charcoal charcoal

Project:the FirstTwoSeasonslShimada LecheArchaeological 428 TheBatanGrande-La

Dune/trees Looted area

Figure 30. Architecturalplan of Tambo Real, south side of La Leche Valley.

TAMBO REAL Sector /V /\

IOM Stone wall Piedra StoneXAdobewall Piedra/Adobe

430 TheBatanGrande-La LecheArchaeological Project:theFirst TwoSeasons/Shimada

A. Geomorphological Hydrological and Characterization of the Study Areas

BATAN GRANDE PYRAMID GROUP

TUCUME ,' (ANCIENT LECHE) LA

and D. CoastalUplift,SandMovement, TheirCultural Ramifications

The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada

The Batan Grande-LaLeche Archaeological Project: the First Two SeasonslShimada

Lamasp. Caviaporcellus Canisfamiliaris Homosapiens

106 107 108

112 113 114

.s5: wa-!sss--- .+ lgl>!Nt-rwr >e